Journal of Consumer Behaviour, J. Consumer Behav.

14: 137–144 (2015)

Published online 12 December 2014 in Wiley Online Library (wileyonlinelibrary.com) DOI: 10.1002/cb.1508

Foreign brands in local cultures: A socio-cultural perspective of postmodern

brandscapes
FAJER SALEH AL-MUTAWA1*, RICHARD ELLIOTT2 and PETER NUTTALL2
1
Gulf University for Science and Technology (GUST), Kuwait
2
School of ManagementUniversity of Bath, Bath, UK

ABSTRACT

The aim of this paper is to explore how the consumption of foreign brands may operate in a local culture (specifically, the consumption of
Western luxury fashion brands among Muslim women in Kuwait). Field observations were conducted in Kuwait, and a qualitative
questionnaire was administered to 50 Muslim female consumers. Although not a common method for qualitative research, the benefits
of using a qualitative questionnaire are highlighted. The findings show that the socio-cultural dynamics in Kuwait (mainly religion and
tradition) may restrict the expression of certain behaviour (such as female sexuality and dating). However, Muslim women make use of
Western luxury fashion brands as postmodern brandscapes (fragmented and constantly negotiated use of a symbolic brand to actively
construct lifestyle orientations and personal meanings among one’s neo-tribe) to manifest their expressions of sexuality in alternative ways.
Copyright © 2014 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.

INTRODUCTION opportunity for female consumers to ‘play’ with identity

Postmodern consumer research argues that when consumers
in non-Western societies purchase Western goods, they do
not simply emulate foreign behaviour; rather, they adopt such
goods into the local practice and utilise them in novel and
hybrid ways (Ger and Belk, 1996; Wong and Ahuvia, 1998;
Zhou and Belk, 2004; Hung et al., 2007; Sandıkcı and Ekici,
2009 etc). This is because economic restraints, social regula-
tions, traditions, and religion are still likely to impact the
choices of consumers (Wilska, 2002).
To contribute to this stream of research, the aim of this
study is to explore how the consumption of foreign brands
may operate in a local culture. Consumer research in Muslim
societies suffers from certain misconceptions that lead to
major gaps in the literature. First of all, Jafari (2012) argues
that there is a need to escape the Orientalism trap as it
reinforces outdated stereotypes and perspectives (such as
consumer culture being a threat to Islam). Second, studies
of Islamic consumer cultures tend to overemphasise religion
at the expense of other factors such as gender, identity, social
class, age, etc. (Sandıkcı, 2011). Third, Muslims re-interpret
religion in different ways in their everyday life, and this
perhaps leads to paradoxes in their consumption practices
(Jafari and Süerdem, 2012). Thus, the objective of this
study is to explore consumer culture in a Muslim society
(without the Orientalist lens), incorporating cultural catego-
ries such as gender, identity and social class (as opposed
to a sole focus on religion) and identifying contradictions
(if any) that prevail in postmodern consumption practices
of Muslims.
Contextually, the study focuses on the consumption of
Western luxury fashion brands among Muslim women in
Kuwait. It is argued that consumer culture offers plenty of
*Correspondence to: Fajer Saleh Al-Mutawa, Gulf University for Science
and Technology (GUST), Kuwait.
E-mail: almutawa.f@gust.edu.kw
through the use of commodities (Lazar, 2009). However,
there is a gap in understanding how this may operate among
Muslim female consumers. Furthermore, while studies have
documented that sex appeal is not perceived positively in
Muslim societies (Al-Olayan and Karande, 2000), Western
luxury fashion brands are advertised using sex appeal (Garcia
and Yang, 2006) and yet consumed by Muslim women in
Kuwait. Given the previous texts, the main research question
asks, how do Muslim women in Kuwait negotiate their
consumption of Western luxury fashion brands in a Muslim
society?
The data for this study was collected through field
observations and a qualitative questionnaire. Although the
questionnaire is an unusual method for qualitative research
(Toerien and Wilkinson, 2004), we aim to shed light on the
merits of using such an approach in consumer behaviour
studies. Following Jafari and Süerdem (2012), the terms
‘Islam’, ‘Muslim societies’ and ‘Muslim’ are used interchange-
ably to refer to cultures where the majority of consumers are
Muslims and Islam is used to make sense of everyday activi-
ties. They are not intended to indicate that Islam and Muslims
are a unified culture or to revive an Orientalist approach.
Furthermore, the term ‘Western luxury fashion brands’ is used
to indicate that the brands’ country of origin is from the West-
ern part of the world as opposed to being local luxury fashion
brands. It is not intended to stimulate an east/west dichotomy.
The brands addressed include Christian Dior, Chanel, Armani,
Louis Vuitton, Prada, Valentino, etc.
SYMBOLIC CONSUMPTION
The attention to symbolic meanings of brands has been, in
part, recognised by postmodern scholars that criticised the
traditional focus on functional benefits as opposed to the
important role that symbolism of brands and products plays
in shaping needs (Fırat et al., 1995). The experiential view

Copyright © 2014 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.

138 F. S. Al-Mutawa et al.
of consumption explores symbolic meanings rather than
utilitarian functions of goods (Holbrook and Hirschman,
1982). It is argued that consumers are not loyal to brands
per se; rather, their attachment is to the images and symbols
of brands (Firat and Venkatesh, 1995).
Brandscape (or branded landscape) is categorised as a
culture where brands and their meanings increasingly domi-
nate everyday life (Salzer-Mörling and Strannegård, 2007).
Specifically, brandscapes refer to the consumers’ use of
the brand’s symbolic resources to actively construct life-
style orientations and personal meanings (Thompson and
Arsel, 2004). Such is the case with neo-tribalism where
members of a tribe share a sense of community centred
on common practices and consumption patterns (Cooper
et al., 2005).
Consumers are often active in the creation of the brandscape
meaning (Sherry, 1998). Brands give consumers an opportu-
nity to ‘consume difference’ (i.e. what differs from the
mainstream in terms of lifestyle, gender, race, identity, etc.)
to experience the feeling of breaking norms without risking
their own identity (Schroeder, 2002). Brands can help foster
consumer ‘escapism’ (Atwal and Williams, 2009: 343) by
allowing consumers to identify with certain practices without
participating in them directly, for example, a young man may
identify himself as a rebel by buying particular clothes rather
than participating in any act considered rebellious (Riley,
2008). In another example, Elliott and Ritson (1995) argue that
the representation of sexuality in advertising makes it relatively
easier for women to express their desires through their
consumption choices.
Brioschi (2006) recognises that the luxury brand provides
researchers with a rich arena to explore brand image and
symbolism. Luxury brands are defined as ‘goods for which
the simple use or display of a particular branded product
brings esteem on the owner, apart from any functional utility’
(Vigneron and Johnson, 2004: 486).Western luxury fashion
brands (e.g. Gucci, Prada, Christian Dior, Chanel, Armani,
etc.) are interesting not only because of their ability to signify
the social status of the wearer (Vigneron and Johnson, 1999)
but also because they tend to employ standardised advertis-
ing strategies that largely rely on visual sex appeal (Garcia
and Yang, 2006). Sexual appeal in advertising ranges from
‘sensuous’ looking models to short clothing and even nudity
(Luqmani et al., 1989). It has been documented in different
studies that sex appeal is not perceived positively in Muslim
societies (Al-Olayan and Karande, 2000). Nevertheless,
Western luxury fashion brands (that use sex appeal) are
consumed by young Muslim women in Kuwait. This paradox
will be explored in this study.
FEMALE SEXUALITY IN ISLAM
There is a lack of research regarding female sexuality in
Islam (Sairafi and Mohammad, 2009) and its role in consumer
culture. Broadly speaking, a violation of the modesty code is
considered a taboo in Islam (Ali, 2008; Robinson-Wood,
2009). Antoun (1968: 671) argued that the female modesty
code (a fundamental to Kuwaiti culture) can be found at the
Copyright © 2014 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.
levels of the ‘great tradition’ (i.e. Islamic law and Quran)
and the ‘little tradition’ (i.e. customs and beliefs). Female
modesty refers to three categories: coverage of body parts,
exhibiting certain character traits, for example, shyness,
humility, etc., and preserving customs and religious beliefs,
for example, refraining from sexual activity outside marriage
(Antoun, 1968).
Muslim women may abide by the modesty code to be
considered respectful rather than a ‘sex symbol’ (Engineer,
2009). Muslims believe that women who reveal their bodies
are a ‘scene of sexual gratification’ for men (Al-Hashimi,
2005). Thus, through modesty, a Muslim woman places
herself on a higher level, and men would notice her faith first
rather than just her beauty (Al-Hadi, 2008). In that sense,
women want to be noticed ‘but in the right way’ (Moruzzi,
2008: 233).
It is important to recognise that the influence from the
(Western) media also brings upon social changes to the
expression and experience of female sexuality (Daniluk,
1993). For example, while Muslim women may adhere to
Islamic customs in order to gain social acceptance in their
cultures (Ismail, 2004), they perhaps consume Western
luxury fashion brands to symbolically express (unacceptable)
female sexuality (Al-Mutawa Fajer, 2013).
FEMINISM AND MUSLIM WOMEN
Postmodern feminists argue that gender and identity are
socially constructed (Butler, 1990; Lazar, 2006; Mcrobbie,
2007). Such a perspective seems to be lacking when it comes
to studies on Muslim women. This is perhaps because of two
main reasons. First of all, feminists seem to have followed on
Oriental perspectives in treating Islam as being about texts
rather than people (Bernal, 1994). The Orientalist image of
Muslim women generalises the status of Muslim women
based on interpretations of Islamic texts (Shami, 1988). As
access to Islamic texts was (and still is) relatively easier than
accessing Muslim women, the Muslim female continues to
be portrayed as a marginal passive member of society in
both the academic literature and the popular mind (Shami,
1988). This distorts understandings of how Muslim women
actually ‘live’ and how Islam continues to be (re)negoti-
ated (Bernal, 1994).
Second, feminists seem to ascertain that the needs and
interests of women are determined by their identity as
‘women’, and those women who claim different needs and
interests are in a state of false consciousness (Griffiths,
1995). Consequently, research on women in Muslim coun-
tries relies on the Western model as the ultimate model to
analyse women (Allaghi and Almana, 1984). Abdel-Kader
(1984) recognises that Western ideology, methodology and
theory are often applied to understand women in the Arab
world, ignoring the significance of cultural differences,
which leads to distorted results. For example, Muslim
women are casted as oppressed and backward individuals
who are forced to conceal their bodies through brainwashing
or force that indicates compliance to patriarchy and lack of
female agency (Sandikci and Ger, 2010). A number of
J. Consumer Behav. 14: 137–144 (2015)
DOI: 10.1002/cb

writers, however, have argued that these accounts fail to point
out that many of these ‘veiled’ women are often from the mid-
dle class, highly educated and cosmopolitan (Wong, 2007;
466). Concealing female sexuality through clothing in Islam
is considered to be a component of ‘power’ (Baumeister and
Twenge, 2002). In such cases, the veil may be regarded as
an authentic expression of the ‘lived experiences’ and cultural
identity of Muslim women (Mojab, 1998).Thus, women’s
ideas of what counts as freedom is culturally and historically
situated.
CONTEXT: MUSLIM WOMEN IN THE KUWAITI
CONSUMER CULTURE
Prior to the oil boom, Kuwait (a Muslim country in the
Middle East) was a poor, technologically undeveloped soci-
ety with 100 000 residents who made a living as pearl divers,
fishermen, animal breeders and traders (Allaghi and Almana,
1984). The incurrence of oil revenues in Kuwait began
shortly before the Amirship of Abdullah al-Salim in
1950 (Tetreault, 1999). From the outset of his ruling,
Abdullah al-Salim decided to distribute oil revenues
widely among the population rather than to keep it for
himself and his family as his predecessor had performed
(Tetreault, 1999). Because of high national income, Kuwait
is now considered one of the Arab’s good markets with a
high demand for luxury products and services (Al-Olayan
and Karande, 2000).
As a Gulf country, Kuwait is often viewed as one of the
most liberal in terms of women’s rights (Kelly, 2010). This
is contrary to other Arab countries that prohibit women from
engaging in many activities, such as driving, walking alone or
merely expressing a political opinion (Al-Qudsi and Shah,
1990). During the period of early modernisation in Kuwait
(mid 1950s), Lulwa Al-Qatami (a leading Kuwaiti women’s
rights activist) and three of her friends (who were educated
merchant daughters) removed their abaya (head-to-toe black
cloak worn by women in the public space) in their school yard
and set them on fire (Tetreault, 1999). This marks the begin-
ning of Kuwaiti women making an active choice in the way
that they dress. Islam and traditions of the Kuwaiti society
still place restrictions on how women may behave in order
to maintain a balance between traditional and modern ways
of living (Kmietowicz, 2006). However, the influence of
Western commerce and industry cannot be ignored as they
impact the choices of the younger generation of Kuwaitis,
in particular, the female population (Tetreault, 2001).
Today, young Muslim women in Kuwait are consuming
Western brands and beauty products (such as perfumes and
make-up), creating a new self-definition and a public image
of themselves that moves beyond a sole focus on the
modesty code (Dwyer, 1999). Some Muslim women would
wear branded Oriental veils to represent what they call their
‘authentic Islamic identity’ (Dwyer, 1999). As such, Kuwait
is an ideal context to investigate how Muslim female con-
sumers negotiate among conflicting values in a globalised
world (Hung et al., 2007).
Copyright © 2014 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.
Perspective of postmodern brandscapes 139
METHODOLOGY
Data for this study were collected through an open-ended
qualitative questionnaire and field observations. Open-
ended questions allow respondents to express their opinions
and feelings (Ali and Birley, 1999). The questions were as
follows:
1: Give a list of your favourite ‘Western luxury fashion
brands’. What do the advertisements of those brands look
like?
2: Do the advertisements you mentioned previously match
your culture or not?
3: What is the message that those advertisements are trying
to tell women your age?
4: Why do you buy those brands?
5: How do you feel when you wear those brands?
6: Who do you want to attract when you wear those brands
(men, women or both)?
7: What do you think men think when they see you wearing
those brands?
The questionnaire method is unusual for collecting quali-
tative data and is often excluded from discussions of qualita-
tive methods (Toerien and Wilkinson, 2004). When used,
the qualitative questionnaire is often portrayed as a sup-
plement to a quantitative questionnaire whereby open-
ended questions are included in a largely quantitative or
close-ended survey (Canda et al., 2004). Nevertheless,
following Toerien and Wilkinson (2004), the question-
naire method was employed in this study to collect qua-
litative data for several reasons.
First of all, questionnaires allow for data collection from a
large sample and are relatively an inexpensive and fast
method when compared with other qualitative methods
(Nardo, 2003). Second, questionnaires standardise the data
collection in a way that is impossible to do in semi-structured
interviews or focus groups thus strongly lending itself to
cross-question analysis (Toerien and Wilkinson, 2004).
Third, as participants are not interacting with the researcher
or other participants in a questionnaire, the use of the same
terms when responding to the questions provides strong
evidence to culturally shared understandings of the issue
under study. Also, the lack of personal interaction in
questionnaires reduces bias as participants are not inclined
to give answers that they may feel that the interviewer
wants to hear. Finally, although questionnaires may lack
the in-depth feedback obtained from other qualitative
methods (such as interviews, observations and focus
groups), nonetheless, when studying sensitive topics, the
questionnaire allows participants the freedom to express
their views without any embarrassment that may be
present in a face-to-face setting (Toerien and Wilkinson,
2004). For example, Salzer-Mörling and Strannegård
(2007) rely on questionnaire data to understand how
consumers may criticise and consume a brand at the same
time.
Fifty female students at a private university in Kuwait took
part in the study (ages from 19 to 32 years). The researcher
J. Consumer Behav. 14: 137–144 (2015)
DOI: 10.1002/cb
140 F. S. Al-Mutawa et al.
observed the students at the university over a period of
3 months. The selected participants exhibited consumption
of Western luxury fashion brands as per the researcher’s
observations. The researcher was also a Kuwaiti female
individual, and this perhaps helps young women express them-
selves more freely than if the researcher was male and/or an
outsider. All participants were Kuwaiti, and the sample was di-
verse in the sense that women were from different social and
financial backgrounds, married, single, veiled and unveiled
and from Sunni and Shiite sects. Following Bennett (1999), it
was interesting to explore the consumption practice of the
‘tribe’ (loosely structured group with the shared consumption
of the Western luxury fashion brand) as opposed to the ‘sub-
culture’ (which focuses on fixed social categories/groups and
their consumption behaviour). The language of the question-
naire was English (following the language of instruction at
the university).
The questionnaire was conducted online for ease and
convenience of data collection. The online questionnaire
remained open for 2 months, and by the end of that period,
participants were informed that they received extra credit in
a marketing course as compensation for their time. Because
they did not anticipate this incentive, it did not serve as a
motivator (Grant and Sugarman, 2004). All 50 students
completed all nine questions in the questionnaire (although
some provided richer and more detailed answers than others).
Furthermore, to develop a deeper understanding of the
field, observations were conducted both on and off campus
in locations were women consumed luxury fashion brands
(shopping malls, restaurants, parties, etc.) to understand
how the brand was consumed and communicated. Such
observations (lasted for 3 months) led to deeper meaning
and contextualisation of the findings. The dual method also
aided with triangulating collected data. Triangulation is
sought to help capture multiple realities, rather than seek
truths (Patton, 2002).
As the topic is considered to be of a sensitive nature,
ethical concerns need to be addressed. Pseudonyms have
been used to protect the identity of the participants. Young
women of good reputations find ‘a greater sense of risk in
disclosing information about “sex”’ (Robinson et al., 2007:
192). Thus, the researcher made it clear that participants
may opt out of the study and skip any questions that they
did not want to answer. The researcher attempted to keep
the questions as ‘indirect’ as possible to avoid any embarrass-
ment. For example, women were asked what they thought of
Western luxury fashion brand ads, and it was left up to them
to discuss any sexual symbolism instead of forcing them to
discuss sexual aspects. Such questions were used as probes
to get women to open up and easily discuss those ‘taboo’
topics (Elliott and Ritson, 1995). Discussing sexuality in
terms of the ads created a ‘safe and stimulating context’
(Howarth, 2002: 146).
Thematic analysis was employed across questions to
identify common themes through the data (Braun and Clarke,
2006). Direct quotes from the data were grouped under
thematic headings to provide a clear illustration of each theme
in the participants’ own words. The researcher constantly
searched for patterns of meaning and issues of interest
Copyright © 2014 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.
moving back and forth between the entire data set and coded
extracts (Braun and Clarke, 2006). Common patterns were
sought from the different participants’ understanding of the
social world (Burawoy, 1998), and these formed the main
discussion of the findings. The major themes focus on how
female consumers construct brandscapes to manifest their
(unacceptable) desires and then use such brands to communi-
cate with the opposite gender.
FINDINGS AND DISCUSSION
Picture this: A Muslim woman dressed in modest attire,
concealing her entire body with loose fitting clothing (with
the exception of her palms and face). Her jeans are Armani,
her headscarf is Christian Dior, and her handbag is Chanel.
She is both Muslim and modern, modest and sexy. She is a
postmodern consumer in Kuwait, making use of brandscapes
to actively construct her lifestyle (Thompson and Arsel,
2004). The findings in the succeeding texts explore the ap-
peal behind such consumption practices and how Muslim
women negotiate their consumption of Western luxury fash-
ion brands in a Muslim society.
Feminine brandscapes: status, elegance, and sexuality
Kuwait is a small country in the Middle East with a popula-
tion of approximately three million. As a predominantly
Muslim society, religious and traditional belief systems tend
to influence the (sexual) behaviour of Muslims, especially
women. Nevertheless, it is not uncommon to find women
in revealing attire, defying the modesty code, engaging in
dating practices (secretly) or perhaps constructing their own
notions of modesty. However, practices from immodest
clothing that reveals the female body to engaging in pre-
marital romantic relationships are generally frowned upon,
shunned, and (in cases of pre-marital relationships) punish-
able by law. Kuwaiti women are expected to be modest in
their attire (cover their chests and their knees if unveiled)
and not to draw attention to themselves in public spaces
where foreign men are present. Thus, brandscapes may allow
women to express their feminine sexuality in alternative
(safer) ways. For example:
Whenever I wear an expensive gown from Valentino, not
only do I feel top notch feminine, but also elegant with a
dash of sexy. At the end of the day, these brands make me
feel good, even though they are expensive; they are worth
it because I know that my Balenciaga leather bag will last
for years. The feeling that I get out of wearing these
expensive brands is 100% satisfying (Fatma, 20 years old).
In this perspective, the Western luxury fashion brandscape
offers a certain type of freedom and authority to young
women to transgress into forbidden pleasures (McRobbie,
1997) such as being ‘elegant with a dash of sexy’ without
breaking the rules. Although Fatma does not wear the veil
in public (and experiments with different revealing and
modest fashion styles), for her and other young women, fem-
ininity becomes constructed from symbolic brand meaning
such as status, quality, elegance, and sexuality. For example:
J. Consumer Behav. 14: 137–144 (2015)
DOI: 10.1002/cb

I feel good when wearing those brands especially the
Chanel bag, I feel more feminine. I’m very attached to
Chanel because of the brands history and the fashion icon
Coco Chanel. It always feels good wearing Chanel you
feel expensive… (Rawan, 22 years old).
For Rawan, her expression of femininity becomes possible
through her Chanel handbag. Rawan wears the veil (only
shows her face and palms in public spaces). A popular Arabic
metaphor compares female sexuality to an expensive jewel
that needs to be safe-boxed (concealed) to avoid theft
(damage to reputation or loss of virginity). Perhaps the use
of ‘expensive’ Chanel items allows Rawan to express what
she conceals with her attire and behaviour. The fact that such
brands are expensive emphasises the value placed on
concealing sexuality. Others may construct femininity from
being unique, happy or confident such as Manar and Fajer
(in the succeeding texts) who also wear the veil:
Well what I see that when I buy this brand [Rolex, Cartier,
LV, Bottega] I feel feminine and unique and no one is like
me (Fajer, 20 years old).
First feeling happy [when wearing Dior, Chanel, Armani]
and in fashion and confidence and really pretty and the
most wonderful feeling is being [a] lady and I really like
this feeling (Manar, 23 years old).
It is argued that practices represented in ads constitute im-
portant sites for the construction of feminine identity (Lazar,
2009). Fajer associates being feminine with being unique
(standing out thus drawing attention), and Manar associates
femininity with happiness, confidence, and being ‘really
pretty’, which are all linked to consumption of brands such
as Christian Dior, Chanel, and Armani. Lazar (2009: 380)
shows that in ads for female beauty products, women are
portrayed as ‘sexually autonomous of men, with the product
substituting in the role of sexual agent’. Thus, perhaps,
women in Kuwait use Western luxury fashion brands as a
means of expressions of a different kind of femininity and
play such feminine identities symbolically. The feminine
identity of luxury brands leads to a form of pleasure attained
only through consumption. Although men are distinctively
absent from such scenarios (Lazar, 2009), perhaps, an imag-
ined male gaze guides consumption. For example:
The messages behind the advertisements are trying to
make a woman feel comfortable in a Balenciaga bag, or
attractive in a Valentino gown. Moreover, the message
all tries to tell women my age to feel confident, like the
famous Oscar De la Renta once said ‘A woman must walk
like there are 16 men behind her’. The target of these
advertisements [is] woman my age, so we rarely see male
models modelling for Valentino, it is always female
models that look gorgeous, and as an audience, we find
the gorgeous model to be a reflection of us while wearing
the dress (Fatma, 20 years old).
Fatma seems to imply that advertising creates a dream world
where anything seems possible through images (Schroeder,
2002). Quoting Oscar De la Renta, Fatma imagines ‘16 men
Copyright © 2014 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.
Perspective of postmodern brandscapes 141
walking behind her’, and as such, femininity is constructed
from the male gaze even while it may be frowned upon in a
Muslim society. The mediated imagery of the luxury fashion
brand helps these young women experience being ‘comfort-
able, confident, attractive and gorgeous’ and hence helps them
articulate their desires through consumption of the brand as a
representation of ad meaning (Elliott and Ritson, 1995). Such
brands thus make it easier for young women to ‘recreate’ their
feminine identity through consumption (Williamson, 1978).
Girl power
Although Western luxury fashion brands are perceived to be
‘made for women’, Sara believes that men understand the
symbolism of such brands:
In recent years, men in general are becoming aware of the
brands and trends in women’s [fashion]. Therefore, espe-
cially Arab men they would evaluate the women depending
on what they would wear (Sara, 20 years old).
Douglas (2002) argues that external signs reveal a lot
about internal states. Clothing becomes a form of communi-
cation and perhaps a means to develop an evaluation of the
opposite gender in a society that limits mixing of the sexes.
It is socially frowned upon in most instances for young
women and men to socialise in Kuwait (although it does
occur). Universities maintain segregation policies, and while
the malls are mixed, it is not common that young women and
men intermingle at such social spaces unless they were
family members. For instance, seating assignments at movie
theatres are divided into bachelors (section for single men)
and families (section for men attending with female relatives).
The brandscapes in this instance are perhaps utilised to
communicate with men. For example:
I think they [men] feel [that a woman wearing Western
luxury fashion brands is] sexy and classy because guys
these days wants a fashionable girl wears everything tries
everything (Fajer, 20 years old).
Perhaps consumption of Western brands indicates that a
woman is more open-minded, experimental and willing to
‘try everything’ as Fajer argues. Others feel that it is about
communicating status. For example:
The [men] may associate you [when wearing luxury
fashion brands] with being rich and powerful. It also makes
for an attractive quality, that perhaps may draw them
towards a girl (Amna, 21 years old).
As Amna argues, it seems that the main message women
communicate to men through their consumption is not just
about femininity but about ‘being rich and powerful’. This
message is important in the class-based society of Kuwait,
where everyone wants to be part of the ‘high class’ and con-
sumption of expensive products symbolically allows them to
do so. For example:
They [men] think that I’m high class person and rich
[when I wear luxury fashion brands].Also that I’m very
fashion and up to date. Men think that I’m sexy and unique
woman (Noor, 22 years old).
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DOI: 10.1002/cb
142 F. S. Al-Mutawa et al.
Men seek wealthy women nowadays. When a man looks at
a woman wearing expensive clothes, he will be seduced
thinking that she’s elegant and feminine who knows how
to dress up and takes care of herself… men like that
(Eman, 21 years old).
Social status (communicated through luxury brands) becomes
a form of sexiness perceived as attractive to the opposite gender.
Through this process, young women can become more attractive
to men as they ‘seek wealthy women’ (Eman). According to
Sabbah’s (1984) psychoanalytic inference, men prefer and desire
to be married to rich women from the upper class. This is because
‘by gorging [her] with sex, [man] can get access to [the
woman’s] wealth’ (Sabbah, 1984: 42) and hence refrain from
the tiredness of getting a high-paying job (Sabbah, 1984).
Pretty stylish or pain in the wallet?
Eroding typical Kuwaiti gender stereotypes (where a man
attracts a woman through financial ability), young women are
‘sexually’ attracting men through financial status that is com-
municated through symbolic brand consumption. In this
way, young women are communicating both their feminine
(attractiveness, sexuality, etc.) and masculine (financial
status) traits through the brand. For example:
I think that they [men] think I am not an easy woman, and I
am self-confident. Also see me wearing those brand make
them think that I am a high standard woman and I am
taking care of myself. However, maybe they will be more
careful when they dealing with me (Dalal, 32 years old).
Dalal perhaps indicates that using financial ability to
attract men may backfire as men would be put off or ‘more
careful’ when dealing with her. Thus, in that sense, the same
brandscape may be used to communicate both positive and
negative meanings. For example:
Depends on the man either he will think ‘Wow she’s so
pretty and stylish!’ or ‘She will be a pain in my wallet if she’s
used to wearing those brands’ (Khadeeja, 19 years old).
Khadeeja argues that while Western luxury fashion brands
may be stylish, they may be an indicator that the woman
would be a ‘pain in the wallet’. While both women and men
in Kuwait work, based on tradition and religion, the man is
required to take care of the finances. Expenditure on his wife
becomes associated with his expressions of masculinity, and
if he cannot keep up with her spending habits, his masculinity
may be compromised. Thus, consumption of expensive
brands may be perceived as an unattractive female quality:
Some of them [men] may think that I’m spoiled and hard
to reach others will not be interested (Farah, 23 years old).
When men see girls wearing these brands they have one of
two perspectives, they either think of it as a sign of wealth,
something attractive or they think of it as a sign of showing-
off, it just depends on the way the man thinks and the back-
ground and family he comes from (Laila, 20 years old).
It depends on their personality. [S]ome men would think
‘she’s just a spoiled brat’ others would think ‘ she’s classy’
Copyright © 2014 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.
or some might think it looks ugly or its nice. [I]t depends on
their taste (Shaikha, 20 years old).
Being spoilt and showing off are qualities that perhaps
young women believe to be unattractive to males. Nonethe-
less, through symbols, young women may ‘play’ their roles
of power (confirming research such as Rucker and Galinsky,
2008), using the brand to move between social systems
and ideologies (Williamson, 1978). However, the financial
resources that most of those young women use to fund their
luxury fashion brand consumption come from their fathers—
hence, they are showing off their father’s financial ability and
willingness to spoil their daughters. Thus, on the one hand,
by allowing young women to express their sexuality to men,
the brand offers a symbolic means to reclaim normative femi-
nine stereotypes consciously (Lazar, 2009). On the other hand,
by being concerned that showing off financial status and
exerting their power over men in an unattractive manner, gen-
dered stereotypes are recycled to maintain a gender dichotomy
(Lazar, 2009).
CONCLUSION: CONTRIBUTIONS AND LIMITATIONS
This research extends the literature on consumption of
Western brands by Eastern consumers (Ger and Belk, 1996;
Wong and Ahuvia, 1998; Zhou and Belk, 2004; Hung et al.,
2007; Sandıkcı and Ekici, 2009 etc) by exploring the
consumption of Western brands among Muslim women in
Kuwait. The research also extends the understanding of how
brandscapes may operate (Appadurai, 1996; Sherry, 1998;
Thompson and Arsel, 2004; Salzer-Mörling and Strannegård,
2007) among neo-tribes (Bennett, 1999; Cooper et al., 2005).
The main contribution lies in understanding how socio-
cultural dynamics pave the way for consumers (neo-tribes)
to leverage brandscapes, manifesting their (sexual) desires
in alternative ways. On the one hand, a woman consuming
Western luxury fashion brands believes that she communi-
cates positively to men her social status, elegance and
sexuality. On the other hand, she believes that such con-
sumption communicates negative ideas about extravagant
spending, being a show off and a pain in his wallet. In that
sense, perhaps, a ‘postmodern brandscape’ is constructed.
The postmodern brandscape is defined as the fragmented,
loosely structured (re)constructed and constantly (re)negoti-
ated use of a symbolic brand to actively construct lifestyle
orientations and personal meanings among one’s neo-tribe.
The postmodern brandscape allows consumers to utilise
the same brand to stand out and to fit in, to express feminine
sexuality without engaging in sexuality and to be rebellious
without rebelling. The Western luxury fashion brand gives
Muslim women an opportunity to ‘consume difference’ with-
out risking their own identity (Schroeder, 2002). This ambigu-
ous interplay ‘signals the presence of an ideological struggle
over meaning. In relation to dominant definitions, this has
the potential to be politically progressive’ (Lewis, 1997:
107). In that sense, the idea that Islamism is a threat to
consumer culture is challenged as young women in Kuwait
do not resist the market, but rather, they ‘use the market to
J. Consumer Behav. 14: 137–144 (2015)
DOI: 10.1002/cb

resist the existing social order and build a new one’
(Sandikci and Ger, 2010: 33).
This research confirms Mittal’s (2006) study in that brand
choices reflect latent consumer values (and identity conflicts)
not merely visible self image. Symbolic consumption may
offer consumers a symbolic strategy to experience ‘freedom’
from imposed social norms (confirming research such as
Atwal and Williams, 2009; Kates, 2004; McRobbie, 1997;
Wattanasuwan, 2005 etc).The consumption of luxury fashion
brands becomes an interesting social formation through
which a symbolic form of resistance and rebellion is
expressed (Bordo, 2004). The desires and dreams of the
subject are implicated in such a matrix of power relations
(Bordo, 2004).
Finally, this study has limitations arising from reliance on
questionnaire data and focused on a particular product
category (luxury fashion brands) and a particular consumer
(Muslim female consumers). Also, it is noted that there are
gender differences in the interpretation of brand meaning
(Elliott, 1994). The luxury fashion brand may or may not
represent status, style or sexuality to the Muslim man, and
thus, it is unknown whether luxury fashion brands play a role
in men’s sexual attraction towards women. In order for a
product to function as a symbol, it must have a common
shared meaning among consumers (Elliott, 1994). This can
also be explored in future research. The use of postmodern
brandscapes to manifest fragmented meanings may also be
explored in different contexts to contribute to studies on post-
modern consumption.
BIOGRAPHICAL NOTES
Fajer Saleh Al-Mutawa is Assistant Professor of Marketing at Gulf
University for Science and Technology (Kuwait). Her research
interests include consumer cultures, identity and symbolic consump-
tion (specifically, the consumption of Western brands in non-Western
consumer cultures). She has published in Psychology & Marketing.
Richard Elliott is Professor of Marketing at the School of Manage-
ment, University of Bath, and a Fellow of St. Anne’s College,
Oxford. His research focuses on identity, culture and consumption
and has published in the Journal of Consumer Research.
Dr Peter Nuttall is Associate Professor at the School of Management,
University of Bath. His research interests include young consumers,
socialisation, consumption rituals and consumer behaviour. He has
published in the European Journal of Marketing, Journal of Market-
ing Management and Journal of Advertising Research.
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