PRELIMINARY ROUND

THEME: CASTE
 CONTEXT: MOTION 1

Caste census means inclusion of caste-wise tabulation of India’s population.

In the Census exercise, which is a decennial count of the Indian population, India
continues to rely on outdated figures from the colonial-era 1931 census, the last to make
a comprehensive count of caste demographics. Those at the top of the caste hierarchy—
with a meagre share of the total population yet overwhelmingly dominant in terms of
education, wealth, influence & power—have reason to fear that an updated count will
remind the rest of just how badly they have fared & galvanise demands for a
representative distribution of the privileges hoarded by the elite.
 CONTEXT: MOTION 1

Both backward-classes commissions set up by the central government, under DB

Kalelkar in 1953 & under BP Mandal in 1979, recommended that subsequent censuses
enumerate caste in order to better administer welfare measures—especially
reservations. “Before the disease of caste is destroyed, all facts about it have to be
noted and classified in a scientific manner as in a clinical record,” Kalelkar wrote.

Opponents of a caste census argue that such a headcount will harden caste identities
& even facilitate the politics of larger parties pitting regional castes against each
other by weaponising the published socio political data comparing two different
castes. Some anti-caste scholars have further argued that this can lead to social
fragmentation within anti-caste politics.
 MOTION 1

Assuming accuracy & fairness, this house believes that

the Indian government should conduct caste census.
 CONTEXT: MOTION 2

The recruitment policy of the President’s Bodyguard is said to be discriminated by

caste. The unit only recruits from three castes—Rajputs, Hindu Jats and Sikh Jats.
These three castes are being given “preferential treatment” to the detriment of other
citizens of the country.

Though most of the regiments raised after Independence have been mixed units,
recruited on what the army calls an “All India” basis, the basic composition of the old
single-class regiments has been left untouched, even though there have been
alterations and additions to the strength of such regiments. The result is that a
significant number of infantry regiments are still single-class or fixed-class ones.
 CONTEXT: MOTION 2

To clarify, a single-class regiment recruits from one single community or caste. For
example, the Sikh regiment is composed solely of Jat Sikhs, while the Sikh Light
Infantry recruits solely from Mazhabi Sikhs. In the army alone there are caste, religion
and region-based regiments such as the Jat Regiment, Sikh Regiment, Mahar
Regiment, Gorkha Rifles, Garhwal Regiment, Dogra Regiment, etc, thus it's said that
the recruitment to these regiments is primarily based on caste, region & religion. The
petitions filed against this form of recruitment also questioned the existence of two
separate regiments for Sikhs—one for Jat Sikhs, & a different one for Mazhabi &
Ramdasia Sikhs, who were formerly considered untouchables.
 CONTEXT: MOTION 2

A fixed-class regiment recruits from more than one community, but only from certain
specified classes. Each battalion of the Punjab regiment typically has two Jat Sikh &
two Dogra companies.

In its response, the army said that it did not recruit on the basis of caste, region and
religion, but it grouped recruits according to their communities for administrative
convenience and operational requirements. It's further said that the current policy of
recruitment makes sure that no single caste or regional identity is able to dominate
the Indian army. The Indian Army continues to support sentiments of caste pride and
loyalty, & finds them essential to operational efficiency.
 MOTION 2

This house believes that it is in the interest of the Indian

army to remove all forms of caste based recruitment.
 CONTEXT: MOTION 3

Pasmanda Muslims comprise more than 85% of the entire Muslim population in India.
The remaining are the ‘Ashrafs’, who held high positions in the government during the
colonial era & have continued their social & political domination as they form the
overwhelming majority in leadership positions among the Muslim community.

The experiences so far indicate that almost all the benefits & facilities provided in the
name of ‘minority welfare’ remained confined to the dominant Ashraf community. A
large portion of it does not even reach other minority communities & Pasmandas in
the way it should. Intellectuals & political leaders of the Ashraf class always try to
keep the term ‘minority’ synonymous with ‘Muslims’ & strive hard to present the
Muslim society as homogenous.
 CONTEXT: MOTION 3

The BJP and other right wings parties have been constantly trying to reach out to
Pasmandas under their politics of subsuming the backward castes within their fold &
have started offering them political tickets in various state & local elections.

Muslim scholars & leaders (predominantly Ashrafs) have warned that politicisation of
Pasmanda identity at such a communally sensitive time just aims to break Pan-
Muslim unity similar to how Hindu right won over OBC voter base & thus weakened
Mandal parties.
 MOTION 3

This house believes that that Pasmanda Muslims

should form new political & social planks (organization,
parties etc.)