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Pollock - BASKETRY - TRADITION AND CHANGE
Pollock - BASKETRY - TRADITION AND CHANGE
Pollock - BASKETRY - TRADITION AND CHANGE
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Traditional Basketmaking
Because baskets have always been made of plant materials which rot e
there is little direct evidence for their early existence. Such evidence is often
is widely thought of as the earliest craft, predating even ceramics and textiles.
Early baskets were very likely to have been crude "throwaway" containers
carrier bags?) made on the spot as the need arose, to hold and transport gathered fo
example; or they might have been fans. Such baskets are still made in many part
world today. The materials for this type of basket are whatever is easily availa
suited to weaving or folding quickly into the desired form, often without the help
Basketry has evolved out of the need to contain things, ranging from eg
rubbish. Its specific forms have been shaped by the particular uses which it se
(hats, headdresses, shoes, capes and more decorative body adornment), furnitu
housing. It has also been used for recreational purposes (games like sepak raga
Southeast Asia (Plate 1) and the Basque pelota) and simple forms of musical
available to the maker. For example in Southeast Asia where palm, cane (rattan
bamboo are readily available, one of the commonest techniques is plaiting. But
Traditionally the materials for basketry have come directly from nature. U
they were gathered from the wild or were by-products of crops grown for a differ
bearing palms. It was relatively rare for materials to be cultivated specifically for use in
it was important for the makers and their communities to ensure supplies.
Vegetables, fruit and fish which used to go into baskets (fish and small animals were
sometimes even trapped in them) now go straight into other types of container. Baskets
have ceased to function as official measures in Britain: the bushels used in hop and
apple picking, pecks for peas and beans and crans for herrings have been superseded. In
rich countries in particular, baskets are no longer widely used to transport produce to
markets nor to display it; they have been supplanted first by wooden and cardboard
boxes, then by plastic containers. Shopping baskets have more or less given way to
paper or plastic carrier bags. One way or another, baskets have been marginalised.
In poor countries baskets aie still used in day to day living, more or less as they
always have been. Their functions, forms and techniques remain virtually unchanged. The
materials and methods of gathering them have also changed little, although gathering may
now take place on a large commercial scale. This is the case with cane (rattan: a creeping
jungle palm) in Southeast Asia and the Philippines. But even in those countries where bas-
ketry is still used in traditional ways it is being affected by the spread of "new" non-tradi-
tional materials: plastic, cardboard and metals. Paradoxically, many of the new materials
derive from precisely those industries that are undermining the traditional uses of basketry.
rural lifestyles and habitats (through deforestation, irrigation projects or dam building,
for example) have constricted the supply of traditional materials and distanced many
basketmakers from them.
Under pressure from these factors, basketry techniques are being extended and
There are four major basketry techniques which occur in various forms around
Coiling is often found in dry areas with sparse vegetation, for example in many
parts of Africa and in the Southwest of the United States (but also on the Northwest
Coast of the United States and Canada and in parts of Southeast Asia). By stitching
and wrapping a core element (for example bundles of short, dry wiry grasses or straw,
or single lengths of cane) the basket spirals upwards from a central point at the base,
the coils being held in place by the stitching material (for example softer, more pliable
grasses, straw or split palm leaves) to form a basket. Coiled baskets can be so densely
made that they are capable of holding water: the materials swell up when wet, making
the basket even more watertight. The technique naturally lends itself to round and
The coiled baskets in Plates 2-5 are all from South Africa. Plate 2 is made from
a core of grasses stitched with split ilala palm leaves. Plate 3 has a core of natural
material but has been stitched with plastic packing tape split into narrow widths to give
a manageable stitching material. Similarly Plate 4 has a natural core but has been fine-
ly stitched with thin strands of unravelled plastic cabbage sacks. Both result in solid,
The packing tape and telephone wire have been used partly as an alternative to
ilala palm which is in short supply (Katzenellenbogen, pers. comm.), but also because
the makers recognise the potential of "new" materials as a substitute for traditional
ones. The three "modern" baskets probably derive from the imbenge basket (Plate 2)
traditionally used as a cover for clay beer pots (Grossert 1978:7, 17-18;
Katzenellenbogen, this volume).
The basket in Plate 6 which has a bundle of grasses in the core and is wrapped
and stitched with strips of coloured plastic carrier bags, is cruder than those in Plates
2-5. Firstly, because of the coiling technique used - far more wraps around the core in
which is very finely worked and appears to be all stitches with few if any wraps.
Secondly, it is very different in scale and detail. Although these two baskets are
roughly the same size, the core diameter of Plate 4 is under S mm and the stitching
materials are only 1-2 mm wide, compared to the core diameter of Plate 6 which is
nearly 10 mm and the strips of carrier bags used for wrapping and stitching which are
5-10 mm wide. These two factors combined with the slippery surface of the carrier
bags make Plate 6 weak structurally. Its "patterning" is also cruder, resulting from
randomly selected bags printed with different colours and logos, in contrast to Plate 4
Another example of new materials being used in coiled baskets comes from
Syria (Plate 7). These baskets, which decorate the walls of a restaurant in Oxford, were
straw-like material. In some of the baskets the stitching material, a coloured plastic
tubing flattened to give a strand 2-3mm wide, has been combined with the traditional
dyed and natural straw, whereas in others it has totally replaced the traditional material.
The sizes, shapes, designs and patterning are almost identical to those of the traditional
baskets but the colours used are very different, not the muted shades of dyed straw but
the strong, bright, "primary" colours of the plastic tubing. I was told by the manager
that these baskets are made by farm workers who come into Damascus during the low
fanning season and find plastic easier to obtain than straw. I was also told that the bas-
Plaiting uses material that is, or can be made into, long straight, ribbon-like
strips: for example palm leaves, split cane, bamboo, birch bark and rushes. In plaited
basketry there is no distinction between the warp and weft elements and the same strips
of material that are used to weave the base also form the sides of the basket. Another
characteristic is that where a basket begins with a square or rectangular base, it will
always be rounded at the top. Plate 8 shows a betel basket from Indonesia (see Barnes,
this volume). It has been made from palm, the whole basket being made up of five parts
(including the lid) which all fit together. The outer basket is woven using a simple "over
Plate 3 South African coiled basket with core of natural material stitched with plastic
packing tape. H: 85 mm; dia: 2SS mm. Shuna Rendei collection. Photograph by
Helena Cleary.
Plate 5 South African coiled basket made entirely of telephone wire. H: 75 mm;
dia: 180 mm. Shuna Rendei collection. Photograph by Helena Cleary.
Plate 7 Coiled basket from Damascus, Syria, with core of straw-like material
stitched with coloured plastic tubing. Dia c. 700 mm. Al Shami restaurant, Oxford.
Photograph by Polly Pollock.
Plate 9 Plaited baskets. Right: Portuguese, plastic packing tape. H: 255 mm; L:
170 mm. Centre: Chinese, plastic. H: 660 mm; L: 440 mm. Left: India, plastic. H:
280 mm; L: 220 mm. Author's collection. Photograph by Helena Cleary.
Plate 1 1 Polish potato basket from the Tatra mountains. Brown willow, split willow
and hazel. H: 365 mm; L: 440 mm; W: 350 mm. Author's collection. Photograph
by Helena Cleary.
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worked on the bias or diagonal: the weaving elements travel at a 45° angle to the base).
The inner sections arc woven from the same material, but using a technique known as
more like stake and strand (see below) in that additional elements arc introduced to
Plate 9 shows baskets using similar techniques but made from non-traditional
materials, in this case plastic. The example on the right is from Portugal: it is made
from packing tape and the technique is checkweave. The basket on the left is from
China and is made from strips of another kind of plastic, worked in a simple bias plait,
with handles of a tubular plait similar to that used in Amazonian cassava squeezers.
The central example, from India, is made from plastic of yet a different type. This bas-
ket is made in a very open checkweave which allows for additional elements to be
worked in, creating the "interlocked" effect. (This technique is also used for baskets
In these examples the traditional technique has been slightly adapted to take
account of the different characteristics of plastic (for example its shinier, more slip-
pery surface) and the materials are fulfilling an unexpected purpose, but the product is
recognisably similar both in form and construction to the traditional basket in Plate 8.
Stake and strand describes the two essential components of the technique:
vertical "stakes" around which are worked horizontal "strands" known as weavers.
The materials used need to be rigid: for example cane and bamboo in Asia, or willow,
one of the materials most commonly used in Europe, which provides the long, taper-
ing, rigid elements with few or no side shoots particularly suited to this technique.
The stakes are generally quite far apart and it is a combination of the rigidity of the
Plates 10 and 1 1 are from Poland. The shopping basket in Plate 10 is made of
buff willow (boiled with the bark still on, then stripped). Plate 11, from the Tatra
mountains in southern Poland, is made of brown willow (with the bark left on), split
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vesting potatoes.
Plate 12, from Zimbabwe, is also made using the stake and strand technique. It
is made out of the steel radiais from melted car tyres. The vertical stakes are particu-
larly far apart because the material used for both stakes and weavers is so rigid.
Plate 13 shows a basket from India, used for carrying stones on building sites.
For every other stake the traditional material, split bamboo, has been replaced by
Twining is in some ways similar to stake and strand in that the technique uses
vertical stakes and horizontal weavers. However it is different in two respects: firstly,
the materials used are soft rather than rigid, for example sisal, jute, cedar root, soft
grasses or straw; secondly, the density of weave is much greater, since the stakes are
very much closer together. The structure produced can be similar in quality, appearance
and texture to a woven fabric; the fineness of the weave allows for detailed colour
All the rattles in Plate 14 are from Africa, probably Mali. The left and central
examples are twined from finely split palm leaf which is attached to a gourd base:
small stones, dried pulses or grains provide the sound. The rattle on the right is an
interesting example of recycled material being incorporated into basketry: the end of a
tin can has been used to replace the gourd. Not only is this an ingenious use for part of
Plates 15 and 16 show two twined baskets, kiondo, from Kenya. Plate 15 is
made from spun sisal and is quite flexible. Plate 16 is made using exactly the same
technique but with polypropylene string which, because it is suffer than sisal, causes
Hiere are other, less common, basketry techniques, some of which overlap with
textiles: knotting and netting; knotless netting; simple and complex linking; simple,
double, and figure-of-eight looping; where non-traditional materials are also being used.
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polypropylene string. The material traditionally used is a type of plant fibre, plied to
this particular basket, like the kiondo in Plate 16, is made from recycled polypropylene
string or not. However it is quite possible that at some stage a basketmaker experiment-
plant fibre and was pleasing in other ways - due to its strength, durability and possibly
even its "modem" appearance - and continued to use it (see also MacKenzie 1991:53).
Plate 17 is in the Pitt Rivers Museum where there are other examples of this type, made
Recycled materials are being used partly through necessity (decreased access
to traditional materials) and partly for opportunistic reasons: the increasing availabili-
ty of man-made alternatives. But there is also a strong element of curiosity and inge-
nuity in this choice. This is in the true spirit of basketmaking. Basketmakers have
always recognised the potential of unfamiliar materials and transformed them into
artefacts whose designs have developed and been refined over centuries.
I have seen a basket from Sarawak made from an old aerosol or fizzy drinks
can (this is apparent from the deep domed base of the can). The top of the can has
been removed and the sides slit downwards vertically to just above the base giving 60-
70 thin strips. These have then been twisted gently (which gives a streamer-like
effect), folded outwards and then brought together in pairs to form petal shapes
around the base, finally being folded tightly together at the tip to secure the ends.
These "petals" are formed in three layers, some of the strands of the petals interweav-
ing with each other. Although the method of making this object does not fall within
any specific technique it does nevertheless have a strong basket feel about it: its form
Although in some ways delicate, it could also serve a practical purpose: to hold
sweets, nuts or other small objects.
Hie metal baskets from India in Plate 18 are particularly interesting because they are
13
extruded aluminium drinks cans. The extruded metal wire is woven using several tech-
niques: the basket on the left is stake and strand throughout, whereas in the right-hand exam-
ple the base of the basket is stake and strand, the sides are simple linking and the bolder is
formed from a bundle of thinner metal wire which is bound on to the top edge of the sides.
some men of the Tohono O'Odham (Papago) tribe in southern Arizona. It is also
made from metal wire: usually baling wire, sometimes copper wire or coathangers.
made of agave fibre cordage, is a simple looping technique and the rigidity of the
The final examples in this section (Plate 20) are interesting partly because of the
material used, telephone wire, but especially because of the unusual technique
(Katzenellenbogen, this volume). This has similarities with some forms of linking and
was devised by a Zulu nightwatchman who wanted to make something from the tele-
phone wire he found lying around. The baskets are worked over a mould - often a metal
lampshade - from the rim downwards to the centre of the base. Many strands of brightly
coloured wire are systematically twisted one around another - working either to the left
or to the right - and the basket is built up in rows. This technique produces densely
woven baskets with a smooth surface and dramatic swirling colour patterns; the direc-
tion of the swirls can be altered by changing the direction of working. Changing direc-
tion on every row results in less dramatic colour patterns but gives an interesting texture
Basketmaking in the rich industrial countries declined rapidly after the Second
World War as other kinds of container came on to the market. In Britain for example
the area planted with basket willow, the main indigenous basketry material, fell from
6,000 acres in 1925 to just over 2,000 acres in 1953 (Stott 1956:1).
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Plate 13 Indian basket for carrying stones on building sites. For every other stake the
bamboo has been replaced by metal packing tape. H:115 mm; dia: 300 mm. Shuna
Rendei collection. Photograph by Helena Cleary.
15
16
17
Plate 18 Baskets from India, made of melted down and extruded aluminium meta
drinks cans. Left: L: 515 mm; W: 375 mm; H: 51 mm. Right: L: 350 mm; W: 160
mm; H: 90 mm. Private collection. Photograph by Helena Cleary.
18
Plate 20 Zulu baskets of telephone wire, South Africa. Left: H: 65 mm; dia: 220
mm. Right: H: 80 mm; dia: 225 mm. Author's collection. Photograph by Helena
Cleary.
19
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Basketmakers1 Association; more books on basketry are being published (e.g. Butcher
1986; Larsen 1986; Rossbach 1986; Walpole 1989); more exhibitions on historical
and contemporary basketry are being mounted. Magazine stylists seldom create a
There are a number of elements in this revival. One is a reaction against the
bland, homogenised, mass-produced output of modern industry and the way of life asso-
much the same way as William Morris and other members of the Arts and Crafts
Movement valued and promoted handmade products at the end of the nineteenth century.
Associated with this reaction is the desire among a growing number of people
to break with their assigned status as consumers by making rather than buying things.
fully in all stages of the process, from growing and harvesting their own willow or
gathering hedgerow materials, through to weaving baskets for use and/or sale.
Sometimes it takes the form of people using basketmaking as "art" for personal
from poor "exotic" countries: not only are they different, made by hand (and cheap)
but also they are often intriguing: toys made from scraps of old wire, kitchen utensils
from tin cans, baskets from carrier bags and so on. Their appeal is greatest where they
tion, suggesting that there is a person behind the product, even though that person is
anonymous. There is also the implicit moral attractiveness of an activity that does
something, however small, to stem the tide of waste that is polluting our environment.
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A further element in the recent western revival of interest is the shift that has
taken place in basketry to the art end of the craft-art continuum. Until recently bas-
ketry was not used as a medium to explore creative self-expression and this is still
largely the case today in most western countries. In France and Germany for example,
ty in design. However, particularly in the USA and the UK, there is a growing number
ground and others completely new to the craft - who experiment with new materials
and forms within traditional techniques and who are exploring the way techniques
influence these new materials and vice versa. This often results in "one-off baskets or
baskets made in limited editions. These makers can be recognised from their work. The
baskets of Lois Walpole, Dail Behennah, Shuna Rendei, John Galloway, Hilary Burns,
Maggie Henton, Alex Bury and the author are all clearly different from each other;
These makers are either using traditional materials in non-traditional ways, for
example the indigo and chemical dyes used by John Galloway for his strongly individ-
ual willow baskets; or non-traditional materials like the metal wire that Hilary Burns
uses to weave small, intricate baskets, often combining basketry and textile techniques.
Dail Behennah is combining palouti (a thin variety of cane with the inner bark left on)
with telephone wire in plaited and coiled baskets and incorporating "found" objects like
shells and small pebbles from the beach (Plate 21). For many of my own baskets I
collect cardboard boxes from supermarkets which I recycle into baskets. I paint the
flattened boxes with bold colours and patterns, then cut them into strips to weave into
strong durable forms, often large storage baskets with lids (Plate 22).
The British basketmaker most famous for her work with recycled materials is
Lois Walpole (Walpole 1989). She uses a huge variety of recycled materials in her
baskets: tins, beer cans, corks, wire, fruitjuice cartons, plastic bottles, slide mounts,
washing-up liquid bottle tops, electrical wire, cardboard, packing tape, old rope, bits
22
range of basketry and textile techniques to construct baskets ranging from small deli-
materials and expressed themselves through their work. There is, for example, a basket
in the Pitt Rivers Museum (1941.8.309), 80-100 years old, which is made from news-
papers. I have a basket in my collection made from old cigarette packets which is at
least 30-40 years old (Plate 23). But in the last ten years or so the idea of working with
recycled materials has become part of a conscious statement for a significant number of
makers. These basketmakers who value the concept and the visual impact of their
work as much as, if not more than, its practical use are significant even if still few in
number. Most basketmakers in the world are still governed by the market: they make
what sells. Production in South Africa of baskets made by members of the Imbenge
project has grown to meet large orders especially from Britain and North America
(Katzenellenbogen, this volume). Most basketmakers in Britain still produce the tradi-
tional baskets that have a proven market. But the balance is gradually tipping: basket-
making as personal expression can now be seen, if only as a speck on the horizon.
concerns in the West, which has biased their choice of materials towards the use of
puDed by market forces towards new, more accessible industrial materials. One thing
Acknowledgements
I would like to thank the following people for their assistance in the production
of this paper Dail Behennah, Andrew and Mary Butcher, Jackie Hall, Mike Kidron,
Linda Mowat and Shuna Rendei.
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1 . Polly Pollock is a basketmaker and freelance basketry teacher and has a large
collection of baskets from around the world. She also teaches part-time on the bas-
ketry courses at London Guildhall University.
References
Plate 23 Basket, probably English, made of cigarette boxes (packets of ten). L: 280
mm; W: 220 mm; H: 140 mm. Author's collection. Photograph by Helena Cleary.
24