CCM International Journal of

Cross Cultural
Article Management
International Journal of
Cross Cultural Management
Understanding Malay and Chinese 2017, Vol. 17(3) 365–377
ª The Author(s) 2017
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proverbs DOI: 10.1177/1470595817742930

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Christopher Richardson, Md Salleh Yaapar

and Nurul Farhana Low Abdullah
Universiti Sains Malaysia, Malaysia

Abstract
Proverbs are important cultural products that both reveal and direct the values, behaviour and
world view of a particular culture. This article relates the proverbial collection of two particular
cultural groups, the Malays and Chinese of Malaysia, to workplace attitudes. After reviewing more
than 2000 proverbs, we identified those that were most pertinent to the Malaysian workplace,
based on two key categories: (i) the portrayal of work in the lives of the Malays and Chinese and
(ii) the approach to workplace etiquette. Local proverbs portray hard work as an admirable quality
among not only the Chinese but also among the Malays, despite suggestions to the contrary by
some writers. Regarding workplace relations, proverbs again constitute a vital source of guidance
for both groups, particularly the high regard for ‘face’.

Keywords
Chinese, culture, ethics, Malay, proverbs, workplace

Introduction
Defined loosely as ‘short, traditional, and pithy saying[s] . . . stating a general truth or piece of
advice’ (Oxford English Dictionary, 2017), proverbs provide intriguing insights into a particular
culture’s values, beliefs and traditions. Certain proverbs describe fairly universal human experiences
and insights: ‘like father, like son’, for instance, translates quite readily across a number of cultural
boundaries (Mieder, 2008). Other proverbs, though, are more culture-specific in nature, imitating
and influencing the lives, customs and principles of a particular group of people. The Ovambo
people of Namibia say that ‘a woman is a basket’ (omukiintu ontungwa), which is unlikely to
resonate with people elsewhere. But in a society where women seldom walk around without car-
rying a basket, this proverb portrays women as being especially resourceful (Stewart, 2005). The

Corresponding author:
Christopher Richardson, Graduate School of Business, Universiti Sains Malaysia, Pulau Pinang, Malaysia.
Email: christopher.richardson@usm.my
366 International Journal of Cross Cultural Management 17(3)

Malays and the Chinese also have their own set of proverbs which resonate more deeply in their
cultures than they do in other cultures and which are consequently more relevant to their values
and life patterns than they are to others. In particular, one should recognize the significance
attached to proverbs in both traditional Malay (Ali, 1975) and Chinese (Fang, 2014; Zhang, 2016)
societies not only as descriptive, sentimental expressions but also as explanatory agents and
guides to social conduct.
Our aim in this article is to relate these proverbs to a key domain in social life: the workplace.
More specifically, we investigate the relationship between proverbs and two aspects that are
central to Malaysian discourse on work and the workplace (Richardson et al., 2016): (i) the values
and attitudes towards work in general and (ii) workplace, social patterns and etiquette. Before
proceeding further, however, it is important to specify whom we mean when we refer to ‘the
Malays’ and ‘the Chinese’. Although the term ‘Malay’ is sometimes used quite liberally to include
Malay Malaysians, most Filipinos and Indonesians, Muslim Thais, the Cape Malays of South
Africa and the Malays of Sri Lanka (Milner, 2011), the present article is concerned solely with the
Malays of Malaysia. Although most Indonesians observe a similar culture to the Malays, the
Indonesian form of the Malay (or Indonesian) language differs to some extent from the Malay
spoken in Malaysia, thus potentially limiting the crossover of certain proverbs. Moreover, the
proverbs discussed here are all derived from texts related to the Malays of Malaya/Malaysia, with
Indonesians (and even Bruneians) conspicuous only by their absence. To avoid confusion, they
are therefore excluded from our discussion here. For the sake of comparative discussion, when we
refer to ‘the Chinese’, we refer specifically to the Chinese diaspora community of Malaysia,
though it is worth highlighting that the historical, demographic, economic and political context of
the Chinese Malaysians closely mirrors those of major Chinese communities found elsewhere
(Chuah et al., 2016).
This leads to the final point that we wish to make at the outset. The texts that provide the source
for the proverbs presented here mostly contain English explanations and translations from the
original languages, and we reproduce many of these translations directly here, although we have
also made minor modifications in some instances in the belief that the original versions do not fully
capture the proverbs’ intended meaning. Certain Malay proverbs, however, were selected from
Malay-language peribahasa (proverb) collections without accompanying translations. In such
instances, translations are our own. In the case of the Chinese proverbs, we have also included the
original Chinese-language texts as references for Chinese-speaking readers.
The remainder of the article is structured as follows. The ensuing section discusses the quite
remarkable ability of proverbs to allow observers to better understand the roots of a particular
culture’s behaviour and mindset. Next, we explore the longstanding and important role of proverbs
in Malay and Chinese cultures before focusing on their role in the Malay/Chinese workplace. In the
following section, we explore the significance of and regard for ‘face’ through the lens of local
proverbs. The article ends with some concluding remarks and managerial implications.

Proverbs as a window on culture

Proverbs have a quite extraordinary ability to provide an understanding of various aspects of a
particular culture, revealing much about its beliefs, principles, morals and human qualities. The
study of proverbs is nothing new, of course. The ancient Greeks and Romans amassed an impressive
collection of proverbs, while the earliest known collection, recorded on Sumerian cuneiform tablets,
can be traced back further still to around 2500 BC (Mieder and Dundes, 1994).
Richardson et al. 367

One of the universal and chief purposes of proverbs is to help individuals navigate their way
through life’s trials and tribulations. Consequently, for just about every context conceivable, there is
a proverb on hand to describe, caution or offer assurances and advice. What this also means, of
course, is that proverbs, like life itself, can be somewhat paradoxical and contradictory in nature
(Mieder, 2004, 2008). It is said, for instance, that ‘the pen is mightier than the sword’; yet it is also
said that ‘actions speak louder than words’! Which is true? The answer of course is that both sayings
have some inherent ‘truth’ in them, but each is applicable only in particular situations. Thus, the
context in which a proverb is used is a matter of great importance, particularly with Malay (Brown,
1969) and Chinese (Peng and Nisbett, 1999) proverbs, which often contain multiple meanings and
even apparent contradictions, and is something to which we will return in our discussion below.
The study of proverbs (paroemiology) is an important element of ethnography. Scholars have
drawn on local proverbs to gain a better understanding of various aspects of human societies
including the nature of speech (Fischer and Yoshida, 1968), principles of practical reasoning
(Goodwin and Wenzel, 1979) and attitudes towards child development (Penfield and Duru, 1988)
and gender relations (Dorn, 1986). Management scholars, however, have not been quite as forth-
coming in paroemiology, which is rather surprising given that, as Tatira (2001) argues, proverbs
permeate nearly all economic activities. Perhaps this disinterest among business researchers stems in
part from ‘the ethos of modernity, with its forward-looking approach, its aesthetic of originality, and
its rejection of the notion of traditional wisdom’ (Goddard and Wierzbicka, 2013: 184). To be fair,
though, there are some notable exceptions that merit mentioning, such as studies investigating the
phenomenon of using proverbs in advertising (Mieder and Mieder, 1977; Tatira, 2001). Fang (1999,
2006) and Yau (1988), meanwhile, explain the implications of various (PRC) Chinese proverbs for
business negotiations and marketing, respectively.
Few writers, though, have attempted a cross-cultural study of proverbs and their reflection of the
general values and attitudes towards work and workplace ethics. Given the recognition that proverbs
have received from scholars in other branches of the humanities, it is important that researchers in
the field of management also consider the values embedded in these titbits of wisdom and study
their significance in the workplace.

Proverbs in Malay and Chinese society

Although proverbs are far from being unique to the Malays and the Chinese, they have long been a
particularly significant feature in both cultures. In Malay daily intercourse, linguistic etiquette is
traditionally both elaborate and artfully indirect in nature (Goddard, 2015; Hose, 1934). Clifford and
Swettenham (1894, cited in Brown (1969: x)), in the Introduction to their Dictionary of the Malay
Language, wrote of the Malay language:

Like French, it is essentially a diplomatic language and one admirably adapted for concealing the feelings
and cloaking the real thoughts. Not even in French is it possible to be so polite . . . or to say such rude things
with every appearance of exaggerated courtesy, as is the case in Malay.

Speech patterns have historically played a central role in Malay society, as they are indicative of
one’s kindness and grace. More specifically, they can go a long way in determining whether one is
perceived as halus (refined) or kasar (crass, coarse) (Goddard, 1997, 2004). According to an old
Malay saying, ‘as the coconut milk is spoilt by the glutinous rice cake, so is the body by (the
foulness of) the mouth’ (sebab pulut santan binasa, sebab mulut badan binasa). Proverbs have
368 International Journal of Cross Cultural Management 17(3)

proven a useful vehicle for disseminating information or offering guidance, while maintaining
politeness and sensitivity (Salleh, 2005). Another favourable feature of the proverb is its ability
to express deep messages clearly while using relatively few words. Speaking a lot is generally
perceived as poor manners among the Malays (Goddard, 1997), and thus Malays often try to
minimize the words used in their conversations and discussions. Proverbs are on hand to assist,
as Brown (1969: xi) explains,

With Malays an argument can often be clinched, a fault indicated or a line of action commended more
effectively by the use of an appropriate saying of half a dozen words in length than by many a long and
carefully composed speech or memorandum; and the Malays themselves set a good example in this
economy of language.

Proverbs are also an especially powerful tool in studying the Malays’ culture and world view
(Lim, 2003). Many Malay proverbs evoke images of the kampung (village), which Malays regard as
their ideal and symbolic heartland, and thus they are widely considered important tools for the
reflection and preservation of Malay culture (Goddard, 2015). As Ali (1975: 71) observes,

Within the context of Malay society proverbs seem to have a special meaning. Not only do they crystalize
the very essence of Malay folk philosophy and outlook, or sum up some of the important experiences of
Malay life but they are often used to explain things more clearly, or sometimes taken as simple guides to
social behaviour.

Moreover, the Malay approach to ethics is somewhat absolutist in nature, with the belief that
there is a correct or appropriate (patut) form of behaviour for nearly all situations (Goddard, 2000).
As a result, Malays often seek guidance (panduan) from such people as religious leaders (imam),
religious scholars (ulama) and old people (orang tua) in general (Goddard, 2015). Another useful
source for guidance to which Malays frequently turn is their assortment of local peribahasa, which,
during the last half-century or so, ‘have become one of the leading emblems of Malay identity’,
collected and published in numerous outlets aimed at both the general public as well as school
children (Goddard, 2015: 116). Further, it is said that in Malay culture, the laws that are most
important are those that are not set down in writing but rather those that are preserved in proverbs
(McAmis, 2002). Therefore, as Goddard (2015: 117) notes, ‘the proverb . . . has a much greater
functionality and much higher status [in Malay culture] than in the contemporary Anglo world’.
As one of the world’s oldest cultures, the Chinese also have an impressive collection of proverbs
encapsulating folk wisdom. Despite their long-standing presence in the country, the majority of
Chinese Malaysians have held on to cultural traditions (Chuah et al., 2016), including the wide array
of folk literature, of which proverbs (yan yu; 谚语) are a critical component (Peow, 2015, 2016). In
fact, the study of Chinese proverbs is a compulsory component of the vernacular Chinese school
curriculum in Malaysia. At this point, it should be noted that the notion of proverbs within the
context of Chinese thought is slightly broader than in certain other cultures, as explained by
Iakovleva and Nikolaeva (2016: 285):

Chinese set expressions are generally classified according to their compositional features into several
groups: yànyu (complete sentences, which have didactic meaning and express a judgment), súyu (colloquial
set phrases), chéngyu (idioms that have four-character structure), xihòuyu (allegorical sayings), géyán
(maxims taken from well-known writings), jingjù (aphorisms), guànyòngyu (idioms, which meaning cannot
be deduced from the sum of their constituent parts).’
Richardson et al. 369

Thus, they argue that Chinese proverbs differ somewhat from other (read Western) proverbs not
only in structure but also in values and attitudes. Another distinct feature of Chinese proverbs is ‘a
more important quality which seems apparent in Chinese proverb texts: virtue or morality’
(Lauhakangas, 2014: 55). They are in fact ‘associated with the notions of moral values, wisdom
and ethics resulting from the history of five thousand years of evolution during which Chinese
civilization accumulated numerous pearls of life experience” Iakovleva and Nikolaeva (2016: 285).
Chinese proverbs might therefore originate from a literary source (e.g. from the writings of Chinese
philosophers), or they may have been adopted from colloquialisms and subsequently come to be
commonly used. Due to the inherent wisdom contained in these proverbs, they continue to be used
even today.
Within the Malaysian context, Chinese proverbs can be linked to the world view of the earliest
Chinese migrants, whose socio-economic activities were predominantly in agriculture or trade. As
such, Ding (2017) notes that Chinese proverbs passed down through generations reflect a sensibility
that is attuned to nature, its waxes and wanes. This agrarian lifestyle with its proximity to nature and
its forces is reflected in examples of Chinese proverbs cited by Ding (2017: 158) such as ‘bending
padi stalk signals big “fruit,” whilst upright padi stalk denotes small “fruit”’ (低头的庄稼穗必大,
仰头的庄稼穗必小). Such proverbs, Ding suggests, reflect the Chinese and Malay philosophy of
life, which are both closely influenced by mutability in nature, subsequently conditioning both
ethnic groups to be open to the concept of change: ‘as winds are unstable, so too victories in war are
uncertain’ (风无常顺, 兵无常胜).
It is worth noting, as per Iakovleva and Nikolaeva, that ‘in no country does the proverb flourish
more abundantly than in China’ (Hart, 1937: XIX). Anyone who deals with Chinese people or
society soon ‘becomes aware of the all-pervading nature of proverbs and proverbial sayings in
Chinese life’ (Rohsenow, 2003: xi). This observation is valid as far as diasporic Chinese commu-
nities as well, especially in Malaysia where, as noted earlier, vernacular Chinese education remains a
key feature of life.

Proverbs as a window on Malaysian work ethics

The place of work in life
The perceived role and value of work in the lives of the Malays is a subject that has generated a
lengthy and contentious debate in both academia and public policy. Historically, there have been
accusations that Malays do not prioritize work and are averse to exerting themselves fully in the
workplace, though other writers, particularly more contemporary ones, stress that this is a com-
pletely erroneous view rooted in European colonialist thinking. What is interesting from the point
of the view of the present article is how both sides often resort to proverbs to support their views.
We shall consider both sides of the discussion, beginning with that which associates the Malays
with idleness.
Being Muslim by definition (at least as far as the Malaysian Constitution is concerned), the
Malays see this earthly life as merely a temporary sojourn before they return, together with the rest
of humanity, to their permanent celestial abode with God. The pursuit of worldly pleasures like
wealth and luxury do not completely exhaust the energy and commitment of most Malays, whose
main concern in this life is to prepare for the (eternal) life of the next world. As the proverb states,
‘do not be greedy with the riches of this world, [for] when you die they do not follow you’ (harta
dunia janganlah tamak, kalau mati tidak diikut – trans. MBRAS, 1992: 781).
370 International Journal of Cross Cultural Management 17(3)

In line with Islamic thought, work is seen as necessary and desirable, but is not deemed a virtue in
itself, as in certain Protestant schools of thought (Nasr, 2010). Instead, to the Muslim, the chief roles
of work are to provide equilibrium in life as well as to make a living to support oneself and one’s
dependents. Some have (incorrectly in our view) taken this as meaning that hard work is not rou-
tinely advocated in some Islamic societies, including among the Malays. It has been suggested, for
instance, that monetary affluence and profit do not hold the same prominent status for the Malays as
they do for the Chinese in Malaysia, many of whom place far greater importance on the acquisition
of wealth (Lim, 1998; Md. Zabid and Ho, 2003). Drawing on local proverbs, some have concluded
that Malays are generally disinclined to work hard, suggesting that as long as work allows one’s
essential needs to be met, as well as those of his/her dependents, many Malays are fairly content.
Examples might include: ‘As long as one’s crop is full, one is content’ (Asal berisi tembolok, senang
hati – Zulkiflee, 2000: 8 – authors’ translation); ‘It is better to have nangka when there is no
cempedak [two variations of the jack fruit]’ (Daripada cempedak baiklah nangka, daripada tidak
baiklah ada – trans. Tan, 1981: 72–73); and ‘Let the fish be caught without breaking the spear-shaft’
(Ikan biar dapat, serampang jangan pukah – i.e. striving for success without losing anything –
trans. MBRAS, 1992: 821).
The views of such writers are likely to be reinforced by the Malays’ attitude towards destiny,
which they (the Malays) generally understand to be determined by God. This outlook, combined
with the general attitude towards work described above, has been highlighted by some commen-
tators, both Malay and non-Malay, as a key reason behind the Malays’ stammering economic growth
in relation to the Chinese (see, e.g. Parkinson, 1967, 1968; Shukor, 2006). Certain proverbs might
appear to support this claim: ‘Bad luck cannot be averted nor good luck reaped’ (Malang tak boleh
ditolak, mujur tak boleh diraih – trans. Winstedt, 1950: 18–192); ‘It is the fate of the coconut husk to
float, of the stone to sink’ (Untung sabut timbul, untung batu tenggelam – trans. Winstedt, 1950:
18–192); and ‘He who plants a coconut palm is not always guaranteed to eat its fruit’ (Orang yang
bertanam pokok nyiur tak tentu dapat makan buahnya – Tan, 1981: 24–251).
This charge of indolence levelled at the Malays is, unsurprisingly, not universally accepted. Four
decades ago, the prominent Malaysian sociologist, Syed Hussein Alatas, offered perhaps the most
detailed and well-known defence of the Malays in his passionate rebuttal, The Myth of the Lazy
Native (1977). In it, he fiercely criticized the categorization of Malays as being lethargic and lacking
in ambition, insisting that the accusations are both unfounded and rooted in the colonial practice of
engineering Malays into positions of subordination (Watson, 1996). Moreover, he actually blames
this misperception on certain Malay proverbs (much like those presented above), or rather, on their
misinterpretation among numerous writers whom he also charged with failing to analyse what might
be called ‘counter-proverbs’.
Earlier, we discussed the paradoxical nature of proverbs and the importance of considering the
contexts in which they are employed. In particular, we noted how proverbs often seem to contradict
one another (e.g. ‘birds of a feather flock together’ and ‘opposites attract’) and that it was vital to
remember that the validity of proverbs is quite often applicable only in particular situations. Alatas
argues that a more accurate portrayal of the Malays’ attitude towards work requires a more complete
analysis of their proverbs. Therefore, he argues that proverbs such as those above, which portray the
Malays as seemingly lethargic and fatalistic in their approach to work, must be measured against
others, which demonstrate opposing values. These might include: ‘Planting wild grass will not
produce a rice crop’ (Tanam lalang tidak akan tumboh padi – Alatas, 1977: 1691); ‘If you do not
break the trunk of the palm, how can you get at its sago?’ (Kalau tidak dipecahkan ruyung, manakan
dapat sagunya? – Ainon and Abdullah, 2006: 90 – authors’ translation); and ‘If it is to be inked at
Richardson et al. 371

all, let it be blacked thoroughly’ (Alang-alang berdakwat, baik hitam sekali, i.e. if you do anything
at all, do it well – trans. MBRAS, 1992: 8)
From this brief discussion, it can be seen that the role of work in the life of the Malays is a
matter of some dispute. Historically, some writers have been highly critical of what they see as
a lack of drive among Malays, whom, they would add, are inherently fatalistic. Certain Malay
peribahasa appear to add weight to their arguments, and some writers even employ some of
these proverbs in their writings to support their case (e.g. Shukor, 2006). But others, led by the
likes of Alatas, emphasize the importance of both contextualizing the proverbs as well as
acknowledging the counter-proverbs which balance what they see as a distorted view of the
Malays’ outlook on work.
Turning now to the Chinese context, a previous study on Chinese economics culture (CEC) in
Malaysia (Pek, 2008) has suggested that a blend of moral values of Confucianism and Taoism,
comprising eight elements – personal connection, intermediaries, social status, interpersonal har-
mony, holistic thinking, thrift, ‘face’ and endurance – underpins much of the approach to business-
related activities among Malaysian Chinese–owned firms, both large and small. With this in mind,
Pek conducted a survey to determine the awareness of employees towards CEC, with findings
indicating that employees consider the ‘personal connections’ (meaning goodwill based on mutually
beneficial relationships) of both large and small firms to be the most important factor in ensuring
successful business negotiations. The idea of ‘personal connections’ is also advanced by Wan Husin
(2013), who suggests that a major influence in business connections among Chinese immigrants is
the core value of filial piety. The idea of trust and loyalty based on familial lines is expanded to
encompass the role of Chinese guilds and clan associations, which exist all over the world and
extend assistance to their clan members to ensure that Chinese businesses flourish. Thus, the
proverb ‘Human beings depend on each other to survive, whereas fish depend on water to live’
(人靠人生活，鱼靠水生存) emphasizes the importance of solidarity to ensure mutual survival.
Among SME employees, meanwhile, the virtues of ‘endurance’ (hard work, perseverance and
determination) as well as ‘thrift’ and frugality were ranked as important factors to ensure growth and
sustainability of the company. Thus, there are Chinese proverbs that reflect these work ethics, such
as: ‘A coin should be separated into two before spending it’ (一个铜板掰成两半花); and ‘In times
of prosperity, save some gold, in lean times save some grains’ (丰年珠宝，俭年谷栗 – Goh, 2014)
to remind us to always have some form of savings no matter what the economic climate is. Another
proverb warns against wastefulness, stating that ‘It is easy to learn to be profligate, difficult to be
frugal’ (教奢易，教俭难 – Goh, 2014); in fact, there is a Chinese saying that cautions against
revelling during prosperous times: ‘When rich, think of poverty and don’t think of riches when
poor’ (常将有日思无日，莫将无时想有时).In other words, one is urged to be frugal even when
rich, and not to dream of riches when poor; instead, work hard and be thrifty. This regard for
financial prudence is similarly reflected in proverbs that stress the importance of being good pay-
masters, whether in cash or kind: ‘Timely return of a loan makes it easier to borrow a second time’
(有借有还，再借不难 – Goh, 2014).
Sayings like ‘The earth will not disappoint the industrious’ (土地不负勤劳人 – Goh, 2014)
reflect the Chinese’ high regard for the ethics of hard work, and belief that such efforts will be
rewarded. In fact, the emphasis on hard work as a cornerstone of Chinese business ethics has been
noted by other researchers: Graham and Lam (2003), for instance, state that the Chinese are famous
for their work ethic in which they consider hard work to be much more important and honourable
than talent; while Carruthers (2003) considers endurance as key to the success of ethnic Chinese
abroad in the business world.
372 International Journal of Cross Cultural Management 17(3)

Workplace ethics: The importance of courtesy and face

Having discussed the place of work in the lives of the Malays and the Chinese, we now turn to ethics
within the workplace. Here, we focus specifically on human relations within organizations, which
constitutes a key component in the study of cross-cultural management (CCM). Recall that central
to any interpersonal relations within the Malay society is the emphasis given to politeness and
courtesy. To the European colonizers, this courtesy was in fact widely seen as one of the defining
characteristics of the Malays (Swettenham, 1942). Malay culture is shaped in large part by the
interrelated concepts of budi and adat (Richardson et al., 2016). Budi combines both intellectual and
ethical qualities, including wisdom, virtue, etiquette and morality, while adat, often translated
simply as ‘custom’, is in fact deeper and refers more to a society’s shared norms, values, beliefs and
traditions (Ali, 1975; Raihanah, et al., 2010; Zainal, 1995). It is important to note also that budi and
adat are not limited to the individual but rather are manifest collectively or at a societal level. Budi
and adat guide many aspects of Malay protocol from simple gestures to family relations and citizen–
royal communication. The importance of budi and adat at the workplace is just as profound, with
generosity, respect, righteousness and a sense of shame all taken into account by Malay workers
(Mohd Dahlan, 1991; Richardson et al., 2016).
At the heart of the budi concept lies the importance of recognizing one’s position within the
social hierarchy and behaving in accordance with that position (Mohd Dahlan, 1991). As such, the
Malay organization is typically characterized by a high degree of centralization and authoritative
leadership styles (Lim, 2001). This hierarchical social structure is also reflected in a number of
peribahasa, such as: ‘Sparrows with sparrows, hornbills with hornbills’ (Pipit sama pipit, enggang
sama enggang – Tan, 1981: 38–39); ‘Water will mingle with water and become one, but the scum
goes to the side all the same’ (Air sama air kelak menjadi satu, sampah ke tepi juga – i.e. the great
mix with the great and, as a consequence, the humble are put on one side – trans. MBRAS, 1992:
23); and ‘The [goat] kid will never become a tiger cub’ (Anak kambing tidak akan jadi anak
harimau – i.e. someone of low social rank can never become an aristocrat – Ainon and Abdullah,
2006: 17 – authors’ translation).
From this, we might conclude that subordinates are inclined to show tremendous respect to
superiors at work. While this is largely true, one should not automatically surmise that senior
members in an organization are completely free to do as they wish. The paradoxical nature of life
and the proverbs that are designed to reflect it are apparent here too. While Malay subordinates
may be apt to defer to authority, their peribahasa also call for humility, occasionally warning
those higher up the social hierarchy of the consequences of abusing power, alluding to the pos-
sibility of the powerful becoming weak and the weak becoming powerful: ‘Follow the way of the
rice plant (the more it grows full, the more it bows over)’ (Ikut resmi padi, (semakin berisi,
semakin tunduk) – Goddard and Wierzbicka, 2013: 196); ‘Pay a just king homage due; unjust king
we should subdue’ (Raja adil raja disembah, raja zalim raja disanggah – Hamilton, 1955: 50–51
– authors’ translation); and ‘A bird’s strength is in wings, a crab’s strength in claws’ (Kuat burung
kerana sayap, kuat ketam kerana sepit – i.e. each man has his own strong points – trans. Tan,
1981: 48–49).
Therefore, as these proverbs suggest, subordinates in Malay organizations are advised to
acknowledge and act in accordance with their place in life, while not suppressing their ambitions
should they desire to climb higher up the social ladder. At the same time, those already in power
(managers, supervisors and so on) should not mistake this respect for unqualified docility on the part
of subordinates who are urged to reject abusive leaders.
Richardson et al. 373

Adat and budi also both stress the significance of manners and courtesy in all human intercourse
and are both key components of Malay identity, as demonstrated by various proverbs: ‘A lost wife
can be replaced, lost character spells ruin for the body’ (Hilang bini boleh dicari, hilang budi badan
celaka – Winstedt, 1950: 64–651, 2); ‘Manners show decent’ (Usul menunjukkan asal – trans.
MBRAS, 1992: 231); and ‘[One’s] dead body is wrapped in earth, [but one’s] kind disposition will
always be remembered’ (Hancur badan dikandung tanah, budi yang baik dikenang juga – Ainon
and Abdullah, 2006: 63 – authors’ translation).
Within the workplace, manners, kindness and generosity are visibly evident. It is not uncommon,
for instance, for business meetings to be preceded or followed by a full meal as a gesture of courtesy.
Extending this theme further, it is worth noting not only the importance of extending acts of
kindness, but of reciprocating them too. For the Malays, hutang budi (a debt of kindness) must be
repaid in order to save face and not affect one’s conscience, as the following proverbs warn: ‘Debts
of gold can be repaid, but debts of kindness remain as long as you live’ (Hutang emas dapat dibayar,
hutang budi dibawa mati – Ainon and Abdullah, 2008: 172, authors’ translation); ‘When a tiger
dies, it leaves behind its stripes’ – that is, a man’s reputation lives on after his death (Harimau mati
tinggal belangnya – trans. MBRAS, 1992: 77); and ‘When your bones whiten [i.e. when you die]
you are buried in earth, [but your] kindness will still be remembered’ (Putih tulang dikandung
tanah, budi yang baik dikenang juga – trans. MBRAS, 1992: 1801).
In sum, there are many proverbs which reflect the Malays’ emphasis on courtesy, kindness and
respect in the workplace. That there are very few proverbs which conflict with budi and adat is
perhaps reflective of the Malays’ preference for politeness and sensitivity in their daily lives.
Arguably, this emphasis on cordiality in society is itself reflective of the Malays’ desire for an
orderly and harmonious societal-based community, in contrast to the general preference in certain
Western cultures for individual rights and personal freedom (Lim, 2003). Of course, these values
and principles may not always be present in organizations. Nevertheless, the proverbs above, like
many others, merely stress the ideal to which workers (and society, more generally) should aspire.
The Chinese have a similar regard for courtesy and respect in the workplace. An important
concept in Chinese work and business ethics is ‘giving face’ (给面子) meaning ‘giving due respect’
or its Malay equivalent, menjaga air muka. This principle applies in tandem with the Confucian
precept of respect for one’s elders; in the workplace, emphasis is placed on preserving the good
name of the establishment. A Chinese proverb states that ‘It is better for the body to be tortured than
for the face to be embarrassed’ (宁可身骨苦，不叫面皮羞); and another expresses the Chinese
regard for face more severely: ‘Willing to die to preserve one’s name [reputation]’ (宁愿人亡，亦
要保得名在). Nevertheless, the Chinese are cautioned against excess in the name of face; thus
‘Borrow[ing] money to save face’ (借人银钱买脸光) is frowned upon. Lastly, the Chinese col-
lective spirit (both in reference to family and the establishment) is reflected in the proverb, ‘When
one spits at the sky, it will land on one’s own face’ (冲天啐唾沫，落在自己脸上). This idea is
shared by the Malays in their saying meludah ke langit, jatuh ke muka sendiri, which carries the
same meaning.
Another work-related principle which the Chinese hold dear is the idea of always repaying
favours or good deeds. Hence, the proliferation of sayings is related to good deeds such as ‘Favours
not repaid, you are not respectable; debts repaid, you are a hero’ (受恩不报非君子，有怨须偿是
丈夫). At the same time, ‘Good deeds will be repaid by good deeds, whilst grudges will be avenged’
(有恩报恩，有仇报仇). However, ‘Repaying good deeds with evil’ (有恩不报反为仇) is con-
sidered abhorrent behaviour; therefore, another proverb enjoins us to ‘Avenge our enemies with
good deeds, repay grudges with courtesy’ (冤将恩解，以德报怨). In a similar vein, good deeds are
374 International Journal of Cross Cultural Management 17(3)

worth their weight in gold in Chinese ethics as reflected in the saying ‘Possessions are like grass but
good deeds are like gold’ (以财为草，以身为宝). Hence, assistance or good deeds rendered must
be repaid: ‘Good deeds deserve more than mere thanks’ (大恩不言谢).

Conclusion
Proverbs are noteworthy not only for their poetic and sentimental values, but also their ability to
reveal much about cultural value systems and world views – which is a quite remarkable
achievement given their brevity. There is something about their capacity to encapsulate complex
phenomena in short, amusing phrases or sentences that have made them appealing over the mil-
lennia to people in just about every corner of the world. Proverbs occupy an especially important
place among the Malays and Chinese in Malaysia by transmitting messages and preserving and
reflecting local traditions and values.
Proverb scholarship plays an important part in our understanding of human societies and scholars
from across the various disciplines of the humanities have acknowledged this and given it the
attention it deserves. Unfortunately, scholars in the field of management and organization studies
have, by comparison, been somewhat less interested in paroemiology, rarely studying their role in
CCM and alluding to them only fleetingly (at best). The present work was intended as an effort to
address this. Understanding the place of work in people’s lives, and why people behave the way they
do in the workplace, demands an appreciation of the cultural values which underpin and guide their
lives. In some cultures, proverbs extend far beyond mere sentimental or nostalgic romanticism,
serving more as a manual for appropriate, ethical behaviour. The Malay and Chinese Malaysian
cultures are two such cases. It is hoped that the analysis here encourages other writers to reflect not
only on the general charm of proverbs, but also their validity in, and applicability to, all walks of
life, especially the workplace.
Our study also has some important practical value. Many of the challenges of CCM can be
alleviated by greater cultural understanding. An often neglected aspect in CCM is proverbs, which
actually play a critical role in most cultures, including that of the Malays and Chinese in Malaysia.
Executives who, for instance, are posted to Malaysia on expatriate assignments might wish to
explore the proverbial collections of the major ethnic groups in the country to complement what
they may read in popular books or see on television programmes. But CCM is of course a two-way
street and for any project to succeed, both parties must buy into this view. Therefore, Malaysian
managers, who may be more familiar with a highly structured sense of the appropriate (especially in
terms of interactions within the vertical management hierarchy), will need to approach their
counterparts from other cultures with a freshness of view and an openness of mind if they are to
trade across borders successfully. Ultimately, there is considerable commonality across cultures and
religions, particularly in ethical terms, and thus if one seeks out these common views, the perceived
difficulties in empathizing with people from other backgrounds (and thus undertaking CCM) may
become slightly less daunting.
Before closing, we wish to underline the point made earlier that many ‘prescriptive’ (as opposed
to ‘descriptive’) proverbs often represent an ideal to which an individual and/or society should
aspire and thus do not always nor completely reflect hard reality. Malaysia’s 2016 corruption
perception index, for example, does not paint a particularly pretty picture, even if there are many
countries with lower scores (Transparency International, 2017). A well-known proverb warns that
the fish rots from the head down, and thus it is imperative that such issues are addressed right from
the top. Not only is this simply correct in an ethical sense, but failure to do so may have serious
Richardson et al. 375

negative consequences when dealing with countries such as the United States and the United
Kingdom, which have, respectively, the Foreign Corrupt Practices Act (1977, 1998) and the Bribery
Act (2010) – both of which have ‘territorial reach’ for US and UK bodies into foreign jurisdictions,
including Malaysia, of course.

Acknowledgements
The authors would like to thank Associate Professor Dr Goh Sang Seong for his kind assistance in transcribing
the Chinese texts of the proverbs cited in this article. We are also extremely grateful to Dr Chu Ei Yet and the
anonymous reviewers for their helpful comments and suggestions throughout the review process. Any errors or
omissions are, however, entirely our own.

Declaration of Conflicting Interests

The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or
publication of this article.

Funding
The author(s) received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

Notes
1. Minor amendment to the translation by the authors.
2. Original Malay spelling modified by the authors.

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