A CRITICAL PAPER ON RENATO CONSTANTINO’S

THE PHILIPPINES: A PAST REVISITED

Katherine Reanne C. Kaharian

BSBA MM 3-1D

POLYTECHNIC UNIVERSITY OF THE PHILIPPINES

GEED 10033 Readings in Philippine History

Prof. Jacinto R. Valila Jr.

May 23, 2021

 INTRODUCTION

Renato Constantino, born on March 10, 1919, is the controversial historian and journalist
who had a burning desire of teaching the Filipinos to re-evaluate colonial history, to correct it, and
to learn from that past. He wanted the Filipinos to have a useful memory of what is left unexplored
in written history for us to advance our quest for genuine nationhood; one without the tampering
of the foreign interests. Indeed, this very dream made him one of the most influential public
intellectuals of his generation and a model for the Filipinos today. Tato, as his peers call him, grew
up in Manila, where a number of opposing socio-political ideologies existed during the 1930s. He
studied at the Manila North High School now known as Arellano High School, and the University
of the Philippines where the presence of student activism ignited his worldview. Renato learned
about patriotism from his family members. His grandmother shared endless stories about the
abuses of the friars as well as her family’s sufferings during the American period. His father, who
was a lawyer, was very critical of leaders who turned their backs from fighting for the country’s
independence. Both of them awakened nationalism inside Tato as a kid. As an adult, this fire inside
him served as the foundation of his written works, especially the critically acclaimed The
Philippines: A Past Revisited.

The Philippines: A Past Revisited was published in 1975. Here, Constantino puts forward
that a history that highlights the struggles of the masses is one that could free the Filipinos’
consciousness from the shackles of colonial miseducation. Our history was written based on how
the colonizers saw it, or at least from the way they wanted it to be recorded. For years, we have
been reading history that wasn’t really about the true identity of the Filipinos. We have been
celebrating events, heroes, and other historical figures while being oblivious of what had really
occurred in the past. How did this happen? Constantino mentions that our historians were trained
to see things in the eyes of the Spanish and American colonizers. Given that our education system
was modeled from that of the colonizers, particularly the Americans, it is not a surprise that they
have been bombarded with materials made by these countries. It was as if these Filipino historians
have been studying the history of these people, not ours. There were those who tried to view our
history without the biases which came from the Spanish and the American occupation but failed
to do so. Their efforts remained more of an “objective”, rather than actually writing history with
the goal of enlightening the Filipinos and removing what has been instilled and left behind by the
colonizers within us.

Although for Constantino, it is not just about writing our history in the viewpoint of our
people; He wishes for this movement that shows not just the Filipino, but the Filipino people.
(Constantino, 1975) History has always been a list of prominent personalities and memorable
events, but it was rare that it was illustrated as a collective. It seemed like it first needed to be
related to a specific someone before the collective effort of the masses can be deemed important.
History is a record of the struggles of men and their journey towards freedom. But we must
remember that the struggle in these books is also the struggle of the people. Therefore, it should
also highlight more of the collective effort towards freedom; It must comprise the story of all the
people who made it possible.

REVISITING THE PAST

The Philippines’ resistance to the oppressive forces of colonialism is a never-ending cycle

in Philippine history. Even though the Spanish and the American occupation brought great
hardships to the Filipinos, new levels of political and economic awareness were arising from each
struggle. Each attempt to revolt served as the fuel for the Filipino man to not only change the
situation he is in but also to reassess and improve himself to rise from these problems. There is no
better way of understanding our history than going back to its very start. Here, Constantino
effectively explored each historical period, not leaving a single stone unturned. Let us again revisit
the important periods of the Philippine history, now in a wider perspective using Constantino’s
eyes.

Before the Exploitation

It was said that before the Spaniards came to colonize the Philippines, the kind of society
they have is still considered a feudalistic one. While the growth of the economy is slowly changing
this into more of a capitalistic society, the feudal characteristics still remained. They then brought
these with them during the time of their arrival in the Philippines. The reason behind Spain’s
expeditions was mainly because of their goal to achieve a world economic system. Being
surrounded by economic giants, they had no choice but to respond to their capitalist system, even
though they didn’t initially belong to it.

The Spanish colonization interrupted and misled the progress of the indigenous societies.
They encountered autonomous barangay communities who had a progressing concept of living.
They were not economies who aimed for exchange and profit, they had an agricultural system that
provided them with their needs. They also had their own religion and beliefs. But like what
Constantino stated in the 3rd chapter of his book, these barangays were experiencing a higher stage
of development characterized by the gradual disintegration of village democracy. The arrival of
the Spanish colonialism caused the acceleration of said disintegration and the breakdown of the
collective spirit.

Religion as a tool

Upon the arrival of the Spaniards in the Philippines, the Muslims of the South appeared to
have the most progressive social organization. Scared by its potential, the Spanish made all
maneuvers to make the Muslims look bad in the eyes of the natives. This was also a way for them
to easily implement Christianism in the country. This then left a legacy of alienation between
Christian and Muslims. If only this did not happen, we may have Islam as the leading religion
today.

There had to be a tool to mask the true motives of the leading class. In the case of the
Spanish occupation, it was religion that increased the access of colonization to our country. All
sorts of techniques were used under the name of religion. The colonizers had claimed to arrive in
the country as ordered by the spiritual and natural god to free the natives from the ruling of the
kings and the lords that were doing them harm. The Spanish Church made the theo-political
enterprise of the colonizers possible. It is also the reason for the survival of feudal values within
the colony.

Filipinos: Just mere tools for self-indulgence

Constantino excellently brought out to light that along with the Spaniards’ plans of
strengthening their sovereignty, colonization also gave them a chance to enrich those men who
made it happen. This has sprung rampant graft and corruption, unjust treatment, and the endless
exploitation of the natives.

The Encomenderos
The encomienda system was filled with greed and cruelty. He only sees this grant as an
opportunity to indulge in his selfish needs. Encomenderos were known to exploit the natives
whether in the collection from the tributes or by requiring services which were outside the natives’
duties.

The Friars
The clergy were known to practice licentious lives even though it was against their calling.
They have lost their ideals of self-sacrifice and simple living. Instead, they became slaves of power
and wealth. The benefits that the friars were getting is what transformed this priesthood into a
career rather as a way of serving the Lord.

The Chinese
Attracted by the wages given by the Spaniards, the Chinese had to do their own ways to
serve or provide for them. So as the Spaniards were forcing their administration to the native social
structures, the Chinese were the one who were taking advantage of the primitive economy of the
people.

The Gobernadorcillo
Looking for more ways to fool the people, a position in the civil government was given to
Filipinos; the gobernadorcillos. But instead of being a bridge for the leading classes and the
natives, this position instead turned into another opportunity to enrich themselves by again
exploiting their own people. What makes this worse is they are working under the very people that
they should be resisting.

Resentment and Attempts of resistance

In chapter seven of the book, Constantino presented how the years of bottling up their
resentment urge the people to show defiance against the Spanish administration. It started as a
refusal to pay taxes which then turned into armed rebellion. Even so, exploitation didn’t cease to
exist. The small rebellions made by the natives only heightened the unjust actions of those in
power. Soon enough, the built-up anger then became a common resentment against the ruling class.

There were those who tried to revolt, each with their own unique ways. Ones like
Lakandula, Tamblot, Sumuroy, Dabao, and Silang. But these rebellions were just negative
responses to the problem, not an organized and positive move to attain collective freedom. Some
died fighting for what they really wanted, and some consumed by their own greed. Silang became
the first of the many future leaders who would use the suffering of the people as a tool for his own
self-indulgence. The people were repeatedly used and betrayed by those who they considered as
their leaders. But these experiences, their participation in these movements, were the reason for
their awareness of what they are capable of if they fought as one. Each step led to their political
awakening and national consciousness.

Western rivalry

With the rise of the Spanish colony, came the presence of another. Constantino showed
how the power of England highly affected Spain and its policies.

The rise of England and its commercial success turned Spain into its subordinate.
England’s success in manufacturing and trade made this possible. Since then, Spain had begun to
suffer a downward spiral from which she struggled to climb out. Spain’s just developing capitalist
structure was no match to that of England which made her a dependent country, just another
accessory of Britain. The Chinese were doing much impact on the commercialization of the
Philippines back then, but it was the British that aided the country’s entry to international trade
which modified the Philippines’ economy. Additionally, due to the changes in the ideologies
happening in Europe, Spain experienced political disturbances which then forced them to rethink
their economic policies. The changes in the colonial policies gave way to the efforts of developing
the agricultural sector of the islands and attempts of expanding commercialism within the colony.
Economic transformation

The Philippines began as a mere outpost of the Spanish Empire. With the changes in
Spain’s policies, its capitalist linkage led the colony to connect with many regions. Even the British
and American firms only saw Manila as an area to do business with the Chinese. This changed as
the Philippines’ trade grew. The transformation of the Philippines’ economy started during the
1820s to the 1870s. An export-crop economy that fit with the colony’s geography produced a
system where the Wester, Chinese, and native economies were interrelated. The Philippines
sprouted a national market wherein the natives are highly involved. This allowed the
regionalization of production in the country.

Social transformation

Prior to the arrival of the Spaniards, the trade of the natural economy between cultures
played only a minor role in the evolution of the nation's consciousness. This is due to the lack of
cohesiveness in pre-Magellanic societies, which prevented the expression of economic aspirations.
The Chinese mestizos' economic position gave them a social status that enabled them to assume
leadership of the evolving Filipino society. They classified themselves as members of linguistic or
provincial communities, and the indigenous people recognized them as such. Many ilustrados rose
from their ranks to become prominent figures in the reform and revolution movements. The
advances in the eighteenth century resulted in structural shifts. The country's communications were
strengthened, the national economy was stabilized, and the country was able to be associated with
the rest of the world. The shift in the Spaniards' plans, along with the activities of foreign
merchants, culminated in the nation's economic unification in the late eighteenth century. As a
result, it was only during this period that a sense of national identity could be developed.

Ilustrados and the Propaganda movement

For Constantino, the ilustrados, though against revolution, was an important tool in the
blossoming of nationalism. Here we see how it started from the articulations of the Filipino mind
to the creation of the society which will then put into action the awaited revolution.

Though the foundations of a national market and economy became apparent, national
consciousness manifested only as voices that could articulately express the hardships of the people;
something that the natives were struggling on. The ilustrados were the ones who helped to project
the Filipinos national identity which was already present from within. The expression of their ideas
helped mobilize forces that would influence changes in the developing nation and its citizens.
Though unaware, the ilustrados will make changes that would spark far greater goals than what
they had originally intended.
 The protests for reforms were the first to articulate the nuclear form of nationhood.
Although there were attempts in the Philippines to expose the evils of Spanish colonial rule,
especially those from the abuses of the friars, the main propaganda effort was concentrated in
Spain, where the ilustrados believe is the right place that it should be done. Among those people,
the most prominent were Graciano Lopez Jaena and Marcelo H. del Pilar. But between those who
had gone to Spain to study, Jose Rizal was to emerge as a highly respected leader. His fame was
built on his wide range of intellectual skills, which were evident in the publication of his well-
known novel, Noli Me Tangere, in 1887, which reflected his insightful observations of what is
happening under Spanish rule. This very novel won him the wrath of the friars which caused it to
be removed in the Philippines.

The goal to create a purely Filipino organization was fulfilled with the establishment of La
Solidaridad on December 13, 1888. However, the propagandists were unable to accomplish their
main goal which was to persuade the Spaniards to change the colonial rule. Perhaps it was because
the propaganda writers were unable to penetrate the masses. This also led to the lack of consistency
between the Propaganda and the Revolution. Despite all of this, the Revolution could not have
happened without the influence of propaganda. While it is true that La Solidaridad, Rizal's novels,
and other propaganda materials had reached only a small part of what was needed to be done, they
had successfully found their way to the local ilustrados, who then became the leaders of
revolutionary forces in their respective provinces.

Rizal established the Liga Filipina upon his return to the Philippines in July 1892. Many
members of society seeking improvement were drawn to the Liga, including Andres Bonifacio,
who went on to become one of the organization's founders. However, after Rizal was deported to
Dapitan, the Liga went dormant until it was reorganized by Domingo Franco and Andres
Bonifacio. Apolinario Mabini was appointed as the Supreme Council's secretary. With this
endorsement, the organization agreed to announce its support for La Solidaridad and the reforms
it championed, collect funds for the publication, and alleviate the expenses of members fighting
for the country's reforms before the Spanish Cortes.

The Katipunan

The Liga was very active at first. Bonifacio, in particular, made significant efforts to
establish chapters in various Manila districts. The Liga's Supreme Council, however, disbanded
the organization a few months later. The Liga was separated into two groups: the conservatives
that founded the Cuerpo de Compromisarios, which pledged to continue their support for La
Solidaridad, and the radicals led by Bonifacio, who then formed the Katipunan, a new and secret
society that Bonifacio had established on the day Rizal was deported to Dapitan.
 Bonifacio and his associates naturally identified with the masses, having come from the
lowest ranks of the middle class. Although this is the case for the Katipunan's early leadership,
several members of this class could be deemed almost plebeian in social standing, as the class
division was not very defined at the lower levels in the emerging society at that time. Since it
embodied the masses' own calls for independence from Spanish colonialism, the Katipunan had
the potential to become the catalyst that would unify the general public into action. The Katipunan
took a racial and anti-colonial stance which pushed them to the unavoidable aim for true
democracy. The nation's goal shifted from assimilation to separation after the Liga was replaced
by the Katipunan. As the goal changes, the means did as well. From nonviolent reform activism
to armed revolution. As the demand for independence from Spain grew stronger, the more it started
for the people to be convinced that revolution was the only way to solve their hardships.

The Long-awaited Revolution

In the eyes of a Filipino who has been fed with incomplete or inaccurate history of the
country, the revolution was a huge success. But Constantino puts forward how the Revolution
started as the only measure to be free from the grasps of the colonizers to the very reason why
opportunistic “leaders'' were bred. The revolution, along with its success, brought new problems
to resist.

The idealist goal of human equality seemed easily attainable during the early days of the
Revolution, and all those who participated shared a common identity as Filipinos. They were aware
that even the tiniest connection to a radical movement like the Katipunan could lead to arrest,
abuse, and even death in an oppressive colonial state. Even so, a huge number of individuals
swarmed the recruitment, a clear sign that these people were ready to opt for revolution.

Sincere leaders such as Bonifacio were blind to the dangers of the ilustrado ambition, while
the people, amid their newfound dignity, blindly followed the ilustrado leadership in their
provinces. The Katipunan failed to recognize a profound power struggle within its ranks, which
would soon erupt in a struggle for leadership. After the Katipunan's presence was revealed to the
Spaniards, Bonifacio and other leaders retreated to Balintawak. Despite the fact that the
Katipunan's betrayal is starting to be felt, its members are still unprepared to fight an armed
struggle. Even so, Bonifacio stood firm in his decision. He called Katipunan leaders to a mass
meeting in Pugadlawin, in the yard of a son of Melchora Aquino, the woman who would become
known as Tandang Sora, and "Ina ng Katipunan." The meeting was perhaps viewed as the initial
start of the Revolution. On August 23, Pugadlawin was the epicenter of the upheaval. The
Katipuneros ripped their cedulas to shreds as a sign that they had dissolved all bonds with Spain
and would contest her dominance to the end, screaming, "Long live the Philippines!".
 The government started a series of executions soon after declaring a state of war. The
execution of Jose Rizal on December 30, 1896 was the one that impacted the Filipinos the most.
The reign of terror that began in September did not deter the Filipinos that were waging war, rather,
it strengthened them. Along with this, the perceived success of the Revolution started to attract
those who wanted secure leadership in their hands, all because they had prospective interests in
mind. The Tejeros elections signify the control of the leadership of a social movement with
promising prospects by the provincial elite. Tejeros marks the failure of the people's revolution. It
turned into the triumph of a clique centered on profiting from the people's historic revolution and
the traction the Revolution had already gained.

Treachery - Aguinaldo

With the many attempts of Constantino, urging us to re-evaluate how we know our
“heroes”, this one has to be the biggest fraud of them all. Aguinaldo, perhaps a spawn of the earlier
mentioned Silang, was an addition to the leaders who used the mishaps of the people for his own
enrichment. This time it was a bigger trick, and it took even his betrayal of his allies to make it
work.

Given that Aguinaldo had already shown his willingness to end his fight as early as August,
it seems that the writing and the formation of the Constitution declaring the Philippines'
independence from the Spanish empire is nothing more than false talk. Although the handful of
representatives were debating whether or not to accept the Constitution, they were also secretly
negotiating the dissolution of the Revolution. The Biak-na-bato Pact was a disgraceful mockery of
everything the Revolution had fought for. It ridiculed the revolutionary cry for independence that
had echoed in Pugadlawin when the masses, who were then led by Bonifacio, were still in charge
of their Revolution. The ilustrados' wicked power grab at Tejeros led to the formation of Biak-na-
bato which was an agreement that was nothing more than a business deal.

Since May 31, Philippine forces had been marching up to Manila. Aguinaldo had requested
and even offered the surrender of the Spanish troops three times. The Spaniards were unwilling to
engage in him. Instead, the two colonial powers held secret talks that ended in a deal to stage a
mock war that would be preceded by the submission of Manila to the American troops. On August
13, a mock battle was staged, and Manila was given to the American rule. Despite the obvious
proof of the dark side behind American intentions, Aguinaldo maintained a friendly attitude toward
the Americans and even publicly declared his trust in them. The Treaty of Paris through which the
Spanish rule surrendered the Philippines to the U.S. was signed on December 10, 1898.
American occupation

For so long it has been instilled in the minds of the Filipinos that the Americans were a
huge part of the Philippines’ independence to the Spaniards. While a part of this is true, what we
don’t see is how they transitioned to be the next in line to the Spanish rule. Constantino tells in
detail how the Americans cleverly maneuvered their way into the country.

The acquisition of the Philippines by the United States followed a trend of expansion that
began almost as soon as the thirteen colonies were founded. The implementation of the English
language in the education system and the government administration greatly assisted the colonial
power in the success of their plans. Since being able to communicate in English was a requirement
for promotion, the process of Americanization was intensified. Filipinos started learning not only
a foreign language but also a new culture thanks all because of the usage of American textbooks
in schools. It was miseducation rather than education, when it started to de-Filipinize the youth by
teaching them to idolize American heroes, treat American culture like it is better than their own,
and perceive American society as the model of excellence for Philippine society. These textbooks
taught them a lot about American history while misrepresenting or worse, ignoring their own.

After a while, a quasi-American culture emerged, influenced by the colonizing power's

policies, traditions, and attitude. Millions of Filipinos whose sense of values had been skewed,
whose children had been miseducated, and whose preferences had been conditioned to consume
American products eventually became loyal to the United States as a result of American colonial
tactics.

Commonwealth

The Commonwealth as portrayed by the history books were far different from how
Constantino’s book revealed it to be. It ended up as the product of a country’s long-awaited
freedom, only it was led by men who were loyal to the colonial powers.

Several powerful forces conspired to prevent the creation of a constitution that reflected
the Filipino people's nationalist aspirations and was sensitive to their needs. Many of the
reservations of authority that the Tydings-McDuffie Law had made for the United States were to
be included in the constitution. Even before it could be presented to the Filipino people, the
constitution had to be authorized by the American president. This shows that after more than three
decades of colonial education and cultural Americanization, the ruling elite that regarded
American government concepts and political institutions as the peak of democracy has been
developed. The constitution was then approved by US President Franklin D. Roosevelt on March
23, 1935 and was recognized by the Philippine electorate on May 14.
 On November 15, 1935, the Philippine Commonwealth was created. This period is when
the colony was in the process of transforming into a neo-colony. Filipino leaders had been
effectively educated to be colonial spokesmen as a result of American rule. The portrayal of the
colonizer had been effectively changed from conqueror to benefactor thanks to colonial education.
However, no amount of miseducation would be able to hide the undeniable sign of economic
exploitation, which is the primary motivation for colonization. Since the masses in a colonial
society are subjected to the colonizer's and their own ruling classes' double exploitation, it is their
rebellion and protests that express the true colonial situation.

Neo colonialism

Constantino mentioned several factors that were responsible for the people’s inadequate
perception of reality. Among them were: first, colonial miseducation which had distorted the
history of the American occupation, Americanized Philippine culture and tastes, and blinded the
Filipinos to the drawbacks of a colonial economy; second, general acceptance of the premise that
independence would come as a gift from the United States; and third, the Filipinization of the
colonial administration which concealed American control. (Constantino, 1975) The more aware
individuals and labor leaders attempted to express anti-colonial and nationalist demands to
convince the people that the American rule was the main factor in their poverty and suffering, but
the anti-landlord drive remained the primary focus of the masses. As a result, by the end of the
1930s, the nation faced the strange likelihood of increased tension within colonial society, with
the Americans being dismissed from any blame for their traditional colonial problems. The
country's neocolonial identity was ensured by maintaining economic relations that kept the
Philippines increasingly reliant on the United States. Those who wanted to put an end to this
situation were threatened and punished. The nature of the future national crisis was established by
all of the treaties made by the US colonial rule that put hindrances on the country's growth.

WHERE IT MEETS THE “SELF”

(Some of my many take-aways)
On culture
It’s interesting to think what could have happened to the Philippines and its culture if it had not
been exploited by the colonial minds. Even then, the existence of different ideologies was
prevalent given the geographic characteristics of the country. With the presence of these dynamic
cultures even today, it would be interesting to think of each of the region’s distinct differences and
similarities. The Philippines could have been boasting a culture as rich as its islands.

On heroes
A lot of Filipino historians tried to illustrate our history, our sense of nationalism, by highlighting
the heroic deeds of our national heroes. Because of this, the more known history books, and even
the ones who are being taught at school made us glorify these men and their heroic deeds. These
men were perfect in our eyes, all because we failed to explore their individual stories and the real
reason for their deeds before. Fortunately, as people started to gain knowledge and were
enlightened with the truth, we now know more about those who we used to see as our heroes.

On the current government

On The Religious Justification, Renato Constantino stated that “Of course, these objectives were
not given as the real reason for the expeditions. As always, there had to be an ideological
justification for such enterprises in order to conceal the crass motives of kings.” This reminds
me of Duterte and his campaigning style way before he was elected as the president. If the Spanish
used religion to fool us and mask their hidden intentions, Duterte promised change; safety under
his “iron fists” and bravery against the neighboring countries with hidden intentions of exploiting
our country; things that the Filipino people have long been yearning for but did not ever receive.

On Crown and conquistador, Constantino then mentioned that “The instruments of pacification
thus served the dual purpose of strengthening Spanish sovereignty and of enriching the men
who had made possible the annexation of the territory.” Perhaps this garbage of a mindset had
been passed on to generations as well, with or without the presence of the colonizers. Our own
countrymen are practicing these beliefs. From then up to now, we are merely victims of greedy
men, hungry for power and wealth.

CONCLUSION

“A people’s history must rediscover the past in order to make it reusable.” With years of
just relying on what has been passed on from generation to generation, it is time that we make
efforts to really dig into our country’s history; It is time that we remove all biases for the colonizers
that are still existing in it. For it is only by witnessing what had really happened can we understand
our history deeply. And with this understanding, can we make a more usable basis for re-assessing
and therefore transforming the state that we all are in until today.

If Constantino’s legacy was passed on through his students, colleagues, and all those he
had influenced through his life and his writings, it should now be within us too who had been
fortunate enough to have read this book. This shall then be seen not only as an academic
requirement but as a new way to look at things. Embody it, so it continues to be felt among the
individuals who continue to be under the shackles of the never-ending issues colonialism had
brought into the Filipino people.
References:

100 years of a nationalist: Renato Constantino as social critic and public intellectual by: Francisco
Jayme Paolo A. Guiang (March 7, 2019)
Retrieved from: https://www.bworldonline.com/100-years-of-a-nationalist-renato-constantino-
as-social-critic-and-public-intellectual/

Class war by: Reynaldo V. Silvestre (December 12, 2015)

Retrieved from: https://opinion.inquirer.net/91088/class-war-2

CONSTANTINO, Renato
Retrieved from: http://www.nameless.org.ph/constantino

Constantino, R., & Constantino, L. R. (1975). The Philippines: A past revisited. Quezon City:
Tala Pub. Services.

La Liga Filipina
Retrieved from: http://www.watawat.net/la-liga-
filipina.html#:~:text=La%20Liga%20Filipina%20

Renato Constantino, Revisited: Reflections on the Nationalist Paradigm in the Era of Failed
Neoliberalism (May 9, 2009)
Retrieved from: https://www.bulatlat.com/2009/05/09/renato-constantino-revisited-reflections-
on-the-nationalist-paradigm-in-the-era-of-failed-neoliberalism/4/

The Cry of Pugadlawin

Retrieved from: https://www.philippine-history.org/cry-of-pugadlawin.htm

The Philippines: A Neo-colonial Experience by: Kenneth Andres (April 19, 2019)
Retrieved from: https://medium.com/@kennethandres/the-philippines-a-neo-colonial-experience-
5588f9369871