Copyright by

Richard M. Morse

1952
SKO PAULO CITY UNDER THE EMPIRE (1822-1889)

RICHARD MCGEE MORSE

Submitted in partial fulfillment

of the requirements for the degree of
Doctor, of Philosophy
' in the
Faculty of Political Science,
Columbia University
 CONTENTS

Chapter ’ Page

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS ................................... ill

TABLE OF A B B R E V I A T I O N S ........................... v

INTRODUCTION ..................................... 1

I COLONIALISM AND NEW STIMULANTS (1820-1830)

1. The Shape of the City • . -................... 9

2. The Life of the C i t y ........................ 31
3» The Endowments from National Independence. . . 51

II SUSPENSIVE YEARS (1830-181+5)

1. Post-Colonial Malaise ......................... 76
2. The Revolution of l 8 * + 2 ..................... 108

III ROMANTICISM (18^5-1855)

1. Alvares de A z e v e d o .......................... 123
2. The Cultural Quickening..................... 139
3. Material Fulfillment ......................... lo3
h*. Coffee . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 176
5* The Premonitions of Ricardo Gumbleton Daunt . . 189

IV EXPECTANT YEARS (1855-1870)

1. Self-Deprecation and New I d o l s ............. 19*+

2. New Rhetoric and the R a i l w a y ............... 222

V THE YOUNG METROPOLIS (1870-1890)

1. The Era of Positivism....................... 2*+9

2. Economic Expansion and Immigrants........... 27H-
3* Physical Expansion ........................... 295
*+. The New Boundaries of L i f e ................. 310

BIBLIOGRAPHY ..................................... 333

- ii -
 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

The research upon w M c h this history is based was made

possible by a travel and maintenance grant from the Department

of State. This grant enabled me to spend over a year in Brazil,

from September, 19^7» to December, 19^8.

It is not easy to list all the institutions and persons

in Brazil whose friendly, understanding cooperation allowed me

to follow the diverse ways and byways of history along which a

somewhat undisciplined curiosity urged me. Certain of them,

however, must not remain unmentioned. In Sao Paulo these insti­

tutions were a never failing source of helps Biblioteca

Municipal, Instituto Hist6rico e GeogrAfico de Sao Paulo, Escola

de Sociologia e Politica, Faculdade de Filosofia, Biblioteca da

Faculdade de Direito, Instituto de Adrainistragao, Departamento

de Cultura, Arquivo do Estado de Sao Paulo, Departamento

Estadual de Estatistica, the newspaper 0 Estado de Sao Paulo.

Secretaria de Obras da Prefeitura, Cia. Geral de Engenharia

S. A., Secretaria de Agricultura, Associagao Brasileira Cimento

Portland, Museu Paulista, and Sociedade Amigos da Cidade. In

Rio de Janeiro: Instituto Hist 6rico e GeogrAfico Brasileiro,

Arquivo Nacional, Biblioteca Nacional.

Among scores of persons, some of them now intimate

friends, whose kindness will never be forgotten I mention:

AntSnio Candido, Lourival Gomes Machado, DScio de Almeida Prado,

Florestan Fernandes, Luis Saia, Oscar Egldio de Aratijo, Donald

- iii -
Pierson, Joseph Privitera, Joao Cruz Costa, Oswald de Andrade

Filho, Anita Malfatti, Lasar Segall, Guilherme de Almeida,

Mirio Wagner Vieira da Cunha, Alice Cannabrava, Gilberto Freyre,

Aury Avillez, Afonso Schmidt, Alceu Amoroso Lima, Rino Levi,

Francisco Dias de Andrade, Guiomar de Carvalho Franco, Rivadavia

de Barros, Francisco Prestes M 6 ia, S6rgio Buarque de Holanda,

Carleton Sprague Smith, Edgard Leuenroth, CSnego Paulo Florencio

da Silveira Camargo, Cfiio Prado Jtinior, and Carlos B. Schmidt.

My debt to Professor Frank Tannenbaum, and to his large

vision of Latin America in its human terms, is one that I must

separately acknowledge.

R. M. M.'

November, 1951

- iv -
 Abbreviations used in the footnotes:

AALPSP Anais da Assembl§ia Legislativa Provincial de SaoPaulo

ACCSP Atas da Camara da Cidade de Sao Paulo

AESP Arquivo do Estado de Sao Paulo

DIHCSP Documentos Interessantes para a Hist 6ria e Costumesde

Sao Paulo

RAM Revista do Arquivo Municipal

RGCMSP Registo Geral da Camara Municipal de Sao Paulo
RIHGSP Revista do Instituto Hist 6rico e GeogrSfico de Sao Paulo
 1

INTRODUCTION

One of the themes of greatest current Interest to Latin

Americanists is the penetration of the industrial, urban world

into a tradition-bound and often quasi-feudal agrarian society.

There now exist a number of case studies of rural communities

in transition ,1 as well as a series of analyses of emergent

2
urban middle classes. The leading contribution is Redfield*s

investigation of four Yucatecan communities which range, in

ascending order of heterogeneity and descending order of isola­

tion, from the Indian tribal village to the peasant village to

the town to the city of Merida.^ Like the others, however,

Redfield1s study is fixed in a moment of time; its "contribution

if
. . . to research on the history of Yucatan is small." He is

forced to convey the process of historical change by inter­

polating it, tentatively and somewhat arbitrarily, between

Some of the most notable are: Robert Redfield,

Tenoztlan: a Mexican Village (Chicago, 1930)5 Emilio Willems,
Cunha: Tradlcao e transicao em uma cultura rural do Brasil
(Sao Paulo, 19*+7); Donald Pierson, Cruz das Almas, a Brazilian
Village (Washington, 1951); Ralph L. Beals. Cherant a Sierra
Tarascan Village (Washington, 19^6); John Gillin. Moche: a P e r u -
vlan Coastal Community (Washington, 19^7)•

2Theo R. Crevenna (ed.), Materiales para el estudlo de

la clase media en la America Latina' (6 vols., Washington. 1950-
19!?1)'. consult bibliography in these volumes.
^Robert Redfield, The Folk Culture of Yucatan (Chicago,
19^1) •
^Ibid. , p. 339. For the peasant village Redfield did
fix a fragmentary historical perspective in a second study made
seventeen years later: Robert Redfield, A Village that Chose
Progress, Chan Kom Revisited (Chicago, 19 5'6) • See also the
sequel to his study of Tepoztlan: Oscar Lewis, Life in a Mexi­
can Village: Teuoztlfin Restudled (Urbana, Illinois, 1951)*
 2

successive pairs of his four present-day reference points.

For an historian the inadequacies of Redfield*s study

are that (1) even the tribal village has not been wholly

quarantined from the twentieth century and hence does not

faithfully represent an Indian community of the past; and

(2) Redfield*s four discrete reference points deprive him of

a single, organic subject, forcing him to discuss an abstrac-

5
tion.

The present study of nineteenth-century Sao Paulo is

an attempt to trace historically a broad process which can only

be hypothesized from the sociological *'case study." Sao Paulo

is an obvious choice since today, with 2,500,000 inhabitants,

it is the fastest-growing metropolis and largest industrial

center in Latin America. The terminal points of the period

analyzed (1820 and 1890) are, however, at a lesser remove from

each other than is the tribal village from Merida— by Redfield* s

criteria of heterogeneity, isolation, money economy, division

of labor, individualization, and secularization. It is of

course Redfield's inclusion of Indian and mestizo culture which

so widens the scope of his study.

Neither the Sao Paulo of 1820 nor that of 1890 coincides

with any of Redfield*s four communities. Neither, in fact, can

^The Brazilian sociologist, Dr. Herrmann, placed her

Study of Guarantinguetli in a time perspective. But she does
little more than categorize raw data; her monograph lacks the
structure and "organicity" that a full-fledged history demands.
Lucila Herrmann, "Evolugao da estrutura social de Guaratingueta
num periodo de trezentos anos," Revista de Administracao. II,
5-6 (March-June, 19^8), 3-326.
 3

be satisfactorily interpolated into Redfield’s "scale," for the

movement of Sao Paulo toward "heterogeneity" and "cultural dis­

organization" was reflected in a quite different pattern of

traditions, trends, and events. If, however, Redfield's scale

is loosely converted into general, non-Yucatecan terms, it may

be said that a history of nineteenth-century Sao Paulo magnifies

a segment from the end that travels toward disorganized culture.

This history makes no systematic effort to confirm or

confute sociological hypotheses. The dearth of general or mono­

graphic studies of the nineteenth-century city precludes

assembling at present the wealth of tabulated raw material with

which a team of sociologists can depart after a few months of

intensive field-work in a contemporary community.

Moreover, the usual categories of a community study

(family, religion, economics, class structure, etc.) are not

kept intact but will be drawn from, as the case demands and

materials permit, to elaborate a unifying theme. This theme is

that when an agrarian community becomes a city, its leaders and

citizenry, privately and in association, are confronted at

nearly every level of experience with a far more intense neces­

sity for assessing life-hopes and life-problems in abstract,

intellectual terms and for constant planning, decision-making,

and reappraisal on that rational basis.

With variations and, I trust, clarification and specifi­

city this theme will be reasserted in the ensuing pages. It is

to be taken, however, less as a thesis to be proven than as the

concept which, as research progressed, seemed most adapted to

 k

giving unity and coherence to the diverse materials that came to

hand.
Spengler observed that only urban man can have a history

and that "what distinguishes a town from a village is not size,

but the presence of a soul."

The peasant is the eternal man, independent of

every Culture that ensconces itself in the cities. He
precedes it, outlives it, a dumb creature propagating
himself from generation to generation, limited to soil-
bound callings and aptitudes, a mystical soul, a dry,
shrewd understanding that sticks to practical matters,
the origin and the ever-flowing source of the blood
that makes world-history in cities. . . .
The city is intellect. . . . It is in resistance
to the "feudal" powers of blood and tradition that the
burgherdom or bourgeoisie, the intellectual class,
begins to be conscious of its own separate existence.
It upsets thrones and limits old rights in the name of
reason and above all in the name of the "People," which
henceforward means exclusively the people of the city.
. . . The city assumes the lead and control of economic
history in replacing the primitive values of the land,
which are forever inseparable from the life and thought
of the rustic, by the absolute idea of money as distinct
from goods .6
The country village confirms the country; "with its

quiet hillocky roofs, its evening smoke, its wells, its hedges,

and its beasts" it lies "fused and embedded in the landscape."

But the town insists that the countryside conform to its own

formalized, artificial outlook.

Extra muros. chauss&es and woods and pastures become a

park, mountains become tourists' vlew-points; and intra
muros arises an imitation Nature, fountains in lieu of
springs, flower-beds, formal pools, and clipped hedges
in lieu of meadows and ponds and bushes.7

^Oswald Spengler, The Decline of the West (2 vols.,

New York, 1939), II, 96-97*
7Ibid. , II, 9^*
 5

It can be said that the "history," in Spengler's sense,

of Sao Paulo began In the early nineteenth century, at the end

of the colonial period. Thitherto neither Sao Paulo nor the other

nuclei of its tableland had experienced any appreciable "citifi-

cation."
Sao Paulo itself was Brazil’s first formal settlement

inland. In 1553 a handful of Jesuits, among them the renowned

Fathers N 6 brega and Anchieta, had set out from the coastal

colony at Sao Vicente (founded in 1532 by Martim Afonso de Sousa

,o
at latitude 24- South) 5 they climbed the steep littoral escarp­

ment, establishing a mission on the plateau, forty-five miles

from the ocean. Consecrated on 25 January 155*S ‘bhe mission

took its name from Saint Paul, in celebration of whose conversion

the first mass was held.

The Jesuits’ move had been animated by the plateau's

healthier climate, a desire to escape meddling civil officials,

and the promise of being able more easily to proselytize both

the pagan Guaianaze Indians and an undisciplined highlands settle­

ment of Portuguese castaways and their half-breed (mameluco)

offspring. The Jesuit mission, or college, stood on a hill at

the confluence of two small rivers, the Tamanduatei and the

Anhangabati. This location and the stockade that was soon

erected were reliable protection against raids of the Tam 6 ios

(who were allied with the French to the north) and of those
Guaianazes who refused to submit to blandishments of the Portu­

guese. A quickening tempo of such raids caused Joao Ramalho,

mettlesome leader of the mamelucos. to transfer his followers

 6

to the Jesuit stockade, where available resources might more

effectively be pooled for survival. Shortly a Clamara, or town

council, was set up, giving evidence of full-fledged, secular

municipal organization.
By the end of the century the Indian menace had been

lifted; Portuguese, Jesuits and mamelucos alike were beginning

to establish missions, settlements and Isolated farms across

the face of the tableland. SSo Paulo came to be merely one of

Q
many nuclei. By now Paulistas had acquired a sense of pride

and self-reliance. Their independent, communal resistance to

the Indians made them covetous of their autonomy, suspicious

of the king's agents at Sao Vicente and Santos on the coast,

eager to try their fortune in the uncharted interior of a vast

continent.
The bandeira, a formal expedition composed along family

lines under patriarchal leaders, was the Paulistas 1 instrument

for penetrating the backlands. Proceeding overland or by

rivers, a bandeira might be gone for years at a time. Some of

them went as far as the Amazon to the north, the Andes to the

west, or the Plata to the south. Bandeiras of the early seven­

teenth century were large and militant; they sought Indian

slaves (a convenient source being the Jesuit missions of Para­

guay) for use at home or for export to sugar plantations of

northern Brazil. As African Negroes came to supply the latter

Q
I follow Portuguese usages paulistan for things and
persons of Sao Paulo city, Paulista for those of Sao Paulo
province or state.
 7

need, however, small and defensively organized bandeiras con­

centrated on the search for precious gems and metals. When in

about 1700 Paulistas at last struck the rich mineral deposits

of Minas Gerais, they stayed with their diggings. Their home­

land, deprived of its more vigorous leaders, was left to its

modest, agrarian, relatively self-sufficient existence.

The exploits of the bandeiras are memorable as feats

of human prowess and endurance and for having been directly,

if unintentionally responsible for the later extension of

Portuguese lands far to the west of the Tordesillas line of

lM-91*. Yet colonial Sao Paulo, even though formally designated

a "city" in 1711 > reflected little of this achievement. Its

character was more clearly determined by its inaccessibility and

by the meagreness of a subsistence economy that yielded no

important wealth-accruing export. These two factors minimized

immigration and the attentions of the mother country. They

also bred a relatively homogeneous creole society that was

proud of its near-autonomy and in which the lines of class dis­

tinction frequently gave way to the need for shrewd, forceful

9
leadership.

It is therefore with the late-colonial town that this

study begins. In Chapter I the Paulistan community of c. 1820

9
'Main sources for a study of colonial Sao Paulo are
the Invent&rios e testamentos (30 vols., Sao Paulo, 1920-1939),
together with the AACSP. DIHCSP. and RGCMSP (see key to abbrevia­
tions. p. v). For bibliography sees instituto de Administra$ao,
Seminario de estudo das fontes prlmArias para a hlst6ria de Sao
Paulo no seculo XVI (series of 11 pamphlets. Sao Paulo, 19^8);
Aureliano Lelte. Hist 6ria da civilisacSo naulista (Sao Paulo,
19^ 6), pp. 237-^3^
 8

will be described, followed by certain "catalysts*1 related to

Brazilian independence (1822). These catalysts— such as the

Law Academy, newspapers, and the urban-mindedness of the new

provincial presidents— were what Spengler would have called the

hallmarks of an intellectual, self-conscious city-culture.

The subsequent chapters, whose year-spans are intended

as merely indicatory, are each dominated by a theme that is sug­

gested by the materials and subordinate to the over-all theme

as stated above. The purpose is, in other words, not to compart

city life into religion, culture, economics, social structure,

etc., but to intermingle these components, to use them as reflec­
tors of an integral subject, Sao Paulo city. Spengler's asser­

tion that the city has a "soul ,*1 which need not here be taken

literally, is a hint that, despite its greater complexity, the

city lends itself to such treatment more readily than the hamlet.

One reason for this is that the city produces symbo1-makers; a

Paulistan such as the poet, Alvares de Azevedo (see Chapter III),

does much to help one apprehend the city as an entity.

This study ends with the emergence of the metropolis and

with its fierce challenges to the intellectual and emotional

discipline of city-dwellers and their leaders and planners.

Whether, as Spengler would have said, the "free intellect" of

the city must in the long run "pitiably die" or whether, as

Lewis Mumford asserts, this intellect can master and find richer

life in the forces unleashed by it is a question which will be

posed but not addressed. For to address it would be to pursue

Sao Paulo's hirtory into the twentieth century and, beyond that,

to philosophize.
 9

CHAPTER I

COLONIALISM AND NEW STIMULANTS (1820-1830)

11. . . incontestablement la plus

jolie /vill §7 de toutes celles/que
avals visit&es depuis que j ’etais
au Br&sil."
— Saint-Hilaire, 1819•

1. The Shape of the City-

Certain Brazilian cities, such as Rio de Janeiro, Sal­

vador, and Recife, are at once ports and centers of geographic

regions. Sao Paulo, though also the distribution point for a

hinterland, is separated from its port of Santos by forty-five

miles and by a 793-meter coastal range, the Serra do Mar. Tradi

tionally, the capital has used Santos only as a stevedore, deny­

ing it the full prestige of an Atlantic crossroads. By official
statistics and censuses Santos is classed as a city of the

"interior."
Santos has never had within its orbit more than a few,

generally decadent towns of the coastal plain, while Sao Paulo,

the first Brazilian city founded inland, was strategically

located to command the land and water routes of a vast plateau

sloping westward to the ParanA River system.

One observer in 1822 envisioned this inland destiny. He

urged Sao Paulo to forsake its tenuous connection with a port

then ill served by shipping; to challenge the river commerce of

Buenos Aires by exporting sugar, rice, cotton, manioc, coffee,

 10

meat, and vanilla to Asunci6n and even Peru; and thus to make
good the bandeiras 1 early claim to the silver of Potosi so that
1
Paulistan crafts and manufactures might flourish.

This disgust with the Santos route, the Caminho do Mar,

was understandable. At the end of the colonial period trans­

port between Sao Paulo and its seaport was scarcely more

expeditious than in the sixteenth century. It is true that a

zigzagging paved highway had in 1790 been constructed up over

the Serra do Mar, hewn in many places through sheer rock and

rimming deep chasms where a misstep meant death. "Few public

2
works, even in Europe, are superior to it," wrote one traveler.

Yet the way was not kept under perfect repair, and passage was

often obstructed by the earthslides loosed by heavy rains at

the mountain crests. Add to this the narrowness of the road,

which forced those ascending to stand aside whenever the mule­

teer's shout and the clatter of hoofs rived the mists, followed

by the appearance of "the animals erectls aurlbus, . . . borne

3
almost irresistibly downward by their heavy burden's." The

very tortuousness of the route made it all the easier to rein­

force natural obstacles with human controls. At inspection

posts soldiers of the lowest rank were free to examine and

■^Antdnio Rodrigues de Oliveira, Memdrla sdbre o

melhoramento da Provlncia de S. Paulo, aulicavel em grande
parte As outras provinclas do Brasil (Rio de Janeiro« 1822),
pp. 87-89*
^John Mawe, Travels in the Interior of Brazil (London,
1812) , p. 63 .
3Daniel P. Kidder, Sketches of Residence and Travels in
Brazil (2 vols., Philadelphia, 184-5) , I, 212-213*
 11

detain the persons and property of strangers, and Mawe was

If
three times obliged to show his papers.
The muleteam (tropa) which made possible the exchange

of produce via so perilous a route comprised M-0 to 80 animals,

each with its rough-made packsaddle. A certain delicacy was

shown only with the lead (madrinha), whose headstall, trimmed

with a plume and shells or silver, carried bells to guide the

team. The hired muleteers were homeless wanderers who spent

their wages with dispatch and owned little more than the cotton

shirt and trousers, straw hat, belt, and knife that they wore

and the tobacco and flint in their cartridge box. When at the

end of a day's journey of three or four leagues they reached

a posthouse,.the night was passed in a roistering dance like

the batuque, which they accompanied with a cadence beaten out

on wooden benches and with voices still fresh after the vigorous

songs and oaths of the day's labor. In short, the occupation

and the culture merged in a consonant way of life.

The Caminho do Mar had grades up to *+5°; animals needed

frequent stops for rest, and riders proceeded half the time on

foot to relieve their mounts. Hence large shipments had to be

divided among many mules; it cost great "expense and labor . . .

to bring to the capital merely a bell or some heavy cannon."^

In view of this barrier, yearly traffic was impressive. Three

Slawe, op. cit.. p. 81 .

^Joh. Bapt. von Spix and C. F. Martius, Travels in
Brazil, in the Years 1817-1820 (2 vols., London, 1824-) , II, 12.
 12

or four muleteams generally arrived at the port and at the

capital In a day. They descended with sugar (over 500,000

arrobas annually), dried meat, firewater, and other produce of

the region, returning with salt, Portuguese wines, glassware,

hardware, cldth, and such manufactures. French silks, linens,

muslins, and calicos were preferred to English textiles, but

the latter found wider market owing to a tax differential and

to the Englishmans livelier spirit of enterprise.^

This vital artery left the capital in a southerly

direction and polarized its street plan around a north-south

axis. Later maps show how this orientation was shifting by the

end of the century, how the railroads east to Rio and, more

pointedly, west to the booming coffee lands had pulled the

periphery of urban settlement into a circle and were still

further distending it along the new lines of force. These

railroads, however, altered only the balance of forces and

adhered to the existing route pattern. The pattern, imposed by

a combination of rivers and a Permian belt that mollifies the

topography north and west of the city, not only determined the

highroads but focused them upon Sao Paulo. Hence the latter

was often the only feasible nexus between two arteries and

became a transit point for most travelers on the plateau.

Hercules Florence, "De Porto Feliz a CuiabA (1826-

1827)," Revista do Museu Paulista. XVI, 901-902; Francisco de
Assis Vieira Bueno, "A Cidade de Sao Paulo," Revista do Centro
de Ciencias. Letras e Artes de Campinas, II, 1-3 (Jan.-July,
1903). 79-80t Mawe. op. cit.. pp. o0-6l.
 13

The traveler approaching along one of the converging

highroads vould have seen the city from a distance, clustered

on its hilltop. It presented a comely appearance with the pro­

portioned silhouette of its religious buildings and the plain

white, and sometimes pink or straw yellow, walls of its two-

storey residences. The encircling plain was enhanced by patches

of woods, open fields with occasional palms or araucarias, and

handsome country houses (chacaras), whose owners challenged the

reluctance of the inferior soil with gardens and orchards. The

traveler might more than once have had to pass through the dust

raised by a muleteam. And along the Tamanduatei that twined

about the city's pedestal to find the smaller Anhangabafc he ...

could expect to see women slaves crouched over their washing.

The streets of the city proper began only as one

ascended the central rise. They were clean enough— if allowance

were made for open sewers, an anti-social shopkeeper who was

thoughtless with his rubbish, and the mongrel pup Indecorous

enough to expire in a gutter— and sufficiently wide to accom­

modate the screeching oxcarts, burdened mules, and loquacious

slaves bearing jugs to and from the most frequented fountain

in the Largo da Miseric6rdia. Paving was more distant from

the ideal. In places it existed only in front of buildings.

And where continuous the stones were so haphazardly, set and

unequally resistant to wear that the clatter of a passing cart

roused the neighborhood, and a pedestrian needed equillbristic

skill. In fact, the mincing gait of the Paulistan female was

laid by some to this condition of the streets. Since, however,

 lb

the paving stones were of alluvial formation, transients— as

late as the opening years of the century— were compensated
after heavy rains by the appearance of gold particles in the
7
interstices.

A traveler from Santos had, at the time spoken of, a

choice of five main routes, did he wish to extend his journey

into the interiors

1. Northeast toward Rio along the Paraiba valley;

narrow, densely settled (in 1835 36$ of the province's
326,902 inhabitants lived in the capital and Paraiba
v a l l e y ) t h e oldest route used by the Europeans, and
the most prosperous; cradle of the coffee economy.
Passed,through the historic cities of Mogi das Cruzes,
Jacarei, Taubatfc, Pindamonhangaba, Guaratinguetfi,
Lorena. Occasional lateral exits from the valley:
north over the Mantiqueira to Minas Gerais, south over
the Serra do Mar to the coast (Sao Sebastiao, Caraguatatuba,
Ubatuba, Parati) ; but SSo Paulo was the natural egress
for traffic bound from Rio.

2. A route of more local importance: north to

Juqueri, Atibaia, Braganga, and southern Minas; a region
of later settlement (second half of the seventeenth
century).

3- The old Caminho dos Guaianazes: north-northwest

to Jundiai, Sao Paulo's rival Campinas, Mogi-mirim, and
on to Minas and GoiSs. The British railway from Santos
later followed this axis.

b . West-northwest to Itu and Pdrto Feliz. There

were few colonial settlements beyond the latter, since
it was here that the eighteenth-century expeditions
(moncSes) for precious stones and metals took to the
River Tiete in their pirogues.

5. West to Sorocaba and the Ipanema foundry, then

?Auguste de Saint-Hilaire, Voyage dans les Provinces _de_

Saint-Paul (2 vols., Paris, 1851) , I, 237-238, 24-9-2$0, 2^5;
Mawe, on. cit.. p. 67; Spix and Martius, op. cit., I, 326;
Vieira Bueno, loc. cit.« p. 28.
®Daniel Pedro JRlller, Sao Paulo em 1836. Ensfilo dum
quadro estatistico da Provincla de S. Paulo ordenado pelas lels
provincials de 11 de abril de 1836. e 10 de marco de 1837 (2nd
edition; Sao Paulo, 1923), pp» 132-14o.
 15

southwest to Faxina, Curitiba, and the southern provinces.

The route beyond Sorocoba was the Estrada Real, along
which cattle and burros were driven each year, leaving
Rio Grande do Sul in the spring to arrive in the Sorocaba
region by autumn for the winter fairs. Though there was
direct passage thence to Santos via Sao Roque, many «
animals were taken into Sao Paulo for use and export.

This cinquefoil will be referred to later in describing

the shift and intensification of the regional economy around

pivotal Sao Paulo city. Nor is it too restrictive to speak in

terms of these demarcated regions, for the railroads only

accentuated their mutual isolation, leaving under-developed,

under-settled interstices.^-0

Had one placed a lens over the city in its regional set­

ting, it would have shown the route convergence as more than

geometric intersection on a plane. It would have brought into

relief the features imparted to the argillaceous plateau by the

9According to Vieira Bueno, it was only through this

Rio Grande cattle trade that the capital’s few fortunes of note
were accumulated. That no one yet envisioned an opulent coffee
economy is manifest in a royal order to the provincial governor
in 1820. After praising the fertility, climate, pasture, and
water system of the lands stretching toward Minas and Goias—
i.e, the future coffee domain— Joao requested that tracts be
set aside there and developed as horse and cattle ranches to
endow his daughters and grandchildren. DIHCSP, XXXVI, 96-97;
Vieira Bueno, loc. cit.. pp. 22-23*

l0RGCMSP. XV (181^1819), **96-1*97; Caio Prado Jtinior,

"0 fator geogr6fico na formaqSo e no desenvolvimento da cidade
de S. Paulo," Geoerafia. I, 3 (1935)» 250-257;,Caio Prado
Junior, "Nova contribuiqao para o estudo geografico da cidade
de Sao Paulo," Estudos Brasilelros. Ill, 7 (July-Dee., 19M+),
195-200; Pierre Deffontaines, "As feiras de burros de Sorocaba,"
Geoerafia. I, 3 (1935), 265-268; Lucila Herrmann, "Estudo do
desenvolvimento de S. Paulo atravSs da an&lise de uma radial;
— A estrado do caf6 (1935)," RAM, XCIX, Nov.^Dec., 1 9 ^ , 7-11;
MOller, op. cit.. see chart facing p. 2H^.
 16

action of its four chief r i v e r s ^ and their affluents, and thus

suggested potential directions of city growth. Each highway

found its origin at or near the inner triangle. Some made use

of the level river courses. Others, to attain the high ridge

that interposed between the city and the Pinheiros to the south-
12
west, ascended along the crests of watersheds.

In today's metropolis one is not experientially aware

of the flow of produce and persons which at any moment enters

and leaves the central heart. Sensory impressions are kaleido­

scopic. But in earlier times any stroller knew when a mule-

borne consignment of sugar entered the city from Itu along the

Rua do Piques. Even the visit of a foreigner was publicly

registered; in 1807 Mawe's arrival flushed a covey of children,

who counted his fingers to see if he had the same number as they.'

Highroads and their commerce, in other words, kept their identity

within the city, though with particular local designation. As

late as 1856 the official urban area was quite empirically de­

fined as extending along the Santo Amaro road to the chacara

of Capt. Benjamim Jos& Gongalves, along the Campinas road to

■^All flow toward the northwest quadrant: the Tiete

(which receives the others) north of the city center, the
Tamanduatei and Anhangabad meeting at the base of the central
rise, and, to the southwest, the Pinheiros.
^2Pierre Monbeig, "0 estudo geogr&fico das cidades,"
RAM, LXXIII (Jan., 19^1), l^j Prado Junior, "Nova ContribuigSo
loc cit., pp. 207-209*
^ M a w e , on. cit. « p. 81.
 17

t Il
that of Brig. Ant6nio Pereira Leite da Gama Lobo, etc.

These chficaras which identified the highroads betokened

an apparently fertile soil. Brig. Bauman's estate, northwest

of the city, boasted (1819) trim orchards of peaches, apricots,

plums, apples, and pears, as well as chestnut trees, a vineyard,

and familiar flowers such as pinks, sweet peas, buttercups, and

poppies. Strawberries as fine as any in Europe abounded near

the city, as did many of Europe's vegetables and most of Portu-

gal's flowers. Food crops were widely varied: oranges,

pineapples, jaboticabas, cherries, quinces, limes, bananas, figs,

pomegranates, manioc, sugar cane, herbs, turnips, cabbages,

cauliflowers, artichokes, potatoes, rice, corn, peas, beans,

spinach, asparagus, lettuce, cress, and onions— plus the fruits

first mentioned. ''Here," wrote Florence, "the land produces

^ 8 2 6 7 much more food than the inhabitants can consume."'1'^

It remains to reconcile this seeming exuberance with

the known poverty of the supporting soil, which is clayey and

17
contains the sandy remnants of fluviolacustrine deposits,

making the region within a radius of dozens of kilometers from

the city "one of the most primitive and miserable of the

lit
Jos 6 Candido de Azevedo Marques, Regulamentos
exnedidos pelo Exmo. Governo Provincial para execucao de diversas
leis provincials (Sao Paulo. 187M-) . p. 313.
•^Hippolyte Taunay and Jean Ferdinand Denis, Le Brfesil.
ou hlstoire. moeurs. usages et coutumes des habitans de ce
royaume (6 vols.« Paris, 1822), II, 17**-176? Saint-Hilaire,
op. cit., I, 9**-95, 293-295.
^Florence, loc. cit.« pp. 903-90**.
^ P i e r r e Deffontaines, "Regi5es e paisagem do Estado de
S. Paulo," Geoerafia. I, 2 (1935), 1****-1**5.
 18

18
state." The answer is simply that in the early nineteenth

century the land's restricted carrying capacity was not yet

overtaxed by the needs of 20,000 people, even after 250 years

of exploitation. Moreover, the farmer was not so prodigally

blessed as a first glance suggested. His apples, peaches,

pears, plums, and cherries were only mediocre. He had diffi­

culty with his oranges, bananas, and sugar, especially during

cold snaps (which also affected coffee and manioc). Grapevines,

though they took better to the prevailing soil, yielded only

19
one harvest a year, as against two or more farther north.
And then as now the dearth of local wheat was pronounced:

NOTICE.
In the warehouse of Aguiar Viuva Pilhos and Co. in
Santos, Wheat Flour of superior quality, lately arrived
from Philadelphia, is for sale in lots of 30 Barrels
upward at 12:000 reis the Barrel of 6 arrobas or at
12:800 in smaller lots; cash transactions.20
The handsome chicaras did not monopolize adjacent farm­

land. In fact the "greatest proportion" of the city's inhabi-

21
tants "consists / 1 8 0 in farmers and inferior husbandmen."

18
Prado Junior, "0 fator geogrlfico," loc. cit., p. 239*

■^Manuel Aires de Casal, Corografia brasilica (2nd

edition; 2 vols., Rio de Janeiro, 18V5) , I, 195; Gustavo Beyer,
"Ligeiras notas de viagem do Rio de Janeiro a Capitania de S.
Paulo, no Brasil, no verao de 1813," RIHGSP. XII (1907), 288.
^Advertisement in 0 farol oaulistano. 28 March, 1827*
21
Mawe. on. cit.. p. 70.
In 1818 occupational groups (including beggars but
not slaves) broke down, doubtless sketchily, as follows:
military service 566 cloisteredmonks and nuns 56
magistrates 1 farmers 16m-0
secular clergy 81 merchants 220
regular clergy 1*+ skilled workmen 277
 19

Dwellings of the latter were of daub-and-wattle (pau-a-pique) ,

a rude wickerwork frame plastered with mud.

For an idea of the kitchen . . . the reader may figure

to himself a filthy room with an uneven muddy floor,
interspersed with pools of slop-water, and in different
parts fire-places formed by three round stones to hold
the earthen pots that are used for boiling meat; as green
wood is the chief fuel, the place is almost always filled
with smoke, which, finding no chimney, vents itself
through the doors and other apertures, and leaves all
within as black as soot .22
Daub-and-wattle (which at times also served to partition upper-

class houses) was an honest, environmental, mestizo solution

and, if construction was not too random, had durability. As

the anonymous poor have always dispensed with the luxury of

styles, daub-and-wattle— along with the way of life it imposes—

is still common in Sao Paulo and in Brazil.

Tillage was primitive. Sickle, axe and hoe were used

almost to the exclusion of draft animals. Only a few ch6 caras

23
had ploughs. Once cut down, trees and brush were fired where

they lay. If the work of the flames was fully done before the

intervention of wet weather, fine crops were expected. By 1835

laborers 98 miners 1
overseers 52 beggars 152
carpenters 18 total...317©
Jos 6 Jacinto Ribeiro, Cronologla paulista (2 vols., 2nd vol. in
2 parts, Sao Paulo, 1899-1901), II (1), 155* The proportion of
farmers was 52#« In 19*K) farmers were 3# of the economically
active.
22
Mawe, op. cit. . p. 75 *
2^0 novo parol paulistano of 12 May 1832 carried a notice,
rare of its kind, offering for sale a steel gristmill and a
machine for sifting flour. We may assume them to have been of
simple construction and, at 180 milrfcis, relatively dear.
 20

this system was showing Its effects. Families were leaving

the city's rural outskirts for farther regions where higher

ok
yields more than compensated new problems of marketing them.

The most important crop of the immediate region was

tea. It was introduced by Toledo Rendon, first director of

the Law Academy, who favored it over sugar and coffee since

its cultivation was less costly, less toilsome, and suited for

adolescent workers. Tea was also more practicable for the

circumscribed lands of suburban chficaras, and by 1833 Rendon

had set out Mf,000 bushes near what is now Tea Hill (Morro do
25
Chi), the city's fashionable shopping center.

Olf
Mawe, op. clt.. p. 73 j Mtlller, op. cit. . pp. 2U-30.
25
Jose Arouche de Toledo Rendon, "Pequena memoria da
plantagao e cultura do cha" in Colecao das tr&s principals memorias
s&bre a plantaca o . cultura e fabrico do cha CSao Paulo. 1851).
pp. l*7-4-o:
Following is the exported produce of the city and its
rural parishes for 1835s
# of total provincial export
tobacco (3^2 arrobas) 3*0
coffee (879 arrobas) 0 .1
cotton (5*+0 arrobas) 6 .0
firewater (2,197 canadas) 5*0
rice (2 ,0 9 6 alqueires) 0 .6
manioc flour (10,292 alqueires) 13*0
beans (**,368 alqueires) 2 .0
corn (*+5*583 alqueires) 1 .0
peanut oil (*+ medidas) 0.5
tea (66o libras) 3*+»0
Mtlller, o p . cit. . pp. 125* 129*
Suburban tea-growing did not force the proprietor to
choose between living in the city or on his distant plantation,
as coffee later did.
Even before it was locally produced, tea was more
widely drunk in the city than coffee, which was scarcer and
dearer. The former was imported directly from Asia by Portu­
guese traders 5 *+0 r&is bought enough to brew a full pot.
Vieira Bueno, loc.cit.. p. 32.
 21

Fowl and cattle were plentiful near the city, but as no

fodder was laid up, the latter were sleek only in times of good

pasture. Sheep were "quite unattended to." Cows were

irregularly milked, given meagre salt rations, and generally

considered as "an encumbrance;" the use of goats' milk was more

prevalent. Dairying was "slovenly," so that butter soon turned

rancid and cheese was worthless.

The marketing process was so direct that there was

constant interpenetration of city and country at a social as

well as economic level. Perishables might be sold through the

streets borne on the trays of black women or on countrymen1s

mules that came from nearby and from further settlements like

Cutia and Juqueri. Or they might be found piled along the Rua

da Quitanda in front of squatting Negresses. Non-perishables

were sold in dark, smoky stalls along the Rua das Casinhas. By

day this street was tense with the shouts and jostle of com­

merce, with mule traffic, with the cries of those who hawked

sweets, biscuits, roasted peanuts. At night, illumined fit­

fully by rude tapers of black wax, the farmhands gathered for

their rhythmic batuques and for the strained, disquieting music

of their violas2^ and spontaneous songs (modinhas)s

Mawe, on. cit., pp. 70-71> 7*»

2^The viola, which has five or six strings and is
Brazil’s most popular instrument, bears on the theme, as it is
most used in rural areas. More typically urban is the Hispano-
Moorish violao— i.e., the guitar, with its " 8"-shaped body and
six strings (three of metal and three of gut). Renato Almeida,
Hlstdria da mfisica brasllelra (2nd edition; Rio de Janeiro,
19*2), p. 113.
 22

AlJ nhanha. mec§ nao sabe Oh, ladyj You don’t know
Como esta meu coraqa o . In what state my heart is,
Esta como noite escura It is like the black, black night
Na maior escurldao. In the greatest darkness.
And in the shadows harlots waited silently to share in the day's
28
profits of the countryman.

In such a city, or rural community, relationships were

29
primary and personal. Laws, institutions, even street names

were effective only if expressed in locally recognized terms.

Tasks performed by the myriad specialized agents of the self-

conscious metropolis were done communally in the rural town,

almost innately.

Since, for example, there was no fire department,

church bells rang out in a code to designate the location of

the blaze. Immediately the townsmen rallied in a bucket

brigade: freemen, slaves, foreigners, officials, even women—

and venders with the potable water they had planned to sell in

2®Saint-Hilaire, op. cit. . I, 261-262; Vieira Bueno,

loc. cit., pp. 30-32 .
29
Beco da Cachaca (Firewater Alley), Beco do Sapp
(Toad’s AlleyV. Rua do j5go da Bola (Ninepins Street), Beco
dos Cor nos (Alley oif the Horns, so called because of the nearby
slaughterhouse). Contrast these with formal modern names,
standard for Sao Paulo and all Brazilian cities and towns:
Rua 15 de Novembro. Rua Volunt 6rlos da P&tria. Alameda Barao
do Rio Branco. Rua 7 de Abril.
The anonymity of urban addresses was prescribed for
Sao Paulo in 1810, when the Portuguese government ordered that
there should be posted on each corner the "name of the street
!and consecutively on the property of each house the numbers,
written in figures, from one until all the houses.of the
respective street are numbered, beginning again with number one
on the next street, exactly as with the first, so that in all
of the city there remains no street oralley without a name,
nor the property of any house without a number." Nuto Sant'Anna,
Sao Paulo historico (6 vols., Sao Paulo, > IV, 50-51*
 23

the streets the next day at M-0 r 6is the barrel .^0
In the l820fs and for decades thereafter the city was
periodically insulated by the overflow of its two close-lying

rivers. The serpentine Tamanduatei, inundating Carmo meadow,

would inflict the city with "inopportune fogs, humidity,
31
catarrhs, and rheumatism" and deprive it of productive lands.

There were as yet no government funds and facilities to

straighten and channel the river. And so a group of citizens

"voluntarily and with fervor united in the most useful enter­

prise of draining Carmo meadow. As for the result of the

efforts therein expended, we need add nothing at all to the

evidence revealed by a mere glance across the said meadow.

Of the thirty-seven who contributed 222$5l+0, twenty-four had

military rank and three were clergymen. Col. Francisco In6cio

de Sousa Quier6 s, who subsequently gave his name to the

"Conspiracy of Francisco Inficio" (see infra, Section 3)> was

the most lavish ( ^ l ^ O O ) . A petition to the provincial govern­
ment three years earlier, requesting action against the stag­

nant waters and mosquitoes of the flooded meadow, had been

33
fruitless; now, as a private citizen, the provincial vice-

president donated 10$000. The church was freer with slaves

3°Antonio Egidio Martins, Sao Paulo antigo (2 vols.,

Sao Paulo, 1911), II, 66 .
^1RGCMSP, XVI (1820-1822), 358-360; Veloso de Oliveira,
op. cit. , pp. 71-71**
^ 0 farol paulistano. 19 December 1827*
^Martins, op. cit.. I, 59-63*
 2b

than with money for the enterprise, o f 366 slaves that were
lent, 25 belonged to the Carmelites, 20 to the Benedictines,
6 to the Franciscans, 1^ to two convents, and 23 to two priests.

These slaves were paid 2*f0 r&is for each day's labor, as were
3^
the freemen with whom they worked.

Veloso de Oliveira found in the city four threats to

hygiene besides stagnant Carmo meadow: (1) excess of charlatans

over trained physicians, (2) prevalence of smallpox (vaccine

was regarded as a "mere curiosity") and of (3) measles, and

(*f) plethora of ants.-^ Spix and Martius found more inflamma­

tory, liver, dropsical and less gastric, goitrous and cutaneous

infection than elsewhere in Brazil. Saint-Hilaire (though the

reliability of his informant might be questioned) was shocked

by the venereal rate: "On demandait une fille publique si

elle 6tait atteinte de la syphilis: qui est-ce qui ne l'est

pas? repondit-elle." During a delivery a midwife would sit
her patient on a half-alqueire container, where several people
held her until the birth; from time to time she was shaken to

facilitate the delivery. The military hospital had a few

Ok
Total expenses for the job, which took up the month
of October, 1827s
workers' wages 138&230
overseer's salary 19 200
rent of a house for tool stowage 910
firewater for the workers 16 200
*+8 grappling irons M-8 000
222 ^ 0
0 farol paulistano. 19 December 1827-
3^Veloso de Oliveira, on. cit.. pp. 71-7^» Sant'Anna,
on. cit.. II, 69-70.
 25

skilled doctors and the best store of medical supplies, though

on occasion the latter gave out.3^ i,In generai the pharmacists

serve as doctors and from their storerooms distribute God-

knows-what, for horseshoes can be bought from them with the

same ease that a smith sells vomitories."3?

The official agents for relief of the sick were the

military hospital— which lacked nightshirts, chamber pots, and
had ten beds for four times as many patients— and a physician

salaried by the Camara Municipal to heal the poor. Vaccination

was never popularly accepted, despite the Captain-General's

threat (I806) of jail for those who refused to offer slaves

and children to be inoculated. Those stricken with smallpox

awaited the end resignedly, refusing food or treatment.

More far-reaching was the succor given by religious

orders: the nuns of the Convento da Luz; the Franciscans, who

distributed food to the poor daily at noon; and, most notably,

the Santa Casa da Miseric6rdia. The latter's infirmary had

been the city's first (1715)> and at the time we speak of it

was treating many slaves enfeebled by an agonizing trans-ocean

voyage, by sudden removal from the tropic north to the chiller

airs of Sao Paulo, or by pernicious living conditions.

Owners often delayed paying a slave's keep and, if the ailment

threatened to be mortal, manumitted him, saddling the Santa

Casa with the costs of treatment and burial. Just north of

^ S p i x and Martius, op. cit.. II, 2^-26; Saint-Hilaire,

op. cit.t I, 256, 266-269*

3?Beyer, loc. cit.. p. 287*

 26

the city center, in Luz, the Santa Casa maintained a lepers'

home. Its dozen or two inmates were ill attended, scarcely
clad, and fed beans and meat, a poor diet for their afflic­

tion. Kidder found them "impatient of restraint" and disposed

og
to escape to highroad mendicancy.

New problems of disease control were stemming from the

higher concentration of people. Through most of the eighteenth

century Sao Paulo and its rural parishes held only 2,500 to

M-,000 inhabitants; in 1790 there were over 8,000, in the 1820* s

over 20,000. These Paulistans were coming to realize that the

denser nucleus facilitates contagion, but can also provide

more effectively for its control. The early newspaper 0 p^aullsta

noticed that cholera morbus burgeoned "principally in those

plazas where there is least cleanliness," and that the abat­

toir, which was near and overlooking the city on the Santo
Amaro road, scented the breezes abominably. After deploring

the stagnancy of Carmo meadow, the paper went on to urge an end

to the unwholesome practice of interring bodies within

39
churches. In 1821 the Camara set fines of one to four

milr£is for failure to use the seven trash dumps that flourished

within the city proper— a needful provision, since the only

3®Tolstoi de Paula Ferreira, "Subsidios para a hist6ria

da assistencia social em Sao Paulo," RAM. LXVTI (June, 19^0),
9, 2*+, 63; Ribeiro, on. cit.. I, 230; II (2), 721-722; Aires de
Casal, on. cit. T I, 19*+; Sant'Anna, op. cit. . I, 236; II, 217-22^;
V, 19-22, 135-138, l ^ - l ^ , 217-221; Kidder, op. cit.. I, 303*

390 paulista, 26 July 1832.

 27

street-cleaning service was furnished by prisoners, usually

Negroes, who on occasion trudged through the city, chains rattling,

to dispose of these dung- and rubbish-heaps. In general, refuse

was dumped off bridges into the rivers, or else it simply gravi­

tated down from the central rise across sloping backyards and,
ifO
despite ordinances, along streets.

The environs of the abattoir were littered with skulls,

slough, and other remains, and it was here that a tributary of

the Anhangabati passed on its way to the small reservoir which

supplied the city's three main fountains. Of these only one

was central, and demands on it were excessive. Even in rainy

seasons its four spouts were known to do something less than

gush, and during drought quarrels over their mean trickle led

to broken jugs and pommeled heads. This impurity of fountain

Li
and river water explains the sale of potable water in barrels.

In his latest work Oliveira Vianna stresses the disper­

sive nature of agrarian development in colonial Brazil, the

lack of coherent, communal rural hamlets. "The Brazilian is

basically individualist; even more, much more than the other

Latin American peoples. . . . The socialized man, the solidary

^ I f one is to believe William Vogt, such disposal, by

whatever fecal nitrogen it returned to the land, was one hall­
mark of an adjusted rural community. William Vogt, Road to
Survival (New York, l^S) , p. 110.
*%GCMSP, XVI (1820-1822), 131-133; XVIII (182^-1826),
^35-^38; Vieira Bueno, loc. cit. . pp. 28-30; Spencer Vampr&,
Membrias para a hist6ria da Academia de Sao Paulo (2 vols.,
Sao Paulo, 192V) T I T 68 ff. ; Sant'Anna, op. cit.. I, 2M-1-2M-3,
26o; Ribeiro, op. cit.. I, M-3.
 28

man, the man dependent on or collaborating with the group found

here neither the climate to take root nor the temperature in

which to develop.’1 He then cites the exception. ”We may say

that only one nucleus founded during our history— the vila of

Piratininga ^Sao Paulo7— gave us a fine instance of an 'agrarian

hamlet1 in operation, such as today we still see in the Hispanic

pueblos. Swiss Gemeinden, or Anglo-Saxon townships of the new
U-2
of the new and old continents."
From details so far given it appears that at the time
of independence Sao Paulo still retained certain characteristics

of the rural community subsisting largely by its own polycul­

ture. Street plan, mode and routes of travel, building materials,

ways of tillage had been spontaneously determined by environ­

ment and changed little over the centuries. The concept of an

impersonal government or body of law providing standard ser­

vices, within an urban pattern, and exacting standard compliance

received slight attention or reverence. The city functioned at

random; that is, man did not often intervene calculatingly in

the natural processes of his community. If the meadow was

flooded, an ad hoc committee took action, then disbanded. Per­

haps the slaughterhouse stank or bedridden patients had to use

outdoor privies; nonetheless Sao Paulo was far from unclean or

slovenly in the eyes of the widely traveled. Mawe and Beyer

cpmmented on the comparative scarcity of disease, endemic or

1+2
, Francisco Jos6 de Oliveira Vianna, InstitulcSes
pollticas brasileiras (2 vols., Rio de Janeiro, 19^9)» I>
H 8 - H 9 . 169: cf. ibid.. chaps. V, VI.
 29

epidemic. Kidder found the vicinity "remarkably pleasant" and

saw "a great degree of neatness and cheerfulness in the external

aspect of the houses." (Confer Saint-Hilaire1s view at the
start of this chapter.) To Beyer the Paulistans seemed "another
race, more like the Swiss." J

In some respects the tight-knit community that Oliveira

Vianna speaks of began disintegrating in the seventeenth century,

as soon as the immediate Indian menace was lifted. Luis Sfiia has

suggested to me that colonial Sao Paulo was largely a symbolic,

not an operational nucleus. Its leading citizens, even alder­

men, often lived on distant fazendas and came to their city

l^lj,
residences only for civil and religious ceremonies. Sao

Paulo, he feels, lacked a tight municipal organization (organ-

izacao fechada) .

The view apposite for this study is that in 1820 Sao

Paulo was rounding out its colonial experience, retaining,

though in no such degree as the ayllu or Gemeinde. a certain

innate functionalism (distinct from sophisticated Mumfordian

functionalism). Lack of an abundant, wealth-accruing export

still imposed, as it had for nearly three centuries, a modest,

partly autarkic economy, precluding the cosmopolitanism of a

Mawe, op. cit.. p. 69; Beyer, loc. cit., pp. 285, 287;
Kidder, o p . cit.. I, 230-231.
> , >.

As late as 1823 we find the President of the Camara

complaining to the provincial government that: ". . . the
Alderman captain Jos6 Mariano Bueno being ill, there remains
only the Alderman Captain Jos& de Almeida Ramos, who, for cause
well known, cannot appear for sessions twice during the week by
reason of the inordinate distance from his whereabouts to this
city." RGCMSP, XVII (1822-182^), 309-310.
 30

Rio, Salvador or Recife. But "intuitive" processes that had

served the village of *4-00 or *4-,000 were beginning to show them­

selves inadequate for and at times merely vestigial in the town
of 20,000. There loomed the need for rational city management.
What I mean is implicit in the following letter from a

"Paulista":
There is in this City a house (though not now in a
suitable place) for general stowage of gunpowder,
whether nationally owned or commercial, but it is so
in voce, for there appears to exist none there belonging
to the Merchants, who keep it (I do not implicate all of
them) in their houses in the face of all rights, includ­
ing that of humanity; because if perchance a fire occur­
red in one of these houses and only he who kept powder
in his house were to suffer the damage, it would be all
right, but it does not happen like that; because I, you,
and the other Citizens are liable to lose our properties,
our goods, and even our lives.^5

The modern planner who harks back to a once-idyllic Sao

Paulo is not necessarily a dreaming romantic. He may yearn

simply for the raw materials which, with minimal but incisive

surgery, might have been shaped into the features of a healthy,

easily functioning, regionally adjusted community, serving and

enriching the life of each participating citizen. During the

three or four decades after independence, in fact, and before

the overwhelming onrush of foreign modes and values, such an

evolution seems in retrospect to have been a possibility.

What the informed planner sets value on is not the

earthen floor or the redolent dunghill or the waterless foun­

tain. He sets it rather on a personal sense of relationships

^ 0 farol paulistano. 7 December 1827- See also

RGCMSP, XIV (16o 6-1813) , 4-82-H85*, XV (181*4-1819) , 18-20.
 31

and a communal sense of the irrefragable fact of life itself.

In this early Sao Paulo men always greeted one another on the

street even if strangers, while poorer persons tipped the hat

to one well clad. Whenever anyone departed from the city, his

friends accompanied him on horseback to the Tree of Tears, two

leagues distant, where last leave was taken. The hanging of

criminals involved all citizens, for the gallows stood in public

on the Campo da Forca; near it believers had set up a wooden

cross where candles could be lit and which came to serve as a
LA
center for religious ceremonies. And a city ordinance,
affecting sextons and their church bells, provided that:

. . . as soon as any man shall die there will be

struck three brief and distinct knells, for a woman
two, and for children of 7 to lM- years of age there
will be struck only one, be it male or female; and for
these death knells no wages will be asked. ^7

2. The Life of the City

Vieira Bueno, born in Sao Paulo in 1816, recalled the

era's leading families in a telling sentence that shows how

sharply the colonial pattern was yet etched:

The old Paulista families of pure blood, even if not

wealthy (and few were numbered as relatively wealthy),
were deeply imbued with a lofty sentiment of self­
esteem, which gave them a certain aristocratic stamp:
by the severity and restraint of the customs; by the
punctilio regarding racial puritanism in choosing

^Martins, on. cit.. I, 8*f-85«

^Ordinance of 1836, quoted in Sant'Anna, on. cit. .
IV, 1^3.
 32

matrimonial alliances; by honorableness of character;

by probity in business— all this refined by an absolute
sway of religious belief s.

This cameo needs slight re-touching, but it is of as much value

as a recollection made in 1899 as for the partial truth it con­
cisely locks.

The strictly patterned behavioral code of patriarchal

families, the functionally and culturally pre-defined class

strata were in contrast to the all-permissive fluidity, eclec­

ticism, and anonymity offered the individual by today’s urban

society. The upper class used the formal vos in address, even

between brothers or parent and child. Visitors were received

only by the head of the family, but once a stranger was accepted

as a guest the dono freely offered him ”his friendship, heart,

if.Q
and house," which was "in no wise to be taken as a mere formula."
There were few travelers from abroad, few even from the province,
as roads were bad and the city held few enticements. Hence

there were no inns or eating-places; the respectable visitor

had letters to insure him private hospitality. Before finding

such hospitality Saint-Hilaire saw himself forced to put up at

a miserable post for muleteams. His room, one of many that

opened on a miry court, was dank, filthy, windowless, and too

narrow to turn about in once it had received his baggage.

Small wonder it was that the foreigner encountered

U-8
Francisco de Assis Vieira Bueno, Autobiografia (Cam­
pinas, 1899)» P-
^Beyer, loc. cit.. p. 289; Afonso A. de Freitas,
Tradicoes e reminlscenci'as paulistanas (Sao Paulo, 1921) , p. 65.
 33

*jO
certain suspicion. Those known to Paulistans were few and
often of low standing. Saint-Hilaire found a reputable Swiss

merchant, but the several Englishmen and few Frenchmen were

"d'une classe inf&rieure.*'^'1’ Florence encountered only two

Europeans: a French shopkeeper and an indigent Prussian gun­

smith. ^
There was inner strength to resist foreign sophistry

and exploitation. When JoSo Mark Liotard, a British subject,

sought permission to set up a new abattoir that would meet the

heavy demand for veal, pork and mutton, the C§mara was skepti­

cal. To slaughter calves for veal, it reasoned, was bootless,

since they would feed more people if allowed to grow. As for

pork, Liotard might establish a monopoly on pigs and cut off

the bacon supply of venders on the Rua das Casinhas. Only in

the matter of sheep was there hope for agreement.

No foreign elements threatened strict familial identity,

native codes and folkways, architecture, domestic arts. There

was not the elegance— the North American furniture and French

^°This suspicion harbored by the introverted community

is borne out in an ordinance of 1831: "No one may give lodging
or rent a house to a person unknown in this Municipality for
more than twenty-four hours without his first being presented
to the cognizant Justice of the Peace and obtaining from him a
declaration of his entry, and only with this document may he
be given residence. Infractors will be punished by four days
in prison and a fine of two milr&is." Sant1Anna, on. cit.,
IV, 191.
^Saint-Hilaire, o p . cit.. I, 23^-238, 285*
^2
Florence, o p . cit. , p. 90*f.

53RGCMSP. XVI (1820-1822), 7-10.

 3^

mirrors— of Bahia and Pernambuco and Maranhao. More customary

were a row of heavy colonial chairs and perhaps a modest
Ntirnberg looking-glass. There was a castor-oil-burning brass
lamp instead of a glass lamp and tapers.^ Receiving-rooms

were cheerfully painted, older ones with arabesques, and taste­

fully furnished. An occasional framed engraving that had been

dumped from the European market for its ugliness only emphasized
55
the Paulistan's innocence of citified artistic canons.

Families were "hospitable, straightforward, . . . sober

in the extreme," drank little wine and kept a "simple but pleas­

ing t a b l e . R u g e n d a s wrote in the 1830's of "the great sim­

plicity of the Paulistas1 customs, the absence of luxury— even

among the higher classes— especially as regards furniture and

kitchen utensils." Cordiality suffused social relations.

"Music, the dance, conversation take the place of . . . gaming,

which is one of the chief diversions in most of the other

cities of Brazil.
Sobrados. the one- or two-storey dwellings of this
upper class, were gathered along the central streets and

squares, while humbler casas tSrreas clutched at the edges

of the steep approaches. The former were of talpa construction

^ S p i x and Martius, on. cit. , II, 12$ F. Denis, op. cit. »

p. 191.
^Saint-Hilaire, op. cit., I, 251*
56
' Florence, op. cit., p. 903*
tin / #
Joao Mauricio Rugendas, Viagem pitoresca atraves
do Brasil (Sao Paulo, 19^0), pp. 99-100.
 35

(the French £ls|), a European technique but one which was

peculiarly expressive of the needs and conditions of the wild,

self-contained hinterland of America, the Brazilian sertao.

The taipa wall was made by setting up parallel supports of

wickerwork, planks, or closely driven posts, secured by cross­

pieces. Between them earth was fed, to be moistened and rammed.

As sections were completed, the supports were shifted to con­

tiguous spaces, leaving room of course for beams and frames.

The finished walls, pared and painted, might stand for cen­

turies.^®
The house of taipa was more than a casual intrusion of

the countryside. It objectified both the behavior of an owner

who used his city residence only in time of religious or civil

ceremony and the resources of an agrarian region whose surplus

was too narrow to support an opulent, worldly-wise community.

Sao Paulo had few houses of brick, while the granite which

gave Rio de Janeiro, Recife, Salvador, Macei6, and even Santos

a European complexion was never employed.

The sobrado was truly functional, if by that term is

meant the unpretentious comeliness arising from rational use

of local materials, cognizance of social patterns and usage,

and fealty to living tradition. The social function was

acquitted by the sobrado1s specific adaptation to the rural

patriarchy. It had as one-storey adjuncts slave quarters,

^Ferdinand Denis, Br&sil (Paris, 1839) » P* 190; Mawe,

op. cit.« p. 68.
 36

stables, and other dependencies. Women's rooms were removed

from the street and often deprived of light and air. The

r6tula (a type of jalousie, though with close-laid diagonal

strips of wood instead of louvers) and protruding r6tula. or

muxarable. were Moorish survivals that formalized the flirta­
tions of sequestered daughters. After the Portuguese court's

removal to Brazil (1808) such Moslem vestiges came under

official bans and shortly disappeared in Rio and elsewhere.

Since, however, the r6tula in S§o Paulo was functional for

climatic, social, and psychic reasons, it defied municipal

ordinances for decades, living to be a stage-prop for mid-cen-

59
tury romanticism.
The handsomeness and esthetic honesty of the sobrado

were later denied. In his manual for architects (1880) Cesar

60
de Rainville considered taipa suited only for humble dwellings,

and Vieira Bueno, reminiscing in 1903> recalled the sobrado as

having been "without architecture and even ugly."^-1- The metro­

polis has consigned this structure, and its way of life, to

oblivion, but the sobrado's dignity and purity of design may

still be confirmed in early photographs and in the more

^ L u i s sfiia, Monograph on Carapicuiba (mss.), pp. W9-51*;

Ernani Silva Bruno, "Apontaraentos sobre a cidade e a casa de
Sao Paulo no s&culo dezenove," Boletim blbllogrAfico. I, 3
(April-June, 1 9 ^ ) , 102; A Gazeta Magazine. 9 March 19H-1;
Edmundo Amaral, R&tulas e mantilhas (Sao Paulo, 1932), pp. 65-69;
Spix and Martius, op. cit.. II, 2.

^°Sfiia, op. cit.. p. 53-

^"Vieira Bueno, "Cidade de Sao Paulo," loc. cit.. pp. 26-
29.
 37

quiescent towns of today, Itu and those of the Paraiba valley

such as Taubat6 and Guaratinguetfi.
At the start of the last century the severity in

architectural line and functional division of the taipa house,

rural and urban, had been relaxed since the era of its seven­

teenth-century forerunner. The unvarying quadruple face of the

shelving tile roof was breaking up. The strict demarcation

between the family's communal room (sala) with its bedrooms

grouped around and the more decorative receiving-room (alpendre)

with its adjoining chapel and guest room was dissolving. The

lines of the structure no longer proclaimed its patriach as

the autarkic master of the sertao, "owner of the lands, the

62
family, and the slaves, dispenser of justice and of religion."
They foretokened, rather, the sociability, parties and catholic

interests of the new bourgeois aristocrat— the gentleman

planter, the huntsman, the litterateur.

Broadly speaking, however, the sobrados that the traveler

of 1820 might have seen were in the mainstream of colonial tra­

dition, as was the patriarchy itself. For just as environment

was working at its many levels to preserve a social mold, so

the very nature of taipa imposed unitary, definitive solutions

upon the builder that precluded the anomalous deviation of

parts possible with later techniques.

Some of Sao Paulo’s sobrados represented an opulence

^2Luis SSia, "Notas sobre a arquitetura rural paulista

do segundo s&culo," Revlsta do Servico die Patrimonio Hlstorico
e Artistico Nacional. 8 (19^*) . 2^7-27^
 38

based on the cattle trade, but many were owned by masters of

outlying sugar plantations, who were much like the proud but

moneyless coffee planters of today:

The owner of a refinery leaves / l 8 l ^ at his death a

certain number of Negroes who are divided among his
sons; each of the latter deem it a point of honor to be
a senhor d'engenho ^sugar planter7 . . . as was his
father, and he buys slaves on credit. He can doubtless
earn enough to pay for them after a certain time; but
meanwhile he often loses several, whether by illness
or bad treatment and lack of care; he replaces them,
buying again on credit, and passes his life ever in
debt.53

Not only the style but the disposition of parlor furni­

ture indicated the social pattern. Ladies were expected to

occupy the cane-bottomed sofa at one end of the room, men taking
the chairs that extended in two precise rows from its either
6h
end. Often, though, women did not show themselves, even at

table, before male guests; they entered the street under vigi­

lance of the family head, and then usually for devotional ends.
With few soirees and with no gusts of foreign fad and fashion

blowing through the city, girls married as young as thirteen

and fourteen and busied themselves in the house with lacework,

embroidery, preparing sweets, and at evening with guitars and

^Saint-Hilaire, op. cit.. I, 260-261.

6*f
Kidder, op. cit.. I, 231*
Sarmiento recalled that rural Argentine homes of this
period contained a divan "inherited from the Arabs, a privileged
place in which only women were permitted to sit, and in whose
spacious precincts, leaning back against the cushions, they
received and prattled with their visitors and the lords of the
house." The divan "showed that men could not publicly approach
young girls or talk freely or mingle with them." Domingo F.
Sarmiento, Recuerdos de provincia (Buenos Aires, 1916),
pp. 191-192.
 39

singing. Paulistan ladies were well-bred and, though ingenuous,

had a polished ease of manner and address. A cherished ritual
was the graceful exchange of flowers with favored acquaint-
65
ances. So constraining an etiquette needed its safety valve,

which Paulistan ladies found in church ceremony and Carnival.

One staid Englishman found the pre-Lenten Carnival antics with
cologne-laden wax fruits "very annoying":

. . . persons of both sexes amuse themselves by throwing

these balls at each other; the lady generally begins the
game, the gentleman returns it with such spirit that it
seldom ceases until several dozens are thrown, and both
parties are as wet as if they had been drawn through a
river. Sometimes a lady will dexterously drop one into
the bosom of a gentleman, which will infallibly oblige
him to change his linen, as it usually contains three or
four ounces of.cold water.66

Dress was not pretentious. Sunday clothes lasted for

years: the man's long topcoat and his trousers of Saragossa

cloth or of yellow or blue nankeen, the lady's dress of Malaga

serge and all-shrouding casimere mantilla edged with lace. The

poor used simple garments of calico and baize, over which women

wrapped a plain black shawl for church. The slow-gaited country­

man (calpira) was identified by his large gray hat, poncho and

coarse cotton breeches. If on processional days slaves appeared

decked in gold and jewels, it perhaps meant only that their

mistresses were vicariously satisfying a longing for ornamentation

^Vieira Bueno, "Cidade de Sao Paulo," loc. cit..

p. 32; Saint-Hilaire, on. cit.. I, 269; Beyer, loc. cit.,
p. 289; Mawe, op. cit.. pp. 82. 8m-; Spix and Martius, op. cit..
II, 8.
k^Mawe, pp. cit. . p. 85*
 ^0

.that they themselves could not meet directly save on rare

festive occasions.^7

This deputizing of the slave is revealing. It means

that the limbs and joints of the city— its streets, alleys,

plazas, all its areas of circulation and public congregation—

were the domain of slaves (who were over a fourth of its popu­
lation) and humble freemen: muleteers, venders, husbandmen.

The patriarchal families were self-contained in their sobrados.

They had no daily points of public assembly, no promenades or

shopping centers or swank restaurants, where a calculated dis­

play of clothes and manners might rouse envy in the peer and

impel the masses to simulation. Evening brought with it not

the jading traffic and dazzle of later years, but a movement

that was sure and intense as the gathering dusk. Both sexes

were:
. . . envelopped in woolen cloaks with high collars
behind which half the face was concealed; women wore
felt hats on the back of the head, while the men's were
pulled down over their eyes. . . . ^Prostitutes7 walked
slowly or awaited customers along the main streets, but
it must be said that they never approached anyone. They
were never heard to insult the men or call each pJher
names; they scarcely looked at those who passed.°8

These human filaments among which we are moving will be

brought to higher candescence once we appraise the folklore

^Auguste de Saint-Hilaire, Voyage & Rio-Grande do Sul

(Orl&ans, 1887), p. 588; Taunay and Denis, op. cit.. II,
180-181; Kidder, o p . cit., I, 23^5 Mawe, op. cit.. p. 82;
Vieira Bueno, "Cidade de Sao Paulo," loc. cit.. pp. 23-24-.
68
Saint-Hilaire, "Les Provinces de Saint-Paul," op.
cit.. I, 269-272.
 hi

born of the city. Colonial Sao Paulo had inherited no advanced

autochthonous arts; moreover, it lacked the wherewithal to

import European ones, and the outlook or temper to create them

in loco. Possibly the sobrado and an occasional modinha— both
of communal, spontaneous authorship— transcended, beyond merely

transcribing, the conditions of specific environment and are

judicable by the canons of art. But most efforts failed of

this higher synergism and are to be taken at a folkloric level

within the social context.

The most robust and rewarding expression was that stem­

ming direct from the popular human mainstream. One artist took
inspiration in the first half of the century from the so-called

"popular types": inebriate or balmy street-wanderers with

their trains of mocking ragamuffins. There was Chora Vinagre

(Vinegar Tears), a bathetic declaimer in a Spanish cape, said

to have thrown his child into the river wailing, "Poor daughterJ

If you are to grow up to be as luckless as your father, it is

better that you dieJ" The little innocent was rescued, became
known as Chorinha (Tearlets), and was later famous as a town

strumpet. One Gib6ia (Watersnake), possessed of an ample torso

and scrawny legs, used to enter houses and, lifting his cloak,

announce, "I come here to show my body so that you may see how

well made I am. My navel particularly is a model of perfection

!
— as though it were turned on a lathe." The "popular types"
are preserved in the casual, ingenuous, but at the same time

vigorous and convincing watercolors of Miguel Arcanjo Benicio

 k2

da Assungao Dutra (1810-1875)

Another painter was Father Jesuino do Monte Carmelo

(176^— 1819) who did religious canvases and murals in the city
for the Carmelites and the convent of Santa Teresa. The precise
strain that I attribute to all of Sao Paulo’s cultural expression

of this era is explicit in M6rlo de Andrade's summation of

Father Jesuino:

Jesuino resides in that uneasy middleground between

legitimate folkloric art and legitimate erudite art.
There is a touch of irregularity, of— yes, of commonness
in his worlt which has nothing of the forces, forms, and
fatalities of folkloric art. But Jesuino does not reach
the erudite. He has popular appeal. He is really very
citified. So that we are always obliged to see him as
what he claims to be, a cultured painter! And in this
framework he is cultured without tradition behind him,
cultured without having learned enough, cultured with­
out culture.70

Viewed against the colonial achievement of Bahia or Minas

Gerais, Father Jesuino is a slight figure. But in the Sao Paulo
context his painting showed, albeit incidentally, a vitality
and oneness with the local ethos that the later metropolis was

to stifle only at the cost of spiritual impoverishment.

Before the opening of the Law Academy, theatrical

activity was confined to the cramped stage of the Casa da

Opera, a narrow one-storey house whose internal d&cor was less

showy than that of some private residences. There were three

^9j0§0 pedro da Veiga Miranda, Alvares de Azevedo

(Sao Paulo, 1931), pp. 28-38; Jos& Maria dos R§is Junior,
Historia da Pintura no Brasil (Sao Paulo, 19^*0 > PP» 72-75;
Vampr§. op. cit. . I, 327-328.
^®Mfirio de Andrade, Padre Jesuino do Monte Carmelo
(Rio de Janeiro, 19^5)» P- 1^3•
 ^3

rows of boxes and, for men only, a parterre. The actors were

colored and the actresses women of suspicious virtue whose

talent "was in perfect harmony with their morality; one would
have called them marionettes moved by wires." Even so, Saint-
Hilaire after a performance of Molibre's L 1Avare found it

"impossible not to recognize that some were born with natural

proclivities for the stage." And Martius noted that a barber

who appeared as the leading character in the French operetta

Le D&serteur "deeply affected his fellow-citizens," despite a

musical accompaniment resembling "a chaos of elementary

71
sounds."' Here as with painting it was not the urban European

formula that appealed but the popular native spirit which

infused and transfigured it:

. . . it is impossible not to smile at the effect

produced by white and red make-up on these more or less
dark-complexioned faces. The costumes are no less
grotesque, and fealty to local color is certainly what
least concerns these extempore artists.
There is more charm and at the same time more
originality in the purely national divertissements.'

^Saint-Hilaire, "Les Provinces de Saint-Paul," op.

cit. . I, 283-28^; Spix and Martius, op. cit. , II, 13.
72
F. Denis, op. cit., p. 191.
Of these early productions of operettas Mfirio de
Andrade has said: "That 'musicality' is real: however, till
now it has borne better fruit in the breast of the uncultured
people than in erudite music. Much harm is being done us by
lack of traditional culture, reluctance to study, and the
mestizo petulance with which Brazilians— whether scions of
me'ans, sons of bandeirantes or of sugar planters, whether
lately descended from Italians, Spaniards, Germans, or Russian
Jews— quickly esteem themselves unimpeachable geniuses by
virtue of whatever canary-like talents the land of Brazil has
endowed them. What consoles us is to see the uncultured
people creating here a native music that is among the finest
and richest." Mario de Andrade, Peauena Hist 6rla da Mfisica
(Sao Paulo, 1 9 ^ ) » PP* 190-191.
 M+

Negro ceremonials were an enclave within the basic

creole culture. In colonial years the commotion and alleged

indecencies attendant, upon them had evoked interdiction by

city authorities. They continued to be held, however, some

clandestinely, some conspicuously at Miseric6rdia fountain,

the slaves' natural rallying point. The ban was released in
the early nineteenth century, and dances were allowed on pay­
ment of a license fee. Most important of them was that honor­

ing the black man's patroness, Nossa Senhora do Rosfirio. After

a religious service, the colorfully dressed Negroes assembled

in front of her church for a spirited dance. Then the "king"

and "queen" went home and offered a sumptuous meal to their

"court," each of whom had adopted a famous title of the Empire.

The musicians received liberal potations as they waited in the

street. The meal over, all returned to the church for a

solemn procession. Children too were present, their rosaries

of red and gold beads, amulets, and jaguar teeth fortifying

them against the evil genii of two faiths.

The eerie midnight incantations of Negroes performing

church burials recalled even more strongly the mysteries of a

far continent and are said to have caused neighbors to seek

new residences. In time to the muffled thud of pestles was

borne the lugubrious chants Z6io que tanto ve. Zi boca aue
tanto fala. Zi boca aue tanto zi comeo e zi bebeo. Z1 corpo
que tanto trabalhou. Zi perna que tanto ando. Zi que tanto

zi pisou. (Eye that sees so much. Mouth that speaks so much.

Mouth that ate so much and drank so much. Body that worked so
 i*5

73
much. Leg that walked so much. Foot that trod so much.)

The Negro ritual showed a more organic blend of the

sacred and profane than did the orthodox ceremonies. At the .

time of independence the Brazilian Church was becoming more

overtly secular. Monastery walls harbored intrigues of a
rph.
palpably temporal and at times masonic nature. The Church,

as noted above, made slaves available for the Carmo meadow

drainage project. Some citizens there were who felt that the

clerics would do well to apply their liberal resources to the

ordering of their own house. A letter in 0 farol paulistano

urged better management of Church funds and smarter upkeep of
religious establishments. The province's four Carmelite and

four Benedictine cloisters, asserted the writer, owned 131

sobrados and casas tSrreas (some located in Rio), 7^3 slaves,
2k agricultural farms, 10 stock farms, 2 Bank of Brazil shares,
5 to 6 square leagues of lands, 2 kilns, money at interest,
and miscellany. These holdings represented a probable yearly

income of 22 to 2k contos: "a sum from which, even allowing

for enjoyment of the rueful life of Epicurus, there might be

left over— since in the eight cloisters there exist only 13

recluses— enough to preserve their Churches with decency.'1

The friars maintained, however, that the total income of seven

cloisters came to only three contos and that the eighth

^Martins, op. cit.. II, 82-85? Sant'Anna, op. cit.,

III, 227-230.
^*F. Badar6, Les couvents du Br6sil (Florence, 1897)»
p. 7»
 k6

(possessed merely of 71 dwellings, 102 slaves, *+ farms, and a

75
kiln) found barely enough means to support its three inmates. '
If the piety and diligence of the regular clergy
corresponded to that of the priests, they well deserved public

rebuke. In synodic examinations held to fill curacies,

untutored candidates who could not sign their own names
properly were known to score better than serious, well educated
76
competitors. If under honorable, cultured dom Mateus de

Abreu Pereira (Bishop of Sao Paulo, 1795-1821*) the lower

clergy were lax, what improvement could one hope for under his

successor, who was a worldly politician and strong arm of t h e -

conservatives, who owned a fazenda and slaves, and who shocked

7*0 farol paulistano. 21 March 1827*

One source lists Sao Paulo city's principal orders as
follows (for 1827)s
CARMELITES. 2 brothers. 31 casas terreas. 2
sobrados, 6 agricultural farms, 1 stock farm, 3&2 slaves. In-
comet 5858120 plus farm produce.
BENEDICTINES. 3 brothers. 71 dwellings (yielding
1: 526$88o), 1 kiln, 107 slaves.
FRANCISCANS. 6 brothers. 7 slaves. Maintained by
alms; gave daily help to the poor.
CONVENT OF SANTA TERESA. 27 nuns. 5^ dwellings,
16 slaves. Income: l:6lM-886o.
CONVENT OF NOSSA SENHORA DA LUZ. 28 nuns. Main­
tained by alms. ,
SANTA CASA DA MISERICORDIA. Owned property, includ­
ing a pasture. Income: 2:508$l60 plus 1:2008000 from a lot­
tery; also alms. Staffed by a chaplain, sacristan, surgeon,
and errand-boy. Maintained a hospital with a nurse, 3
attendants, and a notary; a lepers' home with a caretaker and
an attendant; a foundling home with 1*+ wet nurses.
(Considerable property in Sao Paulo belonged to reli­
gious orders located in other cities.) Ribeiro, op. cit. ,
II (1), 111-115*
^Jo a q u i m do Monte Carmelo, 0 Arcipreste da S6 de
S. Paulo. Joaquim Anselmo d'Oliveira, e o clero do Brasil (Rio
de Janeiro, lo73V » PP* 14-16.
 h7

traditionalists by attending the theatre? Padres were conspicu­

ous neither for celibacy, erudition, nor personal dignity.

Once in the Cathedral a canon threatened a colleague with a

dagger. There was the obese and wine-loving Portuguese friar

whose discordant, stentorian voice provoked open hilarity dur­

ing Holy Week services. Another report tells of a young sacris­

tan who sat yawningly before the devout in Santa Teresa church,
with legs crossed and attire so slovenly that his chest was
almost wholly bare.

The most popular church was that in which mass was

hasty, unintelligible, and soon over. The sudden appeal at

one time of services held in the former Jesuit church was

explained by the beauty of the provincial president's twin

daughters, who lived next d o o r . ^ Saint-Hilaire describes

thus the observance of Easter in Sao Paulo (3 -1 2 April 1822):

These celebrations attract a large number of country
people. I attended some of their worship and was
offended by the inattention of the faithful. No one
enters into the spirit of the occasion. The most
distinguished men take part out of habit and the
people do so as if at a pleasure gathering. . . .
The streets were full of people strolling from church
to church, but solely to look at them and without the
least semblance of devotion. Women selling candy and
sweets were seated on the ground at the church
entrances, and the common people bought from them to
treat the female companions of their promenade.78

And more so than church services, the religious procession was

7?Vieira Bueno, "Cidade de Sao Paulo," loc. cit..

pp. 81-83, 15^-156.
Saint-Hilaire, "Voyage h Rio-Grande," op. cit.,
pp. 587-588.
 bB

a capital pretext for gratifying eminently secular impulses.

These facts require, then, a modification of Vieira

Bueno's remark that the patriarchy was dominated in its every

aspect "by an absolute sway of religious beliefs." For what

gave the church to pervade Paulistan life in 1820 was not

(speaking of the collectivity) its spiritual content but its

social, ritual form. This form was valid for all classes and

responsive to their multifarious needs.

Church ceremony was a drawstring that pulled tight

the interests of the community. Planters left distant fazendas
and came to their city sobrados for important festivals.

Houses along the processional route commanded higher market

values. Like Carnival, which indeed is of religious inception,
processions suffused the citizenry with festive spirit, merged

all classes and institutions. Some wealthy families may not

have entered the streets, but they hung damask curtains from

their windows and gathered there with the zeal of participants

rather than observers.

The popular Corpus Christi procession, heralded the

night before with drums and firecrackers, never failed to

spread carnival revelry. The spectacle transformed the sombre
town: caparisoned steeds: African knights in yellow breeches,

scarlet capes, and plumed hats with trumpets and drums; and St.

George, the patron, a horse-borne wooden image, richly dressed,

carrying a lance and shield.

^Enthusiasm on these occasions being so widespread,

it was probably for a supercilious few that the cSoara issued
editais such as the one of 1820, two weeks prior to the Corpus
 1*9

Other processions were more sobering. One was the

funeral cortege led by a towering Roman centurion which halted
at intervals while the veronica intoned grimly: 0 vos omnes

qui transitls per viam attendlte et videte si est dolor sicut

dolor meus. Another was the procession in time of plague or

drought (e.g., the years 1816, 1819, 1828) which carried the

image of Nossa Senhora da Penha da Franga into the city. In

both cases, an immediacy external to the Church lent purpose

and cogency.
The social vigor of the processions was evident in

the participation of political authorities. After independence,

the provincial president always held in them a place of honor;

his secretaries and adjutants also figured prominently, as did

80
members of the CSmara, the soldiery, and a military band.

A letter of l1* May 1825 addressed to the president and signed

by four members of the Camara shows further this interrelation:

Christl procession, which required the participation of "all

faithful subjects" and ordered citizens to have "their houses
and walls whitewashed and their yards clean and swept, and to
throw leaves and flowers along the streets where the said
procession is to pass, with each resident having his doors
and windows decorated as is proper, under penalty of a six-
milreis fine for the expenses of tne Council and thirty days
in prison." RGCMSP, XVI (1820-1822), 60-62.
on
On 25 January 19*+8 I witnessed an important proces­
sion in honor of the city’s patron saint. As the worshippers
followed along their time-honored route, the governor and the
president of the nation, who was on an official visit, left a
building half a block from the processional street and drove
off with their motorcycle escort in the opposite direction—
proof positive of the modern divorce of temporal from spiritual
affairs.
 5o

As the Corpus Christ! Procession is shortly to be

held and as it should take place with all due propriety
and Solemnity, the Camara of this City begs Your Excel-
lancy kindly to send a Korse with Harness for the g]_
Equipage of St. George, and here awaits Your generosity.

And it was the civil government that requested the Bishop to

authorize transferral of the Penha image:

The sad situation threatening greater ruin that in

the current drought we see imminent upon us moves us
to appeal for the never failing aid of the Most Holy
Mother, Lady of Penha, our especial patroness and
advocate on such occasions; therefore we beg that
Your Most Reverend Excellency kindly assent to our
honest plea, giving the necessary orders so that the
sacred Image of the Same Lady may be removed from -
that parish to the Holy Diocesan Cathedral of this
city, that there we may direct our prayers to Her
Highest and Sovereign Son, through whose mediation
we doubt not that we shall receive the remedy to our
needs. /Camara to the Bishop, 13 February 1819^7
Here, then, is the Sao Paulo of 1820. It was a city
directly articulated with its environs and outlying hinterland,
0-3
as evidenced in its street plan, architecture, public ser­
vices, and economic pattern. Human races and nations had been

absorbed. They were of the nucleus; that is, they responded

communally to local conditions of life. The response was from

within, directed outward. Universal institutions were viable

only so far as they too met local conditions. When such insti­

tutions were ineffectual, native elements naturally coalesced

^A E S P , sala 10, mago *fl, Capital.

82RGCMSP, XV (181M--1819) , *K>9; see also: Martins, 0£.
cit. . I, 16, 32-33> Mf-H-5 and II, 155-156; Sant'Anna, op. cit. ,
III, 163-166; Vieira Bueno, "Cidade de Sao Paulo," loc. cit. .
pp. 81-83; Kidder, on. cit. . I, 23*+-235; Mawe, op. cit.,
pp. 83-8*+.
8^Since I808 the deceiving symmetry of the geometric
street pattern had been official policy for the municipality
CAnais do 1°. Congresso de Habitacao /Sao Paulo, 1932 /»
 51

to answer a need. Tensions were present, but neither those

which produce wide-scale instability, neurosis and clash, nor

those which generate, unpredictably and inexplicably, the high­

est cultural attainments. The mores and culture of each human

group were valid at the proper levels; and the community was so

knit that all levels were frequently intercalated in a common

frame of reference.
Enough has been said to show that the rhythms of this

allegedly self-contained, functional town were at times broken.

But the trim formula of the preceding paragraph will throw into

relief the balance of the chapter, which treats of certain new

catalysts— more potent than any yet mentioned— that were start­

ing to dissolve the status quo.

3. The Endowments from National independence

"Honorable Paulistans: The love

that I bear for Brazil in general
and for your province in particular—
since yours was the first of all to
make known before me and the entire
world the Machiavellian, disruptive,
and factious system of the Cortes of
Lisbon— obliged me to come among you
to consolidate the fraternal union
and tranquility that were wavering
and threatened by agitators and that
will soon be yours again once the
inquest ordered by me has been
closed."
— Dom Pedro I, 8 September 1822.

pp. 9^-95)• But this formal, Versailles-type-planning had to

wait for the physical expansion of the city in later years to
exact its crippling toll.
 52

The catalysts spoken of are associated with Brazilian

independence and the events leading thereto after 1808. In

that year Portugal's King Joao VI, fleeing the Napoleonic

invasion, reached Brazilian shores and established his court

in Rio. One of his early acts was to end the prohibition

against native manufactures and to open Brazil's ports to trade.

(These two measures were to an extent contradictive, for a

preferential tariff accorded to England stifled nascent home

industry.) To appreciate the effects of the new regime on Sao

Paulo, it will be useful to review the latter's pre-industrial

condition.

The royal ban was of course not alone responsible for

the absence of manufactures in colonial times. The scattered,

inaccessible population and the self-sufficiency of rural

estates would have sharply restricted the market for heavier

industries. Aside from adjuncts of husbandry, such as proces­

sing farm products, putting up conserves, distilling firewater,

or tanning, the principal craft in Sao Paulo was the hand manu­

facture of coarse cottons and woolens— with wealthier ladies

giving their time to lacework, brightly figured quilts, and

netted hammocks. Near the city lived mestizos who produced

handsome earthenware. Beaver hats were another local specialty.

; — ■

Roberto C. Simonsen, Brazil's Industrial Evolution

(Sao Paulo, 1939)> PP» 15-16, 20-21; Taunay and Denis, op. cit..
II, 176-177; Vieira Bueno, "Cidade de Sao Paulo," loc. cit. .
pp. 24— 26 ; Spix and Martius, op. cit., II, 18; Mawe, op. cit..
p. 69; Beyer, loc. cit.. p. 288.
 53

Sao Paulo had no drifting, fluctuating labor supply.

Craft and industry were either domestic or in the hands of
artisans. These latter had to pass examinations administered

by the notary of each trade before the Camara authorized them

to practice. In 1820, four cobblers, four tailors, two saddlers,

one tinker, and one Joiner were either qualified as mestres

examlnados or allowed to "work publicly with an open shop."

85
(One of the cobblers and one tailor were slaves.) Though

Paulistan craftsmen were not always the finest, the city at

least had facilities for generating its own skilled labor and

setting minimum standards. To this vestigial gild system one

may attribute a certain stability and occupational pride. In

86
marked contrast were the first experiences with factory labor.

By 1822 three travelers, impressed by Sao Paulo's

climate and cheap living costs, had recommended the city as

the ideal locus for Brazil's future industry. ^ Joao VI had a

similar notion, for when an arms factory he had set up in

8’5HGCMSP, XVI (1820-1822), 3-122; Sant'Anna, on. cit..

I, 288-291.
P£
• Saint-Hilaire found that artisans regarded work as an
occasional evil affording long intervals of Indolence. The
cordwainer was never supplied with leather nor the Joiner with
wood; when a customer advanced money for the artisan to buy
materials, it was soon spent for other ends. Only by placing
the same order with many artisans did one run a fair chance of
having it filled by some worker who was particularly hard
strapped for cash. This all savors, however, of a fundamental
Brazilian outlook on life, and since Saint-Hilaire was piqued
at not getting some traveler's chests made up promptly, I
partly discount his testimony as it applies specifically to
artisans. Saint-Hilaire, "Provinces de Saint-Paul," op. cit. .
I, 288-291*
®^Ibid., I, 262; Veloso de Oliveira, op . cit.. p. 80;
Beyer, loc. cit.. p. 299-
 51*

QP
Rio failed to produce, he transferred it to Sao Paulo in

I8l6 . Here ten German masters were in charge of fifty native

workers. By 1822 only 600 guns had been made. The masters,

who were paid the exorbitant wage of two milr&is a day to keep

them from returning to their now peaceful homeland, had lost

their stamina and fallen prey, as did so many of the non-Iberian

European immigrants of that period, to the compelling mores and

firewater of the community. Though the Brazilian apprentices

learned passably, their work was fitful. Advancement, wages or

the psychic joys of mass production could not enthral men whose

station in life was predetermined, whose expenses for food,

clothing and alcohol were minimal, whose need for furniture and

accessories had not been stimulated. Only by subsidies from

89
the royal treasury was the arms factory sustained.

Joao also fretted over a small textile factory, set

up in 1811 and directed by a Portuguese "Master Fabricant of

Silk and Cotton Cloth." In 1820 he asked Sao Paulo's captain-

general to keep "an eye on it specially" and "take measures so

that that Factory does not close down." Four years later it
90
ceased to function. And there was still another project

OO
After the battle of Jena but before the royal hegira
to Brazil this factory was to have been established in Lisbon.
89
Saint-Hilaire, "Provinces de Saint-Paul," op. cit.,
I, 263-26^; Spix and Martius, o p . cit., II, 18-19*
90DIHCSP. XXXVI, 115-H6. See also: Ernani Silva
Bruno, "Notas para a hist6ria da industria paulistana,"
Revista Industrial de Sao Paulo. IV, 28 March 19^7* 32-33;
Paulo R. Pestana, A expansao economica do Estado de S. Paulo
num seculo (1822-1922) (Sao Paulo, 1923), p. 25; Sant'Anna,
op. cit.. V, 115-121.
 55

that the king urged the captain-general to foster: a Sao

Paulo branch of the Central Bank, which was to stimulate trade

and agriculture and give the captaincy "means to place its

capital in active circulation." But the branch did not outlast

91
Joao's Brazilian sojourn.
The city could still look ahead to years of economic

independence. For example:

There will be raffled a Negress, a garden, a clock,

six teaspoons and one sugarspoon, a gold ring with a
stone, and a pair of rosettes also of gold, distributed
among 279 tickets at 2:000 reis: anyone wishing to
buy tickets apply at the house of Lieutenant Machado,
the street on the right side of the Barracks, house
no; ”
A glance at the city's manufactories for 1836^ shows them still

of colonial type, while the assessments of an 1838 inventory

block out the economic frame of values*

10,000 square meters of land near the city 100S000
a row of houses in the city with yards extending
down to the river 1 :000$000
a vast estate (including the present districts
of Perdizes, Pacaembu, and parts of Barra
Funda, Lapa, and the Tietli meadow) 2:^-00^000
slaves, ranging from:
Maria , oO years ^-0$000
to: Faustino, 35 years, mulatto, tailor 600&000
oxen at:12$000 to 15$000
heifers at: 5$000
chair with leather work $300
double bed MfcOOO
big dining table 1$250

91DIHCSP, XXXVI, 90, 92; Luis Rodrigues d*Oliveira.

"Banques] et institutions de credit," in Le Bresil en 1889 (edited
by M. F.-J. de Santa-Anna Nery; Paris, 1889), p. 351; Saint-
Hilaire, "Provinces de Saint-Paul," on. cit.. I, 2ol.
920 novo farol paulistano. 22 October I83I.
90
Mtiller, op. cit.. pp. 130, 238-2l+0.
 56

piano 100$000
plain glass jam dish 1$600
kettle 31^0
copper basin 60$800
doctor's visit | 6l+0
funeral (including coffin, tomb, and outlay for
sexton, priests, chaplains, choir boys,
canons, bishop,masses, music, candles, etc.) 666$262
The high value of imports (piano, glass dish, kettle, copper

basin) and of a skilled slave stands out against the cheapness

of land, animals, home-made furniture, and human services (doc

tor's visit), while the final item reinforces our remarks on

Ok
the role and claims of religion .7

Yet however enervating the effect of this milieu upon

the first industrial and financial enterprises, certain new

economic concepts, and with them new values, were instilling

themselves into the scene. In 1822 the local provisional

government approved statutes for an Economic Society for Favor

ing the Agriculture and Industry of the Province. The Society

was to have access to "maps, models, and machines" offered by

the Coimbra-trained mineralogist and future minister, Jos 6

95
Bonifacio.
The vision of a vigorous national economy also came to

Sao Paulo with the crown-appointed provincial presidents. In

I836 one of them— fresh from years of study and legislative

experience in Portugal and Rio— urged the Provincial Assembly

to:

^ S o u z a Filho, "Um inventSrio de 1838," A Gazeta. 16

May 1938.
9 ^DIHCSP. II, 55-56.
 57

promote commerce, enliven agriculture and stimulate

our nascent industry; . . . the capital which is being
consumed almost without renewing itself will enter into
active circulation, opening new channels for agricul­
ture, shipping and commerce; it will give birth to great
rural and industrial establishments, improving those in
existence; and it will thus further the progress and ,
rapid increase of all these sources of public wealth.

Mention of the provincial presidents leads to the poli­

tical counterpart of the economic changes and to an account of

the city's momentous readjustment within the national administra­

tive schema. Two themes are to be kept in mind in reviewing

the events of 1821-1828: (1) the dying tradition of vigorous

municipal autonomy flared up to national prominence, then was

summarily extinguished; (2) as the seat of a new provincial

executive and legislature, the city became a more authoritative

center of province-wide politics and more fully integrated into

national affairs. Municipal issues, now of secondary concern,

would be decided by provincial authorities. The primary politi­

cal issues would be of supra-municipal scope and hence, from

the point of view of the city qua city, often artificial; the
orientation was no longer inward but outward. Organic needs

of the city were to pass unperceived, and with later stimuli

its growth, unplanned and tumultuous, was to result in the

megalopolis.
The eighteenth century not only had seen the hardiest
Paulistas abandon their homeland for the rich gold and diamond

country, but had yoked Sao Paulo's resilient localism under

96aalpsp (1835-1836), 263-272.

 58

royal bureaucracy and militarism. A series of overbearing cap-

tains-general represented the strengthened central authority

and were opposed by no trace of once-fierce bandelrante pride

beyond an occasional unsigned pasquinade posted on a church

wall or left surreptitiously on the royal agent's desk. Even

so, the crisis of 1821 showed the municipal nucleus as not yet
97
wholly denatured.

This crisis stemmed from the departure of Joao VI for

Portugal (April, 1821), where, pursuant to a revolution, a

liberal constitution requiring the king's presence in the

mother country had been promulgated. Conservative factions in
Brazil, and the military which they largely dominated, denounced

this trend toward constitutional monarchism and opposed allegi­

ance to the new Constituent Cortes at Lisbon. As had happened

a decade earlier in Spanish America, it was at the local,

municipal level that the conservatives met effective resistance.

In Sao Paulo this resistance was crystallized by an

open meeting of the Camara. Here a provisional Paulista

government, loyal to the new liberal Constitution, was formed

at behest of the citizenry on 23 June 1821; it was headed by

the ci-devant captain-general, Joao Carlos Augusto de

Oeynhausen. The intermediate bureaucracy had collapsed. Con­

sonant with an earlier tradition, the new order was being

^Afonso d'Escragnolle Taunay, Sob El Rei Nosso Senhor

— Asnectos da vida setecentista brasllelra. sobretudo em S.
Paulo (Sao Paulo. 1923). PP. 378-395; Francisco Jose^de
Oliveira Vianna, PonulacSes meridionals do Brasil (Sao Paulo,
1933), PP. 283-286 , 317-320.
 59

effected by action of the nuclear municipality. At the same

time, however, the nature of the leaders foretokened a new

tradition, one that was to devitalize and'subordinate the

same municipal functions which now seemed to be taking a new

lease.

The provisional government was not dominated by the old

bandeira clans, the patresfamilias whose energies had been the
sinew of the community and whose interests had been coterminous

with it. These were replaced by men of different backgrounds

and talents, wider horizons, cosmopolitan interests. Such,

for example, were the brothers Jos& Bonifacio and Martim

Francisco Ribeiro de Andrada, both trained at Coimbra in

natural sciences; Father Francisco de Paulo Oliveira, public

professor of rational and moral philosophy; Manuel Rodrigues

Jordao, son of a merchant who dealt in cloth and in gold from

Goi^s; Col. Daniel Pedro Miiller, German-descended and trained

in Portugal, who carried out important statistical and engineer­

ing projects in Sao Paulo; Joao Ferreira de Oliveira Bueno,

ecclesiastic educated at Coimbra; and Nicolau Pereira de

Campos Vergueiro, Portuguese-born, Coimbra-trained lawyer,

subsequently Minister of the Empire and Director of the Sao

98
Paulo Law Academy.

Soon, however, the Lisbon government disappointed its

98DIHCSP, I, 37-39 and II, 3 ff. Biographies of

important Paulistans found in Manuel EufrSsio de Azevedo
Marques, Apontamentos hist 6ricos, geograficos. biogr£ficos,
estatisticos e noticiosos da ProvTncia de S. Paulo (2 vols.,
Rio de Janeiro, 1879).
 6o

liberal adherents overseas by making clear its intention to

relegate Brazil to inferior, colonial status. In furtherance

of this policy a decree of 1 October 1821 ordered the return

of Pedro, whom his father, Joao, had left behind as Prince

Regent of Brazil. As an extra humiliation, the Prince was to

proceed to Lisbon incognito, by way of specified European

capitals.

Both the Paulistan Camara and the ad hoc provincial

government were incensed at this cavalier attitude toward

Brazilian prerogatives and dispatched fervent appeals to Dorn

Pedro in Rio. The Camara's representacao said in part:

The Camara and undersigned citizens / 2 6 7 in number7,

convinced that on the decision of Your Royal Highness
depend the destinies of this Kingdom, have resolved to
send before the August presence of Your Royal Highness
a Deputation composed of three Citizens, Counselor
Josi Bonifacio de Andrada e Silva, Colonel Antonio
Leite Pereira da Gama Lobo, and Marshal Jose Arouche
de Toledo Rendon, whose mission is to represent to
Your Royal Highness the terrible consequences which
must of necessity derive from your absence and to beg
that you postpone your embarcation . . .
Largely in response to this and similar petitions from

Rio and the province of Minas, the Prince pronounced his Fico;

"Since it is for the good of all, I remain." On 16 January

1822 Pedro named a four-man ministry for Brazil, whose salient

figure (and the only native Brazilian) was the Minister of the

Kingdom, Justice, and Foreign Affairs: Jose Bonifacio. The

new national government, like others in Latin America, was

" d i HCSP, I, 65-69j RGCMSP, XVI (1820-1822), 287-302.

 61

starting to draw its leadership from the municipal taproots.

Yet there was a more specific way in which the national destiny
was linked to events in Sao Paulo city.

The members of Sao Paulo's provisional government were

by 1822 splitting into two factions, one loyal to the brothers
Andrada (Martim Francisco had remained in Sao Paulo as Secretary

to the provincial government), the other to Col. Francisco

Inficio de Sousa Queir6 s, who had been educated in Portugal, com­

manded the local militia, and was a well-to-do merchant. The

division was partly Ideological, with the Andrada supporters

representing the liberal wing. But political orientations were

muddled: among the leaders by personal animosities and among

the citizenry by the lack of newspapers that might have

clarified the issues.

When Pedro's new ministry learned of Sao Paulo's dis­

union and of the fact that Oeynhausen, head of the provincial

government, was wavering in his allegiance, the latter was

ordered to Rio immediately. Martim Francisco, whose liberalism

and whose loyalty to the Prince Regent were unquestioned, was
designated to take over the provincial presidency (10 May 1822).

This injunction stung the Sousa Queir6 s faction into

action. On the afternoon of 23 May the city’s narrow streets

echoed the rataplan of drums. The militia marched up to the

Ccimara in Sao Gonqalo square, followed by townsmen who had been

stirred by the insurrectionists and shouted for the deposition

of Martim Francisco. The latter yielded to the threat of pub­

lic violence and resigned. Oeynhausen continued in office.

 62

Such was the coup known thenceforth as the "Bernarda /conspir-

acy7of Francisco InScio."-1-00

Liberal opposition to the Bernarda was now forced out

into the "interior" of the province, where a number of towns

banded in a "Confederation of Itu." Not only, then, was Sao

Paulo being drawn into the mesh of national politics, but a

systole-diastole with the interior of the province (observable

in the 184-2 revolution and in all of the city’s subsequent

history) was being set up.

On 25 June the Prince formally deposed the provisional

government, substituting for it a triumvirate headed by the

Paulista bishop, dom Mateus de Abreu Pereira. Three weeks

later Marshal Toledo Rendon arrived as military commander in

the name of the Prince Regent, but so menacing was the popular
opposition that he forewent asserting his authority, and the

troops which had followed him returned to Santos. Within

another ten days Oeynhausen, Francisco inScio, and a third lead­

ing bernardista (the magistrate Jos6 da Costa Carvalho) had—

along with Toledo Rendon himself— departed for Rio.

By now the leading townsmen were impatient for a quick

and certain end to the confusion. Nothing would suffice short

of a direct plea requesting the Prince’s presence in Sao Paulo.

On 5 August they dispatched to him a representaca o :

100DIHCSP, I, passim and II, 14-2-159; RGCMSP, XVI

(1820-1822), 287-302 , 390-4-06; Jos 6 Joaquim Machado d ’Oliveira,
Quadro historico da Provlnciade S. Paulo at 6 o ano de 1822
(2nd edition; Sao Paulo, 1897) > PP* 229-264-; M. E. de Azevedo
Marques, op. cit.« I, 63-66 and II, 275*
 63

Sir. — The inhabitants of the city of Sao Paulo,

astonished in the extreme by the violent and hostile
methods that the military executors of the orders of
Y.R.H. have inconsiderately hastened to put into prac­
tice, . . . humbly beseech that Y.R.H. deem it worthy
to give ear to the inhabitants of this city. . . .101

Here was the time-honored Iberian tradition of subjects,

at the municipal level, appealing directly to their sovereign for

his personal intervention to rectify the blunders of intermedi­

aries who were misinterpreting his gracious will. The Prince

responded. He left Rio on 1*4- August. On the 2*f-th he advised

the Paulistans from Penha, outside their city, that he wished

to be greeted at noon on the morrow by "those vereadores who

were legally serving before the disorder of the 23rd day of

May ."102

The Prince's arrival was what was needed to dissipate

the local personal and family rivalries which had been fanning

the embers of revolt.10^ VJith Sao Paulo fully obeisant to

royal authority, dom Pedro left for Santos on 5 September to

inspect its fortifications and visit the family of JosS
Bonifacio. He returned two days later and by four in the

afternoon had reached a stream called the Ipiranga, not far

from Sao Paulo. Here he was met by an officer dispatched in

101RGCMSP, XVI (1820-1822), M + 3 - W .

l02Ibid., pp. *4-6o-*f6l.
•l0^So slight was the Prince's irritation with the
bernardistas that on 18 September he cleared them with an
amnesty. In later years, when the liberal Andradas had fallen
into royal disfavor, both Oeynhausen and Costa Carvalho were
made marquises and both became senators. The latter was presi­
dent of Sao Paulo province in 18*4-2.
 6^-

haste from Rio who carried further humiliating demands from

the Portuguese Cortes. The Prince read them, then cried

histrionically: ’’The time is come/ Independence or death/

V/e are separated from Portugal/" Seizing his sword, he bade
10^
his retinue swear fealty to a sovereign Brazil. The nation's

independence had not been declared in its littoral, Europe­

conscious capital, but on the Paulista plateau near a rivulet

that flowed to the vast, unexplored sertao, in the direction

of Brazil's future destiny.

At a demonstration in Sao Paulo's Casa da Opera five
hours later Pedro was acclaimed by a priest, Ildefonso Xavier

Ferreira, who has left us the narrative.

. . . We met in front of the theatre, and the patriots

. . . told me it was necessary that a monarch be declared
and a Brazilian dynasty formed. . . .
I was the one chosen to make this acclamation.
Despite these worthy ideas. I made certain reflections.
. . . I feared that the prince would not accept, and
then I would be imprisoned as a revolutionary. I
feared on the other hand the bernardista group, who
might shout: Away/ Away with him/ and in the midst of
the confusion stab me.
Then my two friends and others (armed, as we all
were in those days) assured me that it was more than
certain that the prince would accept the title of the
first Brazilian king, and . . . that I need have no fear
of being stabbed, as the others would be stabbed first.
I went to box number 11 . . . and then entered the
pit and placed myself in the 3rd row, right in front of
the prince's box; as soon as he appeared I let out the
cry: Long live the first Brazilian King/
The prince bowed, acknowledging my cry. The out­
break was universal, and I found courage to repeat it

0 Francisco Adolfo de Varnhagen, "Historia da

independencia do Brasil," Revista do Instltuto Historico e
GeogrSfico Brasileiro. 173 (193&)» 195-210; Joaquim Floriano de
Godov. A Provincia de S. Paulo, Trabalho estatistico hlst 6rico
e noticloso (Rio de Janeiro, 1875), pp. &7-73? Duarte Leopoldo
e Silva, 0 clero e a independ§ncia (Rio de Janeiro, 1923),
pp. 16^-168: Ribeiro. op. cit.. I T 591*-; Vampr 6 , op. cit.. I,
136-1^0; Machado d'Oliveira, op. cit.. pp. 26*+-289.
 65

three times.
Therefore my acclamation, which was repeated by
Rio de Janeiro and by all the provinces, confirmed the
form of a constitutional monarchic government and
frustrated the hope of the bernardistas . . . .10?

A feud centering around local personalities had brought

the Prince to Sao Paulo. The citizens of the town acclaimed

him king. And those same citizens, acting through the Camara,
reaffirmed their sovereignty by a document (12 October 1822)

which made their allegiance contingent upon the king's pledge

"to swear to, preserve, uphold, and defend the Political Con­

stitution."10^ Yet the very act of independence set in motion

a complex of forces that smothered this renascent autonomy and

tended to subsume the city, politically and culturally, within

far broader patterns. Pedro's appearance was the symbol of

Sao Paulo's political integration into the national context.

Quite coincidentally, it was also the cultural symbol.

The fame of the Prince's extra-marital frolics pre­

ceded him. Daniel MQller exhorted his five handsome daughters:

"The first of you to go out in the street or appear at the win­

dow while d. Pedro is in Sao Paulo will have to answer to me

for it."10^ But the charms of Senhora Domitila de Castro do

Canto e Melo were not thus shielded from the Prince, and his

10^Almanach liter^rio paulista— para o ano de 1881

(Sao Paulo, 1880), pp. 20-22. See also Afonso A. de Freitas,
Dicionario hist6rico. topogr6fico, etnogrAfico. ilustrado do
municipio de Sao Paulo (Sao Paulo, 1930) , pp. 38-V0 .

1o6ACCSP, XXII (1815-1822), 650-66lf.

107»S . Paulo, na 6poca da independencla," Folha da
manha. 15 July 193^»
 66

visit marked the start of a seven-year affaire de coeur which

brought to dona Domitila the title Marchioness of Santos.

After Pedro's departure for Portugal she married a leading

Paulista and, by the lS^O's, was presiding over S§o Paulo

society as its most distinguished matron. Her salon was an

early cosmopolitanizing agent within the city.10®

In the half-dozen years after independence three events

shifted the life-rhythms of the city, posting new directions

for its whole subsequent development. Two were the setting up

of a printing press and the founding of the Law Academy. A

third, to be discussed now, was the organization of the

nation's administrative schema.

The Brazilian Constitution of l821+, which Pedro peremp­

torily imposed after having dissolved a Constituent Assembly,

was submitted to the local CSmaras for approval as a last ges-

109
ture toward municipal autonomy. In approving, the Camaras

were indirectly signing their own death-warrant, though the

Constitution itself was noncommittal re their authority. It

stated that Camaras were to be elective and that a future law

would specify functions and the manner in which municipal

ordinances (posturas) were to be drawn up. This covering law

was that of 1 October 1828. Seemingly it presaged a municipal

body actively participant in the several spheres of the new

l0®Alberto Rangel, Pom Pedro Primeiro e a Marquesa de

Santos (2nd edition; Tours, 1928).

10% o r Sao Paulo's sanction in January, 1821*, see ACCSP,

XXIII (1822-1826) , 121, 122-12^-, 129-130.
 67

urban bourgeois life. The C§mara, now stripped of its colonial

judicial functions, was to be elected by direct ballot. Along

with traditional duties (maintaining public, order and superin­

tending the town’s health, sanitation, and safety in manifold

ways), it was incumbent upon the C§mara to acquire model

machinery for demonstration to farmers and industrialists, to

improve cattle-raising and agriculture with new strains, to
care for the indigent sick, to inspect and aid primary schools.
Authority granted, however, did not measure up to

obligations imposed. The Camaras were now mere administrative

agents, closely controlled by the new "General Councils" of the

provinces and by the provincial presidents (who were appointees

of the Emperor). They needed sanction from these higher levels

for publishing posturas, undertaking major public works, making

any extraordinary use of municipal funds, or disposing of

property. Far from having a free hand to implement the law's

broad program, the Camaras often found it arduous to requisition

a meagre sum to repair a bridge or build a few meters of high­

road. In his "Guide for the Municipal cSmaras of Brazil in

the Performance of their Duties" (1830) Diogo Antonio Feij 6

clearly limned the atrophy of town government:

The Camara must keep before its eyes the Law of

the 1st of October, 1828, so as to do nothing more nor
less than it prescribes. . . .
Art. 72 of the Law concedes that posturas may be
in'force for one year, even before confirmation by the
General Council. This concession is based on the sup­
position of the necessity or extreme utility of cer­
tain posturas. which could not without inconvenience
wait a year to be confirmed; it therefore behoves the
Camaras that they be most cautious and circumspect in
not executing before confirmation any posturas except
 68

those of extreme necessity. Otherwise the annoyance

will ensue of their being rejected by the General
Council after their promulgation, and sometimes after
their having produced evils involving vexation of the
public and discredit of the institution.
When the CSmara sends its posturas to the General
Council, it will be useful to accompany them with an
account of the motives it had for proposing each of
them, so that the same Council may approve or emend
them with full knowledge of the intention. H O

The law divested paulistan townsmen of their instrumen­

tality for answering the organic needs of the city qua city.

The members of the CSmara knew those needs because they lived
them. Yet suzerainty had passed to persons in the provincial

government who did not participate in municipal life, who were

oriented toward the Court at Rio and reflected its pinchbeck sym­

metry and pomp. Though a later fala do trono (or imperial

"talk from the throne") of 3 May 18^1 asked that "moral force"

be restored to the municipalities, the "Versailles" psychology

became permanent. The physical expansion of the city was to

reveal how binding a strait jacket the 1828 law had devised.

110
Diogo Antonio Feij 6 , Guia das Camaras Municipals
Brasil no desempenho de seus deveres (Rio de Janeiro, 1830V ,
pp. 22-31*
111The 1828 law is given in 0c6lio de Medeiros,
Reorganizacao municipal (Rio de Janeiro, 19*+6) , pp. 20M--215*
See also: Joao Batista Cortines Laxe, Regimento das Camaras
Municipals— ou Lei de 1? de Outubro de 18 28 (2nd edition; Rio
de Janeiro, 1885), pp. xxii-xxvi; Geraldo Campos Moreira,
"0 municipalismo," Revista de Administraca o . I, 1 (March,
19^7)» 90; Joao de Azevedo Carneiro M^ia, 0 municipio— Estudos
sobre administracao local (Rio de Janeiro, 1883), pp. 178-215;
Joao Mendes de Almeida JCrnior, Monografia do municipio da
cidade de S. Paulo (S§o Paulo, 1882), pp.^21-23; Archibaldo
Severo. 0 moderno municipio brasileiro (Porto Alegre, 19^6),
pp. 56-^9: Jos 6 de Castro Nunes. Do estado federado e sua
organizacao municipal (Rio de Janeiro, 1920), pp. ^2-^9.
 69

The first provincial president (Viscount Congonhas do

Campo) was an important innovator. He carried out the long-

abandoned plan for a "Botanical" Garden, which as a public

promenade later helped crumble the barriers of class and sex.

Subsequent presidents ingratiated themselves and humored their

Versailles delusions by embellishing the Garden at the expense

of more needful but less conspicuous reforms. Wrote the

traveler Eugenio Maria de Hostos in the 1870*s:

A president of the Province of Sao Paulo will not con­

clude his term without having . . . sought to win the
gratitude of the capital with some improvement for its
promenade garden .112

Under Congonhas do Campo the city was given easier con­

tacts with the outside: commercially by a new road allowing
freer access to the Caminho do Mar from Santos, intellectually

through its first public library. Fresh solutions were imported

for the growing city's problems. A "House of Correction and

Labor" was blueprinted for the prison. A turning-box for un­

wanted infants was installed in the Santa Casa. The President

also made an attempt, though without success, to acquire a

printing press for the city.

Congonhas do Campo saw that Sao Paulo's educational

needs were ill served by its two most conspicuous school­

masters: one a mulatto priest and terrifying martinet, the

other a cripple who conducted classes from his bed, brandish­

ing a long quince-tree wand topped with a ball of wax. A

112 '
Eugenio Marla de Hostos, Mi Via.ie al Sur (Havana,
1939), PP. 390-391.
 70

seminary for orphan girls was founded in 1825, and a similar

one for boys was opened in the former Jesuit fazenda north of
the city. Each received an annual 600-milr6is subsidy from the

Emperor. And each had rudiments of foreign guidance. The

girls were given a Portuguese directress, while the boys were

nominally under a Lancasterian regime.

But higher rather than lower education became the most

potent single cosmopolltanizing agent. For decades after its

doors were opened in March, 1828, the Law Academy was the

city's vital heart. From throughout the realm and from abroad
it drew students and professors. With them came needs and

attitudes to shock the introverted community into ferment.

There came the worldly-wise customs; political ideas and pas­

sions transcending local context; the need for theatre, news­

papers, bookstores, dances, and informal gathering-places, such

as caf&s; the chiding scepticism of university students ever
ready to disjoint the narrow patterns of provincial life.

One may fairly ask why so modest a town as SSo Paulo

was picked as one of the two first Academy sites. In 1817

Aires de Casal prophesied the choice because of the town's cool

and healthy climate, cheap and abundant food, vigorous human

stock, and scarcity of bibliophagous insects that might

^•^Lucas Antonio Monteiro de Barros (Viscount Congonhas

do Campo), "Relat6rio da Provincia de Sao Paulo," Boletlm do
Deuartamento Estadual de Estatistica. VIII, 3 (19^6), 29-3^5
Eugenio Egas, Galeria dos Presidentes de Sao Paulo (3 vols.,
Sao Paulo, 1926-1927). I. 25: Vampre. op. cit. . I. 68-81;
MClller, op. cit.. pp. 260-261; T. de Paula Ferreira, loc. cit..
Vieira Bueno, "Autobiografia," op. cit. . pp. 5-7*, Vieira Eueno,
"Cidade de Sao Paulo," loc. cit.. p. 22.
 71

threaten a library— a prophesy in which the traveler Luis

ll*f
D'Alincourt later concurred. These and other aspects— such
as geographic accessibility, local financial resources, intel­

lectual tone of leading citizens, availability of student

lodgings, and the dialectal speech of rural Paulistas— were
hotly debated among the provincial representatives, in both the

1823 Constituent Assembly and the 1826 session of the Chamber

of Deputies. The eventual decree of 11 August 1827 created

Law Faculties in Olinda and Sao Paulo.
Though many of the factors cited weighed in the balance

(together with a general desire to estahlish two schools, north

and south of the nation’s capital), the underlying considera­

tion behind Sao Paulo's selection was perhaps the province's

tradition of self-reliance and leadership, which seemed to be

reborn just prior to the independence era. This tradition

was made clear by a Paulista to his fellow deputies in the

Chamber in August 1826 :

What was the province which at any time, and
principally that of our revolution, had a more influ­
ential, more powerful opinion? . . . Did perchance the
court of the empire, Rio de Janeiro, ever offer an
opinion before the city of S. Paulo had expressed it­
self? . . . The province of S. Paulo, sirs, has a very
well formed opinion, not only in its men of letters,
who are not as few as has been insinuated, but also
in the general mass of the people, who have always

Aires de Casal, op. cit., I, 19l+-195; Luis

D'Alincourt. Mem 6rla sSbre a viagem do porto de Santos a cidade
de Culab6;' (Rio de Janeiro, 1830) , p. 18.
■^•^J. L. de Almeida Nogueira, Tradicoes e Reminis-
cencias (9 vols., Sao Paulo, 1907-1912), I, 1-23; Vampre, op.
cit. , I, 5-13; RGCMSP, XVII (l822-l821+) , 329-330.
 72

given exuberant proof of the most heroic virtues. . . .

If the Paulistas— lacking all means of instruction,
having to contend with so many difficulties— have always
ennobled the roster of Brazil's learned men, will they
perchance degenerate when the means of exercising their
talents are extended and made available to them?ll°
The press was virtually co-nascent with the Academy and
came to be a proving-ground and sounding-board for students and

professors. With a few ephemeral exceptions, Brazil had had

no press until 1808. By 1826 Rio and seven provinces were

publishing newspapers. Sao Paulo still had none, and for a

short time in 1823 the expedient was tried of circulating

eight copies of a hand-written news-sheet among forty sub­

scribers. The amanuenses were paid by a "patriotic society"

that was eager to "disseminate the useful ideas and knowledge

so necessary in a free country."

The printing-press earmarked for Sao Paulo was held in

Rio to publish the debates of the Constituent Assembly, and the

plea of Congonhas do Campo in 182*+ went unheeded by the central

government. Finally Jos 6 da Costa Carvalho acquired some

machinery; on 7 February 1827 appeared the city's first

printed journal, 0 farol paulistano, under his editorship.

The maiden editorial limned the services to be rendered. The

paper was to wake liberty-loving citizens to attention with

"brief, clear, and very simple" articles on the constitutional

monarchy, the representative system, and individual guarantees.
1

•^•^Quoted in: Almanach liter£rio paulista— para o ano

de 1877 (Sao Paulo, 1876), pp. 121-122.
 73

It would publish more national and foreign news as it obtained

facilities, but its main concern was to be provincial inter­

ests— particularly the disposition of public funds. Govern­

ment acts would be published, along with "our impartial reflec­

tions" on them. Magistrates were to be kept under surveillance.

Nor was the paper to be indifferent to the doings of the

CSmara, the Casa da Miseric6rdia, the foundling home, and the
schools, or to food prices and commercial affairs.
The press was part of the city’s "out-turning."

Through its focus a web of distant, impersonal interests was

projected over the fabric of rote and custom that was ingrown

and immediate, seen and felt. Parts of the two patterns were
coincident; other parts were mutually distorting; still others

were wholly contradictive, producing strain and bewilderment.

The press was at once effect and cause of the new tension

between close knowledge and the distant idea. Town criers read­

ing their edicts to the ruffle of drums were no vehicle for

the complexities of the entering age— complexities that drew

both resolutions and added intricacy from the forces of "public

opinion."

Like any innovations of the time, the press in Sao

Paulo was in its first years merely an unobtrusive extension

of colonial ways. Many early numbers of 0 farol paulistano

were devoted almost entirely to letters from readers on such
time-honored community subjects as the alleged wealth or

poverty of religious orders, the bad condition of roads, or the

W p farol paulistano. 7 February 1827*

 7b

exorbitance of highway tolls.

Moreover, early newspapers received little support

from advertisers. The shops, about twenty in number and nearly

all owned by Portuguese, were commonly a gatnering-place for

causerie. Most proprietors had popular nicknames: Bom Fumo

(Good Tobacco), Boas Nolt.es (Good Night), Domingos Cai-Cai

(Domingos Tumble-down). There were only one hardware shop and

one chinaware shop. The single wineshop sold good wines at

moderate prices, but even many of its more distinguished pat­

rons preferred eau de vie of local brew. Wares were familiar

to all and customers staunch in their habits 5 often indeed

there was no alternative source of supply for a given article.

Under such conditions a facile advertisement might have riven

with suspicion the friendly bond between merchant and cus­
tomer .118

The organism of the colonial city now lies exposed,

and certain stimulants, infused into it during the 1820's,

have been recognized. The next concern is to analyze the action

of these stimulants. To what extent did they induce an immedi­

ate shift in the beat and flow of the organism? To what extent

were they neutralized? To what extent did they seep into

1 lO
Comissao de Redagao do Instituto Histdrico, Inrprensa
em Sao Paulo— A primeira tipografia. Instituto Histdrico e
Geo'grdfico'Brasileiro, lata 136, mss. 2362; Afonso A. de
Freitasj "A imprensa periddica de Sao Paulo," RIHGSP, XIX
(191*+) » 323-3^7; Afonso A. de Freitas, "0 primeiro centendrio
da fundagao da imprensa paulista," RIHGSP. XXV (1926), 7-21;
Ribeiro, op. cit. . I, 513 > Vieira Bueno, "Cidade de Sao Paulo,"
loc. cit. , pp. 22-23*
 75

hidden tissues, withholding their metabolic powers till the

release would be of more telling effect?

 76

CHAPTER II

SUSPENSIVE YEARS (1830-18^5)

1. Post-Colonial Malaise

The dates 1830 to l8*+5 represent schematically a time

of suspension, of unfulfillment, of malaise, of possible future

promise. The catalysts of the 1820's continued active. The

Law Academy carried on, though with declining enrollment.

Newspapers proliferated. Owing to the press and to the new

political structure, national issues percolated closer to the

people. But as yet these forces had found little on which to

take hold. There were no counter-forces to set them into ad­

justment. Sao Paulo lacked the close-knit, galvanic complex

of interacting energies that gave it unique life in the early

colonial period, in the romanticist years, and perhaps in

recent times.
No source of wealth yet existed to implement new cosmo­

politan ideals. The nation's free-trade policy deterred even

modest industrial development, and the coffee boom was still

of the future.
Without wealth there could be, for one thing, no high­

ways adequate to reduce the city's inaccessibility and pro­

vincialism. For law students coming from Rio the overland

voyage took ten to twelve days over execrable roads, with

nightly stops at incommodious ranchos. The sea trip was no

 77

"better: long days in a coastal smack that made every inhabited

inlet on the way, followed by the "martyrdom" of the road over

the Serra.^
The task of maintaining and improving the caminho do

Mar and the network of highland roads vexed every provincial

2
president of the period. And this isolation was buttressed by

the old xenophobia which, in a provincial regulation of. ISM-I,

empowered an eight-man detachment not only to examine all

travelers' papers on the Santos road but to arrest doubtful

persons for questioning, even though their documents might be

in order.^
The "Additional Act" of 183*+ helps better to understand

how the city found itself with new values and why it lacked the

means, and in part the will, to realize them. This Act feder­
alized the nation by substituting provincial assemblies for

the General Councils and investing them with wider powers.

The nation was federalized, but provinces were centralized.

The municipal ties, stripped of even those vestiges of

authority left them by the 1828 law, became voiceless creatures

of the assemblies. The latter now definitively controlled

municipal offices and their salaries, municipal budgets,

■^Veiga Miranda, op. cit. , pp. 21-25.

2AALPSP (1835-1836), 263-272; Egas, op. cit.t I,

^ 3-178 ( passim) .
^J. C. de Azevedo Marques, op. cit.. pp. 72-73* Note
also the internal provincial tolls established at this time
(ibid., pp. 19*f-198).
 78

expenditures, imposts, and borrowings.

This control was fortified for three years '(1835-1838)

in Sao Paulo province by prefects and sub-prefects who were

sent to the Camaras like corregidores. as agents of the provin­
cial government with executive and investigatory powers; the

capital and other cities witnessed sharp animosities between

If
prefect and Camara. The ostensibly democratic trend toward

federalization was thus vitiating insofar as it sapped initia­

tive and self-knowledge at democracy’s nuclear level, the municipal

commonalty.5

The first Assembly convened on 2 February 1835 with a

distinguished roster: Father Diogo Feij6 (soon to be Regent of

the Empire) and Nicolau Vergueiro, both already referred to;

Dr. Manuel Joaquim do Amaral Gurgel, later Director of the Law

Academy; dom Manuel Joaquim Gonqalves de Andrade, Bishop of

SSo Paulo; Father Ildefonso Ferreira, who had proclaimed the

Emperor in 1822; Father Vicente Pires da Mota, president and

many times vice-president of Sao Paulo and president of several

other provinces; Francisco Antonio de Sousa Queir6 s, subsequently

k
Amador Florence, ”Um prefeito vitoriosoJ” RAM. XXXIII
(March, 1937), 69-8*+; Martins, op. cit. . II, 167-169; Carneiro
MSia, op. cit. . pp. 21+0-21+l; Castro Nunes, op. cit. . pp. If6-lf7;
Ribeiro, op. cit.. II (2), 11-12; J. C. de Azevedo Marques, op.
cit. , pp. 1 -2.
5
Levi Carneiro, Prob1emas municipais (Rio de Janeiro,
1931) , PP* 25, 33-3*+; Paulino JosS Soares de Sousa, Estudos
prlticos sobre a administracao das provincias no Brasil (2 vols.,
Rio de Janeiro, 1865), I, viii-x; Carneiro M^ia. o p . cit.,
pp. 229-231, 237; Castro Nunes, o p . cit.. pp. M-6 , 77-78;
Cortines Laxe, op. cit.. pp. xxii-xxvi.
 79

the far-sighted sponsor of European immigration to his province;

and others of more than local renown.

The elaborate military exercises and gun salutes that

inaugurated the Assembly were symbolic of the shift in interest

to provincial and national politics. Equally symbolic was the

fact that the colonial city had no proper accommodations for

the new legislature. It was crowded into the ill-appointed

quarters of the old Government Palace, where, during late ses­

sions, the dim candlelight made it hard to distinguish among

the legislators. Only in 1879 was a suitable building provided

and the provincial government physically reconciled with the

£
city that harbored it.

An incident which had done much toward concreting poli­

tical partisanship in Sao Paulo was the assassination of

Giovanni Battista Libero Badard. Badaro was a kindly, educated,

fervently liberal Italian immigrant who in 1829 founded the

city’s second printed newspaper, 0 observador constitucional.

Because of a political imbroglio he was murdered in November,

1830 , and the repercussions added fuel to the liberal clamor

7
that forced Pedro’s abdication the next year.

^Martins, op. cit. , II, 19-23.

^Argimiro da Silva, ’’Alguns apontamentos biogrSficos
de Libero Badar 6 ,” Revista do Instituto Histdrico e Geografico
Brasileiro, LIII (2), 309-38*+; Nicolau Duarte Silva, ’’Libero
Badar 6 , Contribuigao para a sya biografia,” RIHGSP, XXVIII
(1930), **63-577; Otivio Tarquinio de Sousa, Dio go Antonio Fei.jo
(178*4- 18*4-3) (Rio de Janeiro, 19*+2) , pp. 101-10M-: Vampre. op.
cit., I, 10*+-107> 189-191; Egas, o p . cit. . I, 37; Freitas,
"Imprensa Peri6dica," loc. cit., pp. 3*+7“357*
 80

Few there were to realize that passions unleashed in

the guise of political affiliation would, in a long-isolated

community, merely hang as a curtain between the people and

any knowledge of communal needs and nature. One such Warning,

however, did find its way into print on the pages of 0 novo
farol paulistano:

The more I contemplate Brazil, the more I am of

a mind that it is not prepared for the republic. All
recognize that to maintain itself this form of govern­
ment, where the people is everything, requires that
this same people be correspondingly educated, and that
it have good moral behavior, much love of work, and
finally many virtues. And is the population of Brazil
perchance in these conditions? . . .
Let us not ape the Anglo-American States, which
had other beginnings, another education, another
regimen: yes, the United States were settled and
educated by Philosophers, Brazil by fugitive and
degraded criminals. The United States began early
with the English Constitution; Brazil with the barbaric
and Gothic institutions of Portugal . . . . The United
States had from their beginning their Provincial
Assemblies, and were nursed on the milk of Liberty:
Brazil was founded under the harshest colonial regime
and knew no other rights than the caprices of its
Viceroys, called Captains-General . . . . In the
United States work and industry were soon introduced.:
in Brazil the idleness and wellbeing of the bigwigs.0

Such self-denigration could have been no more than a clearing

of the ground, a setting of perspective limits. But fifty and

a hundred years later, when it became common, there was more to

be undone; there was a greater danger of the complainant's

either stifling in the miasma of self-pity or seizing upon

militantly perverse formulae.

Q
0 novo farol paulistano. 28 January 1835* See also:
Freitas, ''Dicionfirio." op. cit..' pp. 21+-3!?.
 I
j
i
81

The ambivalent nature of the city's political role

within the nation will become clearer when its action in the

'Revolution of 18^2 is later discussed. First that episode

needs a context of evidence to show how the new leadership and

plans and institutions of the 1820's had faltered, were

thwarted and denatured by colonialism, had failed to give a

fresh rubric to the shape and processes of the city.

The Law Academy is a case in point. It was established

in the Franciscan cloister and, like the Provincial Assembly,

had to adapt itself to an aged and unsuited building. The

churchyard gave entrance to worshiper and student alike, and

there were quarrels between the Franciscan superior and the

Academy director over the schedule and purpose of the church-

bells. Secular and religious interests hung— symptomatically

of the times— in uneasy balance.

The Academy comprised nine chairs: eight in the various

phases of law— ecclesiastic, maritime, criminal, etc.— and one

in political economy. There was a Curso Anexo, or preparatory

course, attached to the Academy where candidates could receive

requisite training in French, Latin, rhetoric, rational and

moral philosophy, and geometry. To enter the Academy students

needed to be at least fifteen years of age; the course, five

years in length, led to the degree of bacharel, following

which one could become a doctor by writing and successfully

9
defending a thesis.

^Vampre, op. cit. . I, 32-3^*

 82

The enrollment of the Academy took a spurt in the first

years, then entered a long, steady decline. This is evidenced

in the size of graduating classes:1®

number of number of number of

year bachar&is year bachareis year bachar 6ls

1831 6 1836 36 18*H 9

1832 35 1837 34- 184-2 9
1833 58 1838 21 184-3 13
183!+ 68 1839 17 1844- 10
1835 4-1 181+0 7 184-5 15

Kidder visited the Academy in 1839 to find its education "for­

mal and exact" in the Coimbra tradition and unfitted for a

people looking "more to utility than to the antiquated forms

of a Portuguese University." He predicted it would be neces­

sary "to condense and modernize the course of instruction" if

the drop in registration were to be arrested.13'

That the Academy acquitted itself somewhat woefully in

these years can be amply corroborated. A report by the direc­

tor in 1837 censured both students and professors for excessive

absenteeism and instanced one mentor who, in addition to two

months' authorized leave, had missed thirty-four days of

classes. But little punctiliousness could be expected when

salary payments were quite irregular and the director himself,

Nicolau Vergueiro, forsook his academic duties for long

Comissao Central de Estatistica, Relatorio apresentado

ao Exm. Sr.- Presidente da Provlncia de S. Paulo (Sao Paulo,
1888) , p. 118. Compare the slightly different f igur-es given
in: Almanach paulistano (Sao Paulo, 1857), PP* 184--186, and
Memorial paulistano para 1863 (Sao Paulo, 1863)j p. 212.

^Kidder, on. cit. , I, 258.

 83

12
periods to follow agricultural and political interests.

A most depreciative appraisal of the Academy is found

in an anonymous document of about 18M-0, entitled "Memorandum

Offered to the Most Illustrious and Excellent Counselor Lomons-

doff, Minister Plenipotentiary of His Majesty, the Emperor of

Russia, to the Imperial Court of Brazil." It recommended

transfer of the Academy to Rio because, books being unavail­

able in Sao Paulo, professors and their lecture notes grew old

and outmoded together. "There are professors -of great merit

who, placed elsewhere, would certainly achieve fame in the

Republic of Letters." Literary circles were "contraband,"

according to the report. Students' discipline was minimal and

in 1835 approached anarchy when a youth who had publicly buffeted

his professor continued his course with impunity and received

his degree. The Memorandum prescribed "paternal jurisdic­

tion" for the director, "even though the people might call it

despotism."^3

Student unruliness in these years was not purposive—

in contrast to the cultivated bohemianism of the romanticist

years (c. 1850), the impassioned rhetoric of the republican

movement (1870's), or the defiance under the Vargas regime

(1930-1+5). A further example was ruefully cited by the direc-

tor pro tern in l8*+2. A student (who was also a priest) had

■^Vampre, op. cit. , I, 309-31l+; MOller, op. cit. , p. 259.

^Vampr&, op. cit. , I, 338-3*+0.

 8k

been roundly flunked for a "scandalous" examination in arith­

metic and geometry. When the director, in company with the

professor of rhetoric, left the Academy the young man approached

to demand satisfaction. On being advised to withdraw he set

upon the director with a cane, shouting that he was "a num­

skull, rascal, and thief." Luckily three students were able

ll
to safeguard the doctor's cranium by holding off the assailant.

The following year an army-trained disciplinarian,

Col. Joaquim Jose Luis de Sousa, was named provincial president

to trample out lingering embers of the l8*+2 Revolution. He was

a type expressly created to feed the antipathy of wilful stu­

dents, and the inevitable run-in occurred in June of that year.

In relating the incident to the Minister of State, the Colonel

prefaced his dispatch with an account of how students had been

making a mockery of city traditions and authority.

Appearing in the Churches, that group of thoughtless

youths take possession of the main entrance and, forming
close and compact wings, oblige devout families to pass
between them, exposed to vile and indecent actions and
to tart remarks offensive to decency. When the cere­
monies of religious worship are celebrated, the group,
changing their position, take station at the grille of
the high altar and, turning their backs to the Holiest
Sacrament, remain facing the ladies, who become the
target for their maliciousness, the object of their
madnesses, to the great scandal of family heads, who
cannot with sang-froid watch such loose and immoral
proceedings. No one dares make them the slightest
admonition, for he would expect in return a licentious
answer . . . .
Averring that he had done his best to temper the

•^Arquivo Nacional, caixa 817 (Dr. Jose Maria de Avelar

Brotero to the Provincial President, 15 February l8*+2).
 85

students' insolence by "pacific means," the President went on

to relate the occurrence that forced him-.to violence. On 15

June, while attending a play in the Casa da Opera, he found the

uproar and indecent hoots of students in the audience so ob­

noxious that he was forced to ask for silence, in respect to

the proper families present. Calm was restored till the fourth

act, when "as if by signal" certain students climbed on the

benches stamping and shouting furiously to let it be known

"that they were ready to challenge all, starting with the

soldiers, who had borne with excessive resignation the greatest

insolence." When warnings of the President and the chief of

police went unheeded in the tumult, the latter "ordered the

departure and finally the arrest of one of the principal authors

of the riot" (who was the son of Martim Francisco de Andrada).

The students then had the effrontery to shout that their fellow

be released or that all go to jail.'1"'’

It is only fair to complement the above with the ver­

sion of those thirty-two students eventually jailed, which was

set forth in a direct appeal to the Emperor. The President,

they claimed, had held up the performance by his late arrival.

Then, perhaps because of "an inexplicably ridiculous suscepti­

bility in this man who had never found himself in so high a

position," he had misinterpreted the spectators’ impatience as

a personal affront and made a speech condemning the

•^Arquivo Nacional, caixa 988, maqo 2, pacote 7

documento 13 (Joaquim Jose Luis de Sousa to Jos6 Antonio da
Silva M6ia, 20 June 18^3).
 86

demonstration as worthy only "of a barbarous people." As the

fourth act of the melodrama (on the stage) unfolded, the plot

called for a number of gunshots. The smoke produced in the

audience "an almost general cough; these symptoms of genuine

discomfort gave rise to a few exaggerations, or caricatures."

The President broke into a tirade of fierce epithets and

rushed to the stage where, brandishing the sword seized from a

soldier, he shouted "that as President he would have respect

and that if any as a man were capable of challenging him, let

him do it and that he was no parlor and hallway president like

l6
his predecessors."
Besides making vivid the way in which students were

for the rest of the century to leaven Paulistan mores, these

documents have a precise bearing on the years under considera­

tion. The Law Faculty was not yet providing its prot6g£s with

either a nutrient academic regime or absorbing extra-curricular

associations— just as the city itself afforded no channels for

their restive energies. National politics, moreover, were not

yet permeating into the texture of provincial city life; stu­

dents gave personal rather than ideological vent to their

discontent with public figures. Andrada, the student ring­
leader, was intelligent and well read; he later took his doc­

torate and held a chair in the Academy.^ Had he been a

■^Arquivo Nacional, caixa 817 (letter to the Emperor

from 32 imprisoned students). See also Almeida Nogueira, op.
cit., II, 66-93 .
^Almeida Nogueira, op. cit. , II, 128-139*
 87

student twenty-five years later, the milieu would have favored

more articulate opposition to the President than loud coughing

in a theatre.

The academic library was one conduit through which

foreign ideas might be expected to flow and be disseminated to

the city. By lS^O it contained 7,000 volumes, comprised mainly

of the somewhat worm-eaten Franciscan collection and donations

from Bishop dom Mateus and Toledo Rendon. Nearly half the
items were, Kidder found, "unread and unreadable tomes on

theology." Contemporary books, including works of jurisprudence,

were in short supply; belles lettres and the sciences were

scarcely represented. The Director, however, had complained

vehemently to the Minister of the Empire. Some authors from

the list of about 250 titles whose purchase he requested (1835)

indicate the utilitarian bent that he hoped to give the curri­

culum: Jefferson, Blackstone, Franklin, Godwin, Malthus, James

TO
Mill, Ricardo, Gibbon, Humboldt. For a few years new acquisi­
tions stood little used on the shelves. Yet gradually their

•^The Director untiringly requested European periodicals

as well. By 1838 the following were being received: Revue de
Deux Mondes. Revue Botanique. Journal des Connaissances Utiles.
Journal de l'Institut Historique, Bulletin des Sciences Agri­
coles et Economiques. Revue Encyclopedique. The Quarterly
Review, and The Edinburgh Review.
Arquivo Nacional, caixa 8l6 (Director of the Law
Academy to the Minister of the Empire, 11 April 1835, 12
September, 1835, 7 October 1835, 1 June 1836 . 9 March I838 ,
13 August 1839); Kidder, on. cit., I, 255-256*, Miiller, op.
cit. , pp. 257-258.
 88

ideas seeped into the lecture-rooms to form the minds of a new

generation, and into the public press to give fresh turns of

thought and rallying-cries to the people at large.

In February, 1835, another of the Director's communiques

to the Minister informed that a young man born in Saxony, who

had been teaching elementary school in the interior, was the

only applicant for the chair of history and geography in the

Curso Anexo. and was willing to teach English as well until

another candidate should appear. The writer wished to know

whether, in view of the teacher shortage, it would be allowable

to engage a foreigner. The Minister replied affirmatively,

with the proviso that the contract be for a stated period in

19
case a qualified Brazilian should later apply. In this way

Jtilio Frank entered on the Paulistan scene.

Frank is a controversial figure. As a Protestant he

was not granted church burial after his premature death in

181+1, and his tomb still stands in the patio of the Law Faculty,

an object of certain mystery. Afonso Schmidt has novelized his

life, portraying him as intellectually gifted, dedicated to

his students, and as founder of a benevolent mutual-aid society

(the Burschenschaft) for the latter. The vitriolic Jew-baiter

Gustavo Barroso implausibly identifies him as Karl Sand, the

murderer of Kotzebue, calls him a practitioner of black magic,

•^A r q u l v o Nacional, caixa 8l6 (Director of the Law

Academy to the Minister of the Empire, 1? February 183*+, and
the reply, 28 February 183*+).
Notice, once again, the xenophobia.
 89

labels the Burschenschaft as a viciously secret and masonic

counterpart of the German society, and sees Frank as a sponsor

of the "Judaized bacharelismo that took hold of Brazil and car-

20
ried it to political and social immorality.11

For our purposes Jfilio Frank has high symbolic signi­

ficance as a precursor of Paulistan romanticism. Like another

foreigner, Libero Badar6, his career was snuffed out and could

not come to fruition in these "suspensive" years. Yet his

ideas and attitudes were left to germinate.
In a letter that described his translating of Poelitz's

"Compendium of Universal History," for which he had been com­

missioned by the central government, appears the essence of

Frank's method. The "History" was in three parts. The first,

Ancient to Medieval, he translated virtually as written. The

second, Medieval to the discovery of America, he totally re­

vised, adhering to the "excellent method" of the German original

but expanding the histories of France, Italy, Spain, and Portu­

gal. The modern period was yet to be done; there "the dif­

ficulties multiply, for a Compendium however good, if designed

for the program of a given foreign literary establishment,

does not serve indiscriminately for the Academies of any other

country."2^ In other words, Frank was introducing European

✓

Afonso Schmidt, A sombra de Julio Frank (Sao Paulo,

19^2); Gustavo Barroso, Historia secreta do Brasil (Vol. I,
Sao Paulo, 1937; vols. II and III, Rio de Janeiro, 1937-1938),
II, 33-66.
21
Arquivo Nacional, caixa 817 (Julio Frank to the
provincial President, 5 October 1837).
 90

processes, the fruit of Europe's experience, but saw that the

conditions of Brazilian life exacted recognition and unique

resolution.
Measuring the intellectual methods of Frei Francisco

Mont'Alverne— who as a student had used the Franciscan lib­

rary before its absorption by the Academy— against those of

Jtilio Franlr yields a further index of change for the period

in question. Mont'Alverne made early acquaintance with Genuense's

compendium of philosophy, a work propagated during the educa­

tional reforms of the Pombal administration in the eighteenth

century. Genuense and other commentators lured Mont 1Alverne1s

thinking into a philosophical pasticcio of Locke, Kant, Condil­

lac, and cousin that purported to reconcile the sensualist and

idealist positions (a dualism which, in its broader human

terms, became a gnawing incertitude congenital to all the

years that have followed).

Mont'Alverne for a time taught theology, rhetoric,

and philosophy in Sao Paulo— and in 1833 a close disciple of

his, according to Vieira Bueno, was teaching in the Curso

Anexo. As a thinker he was confused and derivative, anti­

scholastic yet tangled in the formulistic absolutes of his

Franciscan training. He marks, however, the emergence of

colonial Brazil into eclecticism, the eclecticism which came

less tortuously to Jtilio Frank and which was to be the apolo­

getics for materialistic, urban, bourgeois society .22

PP
Joao Cruz Costa, 0 desenvolvimento da filosofia no
Brasil no seculo XIX e a evolucao hist6rica nacional (Sao
 91

The intellectual travail of Frei Mont'Alverne mirrored

the anomalous position into which the Church as a whole

slipped during these years. By a papal bull of 1827 patronage

was granted to the imperial government. Within four years the

clergy came to be treated as mere civil agents of the executive

power, and those of them who held political office were relieved

of ecclesiastic duties. In this way the vigor and leadership

displayed by certain of the priesthood in the independence

movement, which appeared to bespeak a new lease of life for

the Church, were absorbed by the secular powers. The career

of Father Feij6 , for instance, can hardly be said to have

resounded to the Church's authority and prestige. For Feij6

was a Mason, opposed clerical celibacy, and as Minister of

Justice put teeth in government patronage.

Paulo, 1950), pp. 78-8^-; Laerte Ramos de Carvalho, "A logica

de Monte Alverne," Boletim da Faculdade de Filosofia. Ciencias
e Letras (Universidade de Sao Paulo) , LXVII, ^ 6 , 4-8, 68 , 69 ;
Domingos Jos§ Gongalves de Mapalhaes, "Biografia do Padre
Mestre Frei Irancisco de Konte-Alverne," Qpftsculos hist6ricos
e liter^rios (vol. VIII of Obras de D.J.C. de Magalhaes: 2nd
edition, Rio de Janeiro, 18&5) , pp. 305-322; Silvio Romero,
A filosofia no Brasil (Porto Alegre, 1878), p. 5; Clovis
Bevilacqua, Esbocos e fragmentos (Rio de Janeiro, 1899),
pp. 18, 23; Guillermo Francovich, Fll6 sofos brasileiros (Sao
Paulo, 19*+7) » PP* 30-37; Leonel Franca, Noc5es da hist 6ria da
filosofia (9th edition; Sao Paulo, 19*+3) , PP* ^1*+ ff* 5 Antonio
G6mez Robledo, La filosofia en el Brasil (Mexico City, 19*+6) ,
pp. 28-32; Vieira Bueno, "Cidade de Sao Paulo," loc. cit. ,
pp. 158-159.
Mont'Alverne (178^-1858) was a grandiloquent and
spellbinding preacher. Born in Rio, he spent the years between
loOh and 1816 in Sao Paulo, first as novitiate, then as pres­
byter, predicant, and finally lecturer. Forced by blindness
to retire to a cloister in 1836, he was called upon sixteen
years later by Pedro II to deliver a sermon in the style which
had been so highly extolled to the Emperor. Mont'Alverne's
own CompSndio. written in or before lo33, was published
posthumously.
 92

The question of celibacy went so far that in 183^ the

following syllogism, propounded by the General Council in Sao

Paulo, came to the attaition of the horrified papal nuncio in

Rio: (1) bishops have in their dioceses the same rights as

the Holy Father in the Church as a whole; (2) the law of celibacy

is merely disciplinary; and therefore (3) bishops may allow

their diocesan clergy to marry. J Since this proposal never

came to anything, the priesthood at large preserved its theologi­

cal identity, even though outstanding members were being

siphoned off into secular service— a question once again of an
uneasy, a 11suspensive” middleground.

The Church could not expect to retain its finer talents

as long as it basked supinely in the surety born of its years

of undisputed colonial hegemony. An appeal to the Paulista

bishop from the parishioners of Penha protested in 1832 of a

vicar held by them in "aversion,” whose manners were "quite

harsh and uncivil, without his having the slightest measure

of the affability and friendliness that befit the character

2b
of a curate.” By the next decade the bishop was wont to give

"sophistic answers” to other similar complaints and leave the

provincial government to deal with refractory priests, who were

indeed its "civil servants.”2^ The situation was generalized

^ F . Badar6, L'Eglise au BrSsil pendant l 1Empire et

pendant la Rfepublique (Rome. 1&95). PP« 10^-lo6; jtillo Maria,
op. cit.. pp. 6M--72; Almeida Nogueira, o p . cit.. IV, 13*+-1^2.

2**AESP, sala 10, Capital, 1832.

2^Egas, op. cit. . I, 171. -
 93

by a president who blamed the low degree of public safety upon

<
" lack of religion and civilization” and called for "improvement

in the quality of our clergy, especially of that part which,

living in direct contact with the people, is in closer reach

2&
of influencing their social and moral relations."

The fuller panorama of the city1s life and endeavor

in the mid-lSM-O's had changed little since a quarter of a cen­

tury previous, though one senses an over-all shift in tone by

very reason of the fact that the promises of the l 820 's were

as yet unrealized. The remarks of a traveling Austrian gentle­

woman who saw the city in 18M-6— though not as keen or exhaustive

as those of her predecessors— serve as a clue.

Ida Pfeiffer shared Saint-Hilaire's housing problem of

nearly thirty years earlier. She and her companions were

refused lodging first by a German innkeeper, next by a French­

man, who sent them to a Portuguese, and finally by this last.

The letter of recommendation was still a sine qua non.

When the visitors inquired of their eventual host,

another German, as to "the curiosities of the town," he replied

with a shrug of the shoulders "that he knew of none, unless we

wished to consider as such the botanical garden." After explor­

ing a bit, the author concurred. Her remarks are tinged with

an uneasiness, a melancholy:

26
Discurso recltado pelo Exmo. Senhor Doutor Domiciano
Leite Ribeiro President da Provincla de Sao Paulo. Na abertura
da Assembl§ia Lggislativa Provincial no dia 2!? de junho de l8*f8
(S§o Paulo, 184-8) , pp. ^-5.
 9b

. . . we found more pretty houses built than, relative

to its size, Rio de Janeiro possessed. But the construc­
tions lacked equally taste and style ^i.e., by contempo­
rary Europe's standards/. The streets are wide enough,
but excessively deserted, and the general silence which
reigns in all the city is interrupted only by the inces­
sant noise of the peasants' carts. . . . The ^woodery7
axles . . . are never greased, which produces an infernal
music.
. . . All the men, except slaves, wear two large
cloaks which they throw back over the shoulder; I even
saw many women envelopped in broad capes. . . .
We visited several churches which have nothing unusual,
inside or outside. We ended at the botanical garden which,
except for a plantation of tea, offers nothing of interest.

These observations add "nothing of interest" to early accounts,

except a plaintive minor key.2'7

Permanent immigrants continued to filter in from

Europe. Judging by the limited need for their facilities and by

their immense circumspection, one cannot suppose Mine. Pfeiffer's

recalcitrant innkeepers to have been economic or social pillars

of society. Still less so was the German in charge of the

Botanical Garden who was fired from his job for having let the
pQ
promenade lapse into pasturage for his horse and eight oxen.

Newspapers recorded the frail, exploratory tentacles

that Europe was Insinuating into this distant community. There

was Carlos Gorsse, Parisian coiffeur, whose art would prepare

Paulistan ladies for the more sociable life of salon and ball­

room, and mesh, ever so gently, the unturning wheels of their

?Ida Pfeiffer, Voyage d'une femme autour du monde

(Paris, I880), pp. 96-98.
Kidder in I839 had singled out the Botanical Garden
as "one of the pleasantest locations," but also noted the
"rather neglected" appearance which seems to have struck Ida
Pfeiffer. Though used for sporadic agronomic experiments, the
Garden suffered from its slim budget. Kidder, op. cit.. I,
231-232; Egas, op. cit.. I, 123, 165, 175, 18M-.
28Martins, op. cit.. I, 133-139* '
 29
existence to the spinning gears of fashion.

There was also the Englishman Henry Fox, whose glib

claims to omnipotence heralded the era of facile advertisement

and the sway of pinchbeck science over a credulous bourgeoisie.

Fox’s boons to Paulistan well-being were: a ’’water of pearls”
that cured ringworm and all epidermal diseases, leaving the

skin ’’smooth and clear;” "anodyne drops,” the only medicine

known to cure toothache and not harm the tooth; a "divine mix­

ture," one bottle of which was a "certain cure for gonorrhea;"

and "lily blossom paste," a dentrifice "especially recommended

for ladles, for it not onl3r preserves the teeth, but gives
them new brilliance and delicious fragrance."3°

With these few exceptions, middle-class foreigners of

the period seemed to die early (Jtilio Frank, Libero Badar6) or

become accultured, like the Innkeepers, the German gardener,

and the German gunsmiths described in the last chapter.

Lower-class ones, too, failed to disrupt the ambient mold.

29
Notice in 0 farol paullstano(19 November I83I):
"— Carlos Gorsse, coiffeur from Paris and pupil of the leading
artisans of this profession advises the respected public that
having arrived in this City to practise his art, he-has estab­
lished himself on Rua do RosSrio, house no. 29, where he can
be sought at any hour to comb and cut the hair of Ladies and
Gentlemen. He will make periwigs of all styles, hair-fronts
on tortoise-shell combs, square fronts of wire naturally dis­
tributed, perukes, chignons, and all that pertains to his pro­
fession with the greatest perfection and in the most modern
style. He makes powders of many qualities to tint white hair
any color desired. He has an assortment of perfumes and
jewelry . . . ."

3°o futuro. 7 December l8*+7.

 96

In 1828 336 German colonists were sent by the agency for

foreign colonization in Rio to Santo Amaro and Itapecerica,

in the rural environs of Sao Paulo city. The provincial

government gave them subsidies in money and food (for a year

and a half), land, cattle (to be restored or paid for in four

years) , tax exemption (for eight to ten years), and a salaried

doctor and vicar (for a year and a half).

Paulistans showed their usual suspicion of the foreign

arrivals. "A Patriot" complained in 0 farol paullstano of the

provincial subsidy, "blood of our fellow citizens," wasted in

importing "foreign and (si vera est fama) facinorous people

... to colonize a country that does not need it. . . •

Paulistas deplore, if not indeed detest, such colonization."

Some of the immigrants took to trades after a while,

locally or in other towns. But many farming families found

themselves near penury when the subsidies ran out. Moreover,

the milieu was exacting conformance. The isolation, the-none-

too-fertile soil caused the Germans to become acaboclados.

That is, they were carried into the language, religion and

otiose behavior pattern of— and they intermarried with— the

rural Paulista squatter, or caboclo. Today a handful of dis­
torted German names is the colony1s only recognizable survi­

val.^2

3-*-o farol paullstano. 12 July 1828, quoted in Edmundo

Zenha, "A col3nia de Santo Amaro— sua instalaqao em 1829," RAM.
CXXXII (March, 1950) 57*
3 2Ibld.. pp. l*7”l**2j Emilio Williams, A aculteracao dos
alemaes no Brasil (Sao Paulo, 19^6), pp. 90, 122, l6o-162, 214-,
*+85; Machado d*Oliveira, op. cit.. pp. 338-339} Egas, o p . cit..
I, 2*f0-2*H.
 97

Figures for immigration of foreign workers into the

province show how the first optimistic wave of the 1820's—

the prototype for vast colonization schemes toward the cen­

tury's end— was absorbed and denatured, not to be repeated in
the "suspensive" years:

1827-1829 (3-year span) — 955 immigrant workers «

1830-18^5 (16-year span) — 38m- immigrant workers.
Other pledges of the 182o ' s were also hanging fire.

The House of Correction promised by the first president was

still under construction in l8!+5* The jail itself was in

chronically deplorable condition. Prisoners lay in filth on

skinny floor-mats, where their restless minds turned to

thoughts of hacksaws— one of which implemented the escape of

sixteen in I832— or of the firewater that was often smuggled

to them. Once a pair of bibulous inmates on a cleaning detail

kicked over two pots, putting the jailer to the annoyance of

sending for lavender to drown out the enormous stench. Luna­

tics were at times committed to prison, though when questioned

about some who were alleged to be insane, one jailer said he

did not know "when some of them had entered there nor by whose

^Departamento Estadual do Trabalho (Segao de

InformagSes), Dados para a hist6ria da imlgracao e da
colonizacao em Sao Paulo (Sao Paulo. 1916) V
pp. '6‘, 11-13•
In 1&4-0 Nicolau Vergueiro brought 90 Portuguese
colonists to his fazenda in Limeira: "the colony achieving so
little success, however, that it was shortly almost dismantled,
with only a few of its members remaining." Egas, op. cit. . I,
2*fl.
 98

order, as there was no record at all in their r e s p e c t . " ^

Street-lighting, like prison reform, was laggard. The

twenty-four swaying fish-oil lamps in use in 1829 emitted, at

distant intervals, a pale, mortuary glimmer that cast mobile

tongues of shadow on nearby walls. Fifty were available by

1839» but malefactors still found them spaced to give ample

protective darkness. Moreover, not only did stone-throwers

keep many lamps out of commission, but in the interest of

economy illumination was provided only between dusk and mid­

night from the third night after a full moon till the fourth

night after a new one. Lamplighters of 18^2 took an hour to

light and an hour to extinguish their lamps, and spent the

whole day in cleaning and repairing them . ^

The drainage project of 1827 proved to be only stop­

gap. The seasonal river floods went on. The Assembly asked

bewilderedly in 1835 "if there is known to exist any plan or

information on the possibility and advantages of canalizing or

moving the River Tamanduatei . . . ; likewise if there exist

any instruments of mathematics or Physics that could be laid

hands on for any physical or topographic enterprise.•' Two

^AESP, sala 10, mago M-l, Capital (AntSnio Cardozo

Nogueira to the Provincial President, 22 March 1832) and sala
10, mago 51» Capital (Camara to the Provincial President, 31
August 18^6): Sant'Anna, op. cit. . II, 85-86; Egas, op. cit.. I,
85, 138, 162 , 173.
35
AESP, sala 10, mago 51) Capital (Camara to the
Provincial President, 7 February and 18 April I S ^ ) ; AALPSP
(I838-I839), 6 1 5 Vieira Bueno, "Cidade de SSo Paulo," loc.
jcit., p. 28; Sant'Anna, op. cit.. II, 2M-9-251*- and III,
175-178; Egas, o p . cit.. I. 117. 1^9; J. C. de Azevedo Marques,
op. cit.. pp. 58-58.
 99

years later the Camara was still requesting of the legislature

that it destine funds for draining Carrno meadow.

While swamp water continued abundant, water for use

continued scarce. An engineer commissioned by the provincial

government presented a fine new scheme for piping in 18M-2 , but

showed cavalier neglect for its crucial purpose by failing to

37
provide additional water sources.

The"Santa Casa, still the mainstay of the ailing poor,

received new quarters in 1836 , and there were signs— such as

Toledo Rendon's donation of four years' salary as Director of

the Law Academy3®— that leading citizens were interesting them­

selves more in its work. Despite a "Philanthropic Society" of

public figures that entered several phases of charity work and

39
was associated with the Burschenschaft, government and

private lay initiative did not yet challenge the supremacy of

the Church and its orders in the field.

The state of certain of the Santa Casa's subsidiary
activities, however, disclosed insufficiencies. The lepers,

most of them slaves, were badly cared for. Of 109 foundlings

left in the new turning-box between 1825 and 1831, 60 perished

— largely through negligence of the wet nurses to whom they

36AALPSP (1835-1836), 61, and (1837), 10.

37
Freitas, "Dicionfirio," op. cit.. p. 57*
Corr 6io Paullstano. 6 July I832.

3^AESP, sala 10, maqo b-2, Capital (document addressed

to the Provincial Vice-President); 0 novo farol paullstano.
many notices in the early 1830's; Martins, op. cit.. II.
1^8-11*9.
 100

were entrusted. The degree of effectiveness with which the

Santa Casa, whose incumbency it was, ministered to prisoners

and maintained segregation of the insane has already been

noted.1*0

It became recognized that the absence of graveyards in

the city spurred the incidence of disease. In 1829 the Camara

resolved to have Daniel Mflller lay out a cemetery at a distance

LlI
from any residences. Later a provincial deputy asked the

Assembly to end the "superstitious and offensive practice" of

church burial by providing public cemeteries in every town,

where bodies could be interred seven spans deep, one and a

half spans apart. But the cognizant commission shortly reported

that there was no feasible way of circumventing the custom,

lf2
which was enshrined in a national law.

Thus the custom carried on. Each corpse was brought

into its church. Floorboards were lifted. A grave was dug,

and the newcomer, generally not coffined, was laid to mingle

with the bones of his forbears and with the dank earth. When
the ground had been pestled and the boards replaced, pious

ladies resumed their long hours of prayer directly above.

Insensate to the times, they communed, in antique ritual and in

^Tolstoi de P. Ferreira, loc. cit.. pp. 157-158.

^■RGCMSP, XX (1829-1830), 139-1^0.

lf2AALPSP (I835-I836) , pp. 58-61, 129-130. See also

Egas, op. cit.. I, 1^9*
 101
1+0
the fetid air they breathed, with those who had gone before. J

The city clutched its dead and left living youth to

fend for itself. For in the field of education, too, there

had been an auspicious blueprint that went unimplemented; it

was Martim Francisco de Andrada's "Memorandum on the Reform

of Studies in the Captaincy of Sao Paulo," written in 1816

and presented to the Constituent Assembly in 1823. This docu­

ment, partly plagiarized from Condorcet, proposed replacing

verbalist, latinized, theological, Jesuit-inspired education

of an elite with free, universal primary and secondary school

systems. It pleaded for a utilitarian curriculum, development

of individual aptitudes, and basic vocational training.

Schools were to do away with corporal punishment. Teaching

methods and materials were to conform to Brazilian realities.

And although students would be imbued with the principles of

moral conduct, religious instruction was to be relegated to

1|,V|
the Church and family.

The Memorandum sounded many keynotes that were to serve

educational reformers to the present day, but was without

immediate, practical effect. In the years after independence

1+3
JVieira Bueno, "Cidade de SSo Paulo," loci, cit..
pp. 157-158.
Demolition work in the center of the city on
occasion still lays bare these old ossuaries (e.g.s Folha da
Noite. 3 September 19^6)•
Mf
J. Querino Ribeiro, "A Mem6ria de Martim Francisco
sobre a reforma dos estudos na Capitania de Sao Paulo,"
Boletim da Faculdade de Filosofia. Clencias e Letras (Univer-
sidade de Sao Paulo), LIII, 67-109*
 102

no attempt was made to systematize schooling and furnish pre­

pared teachers. The Additional Act of I831* merely shifted

responsibility for all public education (except law and

medicine faculties) to the impoverished provincial govern-

1*5
ments. It took eleven years for the Paulista Assembly to

take action after Feij6 , in 1835, argued before it the need

1*6
of a normal school.

Of SSo Paulo city's population of 21,933 in 1836,

only 1,009 were "persons who, since they can read and write,
are suitable for employment." The city had, besides the two

seminaries founded by Congonhas do Campo (which accommodated

19 boys and 33 girls), nine elementary schools with a total

enrollment of 267 boys and 63 girls. The following figures

for population by age-group make it clear that only a fraction

of the city's children was being schooled:
age-group freemen slaves
male female male female

0 to 10 2,072 1,968 632 652

10 to 20 2,012 1,9^5 667 71*6 . '

Surveys sponsored by the Camara in 1832 revealed that

^ S u d Mennucci, 100 anos de instrucao pfrblica (Sao

Paulo, 1932), pp. 27-28, 32-33.
1*6
Reynaldo Kuotz Busch, 0 enslno normal em S. Paulo
(SSo Paulo, 1935)* PP» ^1-^2. A normal school had been pro-
iected as early as 1821 by the provisional government (DIHCSP.
II, 5^-55) •
^MOller, op. cit.. pp. 50, 51, 137 , 26*f.
 103

all the city schools were "in marked neglect, perhaps because

the Government, had not supplied equipment necessary for classes

or owing to the faint enthusiasm animating the respective

Teachers." Absenteeism was high, while diligence and discipline

were low, the more so since students had discovered that the
new Lancasterian techniques set aside physical chastisement.

Provincial presidents of the decade 1835-I8lf5 lamented cease­

lessly against the lack of trained teachers, the ruinous state

of schoolhouses, and the absence of centralized school inspec­

ts
;tion. One suspects that Kidder praised one of the city's

schools as "the most flourishing" in the empire simply because

the good missionary found pupils learning to read from extracts

of Scripture. "Very appropriate lessons had been selected,

according to the capacity of the little readers," he wrote with

benign complacence, "and could not fail to exert a most happy

kg
influence over their heart as well as mind." 7 Such pedagogy

was a far cry from Martim Francisco's Memorandum.

The two seminaries, founded in 1825, were something

less than exemplary in the 1830's. The first director of the

boys' Seminary of Santa Ana often left his post; in 1829 his
proxy was a youth of thirteen. One early teacher was quite

incompetent and relied (in a caricature of modern techniques)

kg
AESP, sala 10, Capital, 1832 (CSmara to the Provin­
cial President, l*f February 1832; JosS Xavier de Azevedo Marques
to the Cagiara, 1? December 1832); Primitivo M#acyr, A instrucao
e as provlncias (3 vols, Sao Paulo, 1939-19^0), II, 312-317;
Egas, op. cit.. I, 136.
1+9
7Kidder, op. cit.. I, 302.
 101*

on newspapers for class material. The building was in dis­

repair. Slaves tended to abscond, leaving the youths with

unmended clothes and a spare diet of colewort and maize flour.

The latters’ daily awakening to this regimen was quite in keep­

ing with the pervading gloom. At the given hour an appointed

pupil cried out, "Awake, oh brethren, from sleep, which is the

shadow of dreary deathl Let us worship the Lordl" Lack of

funds and facilities precluded moving the school into the city
proper for closer supervision.

Girls in the Seminary da Gl6ria fared little better.

The building that housed them for eight years became dilapidated
and overcrowded; the returns of a provincial lottery assigned

for its upkeep were never delivered. A report of 1830 found

creditable moral guidance and sewing classes, but no slaves for

essential chores, no reading of catechism or the national

Constitution, and— as the directress did not comprehend the

subject— virtually no arithmetic. Complaints were later lodged

against the lack of a chaplain and an infirmary, the insalubri­

ous refectory, and the enrollment of feeble-minded students. In

1839 the President declared that both seminaries were badly

directed and wanted for the things most needful to classes and
50
to domestic use.
The self-generated energies of the colonial city were

sputtering; their inertial residuum did not yet respond to new,

^Tolstoi de P. Ferreira, loc. cit., pp. **7-50, 55-58;

Egas, op. cit.. I, 81; Vieira Bueno, "Autobiografia," op. cit..
pp. 5-7*
 io5

rationally elaborated directive forces. Forms were emptied of

purposive, generic content. Actions became harsh, without com­

munal context— like the existentialist acte gratuit. By the

1830 *s, for instance, the festival masks that had always appeared
in the streets for civic and religious celebrations were becom­

ing mere camouflage for criminal violence. Similarly the

waxen, fruit-shaped water-bombs of Carnival were heavily
51
abused. *• (Compare*the students' rootless contumacy of the
period.)

By the very act of setting itself against the drift of

the present, the city interrupted the vital continuity of the

past. Tradition's living flow ebbed away, leaving exanimate

shapes which, like the corpses dutifully preserved in the

churches, denied the pulse that once gave them being. Sao Paulo

took sustenance from neither future nor past. In 18^2 a law

was passed to set up a Public Archive. Ten years later the

President chided the Assembly for not having taken action:

"There— spread among many departments and archives, unclassified,

unappreciated, lying in oblivion, left to dust and larvae— are

important documents, invaluable for your history with its

52
wealth of glorious and heroic deeds.

In this period certain innovations did appear. While

^Sant'Anna, on. cit. . II, 129-132.

52 / ' #
Dlscurso com oue o Ilustrlssimo e Excelentisslmo
Senhor Dr. Jos§ Tomls Natmcod'Araujo. Presidents da Provincia
de S. Paulo, abrlu a Assemblbia Legislative Provincial no.
lfr de m^icT*de 1852 (Sao Paulo. 1852). p. 38.
 106

not in themselves transcendent, the}1 can be considered indica­

tive offshoots of the catalytic forces of the 1820's which

seemed now to have gone underground. A case in point was the

provincial government's attempt (I836) to improve husbandry

by creating an instructional farm (fazenda normal) on a former

Jesuit estate in Santa Ana, a rural parish of the city. There

freeborn orphans were to study Christian doctrine, civics,

geometry, mechanics, chemistry, botany, and agriculture. In

December, 1837* the director complained that the fazenda was

"covered with ants and underbrush and the house quite in ruins."

A few vegetables had been planted, but the ten slaves assigned
him found time only for illness and attempts at escape. He
requested more slaves, cattle, tools, plants, and seeds. In

I838 the farm was abandoned.

Another innovation was the "Topographic Bureau,"

founded in 1835 and designed as a school for civil engineers,

deposit for geodetic instruments, and library of regional

maps and highway projects. The Bureau opened with fourteen

students and in I8*f2 had twenty-three; but it had been sup­

pressed for two years in I838 and was suspended once more in

18^9, showing that its breath of life was fitful.^

A Permanent Municipal Guard, created for the city by

^Moacyr, op. cit.. II, 311-312; Ribeiro, op. cit. .

I, 230-231; Mttller, op. cit.. p. 261.

J. C. de Azevedo Marques, op. cit.. pp. 65-71?

Martins, op. cit.. II, 68-69 ? MOller, o p . cit.. p. 261 ? Egas,
op. cit., I, 108 , 1^9.
 107

the General Council in 1831, was the first police force. One

of its duties was hunting runaway slaves, or breaking up their

autonomous communities (cuilombos) . Earlier this task fell to

the "forest captain" (capltao do mato), appointed when the need

arose by the Camara . ^ As with so many other services, a per­

manently constituted agency, imposed by higher will, now took

over. If any assignment were too perilous, the new guards*

wages had to be doubled or tripled at the slaveowner's expense.

It was a well disciplined constabulary, though by l8!+6 it was

underpaid, promotions were slow, and equipment and quarters

had deteriorated. It and the Law Academy were both housed in

former convents, which seemed to signalize the functional dis­

integration of once inclusive authority.^

One of the most significant pieces of legislation was

the 1836 law for provincial and municipal expropriation. The

President or, subject to his approval, the Camara could seize

private property in the interests of public health and safety

or for essential public works. Here, seemingly, was explicit

recognition of the traditional commonalty. Yet the stipulated

procedure was that once eminent domain had been declared,

attorneys for the government and the expropriated party were

55
In I823 , for example, several capltaes do mato were
designated for the city's environs. See RGCMSP. XVII (1822-
1821+) , 181-187, 190-192, 198-200, 201-203, 279-289.
56
Euclides Andrade and Hely F. da Camara, A F6rca
POblica de Sao Paulo (Sao Paulo. 1931) , PP« ** ff.; Jose
Nogueira Sampfiio, FundacSo da Forca Policial de Sao Paulo
(Sao Paulo, 19^3), PP» 37—39? Egas. op. cit.. I. 66 . 83.98,
109, l*t8 , 17^; J* C. de Azevedo Marques, op. cit.. p. 163.
 108

to present estimates for a just compensation. If these appraisals

did not agree, the judge was to designate a third party to fix

an intermediate sum. In practice, the compromise came to be an

arithmetic average, even if initial estimates were as disparate

as 10 against 1,000 contos. The law stayed on the books till

well into the twentieth century, into the era of large-scale

land seizures that came with the mushroom growth of the metro­

polis. Factitiously alloying public with private welfare, it

came to enshrine the greed of the unscrupulous opportunist, at

57
cost of the anonymous taxpayer.

The information so far given provides, as it were, one

half of a stereoscopic image. An account of the 181+2 Revolu­

tion, and of the Emperor's subsequent visit to Sao Paulo, will

act as a complementary projection bringing dimension and clearer

design to the Hsuspensive" years.

2. The Revolution of 181+2

In 1831 the troops and populace of Rio de Janeiro,

tiring of the persistent high-handedness of Emperor Pedro I,

forced him to abdicate and return to Portugal. Pedro II, his

five-year-old heir, remained behind, and the government passed

to a three-man regency. During the ensuing decade this regency

was able to rely on relative tranquility in the central

Jos& Jacinto Ribeiro, Indice alfabetico da Lei n?

1CR8 de 19 de dezembro de 1906 que deu nova organlzacfio muni­
cipal no Estado de S. Paulo (Sao Paulo. 1907^ « pp. 5l-52.
I am also indebted to conversations with Luis Saia.
 109

provinces of Sao Paulo, Minas Gerais, and Rio while it coped

with the bitter separatism of Pernambuco, Parfi, and Maranhao
in the north and Rio Grande in the south. In 18*4-1, however,
liberal Paulista and Mineiro factions began to chafe under
the conservative regime to which Pedro II turned shortly after

attaining his "majority'1 at the age of fifteen. Three acts

in particular bred dissidence: the law of 18 September, known
as the "interpretation of the Additional Act," that caused
provincial vice-presidents to be crown-appointed rather than
elected; the law of 23 November creating a Council of State,
which, since tenure was to be for life, liberals feared as a
stronghold for despotic opponents; and the law of 3 December
which reformed the criminal code and centralized the appointing

of the judiciary, causing removal of many liberal office­

holders.
In retrospect these measures seem sanely devised in

the interests of political stability; but on 1 January 18*4-2

Feij6 wrote to the Paulista Provincial Assembly warning that,
if allowed to stand, the laws would lead to absolutism and make

a mockery of the Constitution. His words took effect. Before

the month was out the Assembly had sent a strongly phrased
dispatch to the Emperor, exhorting that execution of the laws
be deferred until they could be revoked as unconstitutional
when the legislature met in April. So unmodulated were its
terms that the delegation bearing it was not even given
audience, and Nicolau Vergueiro, one of the emissaries, was
dismissed from the directorship of the Law Academy.
 110

The liberals had shown this effrontery, for they knew

that by grace of devious electoral procedures they controlled
the forthcoming legislature. They were also certain that the
Emperor, quite aware of these procedures, would dissolve the
chamber. Dissolution, the liberals felt, could be averted
only by propagating veiled threats of revolution, a purpose
inherent in the brazen Sao Paulo missive. The government
stood its ground, however, and the revolutionaries were even-
58
tually forced to show their hand.
Meanwhile liberal resistance gained momentum in the

province and its capital. One mainspring was a branch of the

"Society of the Invisible Patriarchs" that had been founded
in Rio in 18^0. The Society, headed by a secret directorate,
was comprised of five- to ten-man "cells." Each initiate to
a cell was obliged to found another secret nucleus of his own.

In this way the organization took in thousands of members and

sharply minimized the possibilities for treason among them.
Paulista liberals were distraught specifically because
of conservative legislation and generally because of feelings
that liberals throughout the empire were being baited, that
the government was prejudiced against Sao Paulo, and that

58
Except where otherwise specified, this account of the
movement of 18m-2 rests on: Joaquim Antonio Pinto Junior,
Movimento politico da Provlncia de Sao Paulo em 18^-2 (Santos,
1879^. passim: Joao Batista de Morals. "RevoluQ£o de 18^2,"
RIHGSP. XII,(1907). M+l-617; Martins de Andrade. A Revolucfio
de l8*+2 (Rio de Janeiro, 19H-2) , pp. 113-158; Aluisio de Almeida,
A Revolucao Liberal de 18U-2 (Rio de Janeiro, 19^*), PP« 31-1^9»
197-261; Aluisio de Almeida, "Movimento liberal de l8*+2," RAM.
CIV (August-September, 19^5), 57-62; Tarqulnio de Sousa, o£.
cit., pp. 293-320.
 Ill

local political offices were being infiltrated by 11foreign’1

appointees. The defiance born of Sao Paulo’s colonial isolation
had receded into a persecution complex that was to recur even
after Sao Paulo became the economically most potent state of
the country.
Political vindictiveness had reached violent extremes
in the northern provinces. The nephew of a victim in Cearfi,
whose killers were not even brought to trial, emigrated to S§o
Paulo, where he could voice his protests in the columns of the
liberal journal TibiricA. It was this paper that was leading
the crusade against dismissal of Paulistas from provincial

offices.
The presidency had until July, 18^1, been held by a
Paulista, Rafael Tobias de Aguiar. As was inevitable, the
government replaced him in that month by a conservative,
Miguel de Sousa Melo e Alvim. At the inaugural ceremony Sousa

Alvim, a Portuguese-born naval officer, was gracious and pru­

dent. Both he and Tobias Aguiar received the people's acclaim.
The tension nearly snapped when church bells rang out wildly,
bringing armed citizens into the streets; but the cause of the
alarm proved to be merely a fire in an untended kitchen.
In January, 18*4-2 , however, another president was named,

for Sousa Alvim proved too conciliatory with the liberals.

The new Incumbent was Jos6 da Costa Carvalho, former bernardista
and editor of 0 farol paullstano. and now the Baron de Monte-

alegre. Though long a Sao Paulo resident, the Baron was cen­
sured for being of Bahian birth. In versified Afro-Bahian
 112

dialect, Tibirlcli ruefully contemplated the northern carpet­

baggers:
HINO DA BAHIANADA HYMN OF THE BAHIAN GANG
Os Paulistas sao catlvo The Paulistas are captive,
Sao catlvo dos bahlanoT They're captive of Bahians
Que dbles podem dlsu5~ Who can dispose of them
Como Slnho Soberanol Like a Ruler Sovereign!
Bahia 6 cidade Bahia's a city
Paulicbla 6 igrota. Sfio Paulo's a grot
Viva Monte Aleere Long live Monte Alegre,
Morra PatriotaJl Down with the Patri-otJ J
iSio Barao 6 bahiano, Mister Baron is Bahian,
E bahiano o Inspector Bahian too the Inspector
E bahiano o Julz do civre. Bahian as well the Civil Judge,
E ate mesmo o Prompt5'f And even the PromoterJ?9

For a time Montealegre's prospects seemed formidable.

Many of his conservative supporters withdrew to safer havens
in Santos or Rio, leaving him to confront forces captained by
leaders of such calibre as Feij6 , Vergueiro, and Tobias Aguiar.
The liberals were organized, armed, and ready, most of them, to

take extralegal action.

What primarily pertains to this study Is the role of
the city itself in the movement. It is obvious that the issues
were in no wise municipal but involved the relation of the
province to the nation, and, even more broadly, abstract con­
cepts as to a government's attributes and sources of authority.
It is also clear that these supra-municipal issues, owing to

events and agencies elsewhere discussed, were percolating

closer to the articulate townsmen, taking on living reality,

590 TibiricA. 21 April 18M-2, quoted in Freitas, "A

imprensa," loc. cit., p. ^03•
 113

displacing concerns that were near at hand and open to experi­

ence. It was becoming possible, that is, for the city to take
a calculated, rather than a fortuitous part in national
affairs.
This new dimension of the city's consciousness coalesced
with its pivotal importance as provincial capital, and augured
it to be the revolution's point of outbreak and as its bastion.
The question awaiting answer was whether Sfio Paulo city had
been able to hold its physical resources in discipline while
allowing its ideational values to lapse from self-containment.

Certainly the conservatives who fled to the seacoast had not

been imbued with missionary zeal. Would the liberals find
control and stamina adequate to the revolutionary role thrust
upon the city by its new pretensions and prestige?
There was one portent on 6 April 18U-1 when the Camara

informed the Emperor that Sao Paulo viewed "with sorrow the
spreading rumor" that dissolution of the liberal cabinet (23
60
March 181*1) necessarily entailed dismissal of Rafael Tobias.
The gesture was reminiscent of the municipal self-assertion of
1821-1822. The outcome was not, for Rafael Tobias was replaced
three months later. The CSmara, hamstrung by the Constitution
and impotent to contend with the new issues at stake, could

not aspire to its focal command of two decades earlier. In­

deed, when violence broke out in 18**2 , some aldermen kept to
their homes on plea of illness, while those who convened

6°ACCSP. XXXIII (181*0-181*1) , 126-128.

r
 11V

scrupulously followed a picayune agenda that omitted all

reference to the revolution.
The first overt sign that the city would not measure
up to its commitment came after a rumor was received, in Febru­
ary, 18^ 2 , that the government was bringing troops northward
from Santa Catarina. That night a "Club of 170 Exalted Ones
/Exaltados7." who were less chary than the Invisible Patriarchs,
roved the streets breaking conservatives' windows, engaging in
skirmishes, and pillaging balconies to obtain lead for bullets.
The following night the Exaltados met in a country ch6 cara.
armed and prepared to fight. At one in the morning Tobias
Aguiar appeared before them. Diplomatically he let them know

that they were prejudicing a movement which was now in any

case inevitable and persuaded them to disband and take orders

from the leaders.

A man of the new, nineteenth-century stamp, Tobias
Aguiar was honest, deferential, generous, rich from the Sorocaba
cattle trade, and knew how to ingratiate himself with the
ladies in a ballroom. In politics he was not averse to negoti­
ation and compromise, and he came to a truce with Montealegre
that would have effected a softening of the government's anti­

liberal campaign; but the President signed merely to fend off

the threatened revolt, and the agreement was shortly disallowed

in Rio.
On 1 May the Emperor yielded to the will of his cabinet

and dissolved the Chamber of Deputies, calling for a new legis­

lature to convene the following November. This was the
 H5

revolutionaries' stipulated signal, and a concerted plan for

action was drawn up in Rio by Paulista and Mineiro representa­
tives. In both provinces new presidents would be acclaimed,
with Tobias Aguiar designated for Sao Paulo. But it was by
now apparent that Sao Paulo city had ceased to be a useful
base of operations. The liberals' plans had long since been
laid bare by abortive bursts of violence on one hand and by
excessive temporizing and negotiation on the other. The flame
of public enthusiasm had guttered, while Montealegre, fore­
warned in detail, had strengthened his city garrison with

forces from other towns.

The miscarried attempt of an armed band to invade the

city on 11 May and seize the barracks was a final seal on the
impotence of the city's liberals. Vieira Bueno, newly a
bacharel and one of the Invisible Patriarchs, found security
measures so effective that his carbine "had the fate to be
buried, still virgin, in the latrine" of his residence.^3.
Disillusioned by the falling away of his support and

suspecting that Minas was not living up to its part in the

pact, Tobias Aguiar eluded arrest in the capital and left for
Itu on 13 May. But the revolution he had come to despair of
was bound to burn itself out. As early as the 10th, liberals
had seized Sorocaba. When Tobias Aguiar reached Itu sym­
pathizers rallied to him as their leader, and he found himself

committed to continuing his journey to the rebel city. By the

^Vieira Bueno, "Autobiografia," op. cit.. p. l*f.

 116

16th he was in Sorocaba. The following day its CSmara, citizens,

and soldiery acclaimed him President, and a proclamation was
issued calling Paulistas to arms against the alleged tyranny
of the ministry and pledging fealty to the Emperor. On the
twentieth Feij6 arrived from Campinas, crippled, weary of body,
but snorting fire. Between 27 May and 16 June he published
four issues of a rampantly aggressive journal, 0 paulista.
Shortly a "Liberating Column" of over a thousand men
was formed. Its mission was the capture of Sao Paulo city
which, though no longer a resilient center of revolt, was
strategically crucial. The rebels' hopes for a long-range
victory were already prejudiced, but, by underestimating the
time it would take Rio to receive the news and retaliate,
they caused any chances for short-term success to run out. In
an effort to bolster its forces the Liberating Column took a

roundabout route in its march on the capital.

Meanwhile the Baron (later Duke) of Caxias, whose
leadership in the Paraguayan War of 1864--1870 was to make him
Brazil's most revered military hero, arrived in Santos on 21

May with a "Pacifying Army." The following day he embraced

his good friend Montealegre in the capital. He found no opposi­

tion. The Church, as usual, was all-providing:

The undersigned ^wrote six clerics to Montealegre^
come to place at the disposition of Yr. Exc. the build­
ing of the Hospital of the Third Order of Our Lady of
Carmel, which in present circumstances may serve as
lodging for the officers arriving from Rio de Janeiro,
or serve that purpose which Yr. Exc. may wish to indi­
cate for it .62

* 2AESP, sala 10, mago 51, capital (the Carmelites to

the Provincial President, 20 May 184-2).
 117

In Sorocaba Tobias Aguiar covered his despondency as

best he could. For a while he avoided making known that
Caxias was in Sao Paulo, and referred vaguely to "some troops
from outside.1' On the 31st he wrote a letter to several per­
sons urging that the towns contribute to swell the numbers of
the Liberating Column.
I well know that this causes discomforts and travail;
but now is the hour for Paulistas to subject them­
selves to all this; and I rely so heavily on their
patriotism that I am certain that such a consideration
will not trouble them.b3
In 0 paulista Feij6 issued, more thunderously the same appeal
to arms.
The dispatches of Montealegre to the Minister of War
show how the government forces were coiled into a tight spring
in the capital, then released to overpower the adversary in
all directions. On 30 May he reported the rebels holding out
in six major municipalities and in two small towns near Sao
Paulo. Caxias had withdrawn from the latter— Sao Roque and

Parnaiba— since his forces!

. . . were still very small and wholly unsupplied, and
could not, before the arrival of reinforcements from
the Court, hold those points against the rebels,
whose tactics lay in their swiftness of approacning
the Capital with all the strength they had, to see if
they might yet surprise it before arrival of said
reinforcements. °h-

^Autqacao das c6nias documentos. &. sobre a rebeliao

da Provincia de‘ S. Paulo (Rio de Janeiro^ 18^3) \ PP« M-6-lh8 .
See this also for transcripts of 0 paulista.
^Arquivo Naclonal, caixa 987> maqo 1, pacote 1,
documento 6 (Montealegre to Jos& Clemente Pereira, 30 May
18*4-2).
 118

By 2 June the rebels, contained in the same limits, had

entirely vanished from the environs of Sao Paulo in an apparent
attempt "to concentrate all their people at some defensible
61?
point a few leagues distant." J Several days later Tobias
Aguiar took the field personally, but it was too late to rally
his troops. They had been caught off guard and demoralized
near Campinas. Unimpeded, Caxias marched into Sorocaba on 20
June. From a window old Feij6 , tottering on his crutches,
shouted after his fleeing confreres, "Run, you weaklings and
poltroonsJ I stay here to defend youJ"
On the 25th Montealegre announced the revolutionaries
to be dispersed and Tobias Aguiar in flight. A rebel threat in
the Paraiba Valley had dissolved, and to the south, in Curi­
tiba, the movement seemed to have won no adherents. The Baron
further informed that the Marchioness of Santos had been found
in Sorocaba and would be detained in Sao Paulo pending advices
— the Paullstan femme fatale having just solemnized a de facto
liaison with Tobias Aguiar in the latter's hour of distress. ^
The Revolution of 184-2 offers illuminating comparison
with the "Bernards of Francisco Inficio," which had broken out
in the same month, twenty years earlier. Both were revolts
against constituted provincial authority. In the case of the

^Arauivo Nacional, caixa 987* mago 1, pacote 2,

documento 1 (Montealegre to Jos& Clemente Pereira, 2 June 184-2) •
^Arquivo Nacional, caixa 987, mago 1, pacote 2,
documento 13 (Montealegre to Jos 6 Clemente Pereira, 2? June
184-2). See also Barao de Caxias, "Cartas s6bre a RevolugSo de
184-2," Anais do Museu Paulista. V,
 119

Bernarda this authority had no backing; the coup came off suc­
cessfully in the capital, and opposition retreated to the
interior. When Rio tried to regularize the situation, the
city refused to deal with its agents. Bypassing all inter­
mediaries, the Camara appealed to the Prince himself and insti­
gated his trip to Sao Paulo.
By 18*4-2 the Emperor's provincial representatives were
strongly entrenched in the capital. The city in those active
weeks could show no independent, municipal will of its own, as
Sorocaba, through its Camara, was still able to do. The capital
was beholden to the crown-appointed provincial overlord and his
militia. The coup that was ventured there fell through; it was
the revolters, rather than partisans of a displaced regime, who
decamped for the interior. The 18*4-2 Revolution emphasized

that the political figures of stature in the capital were no

longer regional caciques living in proud detachment on their
fazendas, but the bacharfeis. whether statesmen or politicos,
who were converging from the interior and from Rio with new
techniques of control, taking residence in the city proper,
appropriating its press and rostrums, interweaving its inter­
ests and destinies with those of the nation.
One can also point comparisons with Sao Paulo's two
major fracases of later years. In 192*4- and 1932, as in 18*4-2,
the capital was recognized by all contenders as the strategic
nerve-center, possession of which— by reason of the city's
prestige, economic potency, and geographic centrality— meant
command of the whole Paulista heartland. In 192*4- the city
 120

passively, femininely, allowed rebels to drive the state president

out in a surprise attack and to hold a precarious position for
three brief weeks till the federal government mustered its
forces. In 1932 it fell out that the federally appointed presi­
dent— then an interventor— and the populace at large joined in
cordial antipathy toward the Vargas tyranny; the powerful city
of 1 ,000,000 mobilized in a fashion unknown since colonial
days, reviving, somewhat spuriously, the memory and watchwords
of the bandeiras. On this occasion the conversion of the
state’s formidable industrial belt to a war footing recalled a
weakly attempt of the 18^2 rebels to cast a park of artillery
67
near Sorocaba in the Ipanema foundry. '
Two faces of the 18^2 Revolution are to be descried.
One identified it with the "suspensive" years. The Revolution

found the citizenry of the capital with neither a mainspring of

tradition impelling them to inspired communal action nor a
clear analytic perception (such as they had in 1932) of con­
temporary issues at stake. The vital currents of the city had

been changing direction. From many realms the preceding sec­

tion of this chapter adduced illustration of the placid back­
waters in which the city was transitorialy drifting.
The other face of the Revolution was what it held for

the future. Caxias had gone on from SSo Paulo to the pacifi­
cation of Minas and Rio Grande do Sul. Internal peace was

^ ’♦Autocao.’1o p . c i t . . p. 20.
 121
secured. The Emperor, coming into maturity, was learning to
assert his steadying hand. Brazil's political structure had
been tried and fixed upon. The nation was emerging from gawky
adolescence and could look to releasing its economic energies
in tranquility with the aid of Europe's new technology.
In 18¥+ all who had joined the Revolution were amnestied.
Two years later the Emperor signalized the new era of good feel­
ing by a voyage with his wife through the southern provinces.
On 26 February l8*+6 they received a handsome ovation from Sao

Paulo city (at an expense of *+0,000 milr6is) , where they

remained, except for trips to the interior, till 12 April.
Tobias Aguiar, nothing daunted by a term in prison, was on the
reception committee and in attendance at all the fStes.
Another liberal, Amaral Gurgel, pronounced an eloquent eulogy
of welcome. With largesse, Pedro dispensed honorific titles,
dozens of them to ex-revolutionaries.
Everything attracted the attention or participation of

the "scientific," bourgeois ruler: the process of torrefying

tea, lectures and defenses of theses at the Academy, student
dramatics, religious rituals, and the balls in his honor where
he danced with aldermen's daughters.
68 The Emperor incarnated
the values and mores that had hitherto been seeping mistily
into Sao Paulo: imperial grandeur, Europeanization, gay and
■. *

68
Alclndo de Azevedo Sodr&, "Primeira visita de Pedro II
a Sao Paulo," RIHGSP. XLV, 12*+-l*+3; Aluisio de Almeida,
"RevolucSo Liberal," op. clt.. pp. 258-259; Vampr 6, op. _ci_t. «
I> 358-361; Martins, op. cit. , I, *+8-*+9.
 122

lavish parties, romance, sophistication, scientific curiosity,

material well-being, cosmopolitan big-city culture, the parlia­

mentary code of behavior, the gentleman's education. Unlike

the fairy tale, there was none in the streets to cry out:

"But the Emperor has no clothes onJ"

The change coming over this city of the late 18^0's

was of a chemical rather than physical nature. The outward

appearance and the cycle of activity of most dwellers were

little different— nor would they be for years, even decades to

come. But the guiding, ideational forces that had been storing
up for a quarter of a century had synergized, become purposive.

In the decade of, roughly, 18**5 to 1855 their symptoms cropped

out. The city seemed almost to strike dynamic equilibrium

between a regionally consonant colonial ethos and the demands

and fruitful endowments of a world beyond. Yet even at that

moment the anguished cries of the poets— the vates— prefigured

the stiffening of man's soul.

 123

CHAPTER III

ROMANTICISM (18^5-1855)

Mas a desordem e hoie a modai

o belo e3ta no desconcertot o
sublime no qua sq ngo ent'ende:
o felo § so o que podemos com-
prender: lsto e rom§ntico:
queira sar romSntica. vamos ao
meu futuro.
— Joaquim Manoel de Macedo,
A morenlnha (18M+).

(But disorder is today in fashionl

the beautiful lies in confusion;
the sublime in what is not under­
stood; the ugly is all that we
can comprehend: this is romantic:
come be romantic, let's go on to
my future.)

1. Alvares de Azevedo

Hitherto the symbols utilized to trap and reflect the

city's living processes have not, for the most part, been sym­

bols in the full sense. They have been more nearly indices of

measurement. They have done their job only if the reader has

been willing, empathically, to fuse them into the organic,

interacting complex which none can by itself wholly incorporate.

A true symbol should singly contain the flux of the

whole. It, like the whole, falls into lifeless fragments if

subjected to analysis. It must therefore be received as a

locked vehicle which, without making them a shade more manage­

able, carries the inextricably fused life-energies of the

 12*4-

larger subject more directly into the reader's circle of vision.

Such a symbol is very often the artist.

The artist must be closer and more sensitive to the

life-flow of his ethos and at the same time more removed, so

that he may use the techniques of his art without prejudice or

distraction. The-artist has at once more compassion, or

involvement, and more detachment than his fellows. The com­

munal, rural, innately functioning colonial city lays too

direct and heavy a claim on its inhabitants for so individualized

a person to realize himself. Nor does such a city furnish him

with sophisticated cultural abstractions, disciplines, and

techniques.

By mid-century, however, Sao Paulo's tight-bound pat­

tern was flexing open; new, more complicated, more permissive

ones were filtering in, interweaving. Most citizens could still

cast their destiny, or have it cast for them, along clearly

marked lines. Yet there were a few who found themselves caught
up in the new pluralism, compassing strange, unresolved con­

trarieties. In the city's crucible potions old and new flashed,

during the romanticist years, into synergism. And the one who
most nearly reflects the full speotrum of that flash is the

poet, Manuel Antdnio Alvares de Azevedo.

Had Alvares de Azevedo been merely a poet, no matter

how talented, residing by chance in the city, he would not have

served our design. But he was, as will be seen, mentally and

emotionally of the city. Moreover, he and his associates— as if

to assert the Wildean paradox of a nature that imitates art—

 125

In a real sense shaped the city to conform to the romanticist

image they had educed from it.

Alvares de Azevedo was born in September, 1831, son of

a third-year law student, and was delivered not, as one tradi­

tion has it, in the precinct of the Academy but at the nearby

home of his maternal grandfather. In 1833 he was taken to Rio,

where two years later the death of a brother so afflicted

the child that his health was shaken, never in his brief life

to be soundly restored.
1
In all but gymnastics the boy was a brilliant pupil.
The head of his school observed one of his many romanticist

ambivalences: "He unites . . • the greatest Innocence of habits

with the vastest intellectual capacity that I have yet found in

America in a boy of his age ."2

In 181**4— *+5 Alvares de Azevedo was once again in Sao

Paulo, studying Latin, French, and English. Four letters writ­

ten during those months by the fourteen-year-old give vignettes

of the city: a dinner in honor of the Marchioness of Santos;

the boy's wonder at seeing "only one or two families in the

Cathedral on Ash Wednesday;" an elegant dance given by the

Baron Sousa Queir6 s, where the air was fragrant "with a thousand

scents" of flowers and perfumes. But the boy's natal city had

^Before he was ten years riLd he was writing letters to

his parents creditably expressed in French and English. Manuel
Antdnio Alvares de Azevedo, Obras completas de Alvares de
Azevedo (8th edition; 2 vols., SSo Paulo, 19M-2), II, H35-l*38.

2Ibld.. I, xiv-xv.
 126

not yet enclasped him: 11. • . Sao Paulo, withal, will never

be like Rio. There were ^in attendance at the danc§7 what here
are called pretty girls."3

Alvares de Azevedo was already prepared to enter the

Law Academy. Being well under the age limit, however, he

returned to Rio and spent three years in the Col 6gio Dom Pedro II.

It is of Interest that he studied philosophy here under Domingos

Gongalves de MagalhSes, publication of whose Susuiros poStlcos

in 1836 is glibly signalized by literary compendiums as the

introit of Brazilian romanticism. In I8W 7 Alvares de Azevedo

was graduated from the Colfigio, and next year matriculated in
5
the Academy at Sao Paulo.
Our immediate purpose is to project through the verse

and prose, letters and speeches of the law student a physical

3Ibid.. II, W f - M .
V the Susnlros Silvio Romero has saids
"They are pieces run along in a monotonous diapason, in
a subaltern rhetoric of wearying length.
"The source of ideas is a Cousin-type spiritualism with
tinctures of pantheism.
"There exist neither splendor nor lyric effusions; the
tone is heavy, the metrics undisciplined. . . .
"^The styl§7 has not the depth of German poetry, the
ideality of the English, nor the lustre of the French.
"It has the defects of the romanticist system, possessing
few of its merits."
Silvio Romero, Hlst 6rla da literatura braslleira (3rd edition;
5 vols., Rio de Janeiro, 19**3)» I H » 109-110.
^For Alvares de Azevedo's biography see Vicente de
Paulo Vicente de Azevedo, Alvares de Azevedo (SSo Paulo, 1931)
and Volga Miranda, op. cit. Also: Homero Plres* introduction
to the Obras completes (Alvares de Azevedo, op. cit.« I,
xi-xxvi) and Almeida Nogueira, op. cit., VII, 100-107.
 127

and, more Important, spiritual image of mid-century Sao Paulo.

He serves, that is, as a movie still which sharpensthe vision

to particular tracery and shadings.

Alvares de Azevedo1s feelings toward the city as a

habitat hovered upon a dualism comparable to the many which

permeated his literary personality. The impatience with

Paulistan provincialism, expressed in 18M+, did not abate. By

18MJ the city had "not yet ceased to be S. Paulo," which meant

"tedium and boredom."^ A year later there were nodiversions

but:

. . . to walk along the streets bumping into stones . . . .

Reduced to staying in the house, for lacking any place to
go and seeing no pleasure in wandering around the streets,
I find myself in the greatest insipidity possible, eager
to leave this tedious life of badly paved S. Paulo .7

Yet this same locale— which was in no sense physically

overpowering like the Amazon Jungle, the CearA drought-land, the

extravagant beauty of Rio harbor, the great plains of Rio

Grande, or even the contorted hills and red soil of Minas—

held a subtle, Insistent fascination. One evening the poet and

some friends were returning from a leavetaking at the Tree of

Tears:

And there in the distance rose the black city; and

Its lamps, swayed by the wind, seemed like those
ephemeral meteors that rise from the marshes and were
deemed by the traditions of northern Europe to be spirits
destined for distracting wayfarers, . . . or stars of

^Letter of 11 June l8*+8 , Alvares de Azevedo, op . cit..

II, M-67.
^Letter of 7 July 18**9, ibid.. II, 1^6.
 128

fire, sparks of some furnace of hell sown over the black

field* • • •
I stopped and wondered at that beautiful sightl
those ash-colored and smoky cloudsI that solitary sky
of stars * . . and alone. In the silence of the night
which was drawing on, an unknown bird was pouring out
its hymn of farewell to the day that had died away in
the shadows.°

In 19^7 I had conversations with two of SSo Paulo's lead

ing modern painters. Anita Malfatti told me she finds Rio’s

natural setting too exuberant; she does no sustained work dur­

ing her visits there, for she is too busy "making love to"the

city. Similarly, Lasar Segall finds that the delicate gray and

brown and ochre "tonalities" of the Paulistan milieu allow the

artist an eclecticism, a freedom for subjective expression.

These are private sentiments, possibly rationalizations, that

other artists take exception to. In any case they remind one
of Henry James, at work in Italy on The Portrait of a Lady,

who found that the compelling beauty and tradition of Venice

drew him constantly from "the fruitless fidget of composition:"

How can places that speak in general so to the imagination

not give it, at the moment, tne particular thing it wants?
. • . The real truth is, I think, that they express, under
this appeal, only too much— more than, in the given case,
one has use for; so that one finds one’s self working less
congruously, after all, so far as the surrounding picture
is concerned, than in presence of the moderate and the
neutral, to which we may lend something of the light of
vision. Such a place as Venice is too proud for such
charities; Venice doesn’t borrow, she but all magnificently
gives.9

^Letter of 20 June 18W8, ibid., II, M-76-1*77.

^Henry James, The Art of the Novel (New York, 19^8),
pp. ifO-Mi.
 129

Sao Paulo— just as It lacks certain traditions (such as

the colonial wealth and panoply of the northern cities) or a

basic, all-pervading, popular culture pattern (African or

Amerindian)— lacks a physical setting that aggressively domi­

neers. It is "moderate" and "neutral." The soil is neither
rich nor sterile, the land neither flat nor mountainous, the
climate neither frigid nor tropical. At the same time the

natural elements which do exist fail to blend in the comfortable

"homeyness" of many settlements in a temperate clime. They

have an unresolved quality— harsh perhaps, but in a minor key

— that is haunting to some, lacklustre to others .’*'0

The past century and a quarter of SSo Paulo’s history

— to continue the divagation a moment longer— is, at many

levels of experience, an eclectic groping for rhythms and

sureties. Often, as indicated symbolically above, there were

no guideropes or pre-existing configurations. The temptation

grew ever stronger for the city's thinkers, doers, and

exhorters to avoid measuring up to the elusive character of its

One phenomenon giving the city a distinctive cast is

the garoa. a heavy fog verging on precipitation that is borne
from ihe's outhwest by Pacific air masses. The romanticists
saw in it the mystery and melancholy of Byron's London. J. de
Samp&loFerraz, "Ligelro esboqo de alguns aspectos fundamentals
da climatologia do Estado de SSo Paulo," Anals do IX Congresso
Brasilei.ro de Geografla, II, ^25-^395 J* de Sampfiio Ferraz,
"As garSas de S. Paulo," 0 Estado de SSo Paulo. 26 April 1939 >
A. A. Barros Penteado, "As represas da Light e a garoa am S.
Paulo," Engenharia. I, k (December, 19**2). 128-129*
The word garfla comes from the garua of the Pacific
coast countries. See J. J. von Tschudi. Travels in Peru,
During the Years 18^8-18^-2 (New York, loV?) » P* 173*
 130

human and environmental components, to grasp at ready-made

though, In the new context, brittle solutions and values from

a b road.^

These generalizations carry over into the considera­

tion of Alvares de Azevedo and will crystallize if he is set

against another romanticist poets Antfinio Gongalves Dias. The

latter, born in 1823 to an Indian mother in the province of

Maranhao, associated in his youth with Indians, learned words

from them, observed their surviving folkways. Whether his

later Indianlst poetry showed fealty to their culture or merely

12
reflected Europe's noble-savagism matters not to the case.

Of relevance is the fact that Gongalves Dias found, full blown

and close to his experience, a tried and true subject for,

almost a formula for, occidental romanticism.

But in SSo Paulo romanticist themes were more latent,

more diffuse, less objectified. A Paulistan artist needed to

be selective and finely sensitive to the city, close to its

blood and marrow, uncommitted to a fixed configuration— like

^ T h i s is a theme to be developed and supported in

later pages. Let me here mention as a token of Intent the fact
that whereas the topographies of Rio and SSo Salvador have
always closely determined the transit arteries, SSo Paulo's
less accidented terrain has asserted itself with less urgency;
the city grew without respect to topography and in recent
decades has lent itself to the imposition of a restrictive
plan of Ringstrassen, with baneful consequences that were not
at first apparent to the planners.
^■^Manuel Bandeira, AnresentacSo da poesia braslleira
(Rio de Janeiro, 19*+6) , pp. 57-70; Romero, op. cit.« III,
231-263.
 131

the modern Lasar Segall sifting out his "tonalities*"

Alvares de Azevedo embraced this hovering pluralism.

Other persons or groups associated with romanticism through the

Law Academy tended to become compromised, that is, committed to

exclusive attitudes. There was for example a students1

Sociedade Epicur6la. whose members wrote, talked, and lived in

the Byronic manner, so much so that they caricatured the pro­

totype and fell into a degeneracy marked by orgies, physical

over-indulgence of every sort, and a morbid worship of death

with all its sepulchral emblems. One instance will suffice.

Some mid-cent&ry students were one night roving about in

Consolagao cemetery, beating on the tombs and declaiming Byron.

Suddenly they were possessed of the idea that there should be

a Queen of the Dead. Having stopped by a masonic lodge to

gather some fearsome robes and hoods, they visited the house
of a slow-witted deml-mondalne. She was seized, wound in a

sheet, placed in a coffin, and carried to the cemetery. En

route one youth who had studied in Heidelberg recited Goethe

in the original. At the cemetery another was elected as the

Queen's lover. He pushed off the coffin lid, clutched the

girl, and found her dead of fright. "I have kissed a corpseJ"

he roared, half in horror, half in triumph.1^

That Alvares de Azevedo attended sessions of the

Sociedade Enlcurfiia is evident from the fact that certain of

^ J a m i l Almansur Haddad, 0 romantismo brasilelro e as

sociedades seer etas do tempo (Sao Paulo, 19**5)* PP» 81-9&;
Paulo Prado. Retrato do Brasil (Sao Paulo, 1920), pp. 172-173*
 132

1U
the macabre accounts in his Noite na taverna correspond to

known activities of the Sociedade. But the poet's vast

literary output and records of his academic diligence disprove

contentions that he habitually dissipated his talents and

energies in bacchanalia.^** Moreover, his apprehension of

Byron was too subtle for channelization into a ritual mold of

t6
debauchery. As an epigraph to the second part of 0 Conde lopo

he uses Byron's:

Our life is two-fold: Sleep hath its own world,

A boundary, between the things misnamed
Death and existence.

His own verse goes on to develop a Byronic dualism:

Foi-te a imaginacao r&pida nuvem
Due arrasta o vento no ruglr medonho—
Foi-te a alma uma caudal a despenhar-se
Das rochas negras em mugldo imenso. . . .
... E riste. Byron.
Que do inundo o fineir merece apenas
Negro sarcasmo em lfibios de poeta .17
Foste poeta. ByronlJ-'

^Alvares de Azevedo, op. cit.. I, xviii and II, 85-l6*f.

•^ I b l d .. I, xix; Almeida Nogueira, op. cit.. VII,

10^-105.
■^Alvares de Azevedo, op . cit.. I, *f89*

^ Your imagination was a fleeting cloud

Borne by the wind in its fearful howl—
Your soul was a river hurling itself
From the black rocks in an Immense roar. . . .
. • • And you laughed, Byron,
Finding the world's image to merit only
Black sarcasm on a poet's lips.
You were a poet, Byroni
Ibid. , I, M-96.
 133

Another of Alvares de Azevedo*s epigraphs, to be sure,

is from Don Juan:

Man, being reasonable, must get drunk:

The best of life is but intoxication.1°

Yet in his preface to 0 Conde Lono he makes clear that the

11immoral can be beautiful,'* that ''from the immoral to the vile"

is only a step, and that Byron's verse, though immoral, never
19
trespasses over the "abyss."

To repeat the theme, Alvares de Azevedo stands not

merely for the city’s "conscious" adoption of specific foreign

patterns, but also for a "subconscious," multiform interfusion

of elements, not rationally discernible.

Further to support this view, a contrast may be cited

between the poet and another law student, Francisco de Paula

Ferreira de Rezende. The latter, writing his memoir in 1887,

recalled that within three years of his admission to the Academy

in 18**9 : "Zl began7 to experience the first fits of my hypo­

chondria; and since then I have almost never ceased being a

mere bearer of life's burden ."20 In 1853 he contributed a

piece entitled "Ignorance and Happiness" to a student magazine,

which held that only the ignorant are happy, that science and
felicity are incompatible— a view he maintained throughout his

18
Ibid. . I, 331 (first canto of 0 poema do frade) .

19Ibjd. . I, 1*19.
20
Francisco de Paula Ferreira de Rezende, Minhas
recordaoSes (Rio de Janeiro, 1 9 ^ ) , p. 262.
 This nihilist strain of romanticism runs through much

of Alvares de Azevedo1s poetry (often as a death complex that

proved quite legitimate, psychologically if not always artisti­

cally) and was articulated in one of his letters:

There is hut one thing that could today give me strength:

that I should die. That I should die— I said; do not
think that I lie. Everyone here /this was written in
Rio during a vacation/ wonders this year at the taciturnity
of my life and the weight of the distraction that hangs
over me. My solitary existence, closed up alone in my
room, most of the time reading without reading, writing
without seeing what I write, contemplating without know­
ing what I am thinking. . . .22
When deepsprung and not derived, romanticist nihilism foreboded

the materialism that was to disperse and devitalize man's

spiritual energies.
Yet here is another of the poet's dualisms, each of its

terms endowed with pulse and meaning by the other. For with

his fatalism he embodied an exuberant optimism, a will-to-do,

faith in the future, an urge to smash discreet idols of clay

and look to a far horizon.

Without a philosophy, without a national poetry, how
do you expect a nation? Can a colorless reflection of
what happens overseas be the blood of a nation? Can
scientific parasitism be the living condition for the
intelligence of a people? • . .
^tfhe^ 7 primary Instruction is lacking for the lower
classes, protection and improvement for public lycees
are denied, and there is no will to clear away the
pecuniary obstacles that bar the door of the academies

22
Letter of 1 March 1850. Alvares de Azevedo, op. cit.»
II, 51**.
 135

to the poor class . . . then, gentlemen, our purpose

Is greatly served by such a decision to realize an Ideal
of philosophic love and luminous advance as ^Jas Incarnate
irj7 that valiant spiritual sword of which John Huss the
reformer spoke.23

Two months after this speech Alvares de Azevedo referred

to it in a letter to his father. He stressed that he had enter­

tained "no Idea of exaggerated liberalism, and much less of

republicanism," that he wanted less liberal fanfare and more

liberal institutions. The Constitution’s guarantees for primary

and higher education were not being honored. As long as the

masses were denied "the dissemination of scientific light,"

ok
they were but "statues of clay." Poetic nihilism and clear­

headed pragmatism were both romanticist currents. But rarely

did they merge in a single man.

Twenty years ago Azevedo Amaral wrote an essay called

"Alvares de Azevedo, the Only Romanticist," which sustained

that the poet was the one truly Brazilian romanticist. Brazil,
he claimed, lacked the tradition against which the European

movement revolted— the Enlightenment tradition of hothouse

rationalism. Brazil could only imitate the revolt, not experi­

ence it. Hence the false Indianlsm of the Brazilian movement.

Alvares de Azevedo, however, was:

the genuine expression of a desperate attempt to become

free of surrounding reality, to transcend the limits of
conscious personality and realize, in the adventures of

^From an Inaugural speech to the Ensfiio Filos6flco

Paulistano. a student society, on 9 May I850 I I b £ d . , fi,
K2h-k2$.
^ L e t t e r of 3 July 1850. Ibid.. II, 520-521.
 136

a fictitious ego, tendencies rooted In a stormy

subconsciousness *

The essayist saw Alvares de Azevedo "de-provlncializing"

Brazilian literature, writing as a European without imitating

one. 25

Alvares de Azevedo, like the city he lived in, was

forced to select from among foreign cultures and re-fuse those

elements. The eclectic synthesis is a watchword that runs

through his speeches. Contemporary European civilization he

felt to be wholly eclectic. "The philosophic History of a

People . . . is the study of actions and reactions of races

among themselves, tending toward the great unitary goal." He

even foreshadowed the "cosmic race" of Josfc Vasconcelos by

seventy-five years, for all the races and cultures of the world

were to cross in the New World "to produce a new, stronger race,

a finer civilization, a richer literature."2^

For our purposes, his play MacArlo is his most revealing

piece of writing in that it roots his romanticist ambivalence

directly in the city itself. Macfirio, a law student, is travel­

ing toward Sao Paulo for the opening of classes and falls in

with Satan:
MACARIO
I ‘m anxious to get there. Is it pretty?

2^Azevedo Amaral, "Alvares de Azevedo, o Gnico romantico

brasileiro," Revlsta nova. I, 3 (15 September 1931)> 350-353*
26
Alvares de Azevedo, on. cit.. II, Ho9-l4-10.
 137

SATAN (yawna)
AhJ It's amusing.

MACARIO
Are there by any chance women there?

SATAN
Women, padres, soldiers, and students. The women are
women, the padres are soldiers, the soldiers are padres,
and the students are students. To speak more clearly:
the women are lascivious, the padres dissolute, the
soldiers drunk, the students vagabonds. This with honor­
able exceptions— for example, after tomorrow: you.

MACARIO
This city must bear your name.

SATAN
It bears that of a saint: almost the same thing. It's
not the clothes that make the monk. Besides, that place
is large as a city, dull as a town, and poor as a vil­
lage. If you're not reduced to giving yourself to
debauchery, killing yourself from spleen, or being a
flash in the pan, don't enter there. It's the monotony
of tedium. . . .

MACARIO
But, as you were saying, the women . . .

SATAN
Under the shining cloth of the mantilla, through the
veil's lace, with their rose-colored cheeks, black eyes
and hair (and what eyes and what long hairJ) they are
pretty. Besides, they're pious as a great-grandmother:
and they know the modern art of interposing an Ave Maria
with a flirtation, and giving a wink while telling the
rosary.

MACARIO
OhJ the satin-smooth mantillaJ the glances of Andalusia1
and the skin fresh as a roseJ the black eyes, very black,
between the eyelashes' silken veil. To press them to the
breast with their "ay's," their sighs, their words cut
short by sobsJ To kiss the palpitating breast and the
crucifix that dances on her neckJ To squeeze the waist
and stifle a prayer on the lipsJ It must be delicious.

SATAN
Ta, ta, tai What an inventoryJ You seem to be in love,
my Don Quixote, before seeing the DulcineasJ . . . But
the girls seldom have good teeth. The city placed on
the hill, surrounded by grassy meadows, has steep alleys
and rotten streets. The minute is rare when one doesn't
 138

stumble against a donkey or a padre. A doctor who lived

and died there left It recorded in an unpublished work
. . . that virginity was an illusion. But withal, no­
where else are there women who have more often been
virgins than there.27

The poet, who tells in his poems and letters of his own
quest for an ideal love, speaks as truly through the yearning

student as through the Devil. This duality of Sao Paulo— its

half-toned echoes of Hispano-Moorish chivalry and romance

together with the mordant realities of a small creole city— was

the mainspring of its romanticism. Because Alvares de Azevedo

so successfully objectified it, Silvio Romero called him, above

all others of the generation, "a local, indigenous product, son

90
of an intellectual milieu, of a Brazilian academy.11

Two leading modernists of the 1920's, Mfirio de Andrade

and Ant6nio de Alcantara Machado, considered Mac&rlo. though it

held little substance other than the camaraderie between the

student and Satan, as the highwater mark of Brazilian playwrit-

ing. They lamented the author's early death, claiming that he

might have diverted the trend to listless poetry and founded a

robust theatre tradition.

The scene at the inn /where the two characters meet7

is truly perfect as tne start of a play. The choice of
locale, the character of the leads, the development of
the dialogue, the way in which Satan little by little

27Ibid., II, 26-29.

PR
Romero, o p . cit.. ill, 267. For a sensitive analysis
of Alvares de Azevedo's personality and writings see M&rio de
Andrade, 0 Aleijadlnho e Alvares de Azevedo (Rio de Janeiro,
1935), PP. 67-13M-.
 139

lets it be known who he is— all this confirms the

dramatist's vocation.29

The play, in some ways the poet's most vigorous and

successful piece, evidences how closely he was identified with

the city. It calls to mind Sfirgio Buarque de Holanda's refer­

ence to the "voracious, subterranean crisis" wrought in mid­

century writers by the "transition from life next to the elemental

things of nature to the more regular and abstract existence of

the cities." Brazilian romanticism "was artificial and insin­

cere only in certain formal respects," writes Dr. Sergio. "The

best men, the most sensitive ones, set about frankly to detest

life— the 'prison of life,' to use the phrase of the time."3°

Alvares de Azevedo sensed the closing prison walls.

Yet even in longing for what was left beyond, he would not deny
the Geist of a life that was his.

2. The Cultural Quickening

A particularly significant index to the romanticist

years is the increased matriculation in the Law Academy. This

was of course not straightway noticeable in the size of gradu­

ating classes, which for the period 18U6-1851 were comparable

Antonio de Alcantara Machado, Cavaauinho e saxofone

(solos) 1926-1935 (Rio de Janeiro, 19^0) , pp. M-29-^32. One of
the younger Paulista writers of today has, by Judicious cutting
and rearrangement, proven Mac&rio still to be forceful, playable
drama.
^°Buarque de Holanda, op. cit.. p. 2 m .
 iko

to the eight years previous:

year number of year number of
bachar 6ls bacharSls
lQk6 11 I8*f9 lM-
18^7 9 1850 29
18W8 25 1851 8
yearly average l6 .

It is the figures for 1852-1856 that tell the tale:

year number of year number of
bachar 6is bacharfels

1852 22
1853 M)

yearly average 35*

31
In 1863 the number of graduates reached a peak of 111. The

Academy had taken root. By 1855, when its "prosperity . . .

was no longer a matter of doubt," it boasted some 600 students,

32
divided equally between the Curso Anexo and the law courses.

A generation after its founding, the new dimensions of

inquiry and abstraction that the Academy stood for and the

urban careers of a literary or forensic nature that it brought

into reach became engrafted with the Brazilian value pattern.

The newly acquired works of Jefferson, Godwin, and Humboldt

did not, like their theological shelf-mates, gather dust in the

library. By mid-century students had perceived the new chal­

lenges— and the new freedoms. They exultantly hailed the

31 / G
comissao Central de Estatistica, op. cit.. p. 118.

^2Daniel p. Kidder and J. c . Fletcher, Brazil and the

Brazilians (Philadelphia, 1857) > P» 372.
 1*+1

school's founding in one of their journals:

11th of August ^l 86g/\— The great Academic day was

suitably celebrated by our youths, who could not in
any way forget the anniversary of our literary emanci-
pation--an anniversary that for all recalls the era
when we freed ourselves from old Coimbra, where among ^
strangers we went to seek the fruits of science . . • .

A roster of new periodicals that appeared each year in

the city indicates the heightened journalistic and literary

activity which was involving the students. (Of many publica­

tions only the titles survive, and so it is difficult to assess

the extent of student participation. Alcantara Machado estimates

that from 1830 till the end of the Empire twenty-five per cent
were edited by law students and many more received their col-

laboration.)
new new new
year periodicals year periodicals year periodicals

1823 1 183*+ 2 18 *+5 1

182M- 1835 1 18^6
1825 - I836 1 l8*+7 3
1826 - 1837 - 181+8 8
1827 1 I838 b l8*+9
1828 «■> 1839 1 18^0 2
1829 1 18&+0 5 1851 6
1830 2 18M 3 1852 b
1831 b 181+2 3 1853 5
1832 1 l8*+3 185*+ *+
1833 1 18¥+ 3 1855 *+. 35

The first student journal, 0 amigo das letras (I830) , was

33A legenda. 21 August i860 .

3**A. de Alcantara Machado, op. cit., p. 386.
3 ^Freitas, "A imprensa," loc. cit.. pp. 3*+2-*+53i ®nd
"Notas & margem do estudo 'A imprensa periodica,1" RIHGSP«
XXV-(1927), *+*+8-1+68.
 Ik2

36
devoted to belles lettres; it was this field— along with

social and natural sciences— rather than politics which most

engaged students' interest till the end of the romanticist

years. In I 833 they brought to light the Revlsta da Sociedade

Filomgtica. dedicated to science, letters and, as announced in

the first issue, to: "Liberty— Industry— Rationality— and

37
A s s o c i a t i o n . " S o au courant was the Revista that Gongalves

de MagalhSes' first poems (published when he was about twenty)

were reviewed the year after they appeared and were compared
to Young's "Night Thoughts."3®

The later romanticist journals, however, were of greater

substance and universal renown: Enslios literArios (18^7)

and its successor, EnsAios literArios do Ateneu Paulistano

(1852), Revista mensal do Ensfiio Filos6flco (1851), and

39
0 acaiaba (1852). The pages of these reviews drew wide atten­

tion to the triumvirate of student poets— Alvares de Azevedo,

Bernardo Joaquim da Silva Guimaraes, and Aureliano JosA Lessa

— and gave stimulus to some of their contemporaries--such as

JosA Martiniano de Alencar, Quintino Bocaiuva, and JosA Bonlf&cio

IfO
the younger— who achieved subsequent literary fame. One

^Freitas, "A imprensa," loc. cit.. p. 357*

37Ibid. . pp. 381-383-

3®Revista da Sociedade FllomAtlca. no. 2, July, 1833-

^Freitas, "A imprensa," loc. cit.. pp. ^U-M-37*

**°Romero, on. cit.« III, 287*

 1^3

writer,who attended the Academy a few years later, observed of

0 acaiaba that:

The vices inherent in the style of youth— that is,

abuse of metaphors, prolixity of sentences, declamation
— are here replaced, with some exceptions, by a simple,
clear and elegant language. The choice of articles and
of subjects for poems is generally of very good taste . .
• » ^

A perusal of the organ of the Ateneu Paulistano reveals,

along with its verse and literary criticism, a variety of

lengthy, mature, and probing articles on history, law, and even

psychology. Serious, dispassionate study of contemporary prob­

lems was reflected in such themes as: "Would the Existence of

the Hereditary, Representative Monarchy be Possible without the

Existence of the Senate Appointed for Life?"; "Does Ministerial

Responsibility Extend to the Functions of the Moderative
k2
Power?"; "Decade of the Regencies." The tenor of the

students* writing in these years was in contrast to their lack

of intellectual concern in the 1830's, their ardent political

and social propagandism of the late l86o*s, and their flippant

and studied urbanity of the l88o's. It was at mid-century

that their literary endeavor most nearly measured up to the

responsibility— incommensurate with their tender years— placed
upon them by a city which was centered around its university

ifl
Couto de MagalhSes quoted in: Almeida Nogueira,
o p . cit.. VII, 87*
lip
File of the Ensiios llterArios do Ateneu Paulistano
available in the library of the Faculdade de Direito. See also
Freitas, "A imprensa," loc. cit. . pp. M-31-^37-
 lMf

and by a nation which was pivoted upon only two.

The Academy1s mid-century renascence suggests two com­

plementary hypotheses: that it was adapting itself to the

needs of the times and that "Sao Paulo (and the other regions
that supplied students) was beginning to demand a new type of

citizen, better educated and endowed with an entirely new

Wif
vision." As a natural consequence the'student had new pres­
tige in the local society. He "belonged." And the thawing out
of glacially rigid mores in this period was in part society's

response to his activities and needs.

Emblematic of how students were obtaining sanction as a

public authority was an episode that occurred in the same

theatre where in 18M-2 (ten or fifteen years earlier) they had

been so victimized by the provincial president. This time hub­

bub ensued when a priest entered the pit, inspiring the student

audience to a chorus of jests at his expense and one of their

number to an impromptu burlesque of the litany. The subdelegate

of police ordered the show to close, but the management hesi­

tated, and when the provincial president appeared in his box it

was rumored that he had been summoned to countermand the sub­

delegate. Immediately student sympathy swung to the underdog.

When the president began: "It was at behest of the academic

^Richard M. Morse, "Sao Paulo, raizes oitocentistas da

metr6pole," Ana is do Museu Paullsta. XIV (1950) , **68.

^ I b i d . , p. if6l.
 aM

body . . . " h e was cut off with: "Never mindJ Never mindJ

Suspend the showl" Alluding to the dignitary's liaison with a

renowned strumpet, one youth cried out: "It was at behest of

k*)
CristinaJ" The performance was therewith canceled.
A contretemps that occurred in 1 8 5 k similarly attests

the student body's new immunities. One evening an army officer

appeared in a box in the theatre and failed to remove his hat.

The students shouted at him to uncover and cried out military

commands. Conflicts between students and soldiers ensued for

several days, till finally the president ordered the battalion

lf6
in question to Santos.

Other incidents may be cited to show how student license

and raillery were raveling the tight mesh of custom and super­

stition.

At the corner of one of the streets stood a large black

cross held in reverence by the citizenry. The advice got abroad

that a lothario was using it as a ladder to enter the second-

storey chamber of a certain young lady. One night a band of

students made off with the cross and dumped it in the river.

The chief conspirator spread the news via his credulous washer­

woman that it had been seen borne through the city by an angel
1+7
choir.

^•tyamprfc, op. cit. , I , *t69 ff.

**6Jbid., I, *+55-^57.
^Visconde de AraxA, ReminiscSncias e fantasias (2 vols.,
Vassouras, 1883-188**), I, 131-13&.
 3>6

In the early 1850's a student (later an important

magistrate) approached the house of some proper maidens and

entered into conversation with the youngest, when she noticed

that he was clad only in a sheet. He dropped his toga to the

ground, "and as if a shot had been fired into a flock of doves,

all the girls ran off shrieking— wishing but not daring to look

behind."1*®

Not only did students organize dances, but those given

in private homes became more frequent and more animated. To be

sure, Alvares de Azevedo ruefully compared a "narcotic11 Paulistan

cotillion to Rio's "thousand-and-one-night dances in all their

magic of lights and brilliance."^ Yet on other occasions he was

less splenetic, particularly if a gorgeously vestured lady

caught his fancy. A certain masquerade was enlivened-by

three students who found a way to temper a severe admission

charge. One of them— dressed as an oversized dowager— appeared,

paid the fee, and was received by the company with guffaws.

"She looks nine months goneJ" "It's due any time nowj" Where­

upon the matron entered travail and brought to light two stu-
51
dents from beneath her voluminous skirts.
The following newspaper account indicates how dances

Ferreira de Rezende, op . cit.. p. 298.

^A lvares de Azevedo, op . cit.. II, **92-^93•

^°lbid.. ii, 1*59-^60, U63, ^66, **75, W81, 500-502.

^VamprS, op. cit. . I, **72. .

 1b7

were bringing the city cosmopolitan standards and the conspicu­

ous extravagance which they entailed:

DANCE. — The Most Exc. Senator Sousa Queir6s

offered yesterday to Paullstan society a charming night
with the splendid and sumptuous dance by which he sig­
nalized the degree of bachelor in law conferred on his
eldest son, the Most Illustrious Dr. /si $ Francisco
Ant&nio de Sousa Queir6s. The dance took place in the
residence of H. E . , a vast building decorated with taste.
The company was large and select, luxury and wealth
being noted in all the toilettes. Dancing lasted till
b o ’clock in the morning, and during the whole night
gracious and attentive service abounded.
The urbanity and fine manners with which H. E. and
all members of his respected family treated their
guests are worthy of special mention.52

Implicitly, the last sentence contrasts "urbanity and fine man­

ners" with provincial suspicion and taciturnity.

A traveler of the period exaggeratedly attributed the

whole of the city's new ferment to student life:

The academic youths give the town, during their

residence in it, a sort of fictitious life which, as
soon as it is interrupted /by vacations/, causes the
town to revert, so to speak, to its state of habitual
somnolence.
The old city of the Jesuits should be regarded,
then, from two distinct points of view. The provincial
capital and the law faculty, the townsman and the stu­
dent. shadow and light, changelessness and action, the
suspicion of some and the often libertine expansiveness
of others, and, in fine, a certain monotony of routine
personified in the permanent population and the audacious
ventures toward progress embodied in the transitory and
fluctuating population. . . .

Corrfelo naulistano. 21 November 1857«

A piano-maker and tuner set up shop in the city for a
month in loW6, advertising his instruments as a hallmark of
"civilization" and a mode of casual "recreation for the fair
sex." 0 governista. 3 January 18H6.
 1U6

Remove the academy from S. Paulo, and that great

center will die exhausted.53

We have said that the colonial church was a drawstring

that pulled classes together in common ceremony. Mid-century

students might be thought of as a catalyst eroding the very

class distinctions that had welded the colonial community so

compactly. Despite Zaluar's assertion that many students

lived in "comfortable rooms, with many objects of luxury and

taste ,"J most of them were on short allowances. A group,

generally of three to six, would form a "republic," pooling

funds to rent a house, buy necessities, and hire a cook (with

additional services being provided by slaves who accompanied

55
their young masters from home). Often these republics were

on streets whose houses were quite "ordinary," or even came

near to being hovels, and whose inhabitants were poor and

56
sometimes meretricious.

^ A u g u s to-Emilio Zaluar., Peregrinacao Provincla de S.

Paulo l86o-l86l (Rio de Janeiro, n.'d.) , pp. 194— 195, 2°^*
^ Ibid.. p. 202.
55
Vamprfc, op. cit.. II, 67- The republic, frequently
composed of "compatriots" from the same province, showed an
esprit de corps that is lost in today's more prosaic boarding­
house. I have, however, visited an old-style republic in Ouro
Preto (Minas Gerais), where students at the School of Mines
still maintain them.

^Ferreira de Rezende, o p . cit.. pp. 252, 259*

The most famous republic was the Englishmen's Estate
(Ch&cara dos Ipglesesl , so called for having once been the home
of some Britlsn engineers. The Ch&cara had a varied career:
as a trysting place for Pedro and dona Domltlla, as a home for
the girls' seminary, and later as the locale of the Sociedade
Epicurfela and the republic of Alvares de Azevedo and his brother
poets. By 1850 its traditions, its dilapidation and gloom, its
 Ib9

Yet students could at any moment step from their

slovenly, plebeian lodgings into the ballroom of, say, the

Marchioness of Santos, by now the lady of greatest prestige in

Paulistan society, whose house was richly furnished, whose

coach rivalled the bishop's, and whose daughters enraptured

every heart. On less formal occasions the Marchioness might

harbor a student who had been wounded in a street brawl or even

visit one confined in his republic by illness and render per-
57
sonal services.
The student's attitude toward women was correspondingly

ambivalent. He could on the one hand patronize dances called

sifiliticos which, "as the name indicates, only persons of sus­

pect condition or people on the whole quite low-class

attended."^® And on the other he could dedicate a weekly journal,

unkept grounds, its nearness to the potter's field, and its asso­
ciation with Byron's homeland made it a capital stage-prop for
romanticism. Ibid.. p. 2M*. Also: Veiga Miranda, op. cit.,
pp. l'+l-lte;-Freitas, "TradigBes," op. cit.. pp. 12-15; Vicente
de Azevedo, op. cit.. pp. 72-73*
In Alvaras de Azevedo's play, Satan points out the
Chficara as his own dwelling:
SATAN
I have a house here at the entrance to the city: entering
at the right, in front of the cemetery. . . . Get up on my
shoulders. Don't you see a light in that palace darting
past each of the windows?. They know of my arrival.
MACARIO
What ruins are these? Is it a forgotten church? . . .
Does no one live there? I have an urge to enter that
solitude.
Alvares de Azevedo, op. cit.. II, 30.
• "^Wanderley Pinho, SalSes e damas do Segundo Reinado
CSSo Paulo, 19^2)1,^ p p .*'92-96: Rangel. op. cit.. pp. 278-312;
letters of Alvares de Azevedo cited in note 50.
^Ferreira de Rezende, op. cit.. p. 298.
 i5o

A vloleta. to "Dames et Fleurs," from whose columns overflowed

59
"perfumes, longing, and melancholy."

This greater flexibility was coming to characterize

many more relationships than that between the sexes and to

influence the behavior of all townsmen of higher socio-economic

standing. The Paulistan's attitudes could no longer be

organized wholly within such colonial institutions as the patri­

archal family, church, and fazenda. The city was providing

collateral and more specialized modes for such organization.

Its claim upon the townsman was becoming pluralistic. And as

he yielded to the new modes, he forfeited total commitment to

any one institution or self-consistent complex of institutions.

It was becoming less common, that is, for a person to be

totally involved with society at a given moment. Different

levels of experience were engaged in different associations.

Certain of a person's attitudes, therefore, were often unre­

lated, if not irreconcilable.

A newspaper's sharp criticism of the sobrado's colonial

r6tula in 185^ symbolized the eclectic city's piecemeal assault

upon the closed, in-turning institution:

. . . someone has said that it is not right to

declare war on the poor r6tulas, which are very com­
fortable. Comfortable in what sense? For concealing
the family, first-storey windows covered with sunblinds,
as practised in Santos, Rio de Janeiro, etc., serve the
same purpose. And to conceal it from what? Are we a
people of ugly hagsl Besides, there is the grave ques­
tion of morality. It Is well to reflect on the motives
for which something is hidden*
The little towns of our littoral, many villages and

^Freitas, "A imprensa," loc. cit.. pp. M-12-H15.

 151

cities of the interior have forbidden their buildings

blinds of straw or wood. Are we less advanced, and is
our morality inferior to theirs?
It is moreover beyond question that the appearance
of the provincial capital will greatly improve with the
projected measure, that the danger of bumping into win­
dows will disappear.. And who knows what effect it will
have on our customs?50
The patriarchy and popular affection for the romantic Hispano-

Moorish r6tula were, however, persistent. Not until 187^ did

6l
the first r6 tulas come down.
The church's processions, though becoming increasingly
secular, and the patriarchal dances,though increasingly public,

were too institutional. They failed to meet new casual, daily

needs for pure and simple recreation.

In 1839 the Camara sanctioned the opening of the first
62
billiard parlor. On Wednesdays and Saturdays students organized

hikes and excursions on horseback to the country or boating

parties on the river; on occasion there was a three-day hunting

expedition.^ Another pastime, harbinger of hundred which the

city would later provide, was the daguerreotype. Wrote Alvares

de Azevedo:
The mania for being daguerreotyped has spread here . . . .
There is not a student who has not had his picture taken,
or at least who is not planning to do so. Moreover it is

6°0 constituclonal. 21 October 185*+» quoted in Martins,

on. cit.. II, 123.

Edmundo Amaral, o p . cit. . pp. 65-69*

62 ,
Ribeiro, o p . cit.. I, 39* In 18*+m-, however, a mer­
chant was denied permission to conduct a public lotto game
from noon till 2:00 p.m. daily. Ibid.. II Cl), 31*+«
^Almeida Nogueira, op. cit.« VI, 171; Alvares de
Azevedo, o p . cit.. II, *+68.
 152

cheap— for 5$000 one gets a colored picture in a simple

frame— it being a small size. And not only students
are infected; the disease is catching and the doctor is
making money.64-

Merchants vere quick to detect and stimulate the people's

penchant for adventitious spectacle— as shown by this newspaper

announcement:

NOTICE
Aerial Voyage
of the
Giant Balloon.
Sunday, the 2*fth of this month, there will ascend from the
BAZAAR, Rua do Rosfirio no. 37> the GIANT BALLOON, 3 b spans
in height and 70 in circumference, and since it is going
to France for a new assortment of cloth and toys, no fee
will be asked for watching its departure, which for the
greater convenience of the public will occur in the street,
between b and 5 in the afternoon.65

A traveler in Sao Paulo would still have found no hotels

in the early 1850's, and the belief persisted among Paulistans

that people, particularly women, who sought such lodging were

immoral. For convivial supper parties there existed in 1852

only the dark, narrow rooms of the city's two restaurants.^

But by 1855 the first hotels were appearing, and the traveler

Fletcher registered at one just as he might have in "Boston,

Liverpool, or Geneva."^ These establishments, though modest,

^Letter of 26 May I8*t8 . Alvares de Azevedo, op. cit..

II, *f62 (see also ibid., II, b $ 6 ) .
()$
Aurora paulistana. 23 April 1853*
^Freitas, "TradicBes," op . cit.. pp. 6*t-67; VamprS,
op. cit.. I, lfll-^12, *+66-^67 .
^ K i dder and Fletcher, op. cit.. p. 362.
 153

brought soirees out of the patriarchal sobrado into "neutral11

ground, offered facilities for casual gaining, made available
an allegedly continental cuisine, and afforded relief from the

slumbrous calm of provincial evenings. The Hotel du Commerce

was open till 11s00 p.m. and on theatre nights for an hour

after the performance; it boasted a "clever and skilled" Euro­

pean chef, a bakery at the service of the public, and a billiard

68
room. In its dining hall or private rooms the Hotel de France
served theatre-goers such delicacies as "tarts of cream and

sweets, shrimp and chicken pies, and puddings . . . with a good

and varied m e a l . " ^

Mid-century students were dominating local theatrics—

as actors (even as ingenues), playwrights, and audience. They

had carried it, if not to a sophisticated extreme, at least

beyond the casual, folkloric productions of 1820. In 1830 the

students1 Teatro Acad&mico was founded, functioning within the
Academy itself, and three years later their Teatro Harmonia

Paulistana, the purpose of whose founders was to offer "decent

Dramas, appropriate to the intellect of the Century" and waken
70
patriotism and civic virtue in the breast of the citizen.

Th^ students presented all the popular tragedies,

68Advertisement in CorrSio naullstano. 19 June 1859*

^Advertisement in CorrSlo paullstano. 31 March 1859*

7PAESP, sala 10, maco ^2, Capital (Sociedade Harmonia

Paulistana to the provincial president, 25 September 1832)•
See also: A. de Alcfintara Machado, op.cit. . pp. MD6-lfC7.
farces, melodramas, and pantomimes of the era, and their

enthusiasm was not to be stayed by an Imperial decree of 1830

that forbade productions during the school year. In 18^3 the

Director of the Academy complained:

The students, vesting their time in rehearsals for the

theatre, shirk their duty toward their studies. The in­
vitation of certain families /to performance^ to the
neglect of others causes grave inconveniences, which
should be avoided. And to all this must be added the dan­
ger of their bringing to the stage things which perhaps em­
barrass persons placed in higher stations of the social
order ... .71

Here is testimony to the seriousness with which student drama­

tics were taken by the city's elite.

An actress, Deollnda, was praised at her death as having

been a fine gentlewoman.72 Terpsichore was no longer a mere
female of easy virtue that she had been in Saint-Hllalre's day.
And as if to signalize this new respectability, the provincial
president asked the assembly in 1852 for a new and more spacious

theatre, construction of which was begun in 1858.73

The world horizons and impetuous criticism of students

were a healthy stimulant to Brazil's rudimentary theatre.

Alvares de Azevedo urged that companies no longer pander to the

pit's animal instinct for tawdry farces and melodramas. He

7lArquivo Nacional, caixa 817 (Director Pro-Tem of the

Law Academy to the Minister of the Empire, 11 December 18M-3) •
See also Vieira Bueno. "Cidade de S80 Paulo," loc.cit. , pp.82-83 ;
Veiga Miranda, op. cit.. p. 33; Vampre, op. cit.. I. 192-193.
7^Revlsta dramAtica. 22 July i860.
73»Discurso ... de l857tH op. cit.. pp. 50-51; Mucio
de PaixSo, 0 - teatro no Brasil (Rio de Janeiro, 193®)» PP» ^28 ff.
Eug&nio Egas, "Teatros e artistas," RAM. VIII, January 1935* 113*
 155

pleaded for taste and discrimination, for a theatre that would

Inspire men to reflection and finer emotions, for dedication to
the great European traditions.

Sometimes the corrective to hinterland bathos took an

earthier form. One night Deolinda rendered with too heavy touch
the lines of her soliloquy: "Now that I am alone and no one

hears me, I dare to say: Yes! I love himl1' Prom the pit sang

out a student’s voice: "J overheardl" Pandemonium broke out,

the actress fainted, and the play was suspended.?5

The theme thus far asserting Itself in this treatment of

the mid-century years is the city's emergent awareness of new

possibilities for individual and social life. The word "aware­

ness" is important. For Sao Paulo— as an academic city, as

provincial capital, as an economic and diocesan center-stood

fair to undergo an "out-turning,, and cultural pluralization that

were more eclectic and controlled than those, say, of the il­

literate Yucatecan cultures in transition which Redfield has

studied. There were ways in which Paulistans could recurrently

appraise their regional traditions and civilization, to enrich and

diversify them by the in-grafting of new modes and values. Roman­

ticist students were, in major respects, allegiant to S5o Paulo's

historic tenue. They quickened and elaborated, without shifting,

the beat of the city's life process. Sao Paulo was emerging from
untutored provincialism to self-awareness. Yet the larger forces

into which its destiny was being meshed were not the blind, un-

^Alvares de Azevedo, on. cit.. II, 388-391.

75yampr6, op. c i t . . I I , 72-73.
 156

masterable, and necessarily subversive ones which Redfield's

Yucatecan hamlets or, at another level, the later SSo Paulo

were subject. This conclusion will be reinforced when we con­

sider the material, particularly economic, aspects of the mid­

century years. Meanwhile let us turn to the church for an ex­

ample of an institution which, apparently flagging as a socio­

cultural binding force in the community, suddenly gathered it­
self to counter criticism and secular encroachments and to re­

assert its colonial authority.

Three journals that successively appeared in these years

to reprehend the church in the conduct of its affairs (0 pensador
Z 1835 7 , 0 desnertador cristgo and 0 amigo da religigo

Zl85j7)^6 were none of them beholden to the rootless, anti-

devotional pansophism of later positivist-type critiques.

0 amigo da religiSo. in fact, was edited by a cleric and pledged

in its opening editorial to:

... go to the churches of the Capital to hear the sermons
preached here and offer frankly its opinion. But it will
bear in mind the well known situation of the clergy of S.
Paulo; it knows their difficulties, knows their grievances,
and that, facing a struggle with material-conditlons, they
lack the means for work and Instruction."

It is significant that the bishop of this period who

tried in militant fashion to shore up the church's waning moral

prestige was the first Paullsta-born, non-Portuguese incumbent:

76proitas, "A imprensa," loc. cit. . pp. 393-397, **27»

**52-1*53.

7?lbld. . p. 1*52.
 157

Antonio Joaquim de Melo (1 8 5 2 -1 8 6 1 ) .78 Whether or not his

primary dedication was to the realm of the spirit has been

lengthily debated.79 Partly because of an early soldier’s

career, he was an autocratic disciplinarian, which soon cost

him the favor of his cathedral chapter.80

Immediately on talcing office dom Antdnio ordered his

priests to be tidy always in personal appearance and wear proper

vestments; to abstain from dancing, gambling, and other Improper

amusements; to hold aloof from politics and from commercial

transactions for profit; and to open and close mass (which was
not to be shorter than eighteen minutes) with prayers.81 a

visit to the city's two convents revealed violations of cloister

and light-hearted music-making, a situation which the bishop

soon corrected.82

78Martins, op. cit. , II, 17b-17&»

79a contemporary and disaffected cleric described him
as "atrabilious, designing, anachronous, hypocritical," money-
grubbing, and unfeelingly high-handed toward the lesser clergy.
He also accused the bishop (as did 0 amigo da religiao on 26
January 1856) of condoning slavery. Monte Carmelo, op. cit. ,
pp. 20, 29-38, 13^.
A modern apologist paints him as a self-denying re­
former: stern, honest, and impartial. Paulo Flordncio da
Silveira Camargo, Dom Antdnio Joaquim de Melo e seu tempo (mas.,
19^ 1).
®°In 185^> during celebration of Christmas night mass,
an altercation broke out between dom Antdnio and the capitulars
before a horrified public, causing suspension of the services.
Various interpretations ox the incident occur in: Martins, o p .
cit. . I, 30; Ribeiro, o p . cit.. 11(2), 739; Ferreira de Rezende,
op. cit.. pp.250-252; Monte Carmelo, o p . cit.. pp. 285-286;
and Camargo, o p . cit. . pp. 213-215.
®^Camargo, op. cit. . pp. 116-118.

82jbid., p. 1W6.
 158

Dom Antdnio also forbade the nocturnal burial ceremonies,

as being merely a ’’pretext for committing within the churches

every kind of irreverence." And he warned chapel-masters not

to interlard sacred music with contredanses.83 While the bishop

opposed church burial on the grounds that it menaced the purity

of the faith, a few European Protestants (such as the German,

Dr. Carlos Rath) and members of the Camara were opposing it as

a threat to public hygiene. In 1851 a "Cemetery for Germans"

was opened near the city center, half of it devoted to Catholic

and half to non-Catholic foreigners. By 1858 the provincial

government had opened the large ConsolagSo Cemetery for Brazil­

ians— just in time for a fierce epidemic of variola?*4- By co­

incidence, the new scientific outlook served the resurgence of

the faith.

83Ribeiro, on. cit.. 11(2), 178-179.

8l4There had been two earlier burial grounds, whose use,

however, was restricted: a potter’s field, dating from 1818,
and a plot to receive deceased nuns from Luz Convent (18U-5).
But the Portuguese government's order establishing cemeteries
was essentially unobserved in Sao Paulo for half a century.
Discurso com que o Ilustrissimo e Excelentisslmo Senhor Senador
Jos6 JoaaulmFernanaes abrlu a Assemblfeia Legislative Provincial
no ano de 1859 (Sfio Paulo. 1859) . p p . 9-lflT 18$ Freitas.
"Dieionario," on. cit., pp. M-7, 9^-; Martins, on. cit. . II, 5-6;
Ribeiro, op. cit. . II(l), 210, 2M-1; Raul Duarte. S§o Paulo de
ontem e de hoje (SSo Paulo, 19*+1), PP* 231-23^; Egas, "Galeria,"
o p . cit.. I, 193, 238, 256.
The first cemetery regulations stipulated that the
newly dead should be laid in an "observation room" for twenty-
four hours before burial. If any came to life he was, if finan­
cially able, to pay the gravediggers who kept watch and the
overseer 100&000. Regulamento para os cemiterios da cldade de
S. Paulo (Sfio Paulo, l858), cap. V, Art. 3 >
 159

The Paulista church had long suffered a shortage of

trained priests®^— a shortage that needed to be met in the face

of new secular challenges. Twenty-five years before dom Antdnio's

accession, both Toledo Rendon and the previous bishop had un­
successfully petitioned the imperial government for a local
as
Episcopal Seminary. Dom Antdnio (coming after the "suspensive
years") had more luck. With aid and sanction from the provincial
government, a seminary for training aspirants to the priesthood
87
was inaugurated in November, 1856. There was no doubt as to
the intentions and attitudes of the new school's administration.

They had appeared during 1855 in the columns of the conservative

Corrdio paulistano, in answer to criticism by 0 amigo da
religlao. And they were crystallized in the inaugural addresses

of the Vice-Rector (who declaimed against the era's taste for

novelty, its urge for pleasure, and its scorn of authority)

and of the Rector. The latter, after alluding to the fallacies

of Spinoza, Rousseau, Kant, and Cousin and to the irresponsible
liberalism of Feij6 and Pedro I, admonished his listeners grimly:

Behold, gentlemen, what is given us to hear every day in

this enlightened city, where the chosen youths of the
Empire come to be fitted for civil, social, and political
life. Behold the consequence that modern impiety is able to

®^Camargo, op. cit.. p. 261; Egas, "Galeria," op. cit. ,

I, 189, 198, 8Mf.
86
Arquivo Nacional, caixa 815 (Bishop of Sao Paulo to
the Emperor, 9 November 1827? Josd Arouche de Toledo Rendon
to Lticio Soares de Gouvea, 1 January 1828).

^Egas, "Galeria," op . cit. . I, 229, 25*+»

 160

draw from the anomaly of a Holy Religion preached by

worldly ministers.®®

Lacking competent Paulista priests, dom Antdnio had

staffed the Seminary with European Capuchins.89 This enraged

some of his subordinates, who accused the newcomers of grossly

reactionary bias, of hedonism, and of neglecting the material
welfare of resident students.9° And issue was soon Joined

with the law students. Protesting the Bishop's recommendation

that their Academy, as a "focus of immoralities," be trans­

ferred to Rio, they animadverted upon the Seminary's "half

dozen corrupt friars, adulatory hypocrites, and ambitious ignor­

amuses ... who dream of the fires of the Inquisition and of ab­
solutism. 91

The Bishop, in turn, was well aware of the obstacles to

re-catholicizing society. As he wrote to the Emperor in 1858:

Brazil has no more faith; religion is almost extinct there.

Of religion remains only the exterior: great feasts that
usually end in lower-class revelries, and physical idolatry
of images. But that which is the way, truth and life is
unknown. ...

For the state at which we are arriving, Sir, for this pagan­
ism in the education of youth, for the collapse of the
social order owing to the subversive and anarchic principles
that corrode enlightened persons, I find but one remedy / 7 7 ...
a frank and loyal alliance with the Holy See. Thus the
bishops, returning to their natural station, recovering their

88Camargo, op. cit., pp. 268-270.

89lbid. . pp. 159-162.
90Monte Carmelo, on. cit. . pp. 62-66, 88-89, 135, 2*f7-2*t9.

93-a legenda. 1 October i860.

 161

old moral force . . . will diligently strive to reform

customs and improve education, and will come to the
support of the country.92

In this section of the chapter I have examined aspects

of the city's culture ("culture" in its sociological, literary,

and sacerdotal senses) during the romanticist years. One con­

clusion suggested is that mid-century Paulistan life was, at

least for the educated or upper-class citizen, more permissive,

less monistically patterned than it had been in 1820. The

claims of the church and sobrado were less comprehensive. New

currents of thought from outside sources (and vehicles for

spreading them) offered substance for a spectrum of more indi­

vidualized politico-intellectual attitudes— in the same way

that hotels, dances, theatres, and billiard halls gave the

townsman a more plentiful choice among daily activities.

A second suggested conclusion is that romanticist Sao

Paulo, in contrast to the city of the "suspensive" 1830's,

seemed to have acquired a tension, a self-awareness, a sense

of urgency, and, loosely speaking, a "personality." The Academy

had taken root and begun to prosper. Students were more pur­
posive in their literary, journalistic, and dramatic pursuits

and imparted their energies to the city. Their cultivated

romanticism gave Sao Paulo a self-image, one that interpolated

regional and traditional with cosmopolitan characteristics.

The church at the same time, through its Seminary and zealous

92Quoted in Ribeiro, op. cit.. II (2), 68*f-687«

 162

bishop, was seeking to restore an age-old Luso-Cathollc moral

and spiritual base to society. This involved acceptance of

new challenges and new modes of competition. It meant, that

is, bringing the church into relationship— albeit one of ten­

sion rather than of organic reconciliation— with new social

and ideational patterns.

Along, therefore, with many colonial vestiges which

persisted through inertia or misonelsm, certain traditional
/

elements were reappraised and transmuted in the romanticist

years. There were groups, to be sure, who felt their city to

be hidebound and provincial. Others felt it to be materialis­

tic and wantonly liberal. But when we come upon an open, uncoim

mitted view of the city, as in Alvares de Azevedo1s MaciSrlo. we

apprehend a mid-century milieu that was somehow synergic and

sui generis. As J. c. Fletcher wrote of Sao Paulo to a friend:

June 26, 1855»

I am in a cold room, — such cold as I have not before
experienced in Brazil. The moon is shining coldly; men
creep about in cloaks, (I wish I had one,) and the only
thing that possesses caloric is the candle which throws
its dim light upon this paper. I ought, however, to
except the stirring strain of a distant bugle, that
really fills the night air with a warming melody. . . .
I felt a more profound respect for San Paulo than for
any South American city that I have yet visited. . . .
My feelings of respect, however, arose not from the size
of the city, nor from its picturesqueness, but because
there is a more intellectual and a less commercial air
about the people than you see elsewhere in Brazil. You
do not hear the word dinhelro ^5ioney7‘constantly ringing
in your ear, as at Rio de Janeiro.97

93Kidder and Fletcher, op. cit.« pp. 363-36**.

 163

The traveler Zaluar— while acknowledging Sao Paulo’s

political activity and institutions, library, hospitals,

churches and convents, Academy and Seminary, theatres, stores,

commerce, ’’hotels crowded with travelers," and botanical gar­

den-sensed that the citys

. . . preserves even today ^c. 186(27 in its inhabitants,

customs, and mores certain traditional remnants: the
stamp of mysterious concentration that the Jesuits could
impress everywhere, not only on the people and buildings
but, what is more, on the natural setting and very
environment that surrounded them.
Hence the first impression that S. Paulo wakens in
the spirit of him who observes and studies the charac­
ter of its inhabitants is the dual physiognomy of its
people, with an obverse and a reverse— like a sphinx. . . .
The character of the Paulistas, pleasing and open in
intimacy, though suspicious at first meetingj gives
them a certain stamp of singular originality, which
precludes confusing them with the inhabitants of any
other province of the empire.' The speech of this people
also, has a quiescence and an accent that are peculiar to
it.9*+

3. Material Fulfillment

The mid-century leavening of cultural attitudes was

paralleled, understandably, by new lines of economic thought

and endeavor reflecting the international achievements of an

industrial age. In 1850 there were in all Brazil only 50

manufactories classed as industrial establishments, having a
95
total capitalization of 7>000 contos. ^ The Paulista

^Zaluar, o p . cit., pp. 195-199*

95
These were: 2b salt works, 10 food processing
plants, 7 chemical plants, 5 small foundries, and 2 textile
factories. Simonsen, p p .. cit., p. 22.
president in 1852 found only seven factories in the province

"worthy of mention": two in the capital, two in Sorocaba,

one each in Bananal, Ubatuba, and Campinas. The relation
between the capital's political centrality and its economic

development is seen in the fact that its two factories, alone

of the seven, had official patronage. One, a foundry, had

received a loan of six contos from the Assembly in 1851 and

was obliged to maintain eight apprentices from the Seminary of

Santa Ana. (Within a year the plant became "decadent.") The

other, also founded the year before and which produced hydrogen
gas for an improved system of street lights, was awarded a
96
tariff exemption.
In l8Mf the provincial government created a Directory

of Public Works that was to coordinate highway repair and

97
construction and to assemble a full collection of maps.
A zoning ordinance of the next year showed how the capital was

the focal point for such planning. One of the four highway

zones was bounded by a circle of ten leagues' radius, centered

on SSo Paulo; the others lay along major arteries extending

98
beyond that periphery.'

98"Discurso . . . de 1852," on. cit.. pp. 33-3^* See

also Ribeiro, on. cit.« I, 522; Egas, "Galeria," op. cit.» I,
201
*.
97
J. C. de Azevedo Marques, o p . cit., pp. 121-125*
98Ibld., PP* 155-159* Acts of 18M-6 and 1851 changed
the number and size of the zones, but preserved a nuclear one
centered on the capital. The Directory was disestablished in
18^ 7 , though its functions were continued by "highway inspec­
tors" (created in 1850) and by two new public works depart­
ments (1853)* Ibid.. pp. 172-176; "Discurso . . . de 1852,"
o p . cit., pp. M-i-4-2.
 165

Individual initiative is not to be discounted in

explaining the city's response to the industrial age. In

18^5> for example, Jacob Michels (evidently a foreigner) had

"the honor to announce to the respected public" that his fac­

tory on Rua Direita was offering "a grand choice of hats of

all qualities and finest taste."99 He was a good craftsman,

his prices were reasonable, and soon his capital enabled him
to purchase more modern machinery and contract skilled Euro­

pean labor. In the 1850's he set up a brewery as an adjunct

to the hat factory, the product being comparable in price and

quality to European beer .'*"00

As evidence of a preference the capital seemed to enjoy

over other Paulista cities, one can cite a second hat factory,

founded in Campinas in 1853 but transferred to Sao Paulo the

following year by its German proprietor, Joao Adolfo Schritz-

meyer.^^-

Public figures in the city began to see that If the

city and its tributary region were to increase the importa­

tion of products, cultural or economic, from the world com­

munity and to improve, by world standards, the conditions of

life, two changes were necessary: rationalization of the

99
70 eovernista. 2 August 18M-5-
industrial paulistano— jornal da Sociedade Auxiliadora
da Aerlcultura. Comerclo e Artes estabeleclda na capital da
Provlncla de S. Paulo (2 vols.. Sao Paulo. 185m— 185o ^ « II«
87-89.
10*Ribeiro, "Cronologia," op. cit.. II (1), b29j
Martins, o p . cit.. II, 130.
 166

domestic economy to furnish exportable surpluses, and local

control of that economy so that gains from more Intense and

efficient production could not be claimed elsewhere. Such
sentiments inspired the founding in 1853 of the Society for
Encouraging Agriculture, Trade, and Crafts. Its 59 charter

members were not merely planters and industrialists, but

leaders from all realms: churchmen, engineers, professors,

politicians.'1'02 In his inaugural speech the Society*s presi­

dent urged that farmers discontinue old, "exotic practices,"
that they cease to set themselves against "the evidence of

the facts, the truths of new agrarian knowledge." Trade was

to be nationalized, its profits to remain at home. And slave

labor was to be exchanged for methods more consonant with

progress and prosperity.10^

The Society's aims were comparable to those of the

Economic Society of 1822 but must be analyzed in terms of the

respective climate of change. By 1853 Paulistan leaders had

fuller mastery over foreign ideas and local conditions of

life. Like the romanticist poets, they were better endowed

to effect a dynamic equilibrium between the two. The Society's

projects conformed strikingly, in fact, with the understanding,

102"0 industrial paulistano," on. cit.« I, *f-5» The

Society was modeled after the Society for Encouraging National
Industry, founded in Bio in 1828 (see Afonso d'Escragnolle
Taunay, Pequena hist6ria do caf6 no Brasil /Rio de Janeiro,
1 9 ^ , p" 107).
103
"0 industrial paulistano," op. cit.« I, 6-7»
 167

sensible analysis of Brazil's economy by the Abbink mission

ink
a century later. w The Society was alive to the benefits of

home manufacture, but saw that in the case of an indigent rural

economy the prime concern must be with rationalizing agricul­

tural production.10^ Accordingly the directors set about to
acquire and distribute information on farm machinery (to which
end an exhibit was sponsored in the capital); on producing
better grades of tea, wine, cattle, wool, etc. $ on discovering

new products that might take favorably to the Paulista soil

106
and climate. They introduced new seeds from abroad. In

October, 1853, a letter from the Society to one Nathaniel

Sands, a United States citizen, made him an honorary member

for his services in introducing farm machinery and inquired

under what terms he would become a "correspondent for acquir­

ing farm apparatus and instruments which the Society intends

107
to order from the United States."

A corollary to the Society's espousal of free labor

was the founding in 1856 of an abolition society by the law

1Ql+George Wythe, Brazil: An Expanding Economy (New

York, 19**9>, PP. 368-389*:
105
Cf. a provincial president’s report of 1858, which
affirmed that agriculture was the "perennial source of pros­
perity and wealth for all peoples" and that industry, as it
merely transforms agricultural products, had to wait until
labor, capital, and technical skill were available. Discurso
com que o Ilustrlssimo e Excelentissimo Senhor Senador Jos6
Joaquim Fernandes abriu a Assembl6la Legislativa Provincial
no ano de 1858 (Sao Paulo. 1858).' p. 21.

10^"0 industrial paulistano," op. cit.. I, 9; II> 86-89.

107Ibid., I, 25.
 168

students. Though it soon disbanded, after helping to free

only one slave, it was the forerunner of the intense aboli­

tionist and republican agitation of the 1870‘s. And it showed

how the city's new crusades for political or allegedly humani­

tarian causes were to project its domain over the agrarian

hinterland.

Only through the city could ideas and abstractions be

acquired that were necessary for methodical knowledge and cor­

rection of the rural. S6rgio Buarque de Holanda has pointed

out that this impersonal, abstract order (symbolized by Creon)

challenges the community's "domestic, family order" (sym­

bolized by Antigone). The rise of the city means "a clear

triumph of the general over the particular, the intellectual

109
over the material, the abstract over the corporeal." The
thesis of the present study is that this triumph of the abstract

is a triumph in the broad sense only if the "domestic, family

order" is not denied but enriched and fulfilled in universal

as well as in domestic terms. In retrospect, the promise of

that larger fulfillment seemed to hover in numerous expressions

and enterprises of mid-century Paulistan life, just as it does

in the work of the city's twentieth-century "modernists."

That close, intuitive perception of the city's "domes­
tic order" was challenged by an abstract conceptualization of

it as "the provincial capital" (cf. the highway zone of ten

■^VamprS, on. cit.. I, U-82.

^■^Buarque de Holanda, op. cit.. pp. 203-206.
 169

leagues' radius) is borne out whan we recall that administra­

tion had passed from the municipally elected Camara to a govern­

ment of province-wide legislators, headed by presidents the

majority of whom were not even Paulistas. Below are some

examples of the Impotent Camara's need to appeal to the presi­

dent on the most clearly municipal and administrative matters:

This Cdmara, as it has often made clear to Y. E . ,

finds itself at present faced with important works that
absorb the limited resources at its disposal; and lack­
ing the means to incur further expenses for public
works, it Judges its duty to be to bring these facts
to the notice of Y. E . , whose concern for public improve­
ments and whose most valuable aid lent to this Munici­
pality have overcome not a few difficulties.
The Municipal CSmara of this Imperial City begs H. E.
kindly to indicate the appropriate width for the Santos
highway at the place called Cambuci, where Joao Jos6
Ferreira, of this Municipality, is putting up a build­
ing whose continuance was forbidden by this Camara since
it threatened to encroach upon the highway.
As the rainy season is approaching and as certain
highway bridges and most of the bridges . . . in this
Municipality are already in bad shape . . . ; and in
view of the embankment that caved away next to Arouche
Reservoir . . .: the Municipal CSmara of this Imperial
City begs Y. E. kindly to have those places repaired
so that traffic will not be interrupted, which is to
be feared if repairs are not soon in coming.
A large part of each presidential address to the assembly

was devoted to affairs of the capital city: street-lighting

and -paving, the House of Correction, the market and abat­

toir, the water supply, the Botanical Garden, the theatre,

AESP, sala 10, mago 62, Capital (Camara to the

president, 9 May, 5 and l*f December 1855) • This "mago" con­
tains many similar requests for presidential assistance in
bridge and highway repair, work on the cemetery, improvement
of street drainage, etc.
 170

the Carmo meadow floods the need for better fire-fighting

112
equipment. One finds in these documents more and more

references to foreign (especially French) engineers— Bresser,

Bastide, Martens d'Estadens, Milliet, Gflnther, Bourroul—
113
who were resuscitating stillborn schemes of the l830's.
In 18^7 Afonso Milliet was contracted to furnish the
city with l6o lamps, burning liquid hydrogen gas, that were
lllf
to be kept lit all night, except in bright moonlight. A
new abattoir, designed by Europeans, was opened in 1852. Like

the old one, its drainage ran into the AnhangabaCi, but it was

subject to a stricter sanitary code, requiring hygienic instal-

115
lations and medical examination of each animal. By I860
many of the city's bad roads had been paved, most notably the

rutted and filth-strewn Beco do I n f e r n o . A n archive was

functioning by 1855»1'1'^

XII
On 1 January 1850 a six-hour rain caused the
Anhangabati to overflow and carry off a bridge and fifteen
houses. Martins, on. cit.. I, 95; Ribeiro, "Cronologia,"
on. cit.« I, 29-
112
Egas, "Galeria," o p . cit.. I, 169-2^9. See also;
"Discurso . . . de 1852," op. cit. ; "Discurso . . . de 1858,"
op. cit.
■ ^ F o r example: Egas, "Galeria," op. cit.. I, 2^3-2^.
•^^Sant'Anna, op. cit.« II, 255 ff•; J» C. de Azevedo
Marques, o p . cit. . pp. 56-58; Martins, o p . cit. . II, 178 ff.
•^^Cddigo de postures da CSmara Municipal da Imperial
Cldade de Sao Paulo* aprovado pela Assembl6la Legislatlva
Provincial (Lei n. 62 de 31 de maio de 1875) (S5o Paulo. 1875),
pp. 27-29: "Discurso . . ^ de 1852." o p . cit.. p. 50; Martins,
op. cit.. I, 107-108.
■^^Martins, op. cit. . II, 59*
■ ^ J . C. de Azevedo Marques, op. cit.. pp. 290-292.
 171

In 1852 the long promised House of Correction was fin­

ished and placed under the Auburn penitentiary system.

Prisoners were regularly and adequately fed; workshops, an

infirmary, and later elementary instruction were made avail­
able. In short, the prisoners' life was rationally disciplined
with a view toward rehabilitation. Hadfield, in 1868, found
1 lft
the routine of the 120 inmates "admirably managed."

The year 1852 also saw the removal of the insane from
prison to a house, albeit a cramped, ill equipped one, adminis­

tered as an asylum. A decade later they were transferred to

119
larger, though scarcely commodious quarters.

The Botanical Garden (officially the Public Garden

after 1838), which had failed to inspire Kidder and Mme.

Pfeiffer, received increasing attention as a site for recrea-

IPO
tion and experimental horticulture. In 1858, shortly after

certain Rio ordinances for promoting public sobriety were

adopted, the Garden was "in the best state of conservation
possible.The traveler Houssay (1862) was enraptured by

the tranquillity, breezes, fragrant and multi-colored flowers,

■^®William Hadfield, Brazil and the River Plate in 1868

(London, I869) , pp. 81-82; J. c. de Azevedo Maraues. op. cit..
pp. 2^6-277, 332; Martins, on. cit.. I, 56.
^^Tolstol de P. Ferreira, loc. cit.. pp. 31-32;
Martins, op. cit.. I, 52-535 Freitas, "Dicionario," op. cit.,
pp. 90-92; J. C. de Azevedo Marques, op. cit.. pp. 2M-M--2M-55
Egas, "Galeria," o p . cit. . I, 301-302.
^®"Discurso . . . de l8*+8 ," op . cit.. p. 20; "Discurso
. . . de 1852 ," op. cit.. p. 32.

C. de Azevedo Marques, op . cit. . pp. 308-310;

Egas, "Galeria," o p . cit. , I, 268.
 172

arching trees, marble statuettes, and cool chalet of his

1 22
"dear Promenade."

Epidemics, especially variola and cholera morbus, con­

tinued to ravage the populace. In the plague year 1858 the

Cathedral was almost bereft of worshipers in Holy Week, and
122
the Camara gave up its meeting-place for use as an infirmary.
But disease control, like other public services, was coming
under unified, rationally planned direction. During the

cholera scourge of 1855 the city was divided into four medical

zones, in which specified pharmacies and doctors were respon­

sible for taking swift action to check the plague and for mak­

ing daily reports to the president. A municipal Sanitary Com­

mission, empowered to requisition police assistance and pro­

vide free care for the poor, implemented all phases of the
121*
campaign. The president, however, relied heavily upon

the time-honored, unofficial agents of communal welfare:

religious orders and beneficent public figures. The Baron of

Antonina, hearing of his efforts, wrote in the traditional

Catholic spirit of upper-class charity to offer "the paltry

means at my disposal for alleviation of those disabled poor
125
who may be attacked by this terrible disease."

^■22Fr&d6ric Houssay, De Rio-de-Janeiro a S. Paulo (Paris,

1877), pp. 5-6, 80-81.
•^Martins, op. cit.. II, 53; Ribeiro, "Cronologia,"
op 687.
. cit.. II (1), 1, 156-158 and II (2),
1
J. C. de Azevedo Marques, op. cit.. pp. 297-302.
125
AESP, sala 10, maqo 62, Capital (Baron of Antonina
to the provincial president, 7 October 1855). See also other
documents in maqo 62 and Ribeiro, "Cronologia," op. cit., II
(2), 161-162.
 173

In 18^+9 Rio suffered Brazil's first important yellow

fever epidemic. It was further spread by coastwise shipping,

and in a year the Paulista coastal cities of Santos, Ubatuba,

and Iguape had suffered 231 deaths. Eleven were stricken in
Sao Paulo city, but all had brought the disease from else­
where. In subsequent years the fever proved endemic to important
inland as well as coastal regions. The capital's immunity was

a factor that would later contribute to its mushroom growth.

School reform continued to be hobbled by the Additional

Act of 1831* which, by centralizing higher and decentralizing

primary education, left the system as a whole "disorganized,

anarchic, congenitally atomized" and prey to "the basic

divergences of interests and ideas stemming from differences

in cultural and economic levels of the provinces and of social

127
classes." At mid-century Paulista schools were still insuf­

ficient in number, in physical equipment, in personnel. Teach­

ing methods were antiquated. Schoolbooks, when available,

128
were prohibitively priced.

Yet education was not wholly deprived of the new discip­

line and horizons of the romanticist years. In fact Mennucci

Jos 6 Pereira R§go, Mem 6rla hist6rlca das epidemias

da febre amarela e colera-morbo cue t8m relnado no Brasil
('Rio de Janeiro. 1&73^.' p p . 5. 67-fe8VEgas. "Galeria." op.
cit.. I, 192; "Discurso . . . de 1852," on. cit.. pp. l'If-17.
127
Fernando de Azevedo, A culture brasileira (2nd
edition; S80 Paulo, 19^) » PP* 330-331* See also Mennucci,
on. cit. , pp. 32-33» 36-^1 .
1oR
Moacyr, o p . cit.. II, 32*f; Egas, "Galeria," op. cit..
I, 171, 189*
 17**-

asserts that SSo Paulo offered an exception to (and led the

movement against) the abandon into which Brazil’s primary edu-

129
cation had fallen. His claim is based on the reform measures

of 18M-6 and 1851* The former obliged the government to provide

all populated places in the province with schools and to set
norms for curricula and for the qualifications, salary, and

tenure of teachers. A Normal School, recurrently a hope for

the previous twenty-five years, was established in the capitals

a two-year course of training in grammar, arithmetic, calli­

graphy, logic, religion, and pedagogy. The School was never a

success; during its twenty years of life it graduated only

forty teachers.^0 But it was another promise that the city

was vesting itself to redeem the larger rural community.

School inspection, left as it had been to local commis­

sions or to the CSmaras, lacked incentive and uniformity. The

1851 reform shaved away another of the dwindling municipal

functions and centralized this activity under a provincial
131
Inspector General.
The two government seminaries entered a more prosperous
phase. The regulations of each were rewritten in the 18*4-0's,

^"^Mennucci, op. cit.. p. *4-1.

•^^Relat6rlo da instrucao pfiblica na Provincia appended
to "Discurso . • . de 1852." o p . cit.: Moacyr. op. cit. , II,
317-32*4-, 333; Busch, o p . cit., p p . *4-l-*4*4-: J. C. de Azevedo
Marques, o p . cit.. pp. 177-178.
Discurso . . . de 1852," op. cit.. p. 10; J. C.
de Azevedo Marques, op. cit., pp. 211-218; Moacyr, op. cit..
II, 326-328.
 175

and In 185^ the boys* school, where the students were

reportedly "barefoot but healthy," was equipped to train

132
tailors' and cobblers' apprentices. J *

Just as the "suspensive years" were not marked by com­

plete inanition, however, so the romanticist ones did not in

all respects show achievement.

The provincial police force, though increased to *+00 men
in 1850, was given to drink and insubordination. "^3 Water-

pipes and new public fountains were installed after 1851, but
the small diameter of the pipes did little relieve the shortage,

and servants continued using the polluted waters of the Taman-

13^
duatei. The religious order which took over the lepers'

home in 1855 failed to improve its condition; as before,

invalids consigned to it preferred their independence, and the

government felt that the expenditure for an adequate asylum

135
would have outweighed its utility.
When Fletcher ascended the Serra do Mar in 1855» he
found it much improved over Kidder's time. The road was maca­

damized, less steeply graded, and could accommodate carriages

^ 2Tolstoi de P. Ferreira, loc. cit.« pp. 55-58; J. C.

de Azevedo Marques, on. cit., pp. 141-15*+, 288.
133
Andrade and Camara, op. cit.« pp. *+ ff.
^^"Discurso . . . de 1852," on. cit.« pp. 51-55;
"Discurso . . . de 1858," on. cit.. pp. 35-3°; Freitas,
"Dicionario," on. cit., p. 58; Ribeiro, "Cronologia," on. cit.,
I, 3**3-
C. de Azevedo Marques, pp. cit.. p. 288; Sant'Anna,
on. cit.« II, 218; "Discurso . . . de l858," op. cit., pp. 12-
13; Martins, o p . cit. . II, 13*+.

/
 176

1^6
if not heavily laden. Yet this greater ease of commerce

was offset by a medieval-type provincial law of 1851 that

authorized import duties on inter-municipal trade to augment

137
the receipts of the Camaras. The scarcity of many simple

articles in Paulistan stores is attested by Alvares de

Azevedo's requests to his family in Rio for such items as

gloves, books, cologne, and glass candle-shields.1^®

The mutations which did occur in the economic and adminis­
trative life of the city, however, and the new potentialities
which in these years emerged take on larger meaning if seen in
conjunction with a shift in the economy of the larger region.
That shift was the advent of coffee.

if. Coffee

First planted in Brazil in 1727 j coffee was disseminated

throughout the nation during the eighteenth century. Its com­

mercial value was slight, and consumption was restricted to

the producing region, or even to the fazenda. By the early

nineteenth century, however, markets for Brazil's traditional

agricultural exports (sugar, cotton, tobacco) were for various

reasons being curtailed. This occurred precisely at a time

^^Kidder and Fletcher, op. cit.. p. 356.

■^^Soares de Sousa', o p . cit. . I, 265-266, 277-278.

Alvares de Azevedo, op. cit.« II, Mf6, *f5l, ^6^-,

^70, ^95-
 177

when a world (and particularly North American) demand for

Brazilian coffee began to assert itself. In 1779 the port of

Rio shipped only 79 arrobas of coffee; in 1796 the figure was
8 ,*4-95; by l8o6 it had reached 82 ,2^ 5.^39
The first zone to be favored for intensive coffee pro­

duction was the Paraiba valley, extending southwest from the

province of Rio into Sao Paulo. The rainfall and climate,

the rich and unexplolted soil, the lack of a traditional pattern

of life determined by some previous form of monoculture all

contributed to this end. So also did the region's inner co­

hesiveness and its natural maritime outlets: Rio and— across

the Serra do Mar— Angra-dos-R&is, Parati, Ubatuba, Caraguata-

tuba, and S3o Sebastiao. 1**0

Before the railroad era, the whole Paraiba region re­

mained economically tributary to Rio, both overland and via
its own coastal ports. The Paulista capital, during its "sus­
pensive years," was therefore negligibly affected by the coffee
boom, except for the passage of shipments from scattered north­

ern localities (e.g., Campinas and Limeira) on their way to

Santos. Of the province's total coffee production in 1835-36

139c$io Prado Jfinior, Hist6ria economica do Brasil

(Sao Paulo, 19^5) , pp. 167-171; Afonso d'E. Taunay, "Pequena
hist 6ria," op. cit. , pp. 31- 50.
^°Roberto C. Simonsen, "Aspectos da hist 6ria econ-
dmica do caffi," RAM, LXV, March 19*0, 16^-17^; Prado Jfinior,
"Histdria econdmica," o p . cit. . pp. 171-172.
In 1821-1830 coffee made up 18.M# of Brazil's exports;
in 1831-18*H) it made up j*3.8#. Afonso d'E. Taunay, "Pequena
histfiria," o p . cit. . p. 5*7»
 178

of 590,066 arrobas, 86,5/2 originated along the Paraiba.llfl

The value of sugar shipped out of Santos was I,l80,ll5$5l^» while

that of coffee was only 266,588$l69. Ubatuba and S 80 Sabastiao,
on the contrary, shipped virtually no sugar but exported over

one-half of the province's Paraiba coffee output, to the value

of 680,6¥f$l00 (with overland transport to Rio accounting for
most of the rest). I1*2

Sao Paulo city, as pointed out in Chapter I, lies in an

infertile zone, which blocked the advance of coffee once it
had reached the western end of the Paraiba valley. A report

to the provincial vice-president in 1856 defined the zone as

radiating from the capital: north to the Tiet&, east and south
to the wooded Serra of Paranapiacaba, west to the Serra of
Sao Francisco. Within those limits a few trees could be

found on hilltops or along rivers, but the most usual vegeta­

tion was a ground-cover "commonly called 1goat 1s-beard* which,

serving no purpose, kills other flora introduced there."
Potters, rather than farmers, found the best use for the soil.^3
North and west of this "cordon sanitaire," however,

came rich land once again. In 1820 Joao VI, little suspecting

i^lsirgio Milliet, Roteiro do cafS e outros ensSios

(Sao Paulo, 19^6), p. 18.

2jifiller, op. cit. , pp. 226-235*

llf^Santo Amaro, scene of the early attempt at German

colonization, was at the, zone's southern limit. Here lumber
was cut for building houses in the capital, and grain, manioc,
and cotton were farmed for the markets of S80 Paulo and Santos.
"0 industrial paulistano," o p . cit. , II, 7^-75*
 179

that here was coffee's future heartland, had praised Its

fertility, climate, excellent and varied pasture, and abun­

dant water sources. And he asked that Oeynhausen set aside

some cattle ranches there as dowries for the princesses.

Given the swift and steady increase in coffee plantings after
independence, it was inevitable that coffee should "make the
leap" into the Paulista northwest— especially since that area
had certain advantages over the Paraiba. The new region
was not mountainous. Its broad, gently undulating plains
would hold the riches of the soil longer and facilitate rapid

construction of a well-knit system of rail and highway trans­

port. Moreover the land had large streaks of terra roxa (red-

purple soil), a product of decomposed basaltic rock of volcan­

ic origin, favorable in the extreme for coffee planting.

For Sao Paulo city the importance of the "leap" was

that it made a vast, wealthy agricultural hinterland tribu­

tary to the provincial capital and its port city, Santos.

The "leap11 cannot accurately be fixed in time, partly

because of deficient statistics,1^ partly because the Paulista

northwest, like the rest of Brazil, had for decades been pro­
ducing small amounts of coffee. But there are indications
that it roughly coincided with the capital1s "romanticist

1**^DIHCSP. XXXVI, 96-97.

llf^Prado Junior, "Hist6ria econfimlca," o p . cit. . pp.

171+-175} Prado Jtinior, "Nova contribuigao," loc. cit.« p. 199*

•^^Afonso d'E. Taunay, "Pequena hist6ria," op. cit., p.

 180 »

years.11 Milliet gives the following figures for the province's

coffee production:
1836 185H
arrobas per cent arrobas per cent
of coffee of total of coffee of total

Paraiba valley 510,*K)6 86.5 2,737,639 77-5

northwest 79.660 13.5 796.617 22.5
590,066 100.0 3,53^,256 100.0 llf7

Production during those years, in other words, Increased five­

fold along the Paraiba and tenfold in the northwest.

Furthermore, it was at mid-century that the presidents'
reports became concerned with coffee. In 18W8 new plantings

were reaching "colossal p r o p o r t i o n s . i n 1852:

Coffee planting is ever more prosperous and promises

this province a great future.
The shift from sugar to coffee and tea is a trend now
evidenced by our planters, and it is steadily going ahead
^though the report later states that tea was suffering
from a low market pric§7. This tendency stems, as you know,
from the fact that not only is the latter culture easier
and more advantageous than the former, but that it is
less subject to misfortunes Inherent in the wretched state
of our routes of communication and the impossibility of
vehicular travel.

And in 1855 it was stated that coffee was tending to displace

all other cultures, that tea offered no profits, that sugar,

because of high processing and transport costs, was finding

mainly local markets.1^0 By then Campinas, an important city

llf^Milliet, o p . cit.. p. 18. See also Simonsen, "Aspects,"

>. cit., pp. 179 ff.
llf®"Discurso . . . de 18H8," op. cit.. p. 20.

llf^"Discurso . . . de 1852," op . cit., pp. 36-37*

1 ?0Egas, "Galeria," op . cit.. I. 238.

 181

seventy-five miles north of the capital) had seen Its sugar

production) mainstay of its prosperity, dwindle to less than

a third the output of thirty years earlier. The shift to
coffee was in full career.'*'^

We have said that the northwest coffee region was

tributary to Sao Paulo city (a relationship soon to be imple­

mented by railroads focusing upon tho capital). In what ways,

the question arises, did the city!s new relation to a coffee

region differ from the old one to a sugar region?

Handelmann, writing in 1859, claimed that coffee was

a "democratic plant," that it led toward land subdivision and

welfare of the many; whereas sugar, with its need for heavy

capital investment in land, labor, and installations, was essen­

tially "aristocratic."1-*2 Cassiano Ricardo, writing eighty

years later, asserts that coffee democratizes by its need for

free labor and that the privileged group which emerges forms
15*
an open rather than a closed class.

That coffee inevitably democratizes is disproven by

modern Costa Rica, where the status of many coffee workers is

15k
changing from peasantry to peonage. The nineteenth-century

151
"0 industrial paulistano." op. cit., II, 78 *
152
Henrique Handelmann, Hlstdrla do Brasil (Rio de
Janeiro, 1931)» P« 361.
153
Cassiano Ricardo, Marcha para oeste (2 vols., Rio
de Janeiro, 19^2), II, 237*
l5lf
Charles P. Loomis and Reed M. Powell, "Class Status
in Costa Rica" in Crevenna, op. cit.. pp. 1-23-
 182

social structure of the whole Paraiba region, in fact, strongly

resembled that of the traditional sugar culture. Fazendas tend­
ed toward self-sufficiency; they were worked by slave labor; and

planters constituted a proud, hereditary "baronage1* whose life-

activity was almost wholly contained within the rural domains.

As a rule, the only land to be parceled was exhausted and margin-

•i.1 ”
The pattern of economic expansion in the northwest,
however, was quite different. Here the new coffee barons were

not guided by the vision of an agrarian, self-contained, colon­

ial-type slavocracy. Indeed the abolition of slave traffic at

the very time the northwest was settled made such a vision

illusory.^ 6 one senses, rather, a correlation between the struc­

ture of the new coffee empire and the gradual emergence of the

provincial capital into an era of eclectic planning, cosmo­

politanism, and the practical-mindedness that could lift a

problem out of broad context with which it had by tradition

been merged.

l55Thomas Davatz, Mem6rias de urn colono no Brasil

( 1850) (S8o Paulo, 19^1), p. 13 (from Preface by S§rgio
Buarquede Holanda); Stanley J. Stein. "Middle Paraiba Plan­
tations, 1850-I860s Aspects of Growth and Decline," in Four
Papers Presented in the Institute for Brazilian Studies
(Nashville, 195l) , PP« 57-93; Maria Isaura Pefelxa de Queiroz.
"A estratificagao e a mobilidade social nas comunidades agrArias
do vale do Paraiba, entre 1850 e 1888j" Revlsta de hlst6rla. I,
2, April-June 1950, 195-218; Buarque de Holanda, op. cit.~pp.
256-258.

■^England's Aberdeen Bill of 18^-5 authorized seizure

of slave-runners. Brazil took effective measures in 1850 to
stop the traffic, and in two years it was at an end. Prado
Junior, HHist6ria econfimica," o p . cit. . pp. 159-161.
 183

The clearest Instance of this correlation is the way

in which the planters sought to meet their labor needs. Nicolau

Vergueiro— who, for being a statesman and director of the Law

Academy, was a man trained in the ways and ideas of the city—

pioneered the field in 18M-0 by introducing 90 Portuguese

colonists to his fazenda in Limeira. The experiment was short­

lived, owing to the Revolution of 18U-2 (see Chapterll, note 33)•

But in 18^-7 ’’Vergueiro and Co.,’’ financed by a loan from the

provincial government, contracted to import 1,000 European

colonists for various fazendas. Within a decade some two dozen

colonies, representing over **,000 farmers, were underway in

such places as Limeira, Campinas, Constituigao, Rio Claro, and

Jundial.1^
Previous colonization in Sao Paulo (e.g., the German

settlement in Santo Amaro) had been officially sponsored, as

were the attempts throughout the century in other provinces,

such as Rio Grande do Sul, Santa Catarina, and Paran&. Mid­

century Paulista schemes, however, represented private initia­

tive. And such an organization as the Society for Encouraging

Agriculture, Trade, and Crafts, established in the provincial

capital, could help bring them to fulfillment. The Society,

for example, learned in April, 1853» that one of its members

planned a trip to Europe. It urged him to dispel, through the

^^S&lvio de Almeida Azevedo, ”A imigraQao e colon-

iza? 8o no Estado de S8o Paulo,” Anais do IX Coneresso Brasil-
eiro de Geoerafla. Ill, 518; Ribeiro, "Cronologia," op. cit. .
11(1), M-93; Davatz, o p . cit.. pp. 25-29; Egas, "Galeria", ojg.
cit., I, 2^1-2**2, 261+T
 18**

foreign press, any stigma that "unfounded and calumnious rumors"

had attached to the prospects of European colonists in Brazil;

and he was asked to obtain working models of modern tools and

158
machines for agriculture and manufacture.

The essential difference between Vergueiro-type and

officially sponsored colonists was that the latter lived on

the land as proprietors, while the former were contracted under

an arrangement known as parceria. By terms of the parceria

system an immigrant family was advanced its travel expenses,

to be repaid with interest. On the fazenda it was assigned a

certain number of trees to tend and a plot of land for its own

subsistence. It received as payment either a fixed wage or a

percentage of the income from the harvest."**^

The extension of the parceria system was reflected in

a mid-century spurt of immigration (agricultural) to the

province. The yearly average of **6 for the period 1830-1851

jumped to 982 for 1852-1857* The peak year, however, was 1855»

when the influx reached 2,125* Then came a sharp decline, and
t An
that figure was not surpassed until 1875* A revolt of

Vergueiro*s colonists in 1856 in effect marked the end of the

mid-century experiment.
The failure of the parceria is essentially attributable

to the disparity between rural living conditions in Sao Paulo

l58n0 industrial paulistano," op. cit.. I, 19-20.

■^^Davatz, pp. cit.« pp. 1 -2 , 16-25*
•^^Departamento Estadual do Trabalho, op. cit. , pp. 11-13.
■^^Davatz, op. cit.. p. 29*
 185

and gloving promises made to prospective colonists by agents

in Europe— a disparity particularly disillusioning to those

l62
immigrants who had given up urban, middle-class professions.

Although slave labor was for years longer the mainstay

of the coffee fazenda, the parceria foretokened how the city

was to project its own image across the face of the country.

For the parceria and the later, more successful schemes for

mass immigration that were modeled after it were not agrarian

colonization in the full sense, but the importation of a "mobile,

rural proletariat that continually changed p a t r o n s . T h i s

connection between the city and the pattern of northwestern

expansion becomes clearer if we recall the city associations of

16*+
the new planters. Vergueiro, whose fazenda was in Limeira,

has already been discussed. His son-in-law, Francisco Antdnio

de Sousa Queirds (fazenda also in Limeira) was educated in

Coimbra; he later served as vereador in Sao Paulo city, as

165
provincial and national deputy, and finally as senator. ' His

l62
Joao Pedro Carvalho de Morals, Relatdrio apresentado
ao Minlstdrio da Agricultural Comdrcio e Obras Ptibllcas (Rio de
Janeiro, 1$70), pp. 26, 37; S&lvio de A. Azevedo. o p . cit.,
pp. 518-520; Davatz, o p . cit. . pp. 5-11.
In specific instances colonists were victimized by
onerous financial arrangements and irresponsible administrators.
Afonso d'Escragnolle Taunay, "Viagem do BarSo de Tschudi pela
Provincia de Sao Paulo (i860)" in Amador Bueno e outros ens&ios
(SSo Paulo, 19^3), PP. 57-135; Willems, o p . cit.. p p . 118-119.

"^Davatz, op. cit.. pp. 1-2 .

16U
The first men to experiment with the parceria are
listed in Egas, "Galeria," o p . cit.. I, 2^2.

l6^Ibjd.. I, 793.
 186

city-mindedness is clearly indicated by the sumptuous dance he

gave in the capital in 1857 (described in section 2 of this

chapter). Antonio de Queir6 s Teles (fazenda in Jundiai) sent

his son to the Paulistan Law Academy, and both served as provin-
166
cial deputies. Jos 6 Blias Pacheco Jordao (fazenda in Rio
Claro) graduated from the Law Academy in 181*1 and was for a

while public prosecutor in the capital.

These men and others like them envisioned, in ways

taught them by the city, a cheap, efficient "labor supply."

With the Industrial Revolution the labor pool, impersonally

conceived, had been factored out of the traditionally close-

knit, multi-associational economic community (e.g., the colonial

168
Brazilian sugar fazenda understandingly described by Freyre).
"Labor" became an isolated variable, a factor of production--

like plant, capital, or raw material. The old sugar aristocracy

was perhaps no less profit-minded than the new coffee barons.

But the latter were less custom-bound, more free to plan their
exploitation with capitalistic singleness of purpose.*1^ New

promises, as well as a new outlook, made such freedom possible:

the wide swath of rich virgin land to the west; the fast-expand­

ing world coffee market; the farm machinery and the marketing

l66Ibld.. I, 655*
•^ I b i d . . I, 861; Almeida Nogueira, op. cit.. V, 136.
Gilberto Freyre, Casa-Grande & Senzala (5th edition;
2 vols., Rio de Janeiro, 19**6) •
l69It is significant that the political economy taught
in the Law Academy in the 18^0's was that of the French "bourgeois
economist." Jean Baptiste Say (Vampr6 , op. cit.« I, 375* *K)0).
Say, as distinguished from the Physiocrats, had the manufacturer's
rather than the agrarian outlook.
 187

and credit facilities of the new industrial world; the railway

network that would soon ohviate the planter’s need to he self-
sufficient.

The exploitative nature of coffee planting, facilitated

hy the biotic demands of the crop itself, was outlined by a

Paulista in the national Senate (1858):

The conversion of fazendas from sugar to coffee has con­

tributed . . . in Sao Paulo to the rising cost of food­
stuffs. . . . When the farmer plants cane, he can also,
and does, plant beans, and some even plant corn at a
greater distance so as not to affect the cane. And it
all aids splendidly to prepare the soil for cane. . . .
That occurred in the municipality of Campinas, whose
lands are very fertile, when its crop was cane— and in
similar municipalities that supplied the capital and
other places with foodstuffs.I/O Meanwhile that whole
municipality of Campinas, and others, are today covered
with coffee, which does not permit the concurrent plant­
ing of foodstuffs except at the start, when new. But
when ^coffee i §7 mature, nothing else can be planted,
and the soil itself is unproductive for foodstuffs, per­
haps forever, or until after a period of long years.171

The coffee boom was in part a creature of the city. But

the creature almost immediately threatened the stability of the

creator. The presidents of the l850’s complained repeatedly of

172
the scarcity and high prices of staple foods. The price of

bacon rose in 1853 from $080 or $100 a pound to $800 or 1$ 000 ,

^ It will be remembered (see Section 1, Chapter I) that

in the 1830’s subsistence farmers began to leave the infertile
environs of the capital, causing that city to depend upon a wider
region for its food supply. MQller, op. cit., p. 2*f.

^^■Quoted in Buarque de Holanda, op. cit., pp. 259-260.

172"Discurso . . . de 1858," o p . cit. . pp. 23-21*;

"Discurso . . . de 1859>" o p » cit.. pp. 25-26.
 188

173
then leveled off at $4-00. Beans, even in the troublous year

18M-2 , had cost only 1$000 an alqueire; in 1857 they reached

20$000. And when coffee workers were felled by a plague, more
17l+
slaves were diverted from subsistence planting.

Sao Paulo city of 1820— small in size, modest in its

economic needs— had been in symbiotic balance with its immediate

region. It was still the rural, colonial township. By mid­

century both the low carrying capacity of the close-lying land

and new perspectives of capitalist-type exploitation to the west

were associating the city with a far broader hinterland. This

association was still to be symbiotic. The city made its

impress upon the structure of the coffee realm, and its fortunes

were in turn subject to the brutal vicissitudes of a monocul­

ture. But the new relationship of city and country was not to

be the direct, visual, folkloric one that a visitor to the town

of 1820 might have perceived. The abstractions and complexities

now suffusing it precluded its being, in the sense that it once

had been, unplannedly self-corrective. The city's new endow­

ments for rational self-knowledge and -regulation were indeed

to be taxed.
SSrgio Buarque de Holanda has concisely pointed out

certain of these features of the new monoculture:

Simplifying the production ^1.e., total conversion to

coffee7 consequently increased the need for recourse to

17^
Ferreira de Rezende, op. cit., p. 279•

^^Davatz, op . cit. , pp. 13-16.

 189

the urban centers, which distributed food supplies that

had formerly been grown locally. As a result the
agrarian domain gradually ceases to be a barony and
approximates, in many regards, a center of industrial
exploitation. It is only in that sense that one may
speak of coffee as a "democratic plant," to use Handel-
mann!s expression. The planter who emerges from con­
tact with it becomes basically a citified rather than
a rural type, for whom the agrarian holding constitutes
principally a means of life and only occasionally a
place of residence or recreation. The formulae for
good crops are not inherited from tradition and the
community through successive generations, along with
the lands, but are learned periodically in schools and
books.175

The quickening of Paulistan life during the romanticist

years must, then, be understood both as affected by and as
t
affecting the birth of the coffee empire.

5* The Premonitions of Ricardo Gumbleton Daunt

To recapitulate, the theme of this chapter has been that

values and abstractions, filtering into the city from an outer

world, were showing promise of broadening and enriching, with­

out necessarily denying, the "domestic, family order." The

writings of Alvares de Azevedo were used to symbolize the inter­

fusion of new and old perspectives. Yet the poet, whatever

flashes of faith he may have shown in science, education, and

new philosophies of Europe, was himself cut off at the thresh-

hold of a career. Near the end of his life he wrote in an

elegy that "we are condemned to the night of bitterness; the

■'■^Buarque de Holanda, on. cit., pp. 260-261

Alvares de Azevedo, op. cit., I, 322.

 190

north wind snuffs out our beacons. We shall all, poor castaways,
be rolled upon the littoral of death.

Mr. Tate has pointed out that certain nineteenth-century

romanticist poets met frustration because, "under the illusion

that all order is scientific order," they forfeited the use of

poetic imagination. Poetry tried to compete with science on

its own ground, but lacked any "systematic method of asserting

the will." Thus the romanticist poet is often marked by inflated

style and the "rhetorical escape that gives his will the illu­
sion of power." Such a poet, defying "the cruel and naturalistic

world" and lacking the means to structure and cope with it, is
177
inevitably broken by it. Alvares de Azevedo and his fellow

lyricists were victims of this "romantic irony." They stand,

then, not only for what there was of mid-century fulfillment,

but also for prescience of the "naturalistic world" to follow.

The mid-1950's produced more readily interpretable omens

than the prescience of the poets. There was for example the
demise of the Society for Encouraging Agriculture, Trade, and

Crafts. In 1856 its president recalled how three years

earlier it had been installed in the capital "under the most

favorable auspices" by citizens who foresaw "the retardation

and falling-off through which the agriculture of the Province

was to pass," spurred as it was by the profit incentive while

•^Alvares de Azevedo, op. cit. . I, 322.

^ A l l e n Tate, On the Limits of Poetry (New York, 19^8),

pp. 100-103.
 191

lacking the guarantee of a reliable source of labor. Yet the

Society's voice awoke no echo. When the fervor of the first

plans died away, "everything cooled off; and the promises of

collaboration for the expressed aims of the Society were lost

in space."I?®

Was the industrial spirit to outrun the agencies for its

control? Would the scientific outlook dignify or demean the

life-experience of man? The question was posed, in quite homely

fashion, by two notices appearing in the Corrfeio paullstano on a

certain day in 1857. One was an IMPORTANT HYGIENIC NOTICE to

schoolteachers, offering the honest, salutary advice thats "The

emission of urine is a very important function. To hold in

urine for 2h hours is more dangerous than to fail to go to stool

for a whole week." The other was a factitious, testimonial-type

advertisement for an "anti-syphilitic water," in which nineteen

residents of the city declared "for the good of humanity" that

the product had cured them in quick order of gonorrhea, its appli­

cation being "easy, painless, and of no inconvenience to the

stomach.
The clearest contemporary utterance I have found of any

misgivings about what the mid-century currents of life might

hold in store is in a letter, written at the close of the

^ " o Industrial paullstano," op. cit.. II, 85-86.

^ ^Corr&io paullstano. 21 November 1857* The spirit of
the testimonial is the same in which the coffee planters' agents
in Europe had been hyperbolizing the merits of rural life in
Brazil.
 192
iftn
"romanticist years," by Ricardo Gumbleton Daunt. Daunt—

born an Irishman but become an ardent, staunchly Catholic and

conservative Brazilian— writes from the stolid, traditional

little city of Itu, west of SSo Paulo city, and views with a

jaundiced eye the new tenor of life in the capitals

There are many who wish to see S. Paulo grow in wealth

and make outstanding progress, but little are they con­
cerned if it occurs with the loss of the traits of Paulistan
character or at the cost of a change in the position of the
Paulistas. They see the Province as a productive machine
and a possible factor for increasing the budgetary income.
I, however, though I do not wish to yield to them in my
love for the Province, do not hope for so rapid a trans­
formation. I want the quickened development of the Province
faithfully to symbolize the increased happiness of the his­
toric Paulistan settlement, and I do not want the latter
to be dislocated or to see a severing of the bonds of tradi­
tion between the highly independent S. Paulo of the 17th
Century and the S. Paulo of the era of D. Pedro II. I
cannot conceive of true greatness in a people without a
past, without a strong sentiment of nationality, without
homogeneity; and I shudder at the progress rapidly being
made in planing down the saliences and hallmarks of Paulis­
tan character and customs which some applaud as a guarantee
of the unity of the Empirei In my opinion uniformity of
thought, custom, taste, and character presages the decadence
of any great Empire, for being in itself a forced and
unnatural thing, it can emanate only from the undue influ­
ence of the Court or some other'center and is always an
index of a lack of spirit, of virility, in people thus
uniformalized, who are in this fashion prepared for
Despotism.
I am therefore very positively piqued with the foreign
tendency of many men educated in our law faculties who
unite to centralist ideas a senseless admiration for insti­
tutions of other countries and other races and wish to treat
us as if S. Paulo were a tabula rasa where everything is
about to commence, as in any North American colony. . . •
As soon as Paulistan history is in any of its branches dis-
esteemed, as soon as one wishes to assume that nothing
essentially distinguishes S. Paulo from semi-foreign Rio
de Janeiro, as soon as one wishes to maintain that S. Paulo
never had an old, robust, and fertile civilization— neither

1®°See EstevSo LeSo Bourroul, 0 Doutor Ricardo Gumble

ton Daunt (1818-1893) (SSo Paulo, 1900).
 193

will the Government be able to rule us to our satisfaction,

nor will the opposition be able to indicate the remedy. . . .
Itu has come to be in a certain sense the antithesis
of S. Paulo city and the center where the old Paulistanism
has taken refuge (i.e., as far as the south of the Province
is concerned). Today it also suffers from the evil of
foreignism, though in lesser degree, and the sordid poli­
tical struggles (degenerate offspring of the representative
system) ,• which have here become identified with the inti­
mate life of everyone, have contributed to corrupt the
moral physiognomy of the place, and everywhere deteriora­
tion is evident. Nevertheless the number of Ituanos who
occupy high positions is such as to excite lively jealousy
among many in the Capital of the Province, who speak of
Itu always with certain bitterness. . . . I distinguish be­
tween S. Paulo and the rest of Brazil. Perhaps Pernambuco
should be excepted, but in general I believe that S. Paulo
not only is very superior to the other Provinces but also
shows evidences of an almost distinct nationality— evi-
dences that unhappily are becoming ever more extinct.1°1

Instituto Hist6rico e Geogrfifico Brasileiro, lata 8,

mss. 1W8B (Ricardo Gumbleton Daunt to Francisco ln6cio Marcondes
Homem de Melo, August 1856).
 19*+

CHAPTER IV

EXPECTANT YEARS (1855-1870)

1. Self-deprecation and New Idols

The romanticist years and the period of independence

were times when, after a period of quiescence, the city bur­

geoned in unwonted ways. Its physical face and processes were

modestly changed; and, more important, a certain climate of

ideas converged with experienced realities of the city to create,

for persons whose station allowed them to sense it, fresh per­

spectives and in some cases evoke signal achievement.

In the decade after romanticism, as in the 1830's, the

city entered a phase of passivity. In a sense this passivity

lasted until the post-World War I generation of MArio de Andrade,

but, applied to the longer span, the word assumes a restricted

meaning; for in the late l86o's begins the bustle occasioned by

railroad-building and republicanism, in the l88o's comes mass

immigration, and by 1900 emerges a metropolis of 2*4-0,000.

Underlying passivity is suggested by the inchoate, diluvial

nature of this emergence.

During the first three-quarters of the century, however,

the city showed no untoward gains in population. Most sources,

whatever the date they refer to in this period, give its inhabi­

tants to be 20,000 to 25,000; but this apparent stagnancy means

 195

merely that in earlier reckonings certain centers were treated

as subordinate parishes, rather than as independent municipali­

ties.1 Censuses made in 1836 and 1855, for example, tallied in

many more parishes than did that of 1 8 7 2 . In the figures below
reductions are made to assure comparability:

parishes 1836 1855 l8Zi

S6 5,568 7,Wk 9.213
Santa IfigSnia 3,06if 3 ,6^6
Braz 659 97V 2,308
Penha , 1,206 1,337 1,883
Nossa Senhora do 0 1,759 2,030 2,023
Consolacao (detached from Santa
Ifiginia, 1870) 3i357
Sao Paulo 12,256 15,^71 23 ,2^3 2

The over-all rate of increase sharpens after 1855* Penha, an

outlying nucleus, follows this pattern, though N. S. do 0, also

outlying, shows no increase at all. S&, the central "triangle,"

grows steadily. But it is the regions immediately adjacent to

the heart of the city (Braz and Santa IfigSnia-ConsolaqSo)

The largest administrative division is the comarca,

followed by the municlpio. the distrito, and the categorla.
Each of these units may contain one or more of the next smaller.
In referring to Sao Paulo city I mean the municlpio. though the
shift of component nuclei from one classification to another
through the years and the frequent lack of explicit statistics
make occasional inconsistency inevitable. See: Departamento
Estadual de Estatlstica, Divlsao Judicl&ria e admlnlstrativa
do Estado (Sao Paulo, 19*+5) •

2Sources: (I836) MQller, op. cit. . pp. 169-172 (in

Section 1, Chapter II, I used his total of 21,933, based on a
wider city area); (1855) Mapa da divlsao civil, iudici&rla e
eclesi&stlca da Provlncia de Sao Paulo com declaracao do computo
da populacao e do movimento no ultimo ano 11855). Instltuto
HistSrico a Geogr&fico Brasileiro, lata 57, mss. 1081$ (1872)
Ribeiro, "Cronologia," op. cit.. II (2), W06 .
 196
■a
whose increment is strongest.

Yet the faster population increase of 1855-1870 failed

to signify that the promised material efficiency and embellish­

ment of the city were coming to pass.

A penitentiary, well provided with vocational workshops,

l|.
was completed in 1867; but the treatment of guiltless unfor­
tunates committed to the insane asylum or the lazaretto was in

no way improved during these years. The Public Garden, after

minor refurbishment in 1869, was still "the only place of recre­

ation for the inhabitants of the capital."^ Though the first

public market was opened in 1867 , the congested little stalls

(casinhas') that Saint-Hilaire had observed half a century

earlier continued interrupting traffic in a small street within

7
the "triangle." The provincial assembly was housed in 1868,

as it had always been, "in a very pokey, close room attached to

the palace, with a miserably low gallery at each end for the

^In I863 the legislature authorized expropriation of

chScara lands on the Morro do Cha so as to open five new streets
in the Santa Ifigenia-Consolagao district. Ribeiro, "Cronologia,"
op. cit.. I, ^ 6- ^ 7 .
ll
Egas, "Galeria," o p . cit.. I, 398-^23.

*Ibid., I, 301 , 302, 1*23, b2b, 1*35 .

^Ibid., I, b 2 7. Also: Martins, op. cit.. I, lM-0.

^So traditional, and convenient, were the casinhas that

the Camara was powerless to transfer them to the market. Only
in 1890, when a second market was furnished, did they disperse.
Ribeiro, "Cronologia," o p . cit.. II (1), *+0o; Sant* Anna. o p .
cit. , I, 366-368 ; Martins, op. cit.. I, 1**9 and II, 60-o2.
 197

public .11
8 In 1863 the streetlighting fuel was changed to kero­

sene. Complaints continued, and the authorities had to start

9
negotiations for coal gas.

But the water supply was the Gordian knot. Presidents,

goaded by bitter townspeople and newspapers, complained cease­

lessly in their reports. Funds, however, were not available

for tapping the one supply— in the Serra da Cantareira, some

miles north— that an English engineer reported in 186^ to be

both pure and ample .10 Stop-gap endeavors were made with meagre,

close-by springs. Then, during the Paraguayan War, cast-iron

piping was not to be had. Hygienic knowledge of the era coun­

seled against using lead. And so for eight years two of the

fountains were supplied by bitumen-coated cardboard pipes.11

The whole field of public works was the presidents1

despair. Large sums were spent, but "without method, system,
12
knowledge, or even the possibility of control11 — a situation
10
acerbated by the scarcity of competent engineers. J As late as

®William Hadfield, Brazil and the River Plate in 1868

(London, 1869), p. 72. Also: Egas, "Galeria," op. cit.. I, 303»

9Egas, "Galeria," o p . cit.. I, k25, k37; Martins, op. cit. ,

II, 178-188 ; Sant•Anna, op. cit. « II, 257*
10Egas, "Galeria ,11 op. cit.. I, 303 , 313, 329, ^O1*;
Freitas, "Dicionario," o p . cit.. pp. 58-63; Freitas, "TradigBes,"
op. cit., pp. 25-28.
^Freitas, "Dicionario," o p . cit. . p. 63 . For fin-de-
sibcle reminiscences of the city at this period see: Alfredo
Moreira Pinto, A cidade de S. Paulo em 1900 (Rio de Janeiro,
1900), pp. 8 -10.
^ E g a s , "Galeria," o p . cit. . I, 396; see also pp. 306 , b26,
13Ibid.. I, 305.
 198

1870 a president lamented to the Inspector of Public Works

that, despite its greater prosperity, "the capital of the Pro­
vince has no decent illumination, no water to satisfy its

inhabitants, no fountains, handsome plazas, monuments, or public

lU-
buildings.”

The external city, certainly, had not deteriorated.

But neither had it appreciably changed. And residents and visi­

tors alike, worked upon by a new chemistry of hopes and values

and ideas, expected change. Colonial vestiges— ingrown and un­

questioned in 1820, and cherished as romantic in 1850— were, by

15
the l86o's, unpalatably archaic.

Alfredo Taunay, who passed through in 1865, found Cam­

pinas more attractive and cordial. Sao Paulo’s public build­

ings, especially the "small and generally poor" churches, left

him unimpressed. The sturdy, time-honored taipa construction

and the classic r6tulas were wanting in taste. Streets were

clean, but "their paving leaves something to be desired." He

was unpleasantly surprised at the city's lack of activity

(except for a "great afflux" of foreigners working for the rail­

way) , the people's reserve, and the seclusion of the women, who,

on their infrequent ventures into the street, masked their

faces behind mantillas.1^ It was at this time, in fact, that

Ilf
Quoted in Ribeiro, "Cronologia," op . cit.. II (1), 558.

^ A minor examples in 1867 the Camara prohibited loudly

squeaking oxcarts within the city. Vamprfc, op. cit.« II, 293*

^Alfredo d'Escragnolle Taunay, Cartas da campanha de

Mato Grosso (1865 a 1866) (Rio de Janeiro, 19**M^ » PP» 15-16, 19>
31.
 199

law students began to burlesque the mantilla by wearing it them­

selves in church or for Carnival.^

Ferreira de Rezende returned to the city in 1868 for his

first visit in thirteen years. His autobiography, though it

admits he may have been prejudiced by love of his own province

(Minas) or by the dreariness of his student memories, states

that he was ready to depart in a few days. "Although it was

then beginning to be said that S. Paulo was prospering greatly,

I found the city just as I had left it, discovering nothing new
18
there except the railroad that had recently been built."

Paulistans themselves— knowing that their province w a s .

fast becoming wealthy from coffee and that wealth, in their cen­

tury, should equal material betterment— were impatient with the

slow march of events. A modern city, they had been taught,

meant "order and progress" (the phrase soon to be proclaimed

throughout Brazil by its positivists). And a new kind of journa­

lism began to emerge, lively, sarcastic, politically committed

to current, practical issues, and spiced with stinging carica­

tures: 0 taliao (1858) , 0 rAio (1858) , 0 azorraeue (1858) , 0

futuro (1862), A razao (1862), 0 doze de m£io (I863) , Diabo-coxo

(I86*t), DlArio de S. Paulo (1865)* 0 pais (1865)? Cabriao

^ I n 1857 roving bands of middle-class business people

had begun to bring Carnival merry-making out into the streets,
lending a more unrestrained gaiety to that occasion. Among the
celebrators in 1872 was reported "a band of 'women' in mantillas,
among whom were not absent those seeking to profane the clerical
gown." DiSrio de Sao Paulo. 15 February 1872. See also VamprS,
op. cit., II, 71f: Martins, op. cit.. I, 110 and II, 138.
1 fi
Ferreira de Rezende, op. cit.« p. Mf5*
 200

19
(1866). It was, in fact, only after mid-century that Journa­

lism began to win general acceptance in patriarchal Brazil as

20
a bona fide occupation.

Through the city»s press the people recognized certain

rights as being theirs. And through it their spokesmen, or

those who claimed so to be, formulated popular claims.

We love the people because we are sons of the people.

We love the people but do not deceive them.
We love the people and are not like those who cry
out today, and tomorrow servilely beg protection from
their oppressors.
Such persons are being marked by public opinion
with the stigma of infamy.
What do we want? . . .
What we want is total and complete observance of
monarchical, constitutional, representative government:
the integrity of and respect for all the absolute rights
of man .21

Public opinionl Ever more an appeal was made to ’’the people" as

the final arbiter— the rhetoric of cajolery or of flaming indig-

or of acid pasquinade. A liberal paper (the one Just quoted)

was in this respect no different from a conservative (which

follows):

On the 3rd of the current month ^March, 18667 Dr.

Joao da Silva Carrao left the administration of this
province.
Our sincere congratulations to the Paulistas.
What good did His Exc. do during his unhappy and

^Freitas, "A imprensa," loc. cit.. pp. 4-59-518, and

"Notas h. margem," loc. cit. , pp. 4-68-^70.

^Nelson Werneck Sodre, "A pequena imprensa na regSncia

e no Imp&rio," RAM, CXXXIV (July-August, 1950), 69-86 . .

^ •A razao, no. 8 , quoted in Freitas, "A imprensa," loc.

^ ^ t . , p. 4-87•
 201

demoralized administration?
0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0
0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0
0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0
0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0
0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0
0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0
0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0
0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0
0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0
0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0
0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0
0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0
Owing to the still vigorous patriarchal structure, how­
ever, the party system was not yet effective as a catalyst.

Political groupings were often a mere disguise for long-standing

family rivalries. In 1869 0 liberal complained:

Parties are the adhesion of many individuals to the

same principles, the same ideas, the same interests,
and the same opinions. . . .
But, if this is true, it is so on the condition of
not prejudicing the vital system of parties with the
dominance of a group or a family. That dominance means
the dissolution of the community and the breaking of
certain moral ties that constitute party discipline by
subordinating the pretensions of each individual to the
opinion of the majority.

Yet, continued the article, the Sousa Quelrds family had so pre­

ponderated in the liberal party as to receive the provincial

vice-presidency twice and to appropriate "most of the seats in

the provincial assembly" and the "best civil posts and industrial
concerns." One judgeship in the capital "became infeudated to

the family. High positions in the national guard, provincial

and municipal companies for highways and other public works,

everything, in fine, was distributed by blood relatives or

220 pals, no. 39, 1866, quoted in ibid.. p. 507 •

 202

kinsmen."23

Sao Paulo was the capital of a flourishing and important

province. Its ediles had promised brisk administration and

impressive public works, commensurate with its dignity. Books,

Journals, travelers, engineers, and machinery from northern

countries testified what might be expected. Yet Sao Paulo

drifted in the flaccid somnolence of colonialism.

One day last week /August, 18627 a mad dog ran

through the most public streets of the city, threaten­
ing all who passed.
An old Negro, carrying a barrel of water on Boa Morte
Street, barely escaped being a victim of this animal’s
fury.
The district inspector slumbers in deep sleep. The
Municipal Camara retains such employees as long as
they pledge their electoral services. . . .
The man in the street merits a little attention only
on those days of great intrigue when he deposits his
vote of confidence in the urn. . • .
Near the bridge in Braz the embankment is such that
a tilbury risks being turned on its side if the driver
shows a soupgon of negligence.
The Municipality of Sao Paulo does not heed these things.
If it were a question of a little graft the vereadores
would long since have opened wide their eyes and pursed
their lips. . . .
Braz deserves attention only when it’s a matter of,
giving land grants to the club-men of the elections.24-

Sao Paulo's sluggishness in responding to modern trends

was ascribed by A fenoca to a carry-over' of the "feudal” men­

tality:

The politics of the feudal lords has been limited to

militarizing the national guard, restricting the press,
snatching away the citizen's guarantees, denaturing the
institution of the Jury, Joining the police with the

1-----
23q liberal. 27 January 1869 .
2lf0 futuro. 23 August 1862.
 203

magistracy, slandering reputations, corrupting talent,

stifling' agriculture, disdaining the sources of national
wealth, persecuting trade with iniquitous laws, and lay­
ing upon the country an enormity of imposts, burdensome
in the extreme, but necessary for fortune-seekers to
enrich themselves, their hangers-on, and the greedy pack
who have praised their honesty and severity.2?

The laxity of the police force evoked particular displea­

sure. Cabrlao printed a pair of cartoons on the subject. The

first showed two guardians of the law who had spied a fracas

down the street: "It looks like quite a scuffle down there."

"Well, let’s blow our whistles." The second showed three

crickets in police uniforms, with the legend: "If all the pat­

rols do is to whistle, they might Just as well be replaced by

26
patrols of crickets." 0 futuro complained that the hazards

of a nocturnal stroll were as great as they ever had been:

It is pitiful to see the disgraceful state that the
citizens’ guarantees have reached in this unhappy city.
The police sleep soundly and criminals wander with­
out fear, creating every kind of disorder and giving
rein to their malevolent and evil instincts. Taking
refuge in the indolence of the authorities, they strut
through the streets and establish there the seat of
their crimes and depredations.
The Gloria district is not passable at night; cloaked
figures occupy the loneliest and darkest places to cast
and at times commit indignities upon the passerby,
threatening him with cudgels and brandishing the dagger
and knife.
Drunken soldiers, posted at corners, torment the
neighborhood with snouted imprecations and carry their
boldness as far as throwing themselves on pedestrians
to rob them in full insolence. . . .
The delegate of police is under obligation to end

A 6poca. lM- June 1863

26Cabriao. I, 28, 1867.

 2ob

all those scandals and to bring to a close the reign

of immorality and cynicism.

The frailties of the lav enforcers, rather than any

public depravity, vere the actual source of disquiet. In the
colonial tovn there had been the same malefactors abroad at

night; in a community vhere the honest burghers retired early

this was only natural. But there were signs that the rural
society's ingrained sense of trust had not vanished by the

i 8 6 0 1s.
If lost money were found on the road, the finder adver-
28
tised the fact. One night (1865) when tables for an al

fresco banquet had, at the Camara's order, been set up in the

Public Garden, the affair was unexpectedly canceled. Next

morning the preparations were still Intact, with not a spoon

29
missing.

The city ediles were far more active now than in the

"suspensive years;" but the concept of "material progress"

which had dominantly emerged out of the multiform complex of

romanticism was, as they made use of it, unimaginative and a

denial of the tenue of Paulistan life. This was scathingly

unmasked by a liberal weekly in an article entitled'Material

Improvements" (1863)s

2?0 futuro. 27 September I867.

2^Corr6io paulistano. 1 April 1859*
29
Martins, op. cit.. I, lU-5.
It was, however, in this era that the troca chapeus
(hat-shifter) Joined the "vast gallery of social parasites."
He would enter a barbershop and on leaving exchange "by mis­
take" an aged, brimless hat for another customer's new one.
Corr6io paulistano. 16 June 186U-.
 205

There was in the Largo da Miseric6rdia a stone foun­

tain of elegant and solid construction, which until
only a few years ago tolerably supplied this city with
potable water, water that all went there with jugs to
obtain. Then came the material progress people to
paint the stone as imitation wood, ruin the conduit,
and leave us without water.
There was in Acu a most handsome bridge . . . of
freestone, graceful, elegantly constructed, a true work
of art. The flood of 1850 carried off that bridge, and
material progress built in its place a brute mass—
heavy, formless, irregular, brutal, stupid— that would
bring shame to the most ordinary mason.
We had a botanical garden that drew the foreigner's
attention by its selection of plants, the luxuriance of
its groves, the regularity and symmetry of its planning.
Then came material progress to change that oasis into
an Arabia Petraea.
We had in the Largo do Carmo a pateo— irregular,
it's true, but clean and traversable. Then came material
progress to implant in its center an immense mound,
obstructing passage with rubble and forming there a
Tarpeian rock where those attacked by spleen may throw
themselves off.
We had in Com&rcio Street quitandelras /ireengrocerjy7
selling their greens, fruits, etc. Material progress
dispersed the quitandelras. scattering them afar in all
directions, and began to build in the mire of Carmo
meadow a filthy trash-bin given the name of market-place
which is to be finished at a future time.
Street-paving was improved, thanks to a few presidents
troubled with corns who were for that reason unable to
stroll along the ancient and infernal pavements. But
this material improvement went no further. Not a tree
was planted in an agreeable spot; not a plaza was spruced
up. Everything remains as it came out of nature's h a n d s . 3 0

This loss of faith in the motives and capacity of

Brazilian administrators was paralleled by heightened reverence

for customs and wares introduced by an ever-growing nucleus of

middleclass foreigners. Between 1855 and 1872 the non-foreign

population of the commercial center (Se) increased 16 per cent,

from 6,989 to 8,111, while the foreign population more than

3°0 doze de m&io. 8 June 1863.

 206

doubled, going from ^95 to 1 ,102.^

Hotel-keeping, we have seen, was a foreigner’s special­

ty. In 1857 there were six "caf&s, billiard-halls, and

hotels."J After i860 more imposing hotels were built, such

as the ItAlia, the Europa, and the Globo. By 1863 the six

establishments of 1857 had become twelve,^ and Paulistans

were criticizing the old lodging-houses as a social and economic

3V
canker. The French cuisine was de rjgueur— e. g.:

Hotel of the Four Nations

managed by
Mr. and Mme. Guillemet
Furnished Rooms
Meals sent outside for a reasonable price
RESTAURANT IN THE PARIS FASHION
• • •
The kitchen, run by a skillful French cook, leaves
nothing to be desired as concerns the taste and selec­
tion of foods.35

Taunay, so critical of things "native," was unreserved

in his praise of the Hotel da Europa, managed by M. Planel, a

Frenchman, whose choice, abundant food was served by slaves

under soldierly discipline. The rooms were immaculate, the ser­

vants diligent, and M. Planel was being enriched "by opulent

fazendeiros from Campinas who spend money there with largesse."3^

3^Recenseamento da populacao do Brasil— l872--Provincia

de S. Paulo {Rio de Janeiro. n.d.Vj "Miana . . (1855)." o p . cit.

32Almanak paulistano. op. cit., pp. 132 ff.

33tiMemorial paulistano," op. cit. . pp. 66 ff.

Oil
Freitas, "TradigSes," op. cit.« p. 67 .
^^Corr6io paulistano. 7 April 1861*.

^Alfredo Taunay, op. cit.. p. 15. See also John Cod-

man, Ten Months in Brazil: with Notes on the Paraguayan War
(Edinburgh, 1870)? p. 69*
 207

Foreign barbers, hairdressers, physicians, dentists,

horticulturists, jewelers, tailors, dressmakers, and retailers

37
of all sorts prospered. Among the barbers were the Portuguese

Vieira Braga and the Frenchmen Teyssier, Biard, Bossignon, and

Pruvot. When Teyssier returned to France in 1871, his employee,

InScio Pinto, took over the establishment, adding "Teyssier" as

OO
his own last name. Fresnau and Bourgade, both French, were

the fashionable tailors, while the modistes were Mmes. Martin,

Pruvot, Rochat, and Pascau.^ J. Joly advertised receipt of

regular shipments of fruit trees, bulbs, creepers, and "all the

ifO
most beautiful and modern plants of Europe." The bookstore
of the Frenchman Garraux, founded in i860 , was the city’s third

and the best it would have for years. Germans founded a print­

ing-press (Schroeder's Tipografia Alema) and several famous eat­

ing-houses, one of which generously served a "Hungarian" wine

37
jrSee the foreign names in the trade and professional
directories of the city almanachs for 1857 and 1863 (Almanak
paulistano. op. cit. , pp. 132-156 and "Memorial paulistano,"
op. cit.. pp. 66-88), as well as the occupational status of
foreigners in the 1872 census("Recenseamento," op. cit.). one
cannot use these sources methodically to trace the foreign
influx, as occupation categories are not consistently employed
and enumeration is spotty. For example, there are 3 dentists
given for 1857j 2 for 1863, and none for 1872; 12 doctors and
surgeons for 1857> 13 for 1863 , and 3 for 1872; etc.
^Martins, op. cit.. II, M+-**5»
^P a u l o Cursino de Moura, Sao Paulo de outr'ora (2nd
edition; Sao Paulo, 19^3) » PP« 237-238: Martins, op. cit.., II,
^7-^8; Vampr§, o p . cit.. I, m -68.
^Corrfeio paulistano. 11 January 1870.
 208

that was suspected of never having crossed the ocean.^ The

Prussian, Teodoro Wille, established a business concern in

Santos and Sao Paulo, and was the first merchant to export a
b2
sack of Paulista coffee direct to Europe. Another German, Dr.

Rath— physician, naturalist, engineer, litterateur, and painter

— left at his death in 1876 a scientific collection that formed

to
the nucleus of the Paulista Museum.

The English-speaking world was also represented. Codman

(c. 1867) met an American dentist (probably one Horace Fogg) in

the city, noting that others like him "find employment in all

Brazilian towns, and in the mouths of almost all Brazilian women

who can afford to avail themselves of their services." Eng­

lish names, not uncommon in the l86o’s, were soon to multiply

to
with the advent of railway engineers, ' and in 1870 a Mrs. Cham-
to
berlain founded an American School in the capital. One even
finds occasional advertisements printed, like the two following,

in English:

b-l
VamprS, op. cit.. II, 75-76, 311-312; Martins, op. cit..
II, 10to
kp
Martins, op. cit. . II, 122-123.

^Ribeiro, "Cronologia," o p . cit. . II (1), 87 .

LlL.
Codman, o p . cit. , p. 7 1 .
to
■'Aureliano Leite. "Ingleses no Estado de Sao Paulo,"
Mens^rio do Jornal do Comercio. XXV, 1 (January, 19to), 209-213*

Henrique Pegado, "Escola de Engenharia Mackensle,"

Revista industrial de Sao Paulo. II, 13 (December, 19**5) > 23*
 209

ENGLISH BOOKS
J. Youds, rua da Imperatriz n. 26 has
just received a lot of novels published
by the best English authors and also works
for Engineers. They will only be for sale
a few days more.

Macintosh's woter /sic7 proof.

Cloaks.
Ponchos.
Overcoats.
Leggings.
Riding boots.
Saddle bags.
Valises.
Swimming belts, etc. 1*8
For sale at Henry Fox's Rua do Rosario n. 3*
In a later notice Fox described his wares as being "articles for

horseback riding, rail or sea travel, all received directly from

Lq
Europe at reasonable prices." 7 The English contribution to the
So
Paulistan board in that period was Bass beer.

Italians, still few in number, were as a rule of lower

station. Before the Paraguayan War, and some years before the
mass influx of Italians, a certain Col. Quirino de Andrade used

^ P i A r i o de Sao Paulo. 8 August 1872.

1*8
Corr 6io paulistano. 9 January It was Henry
Fox, an English watchmaker, who made and for half a century tended
the cathedral-tower clock. The clock was almost the conscience
of industrial Britain, transplanted to chide Paulistans for lack
of diligence. Cursino de Moura, on. cit.. p. 237.
M-9
CorrSio paulistano. lM- April I869. The English out­
fitted the traveler and sportsman, while the French were the
couturiers. See Gilberto Freyre, Ingleses no Brasil (Rio de
Janeiro, 19^8), passim.

5°Corr6io paulistano. 1*+ April 18 69.

 210

to have newly arrived ones gather near his house for guidance.^

A few eventually became organ grinders. Others became mascates

(peddlers); an example was Antfinio Pontrimoly, who at last

earned enough to open a store (1870) called, as the proprietor

himself was known, Two Hundred R 6is— that being the fixed price
52
of every article. One enterprising Italian, Donato Severini,
inaugurated a stand in 1865 for renting tilburies and four-

wheeled carriages, which indicated smoother streets, a larger

city, wealthier citizens, and a demand for swift, clean convey­

ance (as well as for a new pastime). By 1868 there were five
carriage stands.^

Because of common heritage, Portuguese subjects were

less conspicuous, but throughout Brazil they had ever since

colonial days been the backbone of the urban, commercial class.

Of ^j633 commercial concerns and manufactories in Sao Paulo

province in 186*4-, 776 were run by Portuguese and only 381 by

51*
all other foreigners.

The Portuguese showed strong group solidarity. In l86*f

a music society, made up largely from this colony, was constituted,

5li am indebted to Prof. Joao Cruz Costa for this

information.
^VamprS, op. cit. . II, 312; Martins, op. cit.. II,
87 . An almanach for 1873 lists only 3 mascates. two named
Davini, and one Pascal. Almanak da Provlncla de Sao Paulo para
1873 (Sao Paulo, 1873), P- 119-
^Ribeiro, "Cronologia," o p . cit. . II (1), 31*4-: reeu-
lamento of 9 July i868 , given in "C6digo de posturas £1875/,"
op. cit., p. *4-0.
^ T h e Portuguese were far and away supreme in Rio,
where *4-,8l3 concerns were in their hands, with 1,038 run by
other foreigners and 1,373 by Brazilians. Sebastiao Ferreira
Soares, Esboco ou primeiros tracos da crise comercial da Cidade
 211

and nearly every Sunday its band played in the Public Garden to

a full audience representing all classes.^

The first step taken by private initiative to supplement

the inadequate official and church welfare work was the Portu­

guese Society of Beneficence, founded in 1859 by three Portu­

guese, one an eighteen-year-old bookkeeper and the other two

tobacconists. The Society started with a roster of 168. Its

aims were to help find employment for contributors, to provide

sustenance for needy members, to rehabilitate disabled ones, and

to bury those dying in want. It was the province’s first organi­

zation for mutual aid. A year after its founding the Society
had money to rent an infirmary, and it allowed benefits to needy
56
persons lacking the funds to become members. Ferreira calls

this Portuguese Society the sole exception to the stagnant con­

dition of Paulistan social work during the first half of the

Empire. All other institutions suffered from:

Lack of proper buildings; the limited resources that
medicine still offered us; absence of capable directors,
especially of specialized educators; deficiency of fin­
ancial resources, despite allocation of provincial
lottery income to works of charity; bureaucracy causing
delays in government decisions.57

The Germans showed similar group consciousness. In

do Rio de Janeiro em 10 de setembro de I86*f (Rio de Janeiro,

1865) , pp. 23-2*+•
^Martins, on. cit.. I, l*+2.
56
Tolstoi de P. Ferreira, loc. cit.. pp. 39 ; Ribeiro,
"Cronologia,” on. cit.. II (2), 17*
^Tolstoi de P. Ferreira, loc. cit.. p. ^9*
 212

1863 they founded a Society of Beneficence, like the Portuguese

one, and in 1868 another society, "Germania," for recreation and

for making available useful, particularly industrial, know-

58
ledge. By 186V Germans were holding private church services,

as the following notice, slaved over by a non-Teutonic composi­

tor, attests:

Deutscher Gottesdienst.
Sonntag, den 10 d. M. um 10 Uhr Morgens, soil
Gottesdienst in deutscher Sprache in dem Hause des
Herrn Blackford, no 10, rua da Constituigao, gehalten
warden; und sind alle Deutsch Sprechende freundlichst
emgeladen demselben beizuwohnen.
F. J. C. Shneider
Evang. Pfarrer.
N. B. Man bittet, wenn moglich, Gesangbficher mitzubringen.

Schneider, a Presbyterian missionary, later returned to Rio "in

60
despair at the atony of his countrymen" in Sao Paulo; but in

1871 that same community established a German evangelical

church.^
Given the bourgeois, science-minded tolerance of Pedro

II 1s reign, Protestant spearheads from abroad penetrated Brazil

deeply. In Sao Paulo the English-speaking group outdid the

Germans. In the 1830's Kidder had preached Methodism in this

region, and a generation later, American Confederate "refugees"

^8"Almanak" (1873'). on. cit., no. 111-112; Martins, op.

cit.. I, 122 and II, 122.
^9c0rr6io paulistano. 8 April 186V.

8o6mile-G. L&onard, "0 protestantismo brasileiro.

Estudo de eclesiologia e de hist6ria social," Revista de hist6rla,
II, 5 (January-March 19?1) » IV2-IV3 .
^Martins, on. cit.. II, 13*
 213

from the Civil War brought a minister of that sect to Santa

Bfirbara, near Campinas. But it was Presbyterianism that first

sank its roots in the capital. In 1863 fourteen "Anglo-Saxons11

attended the city's first service in English, performed by the

Rev. A. L. Blackford, an American who had just arrived from the

62
new Presbyterian nucleus in Rio. Within a year and a half
this pastor had founded a church,^ and in the interior of the

province a Brazilian ex-priest whom he had converted was about

61+
to begin an energetic, itinerant career of proselytizing.

The British formed their own group soon after, apparently

conducting Church of England services. Hadfield returned to the

city in 1870 and found that during his two-year absence the

small, informal services held at Henry Fox's residence had been

shifted to larger quarters in the railway station— the new

temple of progress and civilization in that benighted landl

In San Paulo there are many English employes and

mechanics connected with the railway, settled with
their families, who, through the kindness of Mr. Fox,
are thus supplied with religious instruction . . . ,
the consequence being that order and good conduct is
/sic7 the rule, and the English name is respected.
There are also religious unions of Germans and Americans
in San Paulo, the latter being a very zealous body,
doing a great deal of good.6?

62
Jos6 Carlos Rodrigues, "Religoes acat6licas," in Livro
do centenfirio (1500-1900). II, 100-103; Leonard, op. cit.,
P. 1^3-
^Martins, op. cit.. II, 13*

^L&onard, op. cit., pp. 1M+-151**

^William Hadfield, Brazil and the River Plate 1870-76
(London, 1877)> PP« 170-171*
 21b

The foreigner in Sao Paulo, whether minister or maitre

d'hotel, was by now showing a purposefulness, a self-assurance,

almost a militancy in advancing along those very lines that

Brazilian leaders, without effectually displaying leadership

and achievement, had charted. The foreigner, then, could not be
assimilated as in the 1820's, for the city-community had yielded

its self-determined identity to an impending one that the for­

eigner, rather than the native Paulistan, prefigured. The for­

eigner, clad with new authority, had to be "reacted to."

This reaction took three essential forms, separable

merely for schematic purposes. The first was an attitude long

rooted in Luso-Brazilian heritage: the irony— with its wistful,

impish, and bitter components— of the tiny nation that for a

brief, inexplicable instant had leaped to world importance.

"It is certain," writes Jorge Dias, "that the Portuguese is

ashamed before a Swiss for the high living-standard that the

latter was able to achieve; yet were he the Swiss, he would be

in the same way ashamed for having attained welfare without

66
glory." In a review of Freyre's Ingleses no Brasil I have
referred to the counterpart of British commercial expansion as

"a 'reverse penetration's a pervasive Brazilian ethos that

refuses systematization, that disconcerts, then enfolds and

clenches the decorous representatives of His Britannic

Jorge Dias, Os elementos fundamentals da cultura

portuguesa (mimeographed paper presented at the International
Colloquium on Luso-Brazilian Studies, Washington; 18-21 October
1950) , pp. 16-17.
 215

67
Majesty." The Brazilian talent for keen, though modulated

mockery of self-important foreigners has been a subtle binding

force in face of the foreign afflux.

There were many instances of this "creole malice" after

work began on the British Sao Paulo-Santos railway. The first

and much vaunted locomotive reached the capital in 1861*. Diabo-

coxo drily reported the events

As the mighty staffs of the Dl6rio de S. Paulo and

CorrSio paulistano proclaimed, the cars were greeted by
a crowd of esteemed persons, among whom the illustrious
journalists were conspicuous; ineffable enthusiasm
reigned among all.
Do not believe, however, oh respected public, in this
April Fool story. Such words were pure formality, serv­
ing as a preamble to all the accounts.
Those who attended gaped open-mouthed at such a thing.
A few, more curious (if not witless), went near it to see
if it were of iron or rubberJ . . • Others muttered with
scorn: "I thought it would be something more costly; we
could produce better in the Ipanema factory." A muleteer
at my side cried in admiration: "There must be some ten
people inside the box to turn the wheels]" Even a public
servant of high station refused to go there because he
didn't wish to be a witness of ill-fortune.68

When, during the inaugural trial-run with dignitaries in

attendance, the iron horse got out of hand and killed two per-
69
sons, Digrio de Sao Paulo blossomed with these trenchant

stanzas (I preserve the meter, but little of the rhyme and none

of the colloquial pungency):

We're going to have a new pagoda

In the Garden very soon,
Steam-engines are going to leave-

67 ,
The Hispanic American Historical Review. XXIX, 4-
- (November 194-9) , 611.
6ft
Diabo-coxo. II, 6, 27 August 1864-.

^Martins, on. cit.« I, 14-3.

 216

Whoever wants to go, it's free—

Except they'll have no chance with me.

The excursion's in the openl No,

It will not tumble from the bridge:
The little car is going steady
And will only lose its balance
On the crest of Cubatao.
If you tumble don't be worried
Nobody will suffer pain—
The car will topple in an instant
And every passenger inside it
Beneath the steam-engine gets squashed.
The little beasty goes so swiftly,
Like a rocket in the sky—
It goes to Santos in a minute,
It goes puffing on its stogie
Smoking as a chimney does.

The carriage runs along so quickly—

Who says he's afraid to die?
Everyone falls from the mountain,
The only one to shriek's the engine—
People die without a sighl

Where I am I'm scared of nothing

That old mousetrap can't catch me—
That animal's an acrobat,
From its rails it's always jumping—
What a pretty toy to seel

Who says he's afraid to die

On a roadbed that's so solid?
The promenade is most delightful,
There's drinking water on the serra—
It will serve to bless the graves.

Mr. Play-it-safe died old—

And it's friendly to give warning:
If you want to go out riding
They have carriages (no danger),
Nice and cheap right there in Se.

What do you mean? Now who can fear

A carriage open to the sky?
If it tumbles on the serra
All you do is give a jump— nQ
And, being agile, you won't die!

?°Quoted in Freitas, "Tradi^es," on. cit.« pp. 10^-106

 217

Cabriao. with appropriate cartoons, posed the riddle: ’’What's

the difference between a criminal mounting the scaffold and a

traveler ascending the railway's inclined planes ^i.e., up the

Serra7?" "The criminal prays for the rope to break, and the
71
traveler prays for it not to."

This attitude of mocking irreverence might be termed a

protective (though by no means characterless) coloration. Often,

however, Paulistans were forced into overt, specific commitment,

the two basic positions being sullen xenophobia on one hand or

scathing self-deprecation on the other— both defensive. Not

until the twentieth century does one find notable attempts at

the dispassionate, selective, creative assessment of foreign

cultures that Alvares de Azevedo had imprecisely urged.

The best example of an enduring national animosity was

the feud, starting at mid-century and lasting for decades,

between law students and the caixeiros (clerks or accountants)

of Portuguese origin. The rivalry took many forms, including

periodic fracases. The Portuguese, barred from student dances,

gave soir&es of their own; but despite the affluence of many

caixeiros. the cooperation of most Paulistan maidens could not

be won. Flames were fed one year when the students forced a

Portuguese impresario, touring with his company, to double the

72
salary of the Brazilian prima donna. Near the end of the

^Cabriao, no. 3 > 1866.

^2Arquivo Nacional, caixa 368 , ano 1867 (chief of police

to the provincial president, 8 and 12 April 1867); A Gazeta
Magazine. 30 March 19^1; VamprS, on. cit.. I, 382-384-; Leite,
 218

century student contempt for astute, profit-minded foreign

middlemen and economic opportunists died away when it was found

that they, rather than the literary and forensic bacharel. stood

to gain under the new conditions of life.

The liberal journal 0 sete de abril denounced the police

for tolerating ’'prostitute dances," whose sponsors were "miser­

able Jews who demoralize our youth," "foreigners eager for wealth

^who7 tread the soil of our country, find a populous center where
there is a large number of rich young men, and try to reap a

profit by all means within reach." In a similar vein, we find

anti-Italianism in a speech by a deputy to the provincial

assembly (1872):

In certain localities they have called in foreigners as

curates of the soul, those sons of the Basilicata, those
Neapolitans, those lazzaroni (with honorable exceptions)
who come to Brazil and after taking a curacy— not in an
evangelical and religious spirit but in that of profit—
dare ascend the pulpit and there direct sermons at the
people with a great incorrectness of language that even
reaches disconcertion. Y. Exc. knows that the Italian
pronounces his "r"’s in a harsh and heavy manner, and
thus whenever the letter "r" appears in a word, he pro­
vokes the laughter of his audience.7^

Cabriao. after praising the deceased bishop dom AntSnio

for personal qualities, criticized him for having left the

"Historia," op. cit.. p. 107*

The 1872 census gives the city 315 Brazilian and 212
foreign caixeiros. bookkeepers, and merchants. "Recenseamento,"
on. cit.
73p sete de abril. 3 Juhe 1865.
7k
' Quoted in Ivan Silva., "0 lingua jar paulistano,"
Planalto. I, 6, 1 August 19*fl.'
 219

Seminary in the hands of Italian and French Capuchins, whose

regime stood for "the coveting of lucre, egotism, envy of similar

institutions, laxity, and fanaticism with their train of hypo-

71?
cresy and dissimulation."

Certain Paulistas, however, were quite won over to for­

eign systems, as instanced hy the Yankeephile sentiments of a

young engineer, Ant6nio Francisco de Paula Sousa, who was tem­

porarily employed in the United States:

We, wretched Brazilian citizens, have no idea, nor

■ can we have, of the immense esteem in which the Yankee
holds the school. . . . Education is for the North Ameri­
can like the bread and meat that they need every day.
Hence it is the most educated, most active, freest, and
most powerful people in the world.
Could we but imitate themJ Could we but forget the
old and corrupt formulae to which we live subjugated, ,
oblivious that we too live on the American continent!'®

The religious issue, especially in view of the Protes­

tants' quiet, purposeful discipline, also allowed Paulistan

Catholics much opportunity for self-deprecation. A lndependencia,

noting the increase in Protestant conversions, lamented: "Three

things infect our clergy like leprosy— ignorance, concubinage,

and ultramontanism."^ Later it referred to a sermon of a

Capuchin from the Seminary: "What a shame for our clergy that
the foremost and only preacher in Sao Paulo is a foreign missionary]"^

75
Cabriao. I, 28, 1867.
76
Letter written from Chillicothe, Missouri, to Salvador
de Mendonqa on 20 September 1869 and published in Corrfeio
paulistano on 2 December I869 .

^ A independSncia. 28 May 1868.

A independ&ncia. 1*+ June 1868.

 220

Certainly there was much that Paulistans might have

learned from the more enlightened foreign churchmen. Hadfield,

for example, in describing church processions (1868) spoke of

“worship to dumb idols,11 the frequent lack of decorum, the

w o m e n s delight in displaying finery, and a priests energetic

but "squeaky11 exhortation from which little could be gathered

“beyond that his listeners were a very bad lot, and required

all the intervention of the saints." He implied that such cere­

monies were not “conducive to the maintenance of the Roman

Catholic Religion," pointing out that elsewhere in Brazil they

had fallen off; Sao Paulo had been more Isolated, and "the for­

eign element" was of recent advent.

Yet even through Hadfield^ patronizing account one
senses vigor and meaning in the procession. Rich and poor made

money offerings without stint. Not only did he see "young girls

dressed up as angels, bands of music, soldiers with fixed bayo­

nets, the President of the Province, and all the dignitaries,"

but also "the hardy, bronzed, country race, men who travel over

the country with mules, leading the life of gipsies . . . .

They almost live in the saddle, and are a very fine class of
79
men— true Paulistos." The procession still served, that is,

its integrative function. Classes and races, ediles and citi­

zens within the city wholeheartedly participated, as did city-

dwellers and the "bronzed, country race."

Reforms in the church were long due— but not denial of

^Hadfield, "Brazil . . . in 1868," op. cit.. pp. 70-71>

7^-76.
 221

its spiritual roots and of its rich visual, auricular, ritual,

and truly communal worship. Yet processions were obsolescent.

In 1869 occurred the last one for the Brotherhood of St. Francis

of Assisi (comprising professors, students, and employees of

80
the Law Faculty). The last of the colorful Corpus Christi

processions, which carried the wooden image of St. George, was

8t
in 1872, soon followed by the last burial procession. One who

signed himself "Devout" asked readers of Dilirio de Sao Paulo:

"Why is it that for years the feast of the Divine Holy Spirit
82
has not been held in the parish of Senhor Bom Jesus do Braz?"
In the very year of Hadfield's processions, A independ&ncia

carried an article on spiritism by Allan Kardec. It limned the

bleak spiritual horizon awaiting those v»ho too hastily forsook

their heritage for foreign idols as yet untried:

Spiritism is a science of observation and a philosophic

doctrine. As a practical science, it consists in the
relations that can be established with the spirits; as
philosophy it comprehends all the moral consequences
emanating from those relations. . . . ^Spiritisny7 is 83
founded on observation and not on a preconceived system.

8®Vampr6, op. cit.. II, 302; Martins, op. cit.. I, 87*

^Otoniel Mota, Do rancho ao pal&cio (Sao Paulo, 19^1),

p. l6l; Duarte, op. cit.. pp. 162-163: Martins, op. cit.« II,
155-15&.
82Di£rio de Sao Paulo. 11 May 1872.

88A independencia. 27 June 1868.

 222

2. New Rhetoric and the Railway

Several circumstances explain why before the end of the

1860's the Paulista region and its capital responded in so

lethargic a manner— save for enterprising foreigners— to mid­

century orientations.

In the first place, the capital still lacked both rail

connection with its port and a railway network reaching its new

hinterland. Coffee shipment was therefore slow, costly, and

cumbersome since, as had been the case with sugar, animal haulage

was necessary. Hadfield commented in 1868 on the constant pas­

sage through the city of mules, horses, and "old fashioned /ox-

drawn7 wagons or carts on two solid wooden wheels," arriving

8b
from and departing for the interior. And according to Taunay:
"As late as i860 it is axiomatic that to plant coffee beyond Rio

Claro, about forty leagues from Santos, is a true absurdity.

85
Shipment consumes everything, however fine the yield."

The state of transportation meant that fazendelros and

more especially female members of their families would not often

journey by horseback or, in the case of the latter, by oxcart to

spend profits in the cities. Dona Veridiana, wife of the pros­

perous planter Martinho da Silva Prado, resided permanently on

^Sladfield, "Brazil . . . in 1868," op. cit. . pp. 69-70.

®^Afonso d'E. Taunay, "Pequena hist6ria," op. cit. .

p. 236.
 223

the fazenda at Mogimirim (north of Campinas), though her husband

had graduated from the Law Academy and his father was a prominent

man of affairs in the capital. She did make the trip when each

of her six children was to be born (between 18^+0 and i860),

though once she miscalculated, gave birth at a farmhouse en
route, and returned to the fazenda since there was no further
purpose in continuing .®8

Conditions of human travel were improved when some Con­

federate expatriates from the United States began manufacturing
in the province a light horse-drawn vehicle with a flexible

chassis and four spoked wheels (the rear two being larger).

Known locally as thetroly. it was a vast improvement over the

87
lumbering ox-cart. Delegates to the Republican convention in
88
Itu (1873) used trolls, and in 1872 this notice had appeared
in Di&rio de Sao Paulo:

TROLYS OF THE MELO COMPANY

These carriages, after the l?th of the current month,
will be used for transporting passengers and their respec­
tive baggage from this station ^Sao Paulo7 to Valinhos or
Samambfiia 25iear Campinas7 and vice-versa. . . . Trolys
may be hired for any point on the road from this city to
Limeira and Rio Claro, as well as for any other point
within this municipality.89

The troly facilitated travel among fazendas and between fazenda

8^In memorlam Martinho Prado Jtinior (Sao Paulo, 1 9^)»

p. 12 .
87
I owe this information to Dr. Francisco Dias de Andrade.
op
Jos& Maria dos Santos, Os republicanospaulistas ea
abolicao (S§o Paulo, 19*+2) , p. 133*
89Plfirio de Sao Paulo. 13 March 1872.
 22b

and city much as the Model T did after World War I and the deep

after World War II.

Another adverse factor was the failure of the narcerla.

Word of the colonies' mismanagement reached Europe, and the
P on
Germans went so far as to forbid emigration to Brazil (1859)•
The province's yearly influx of agricultural workers dropped

from 982 (1852-1857) to 213 (18 58-187*0.91 Coffee, with its

drain on the tight labor supply, was dislocating the economy.

A British railway engineer paternally warned Paulistas (1862)

that they would have to change their ways to deserve and make

use of the future Sao Paulo-Santos line. "You must not tie your­

selves solely to coffee and sugar." You must abandon manioc,

"which has no food at all for the human body; it contains only
starch, and starch does not make blood. . . . Your soil and cli­

mate can produce nearly all the products of the world," and he
92
specified wheat, cotton, silkworms, cattle, horses, and sheep.

It is true that cotton planting and export soon took a sudden

93
impetus when the American supply was cut off by the Civil War,

but this merely reflected the same opportunism of the coffee

boom.

The planned diversification of effort championed by the

9°Prado Jtinior, "Histtiria," on. cit. . p. 199.

^Departamento Estadual do Trabalho, on. cit.. pp. 11-13*

j. Aubertin, Carta dlrlglda aos Srs. Habitantes da
Provineia de S. Paulo (Sao Paulo, l8o2), pp. 24— 26.

93Egas, "Galeria," o p . cit.. I, 30^, 307, 313, **10.

 225

far-sighted Society for Encouraging Agriculture, Trade, and

Crafts was forsaken. Though the tariff agreement that so sig­

nally favored British manufactures had in 1 8 ^ been rescinded,

Brazil levied the new imposts for revenue rather than for foster­

ing practical basic industries. In 1866 there were only nine

sizeable textile factories in the country, and the vigorous

efforts, of the famous self-made businessman, Viscount Maua, to

industrialize the nation were consistently counteracted (c. 1850-

Qb.
1875) by the single-crop fixation. The yearning of certain

Paulistans to emulate the achievements of industrial Europe

hardly squared with their medieval attitude toward the labor

that would enable them so to do. The "working class" (classe

onerliria) was commiseratingly defined by Corr6io naulistano in

1861 as "the persons and their families to whom fate has not

conceded a single advantage that is not acquired by the sweat

Qf?
and fatigue of labor.
Another trend of these years was a peculiarly urban pheno­

menon, the artificial over-extension of the credit system. Earli­

er coffee planters financed their ventures independently, using

city middlemen, or comissArios. as mere selling agents. In the

l86o's, however, as the "large income from agriculture seduced

fazendeiros into spending large amounts both for their homes and

^Humberto Bastos, A marcha do canitalismo no Brasil

(Sao Paulo. 1 9 ^ ) , pp. 108-122$ Prado Jtinior* "Hist6rla." op.
cit., p. 181; Simonsen, "Industrial Evolution," on. cit..
pp. 16-23*
^CorrAio paullstano. I1* November 1861.
 226

their pleasure," the planter class fell into debt with its

agents. And comlss6rios. often abetted by the vagaries of the

96
world market, emerged as bankers.

The fazendelros were quite in keeping with the times.

despite a slight commercial crisis in 1857j banks proliferated

in the larger cities throughout the l850,s. In 1856 SSo Paulo

city received a branch of the Bank of Brazil and in 1859 a Bank
97
of Sao Paulo. Until 1852 Brazilians used credit with circum­

spection. But soon came the contagion of speculation. A Com­

mission of Inquiry (representing a conservative point of view)

reported to the Emperor in 1859 that after the abolition of

slave traffic:

. . . the country found itself master of resources that

had hitherto been applied to payment for imported Negroes.
Brazilian customs were for the most part simple in the
extreme, a model of frugality. It was not possible that
commercial greed, the corrupting monster, should vitiate
by a coup de main the well-grounded habits of centuries.
It thus followed that, lacking real or artificial needs
for employing the surplus from our exports, there came
the return of metal. Ill-advised financiers, who had
not looked beneath the surface, decided that if the
country possessed metal it was because it was needed as
a circulating medium. There was never a more facile
error. . . . The government was induced by bad counsel
to coin that metal and thus to facilitate its introduc­
tion like an active poison into the circulatory veins.
Not content with that great evil being done the country,
it revived the fatal memory of banks of emission.
Despite "morbid British philanthropy," continued the report, the

^ C . F. van Delden Labrne, Le Br6sil et Java. Rapport

sur la culture du caffe en Amferique. Asia et Afrique (The Hague.
1855), P. 183-
^Dorival Teixeira Vieira, "A evoluqao do sistema mone-
t&rio brasileiro," Revista de administracao. 1 , 2 (June 19^7) »
70-71, 8o-8l; S. F. Soares, op. cit.. pp. 52-5*+»
 227

Brazilian slave was far happier than starved lower-class whites

in England.
Far better the good Negroes from Africa's coast tilling
our fertile fields than all the gewgaws of Ouvidor Street;
than dresses at a conto and a half for our women; than
oranges at four vint6ns apiece in a country that produces
them almost spontaneously; than corn, rice, and nearly
everything needed to sustain human life being imported
from abroad; than, finally, ill-advised undertakings,
far beyond the country's legitimate forces, which, dis­
turbing the relations of society to produce a dislocation
of labor, have contributed most to the scarcity and high
prices of all staples.9°

The nineteenth-century expansion of western European

banking reflected that continent's industrial growth. Brazilian

banks were partly a mere repercussion of Europe's and partly a

response to commercial prosperity (rather than to organic industri

al development). Sharp speculation and over-extended credit en­

sued. In 186*+ the Bank of Brazil's ratio between circulated

paper and reserves, fixed by law at 2 to 1 , reached 6.*+ to 1 .
99
In September of that year came Brazil's first commercial panic.
A Commission of Inquiry, appointed almost immediately,

singled out abuse of credit as the immediate cause of the crash,

then indicated contributing factors: trade stoppage owing to a

poor harvest; economic decadence of the country, including all

branches of its industry; bad management of the Bank of Brazil;

speculation in stocks; rising costs of government; excessive

" Q u oted in Joaquim Nabuco, Urn estadista do lmp6rio

(If vols., SSo Paulo, 1 9 % /vols. III-VI of Obras completas/) , I,
258-259*
" i b i d . . II, 55-63, 129-138; Vieira, loc. cit., pp. 6*f-119;
S. F. Soares, o p . cit.. pp. 66-68.
 228

imports in relation to demand; bad planning of business ven­

tures. ^00 The credit and banking system, like so many urban
by-products, extended the city»s sway over the country and, at

the same time, drew heavily on the capacity for abstract, com­

plex analysis as well as the good-will of those who would sub­

ject it to control.

The arduous war with Paraguay (186^-1870), while its

final effect was to contribute to a sense of national unity,

served during the year-span of this chapter further to deter

"material progress."
Perhaps the martial spirit of the Bismarckian era was
a necessary ingredient for a nation bent on such progress. In

any case the law students were reported early in 1865 to be

learning with patriotic fervor equitation, the manual of arms,

and the art of swimming "to overcome the hardships and perils

of a march across rushing r i v e r s . T h e city as a whole,

however, accepted modern war as it did the locomotive, with a

shrug of the shoulders. Cabriao twitted Paulistans on their

reluctance to enlist and on their confusing medals with true

102
bravery, while Dlabo-coxo offered the reward of "carte blanche

as recruiting agent" to any who could "discover a spontaneous

^•^Relat 6rio da Comissao encarreeada pelo Governo

Imperial por avisos do IP de outubro e 2o de dezembro de 186U-
de proceder a um inqu 6rito sobre as* causas principals e
acidentais da crise do m§s de setembro de 1B6M- (Rio de Janeiro,
1865) , p. 77.
brado da patria. 15 February 1865.
ino
Cabriao, various numbers in 1866 and 1867.
 229

method of apprehending Volunteers for the patriotic service of

war."'1’0^ When Taunay passed through in 1865 on his way to the

campaigns, the only homage proffered was by the students: a
iQlf
large banquet with copious wine, beer, and orations. He

praised the ardor of the Paulista volunteers, many of them "from

the best families of the Province," but found the regular troops:
. . . unprovided with the elements most necessary for
operations. The provincial administration has done
almost nothing to prepare our expedition. We found
here the greatest coldness toward military affairs:
genuine indifference.10?

In the absence of such deeply and communally felt issues as had

roused the townspeople in 1822, militant patriotism was the per­

quisite of a Europeanized elite.

President Jos 6 Tavares Bastos (1866-1867) further under­

mined morale by his recruiting methods. Using the pretext of a

handsome parade, he once assembled a crowd in the barracks,

closed the gates, and impressed eligible males into the National

Guard. So fearful were youths of his agents that they remained

immured in their houses, though a few, reluctant to miss import­

ant church services, were known to slip out effectively disguised

as women. At length the president was forced to flee to Santos

1a /1
for his personal safety.

10^Diabo-coxo. II, 6 , 27 August lQ6b.

Alfredo Taunay, on. cit., pp. 18, 20-21.

105Ibid., pp. 18-19 -

■^^Martins, on. cit.. I, 12, 119 and II, 100-101, 138;
VamprS, on. cit., II, 288-289; Freitas, "A imprensa," loc. cit..
pp. 520-521; Freitas, "Dicionario," on. cit.. pp. 62-63; "In
memoriam," on. cit., p. 73 *
 230

At news of the naval victory at Humaitfi (1868), however,

the city burst into a three-day celebration, with bands, tumult,

and lavish illumination. "Nearly the whole of the population,

male and female, turned out and paraded the streets to a late

hour, the wonder being where they all came from."10^ And in

1870, after final victory, returning veterans brought back the

"triumphant flag," given them five years earlier by Paulistan

ladies and now "ripped with bullets, stained with blood, and

blackened by the smoke of combat." Mass was held for them at

the Seminary, a 500-place banquet was served by the businessmen,

10S
and a gaily bedecked city went wild with joy.

For Sao Paulo as for Brazil the war, though in immediate

terms a total wastage, objectified a national destiny to be won

by conscientious effort and dedication to formulated ideals.

The nature of that effort and those ideals was revealed in the

city, particularly among the students, during the course of the

war.

In the decade after Alvares de Azevedo's era (c. 1855-

1865) the vitality of the Academy in no wise decreased. The

yearly average of graduates rose from 23 (l8l+6-l855) to 69

109
(1856-1865). The class entering in 1859 contained two future
presidents of the Republic, while the one three years later

107Hadfield, "Brazil . . . in 1868," on. cit.. pp. 71-72.

Alsos Martins, op. cit.. II, ^2.
1a Q
Martins, on. cit.. I, 3^-37; Vamprfc, op. cit.. II,
315.
109
Comissao Central de Estatistica, op. cit.. p. 118.
 231

Included Siiva Paranhos (later Baron Rio Branco) and the poet

Fagundes Varela .110 The students' literary and journalistic

output was ever more Intense. "It seems incredible," gasped

0 futuro. "the fervor with which the students devote themselves

to lettersl1,111

The broad eclecticism of I8*fj>-1855, and especially

romanticism itself, continued.to be cultivated. But romanticism

was never again given so consummate an expression.

Theatrics became increasingly patronized, by women now

112
as well as men, but student playwrights— even Sizenando

Nabuco, whose drama Nessus 1 Tunic opened the SSo Jos6 Theatre
in 186*+— failed to meet the standards enounced by Alvares de

Azevedo. Public taste ran to the shallow importations of drama­

tic companies, musical pastiches, circuses, juggling acts, and

Ho
acrobats. J Of one company Cabriao observed with customary

sarcasm:
The effort that the dramatic company makes to provide
new and varied shows is noteworthy.
Daily, comedies are announced that the public has for

Vamprfc, o p . cit. , II, 35-36, 13^-136. These are but

four of dozens of names that were to be famous in the late
Empire and early Republican periods.
Ill
0 futuro. 16 September 1862.
11^Dlabo-coxo offered to impart the secret of perpetual
motion in a woman's tongue to any who would "tell why certain
ladies, during shows in the theatre, never cease chatting a
single moment." Diabo-coxo. II, 6 , 27 August 186U-. See also
Hadfield, "Brazil . . . in 1868," o p . cit.. pp. 73» 79-80;
Alfredo Taunay, o p . cit., p. 19.
^ P a i x a o , o p . cit.. pp. ^28-MfOi Egas, "Teatros," l£>c.
cit., pp. 113-115 ; advertisements in papers of the era.
 232

6 or 8 years seen only once a week. . . .

They ^the actors7 must continue . • . and may they
count on the taste of the public, which always appreciates
immensely the same diet so that it will not suffer any
disturbance of the stomach.
Let them keep on like this, announcing "a show for
everyone," that is, let the public be told: such and
such comedies will be given invariably during so many
years and at all shows.
Thus we shall be spared reading the announcements
and the "displeasure" of finding anything new on the
programs. 11 *+

Two romanticist poets who attended the Academy in the

early l8 6 o's seem solitary and displaced. Paulo Emilio de Sales

Eir6 entered in 1859 after four years of school-teaching. He

read widely and deeply, and went through an ill-starred love

affair that evoked many poems. In his second year a persecu­

tion mania set in. He withdrew, intending to prepare for holy

115
orders, but ended his days in the asylum. Luis Nicolau

Fagundes Varela entered the Curso Anexo also in 1859» took part

in dramatics, wrote much poetry (including lachrymose stanzas

to the most brazen, popular, and well-to-do of the city's femmes

1X6
publiaues), and engaged in the sordid Byronic attitudinizing

of his predecessors. Given to hypochondria and alcohol, he was

unable to finish his course at Sao Paulo or at Recife, where he

transferred in l865« Bandeira calls him "a carry-over from the

preceding generation," "maladjusted to the civilization of

^•^ C a b r i a o . I, **0, l*f July 1867-

Afonso Schmidt, A vida de Paulo Eir6 (Sfio Paulo,
19*4-0) ; Ribeiro, "Cronologia." ot>. cit.. II (1). 102-103*
•^•^Revista da Associacao-Recr6io Instructive. I, 1,
July 1861.
 233

cities," and able to concentrate on "work of no sort except

li ter a tur e."

The Byronic star had dropped from the ascendant, and

the sign of the one about to supplant it is given in the word

"science," found in the titles of no less than five new student

lift
journals.

The most distinguished class that ever passed through

the. Academy was that of 1866 to 1871* Among its members were

Joaquim Nabuco, Rui Barbosa, Antdnio de Castro Alves, and the

third president of the Republic, Francisco de Paula Rodrigues

A l v e s . N a b u c o has recollected those formative years, and one

is struck by the solid, clear-thinking political-mindedness of

them:

In the situation in which I went to Sao Paulo for the

first year of the Academy, I could not help but be a
liberal student. From that first year I founded a little
paper to attack the Zacarlas ministry.

His father, who supported Zacarias, wrote him to spend more time

studying, but the son too highly valued his freedom and "spiri­

tual emancipation" as a journalist. He read omnivorously,

dazzled by new ideas. But 1866 was above all for him "the

year of the French Revolution. Lamartine, Thiers, Mignet, Louis

•'■•^Edgard Cavalheiro, Fagundes Varela (Sao Paulo, n.d.);

Bandeira, on. cit.« pp. 81-82; Vampre, on. cit.. II, 136-160.
^•^Mem 6 rias da Associacao Culto & Ciencia (1859) > Exer-
clcios literfirios do Club Cientlfico (l65§). Trabalhos literarios
da Associacao "Amor k Ciencia" (i8 6 0 ), Revista mensal do Instituto
Cienttfi'co (I8 6 2 ) . Revista do Club CientTfico (1666). Freitas "A
imprensa," loc. cit.. pp. **63-518. and "Notas," loc. cit. .
pp. ^71-^72.
■^Nabuco transferred to Recife in his fourth year,
while Rui and Castro Alves came from there to Sao Paulo in the
third. Castro Alves stayed only six months. .Vampr6, op. cit. .
II, 22^-226.
 23lf

Blanc, Quinet, Mirabeau, Vergniaud and the Girondists all passed

in turn through my spirit; the Convention was in permanent ses­

sion there." For his student generation the "four Gospels"

were Lamennais, Lamartine, Pelletan, and Esquiros; the "Apoca­

lypse" was Quinet.

When I entered the Academy I carried my Catholic faith

virginal. I shall always remember the fright, the scorn,
the confusion with which I for the first time heard the
Virgin Mary treated in a liberal tone. Soon, however, _20
there remained with me only the golden dust of nostalgia.

Renan provided "the most perfect Intoxication of the spirit that

could be given."

The seductive liberalism of Prof. Jos 6 Bonifficio (the

younger) "dominated the Academy." Nabuco was liberal "of a

single piece; my democratic weight and density were maximum."

After immersion in Bagehot, however, he aligned himself, unlike

many colleagues, with the monarchy rather than with republican­

ism. 12*L
In short, "escapades and Bohemian living were out of

style, and elegance and intellectual prestige were highly

respected."^22 And the issue which gave urgency and practical

focus to the students' exploratory philosophizing and politiciz­

ing was abolitionism.

120This is not to say, however, that among the students

there were not many fervent conservatives and pro-clericals.
Nabuco himself tried in later years to "reconstruct the compli­
cated journey" back to Catholicism.

■^■^Joaquim Nabuco, Minha formacao (Sao Paulo, 19^7 Z^ol.

I of Obras completas7) , pp. l5-17«
*^22Nabuco, quoted in Carolina Nabuco, The Life of Jpaquim
Nabuco (Stanford, 1950), p. 12.
 235

As Brazil's center of economic gravity swung south into

the Paulista coffee lands, thousands of slaves were being trans­

ferred, at exorbitant prices, from Minas and from the north. It

was reported that the province's 30,000 slaves in 1866 had

doubled by 1873*^^ This situation directly challenged the

liberalism and humanitarianism of the university city.

The precursor of Paulista and perhaps of Brazilian

abolitionism was Luis Gama. Though born in Bahia of a consen­

sual, interracial union, he was by right a freeman. His father,

however, sold him into slavery in l8*+0 as a child of ten. A

contrabandist brought him to Santos whence he traveled by foot,

with over a 100 of his kind, to Campinas. There, because of his

Bahian "nationality,” none would buy him, and the dealer returned

with Gama to his house in the capital. The slave was taught

manual skills and in l 8**7 learned to read and write from a law

student boarding there. Gama soon after this secretly received

proof of his free birth; he fled his master, and spent six years

in the militia, and in 185** returned to the capital as an

12**
amanuensis.

His career as an untiring polemicist began at this point

and was baptized in 1859 by a book of his satiric verses. Gama

lampooned Brazilian nobility, women's fashions, money lust,

12^Godoy, op. cit.. pp. 135-136.

Ip U.
Sud Mennucci, 0 precursor do abolicionismo no Brasil
(Luis Gama) (Sao Paulo, 1938)', pp. 1-57j Antonio Evarista de
Morals, A campanha abolicionista (1879-1888) (Rio de Janeiro,
192**) , pp. 250-257; "Almanach . . . ano de l 88l," op. cit.,
pp. 51-62 .
 236

mulattoes passing as whites; but at the heart of his crusading

lay the desire to see his race free. Dlabo-coxo and Cabriao*

appearing in the raid-l86o's, made good use of his spirited

125
collaboration.

In 1868 the ex-slave's grass-roots abolitionism merged

with the more programatic crusade of the students. An academic

society of 1863, called FraternisacS o . had already managed to

126
free some slaves. But it was the Emperor's fala do trono in

I867 , officially raising the question of slavery, that stirred

intellectuals and evoked "a general surge of the urban soul

against the immense sorrow of human life on fazendas and in

127
sugar-mills." On 1 April 1868 the meeting of a student

"juridical and literary" society, attended by a stalwart liberal

leader, President Saldanha Marinho, was held spellbound by Castro

Alves' first public recital of his impassioned poem "The Slaves."

On 2 July a performance in Sao Jos§ Theatre was turned into a

Bahian festival, with orations by Castro Alves, Rui Barbosa, and

Joaquim Nabuco. Theatres, student clubs, masonic lodges, caffcs
128
were all rallying points for aroused liberalism.

In a new journal, A independSncia (1868), Rui, Castro

Alves, and their co-editors urged foreign immigration and, to

^2^Mennucci, "0 precursor," op. cit.* pp. 61-107» 139 ff*j

Romero, "Hist6ria," o p . cit. « IV, 117-124-.
126
Vamprfc, op. cit. , II, 193*
127
Jos6 Maria dos Santos, A polltica geral do Brasil
(Sao Paulo, 1930), p. 100.
1pp
Santos, "Os republicanos," op. cit. . pp. 51-53*
 237

attract it, freedom of worship, universal suffrage and education,

and truly representative government with ministerial responsi­

bility .129

After mid-July, with the resignation of the ministry

that was to have effected abolition, the campaign reached a new

130
level of intensity. The lodge America, formed by persons—

among them Rui, Luis Gama, and AmSrico Brasilio de Campos1^1

— who chafed at the cautious tactics of the earlier Amizade,

demanded emancipation of all children born to slaves, a measure

132
shortly enacted by the Rio Branco law of 1871.

In a speech forty years later, Rui recalled that the

activities of "America lodge" were quite bereft of the Germanic

occultism and cabalistic ritual that had invested free masonry

during early romanticism.

None of us cherished the superstition of masonry.

None sympathized with its secretive aspect. None was
charmed by the mystery of its formulae. Our whole plan
was to react in the open; every object of our activity
was public; all our instincts conduced toward the light.
So unscrupulous were we with traditional procedure that,
against the constitutional rules of the order, it was

129
Freitas, "A imprensa," loc. cit.. p. 522 and "Notas,"
loc. cit., pp. 1+8U-M-86.

■^Santos, "A politica," op. cit.. pp. 97-110; Santos,

"Os republicanos," op. cit.. pp. 53-^2; Nabuco, "Um estadista,"
o p. cit.. Ill, 3-133.
■^■^De Campos, a law graduate of i860 , was an active
journalist and later a leader of the Republican movement.
Almeida Nogueira, op. cit.. Ill, 219-223*

^^Paulo Egidio, A Provlncia de S. Paulo em 1888 (ens&io

hist 6rico-polltico) (Sao Paulo, I889) , p. 12; Antdnio Gontijo do
Carvalho, "Rui Barbosa em Sao Paulo," Jornal do comSrcio (Rio de
Janeiro), 28 April 19^6; Haddad, o p . cit.. pp. 62-66.
 238

forgotten to confer on me the rank of master in elevat­

ing me as orator of the Lodge. From that post I combatted
the venerable, illustrious Dr. Ant6nio Carlos ^Ribeira
de Andrada Machado e Silva7, then my professor of com­
mercial law, in defense of a project of mine that would
oblige all members of that house to free the venters of
their female slaves and would make that promise a pre­
requisite of admission for future initiates. My proposal
carried, the learned professor losing the dignity that he
had held for us. Hence to that group of students and
liberals, accidentally met in masonic rites, falls the
honor of precedence in the idea that, two years later,
the act of 28 September was to convert into a law of the
la nd. . . .
At the same time we inaugurated in the Joaquim Elias
hall on S. Jos§ Street public lectures, in assignment of
which I received as a theme the abolition of the enslaved.
It was the first time, if I am not mistaken, that so dar­
ing a subject was aired among us in the public forum.
And in Sao Paulo at that time it could have been dealt
with only by the petulance of a student playing the antics
of liberal radicalism, with his case resting on excessively
little judgment.133

By April, 1870, an emancipation society composed of

Paulistan ladies and sponsored by America Lodge was winning wide

success, not only toward its stated goal but in freeing "the

lady-emancipators themselves from the narrow, subdued life such

as had been imposed on them by the mold of colonial times."

Amlzade. too, was- starting to act more d e c i s i v e l y . " ^ 1*

As orator, editor, and co-founder of the Radical Club

and its organ, Radical paulistano. Rui Barbosa waged his fight

indefatigably. Its climax came on the three nights in 1870 when

from a balcony he exhorted an enthralled crowd of citizens and

newly returned veterans. As he remembered the episode in 1921s

33«tj{gCQT)gao do Sr. Senador Rui Barbosa na Faculdade de

Direito no dia lo de dezembro de 1909," Revlsta da Faculdade. _de
Sao Paulo. XVII (1909), 160-162.
•^^CorrSio paulistano. 10 April 1870.
 239

A boiling wave of patriotic heat gushed from that

balcony, engulfing in its vortex the soldiers, the people,
the street, and was from moment to moment ignited by
patriotic cheers. The crowd yelled. The ranks broke into
acclamations. A kind of short circuit operated on the
human mass, and no one could then restrain the explosion
of inflamed souls. The orator was not very much. But
his speech had the vigor, courage, and audacity of truth
deeply felt; and among his words flashed those of free­
dom, the constitution, orders reflections on the con­
servative regime that then weighed upon the country.
The city authorities wished to suspend the three days of
official celebration. There was talk of bringing the
dangerous student to disciplinary trial. They even
threatened him with actual punishment. But public fer­
vor, inflamed by the defiance of local officialdom, would
not let him be thrust aside. . . . / F o r three nights7 the
voice of the young liberal received those cheers still
warm from the heat of battles— a heat which, imbibed
there in the delirium of the impassioned throng, boiled 13
up in waves of civism and was exhaled in hymns to liberty.

This passage grandly testifies to the reverberations struck by

student campaigning; to a popular sense of destiny, served by a

juncture of liberal propagandism and the defeat of Paraguay; and

to an urban populace that could, if aptJLy appealed to, erect it­

self as a supreme tribunal.

-Castro Alves, Rui Barbosa's coadjutor and last of the

great romanticist poets, was as symbolic of his era as Alvares de

Azevedo had been of his. The earlier poet was reserved, intro­

verted, chary of notoriety, diligent in his studies, and in love

only with ideal women of his dreams. Castro Alves was impetuous,

self-assertive, neglectful of classes and exams, given to public

1^6
declamation and to constant (or, inconstant!) amours. If,

^ Q u o t e d in Fernando Nery, Rui Barbosa (ens&io bio-

bibliogr&flco) (Rio de Janeiro, 1932) , pp. 39-1+3‘ See also A.
G. de Carvalho, on. cit.

^^Vicente de Azevedo, on. cit., pp. 109 ff*

 2bo

returning to Mr. Tate’s analysis of romanticism, Alvares de

Azevedo is the Shelley or Byron who becomes spiritually impotent

in the face of a scientific world and "falls upon the thorns of
life," then Castro Alves leans toward the alternative solution

of romanticism. With the "crude, physical imagination" of a

Tennyson he "enjoys something like the efficient optimism of

science; he asks us to believe that a rearrangement of the

external relations of man will not alone make him a little more

comfortable, but will remove the whole problem of evil, and

usher in perfection."1^

The following passage from a letter of Castro Alves,

written in Sao Paulo in April, 1868, shows how the city’s roman­

tic mystery had become a mere backdrop for a salvational crusade

of single, definable purpose.

You find me in S. Paulo, land of Azevedo, beautiful

city of mists and mantillas, the soil that weds Heidel­
berg to Andalusia.
We sons of the north . . . dream of S. Paulo as the
oasis of liberty and of poetry, planted squarely in the
plains of Ipiranga. Well, our dream is and is not
reality. . . . If poetry lies in smoking up the room
with the classic cigar while outside the wind smokes up
space . . . with a still more classic garoa: if poetry
lies in black eyes peeping through the r 6 tula of the
balconies or through the lace of the mantilla whose ample
folds hide the girls’ figures— then S. Paulo is the land
of poetry.
YesJ for here there is only cold, but a cold of
Siberia; cynicism, but cynicism of Germany; houses, but
houses of Thebes; streets, but streets of Carthage . . .
houses that seem built before the world, so black are
they; streets that seem made after the world’s end, so
deserted are they.
So much for poetry. As for liberty, if it is more
developed in certain places, in others it is more

■^Tate, pp. cit. . p. 103

 2bl

restricted. Meanwhile I tend to prefer S. Paulo to

Recife. . . .
I should tell you that my Slaves are nearly ready.
Do you know how the poem ends? (I owe S. Paulo this
inspiration.) It ends at the peak of the Serra of
Cubatao /Serra do Mar7> as dawn breaks over America
while the morning star (Christ's tear for the captives)
dies gradually out in the west. It is a song of the
future. The song of hope. And should we not wait?13°

. . . I recited a poem at the beginning of the meeting

/on 1 April; see supra7 and was extremely happy. Many
professors of the Academy were there, Saldanha Marinho,
etc., and all received me in the most flattering manner.
Imagine, even the wife of the English Consul (an English
woman I dear fellow) came in excitement to tell me: "I
like very much your recital"i /rendered in bad Portuguese/
And later they had me recite As Duas Ilhas. and then
A Visao dos Mortos. all well received. . . .
Sao Paulo is not Brazil; it is a scrap of the pole . Q
stuck with gum arabic to the skirt of America . . . .

One day in November, 1868, while Castro Alves was hunt­

ing near the city, an accidental discharge of his rifle caused

1^+0
a severe wound that within three years claimed his life.

It seemed almost as if the colonial, agrarian town had made, as

it passed into history, a final gesture of protest against this

northern "condor," as he has been called, and his apocalyptic

vision of social justice.

In the last three years of the l86o's, then, the city

seemed to have committed itself, after a decade of hesitation,

to only certain of the expressed ideals of romanticism. It

forfeited the controlled eclecticism counseled by Alvares de

3 Fifteen years later this very region on the Serra be

came a refuge for escaped slaves. Edison Carneiro, Castro
Alves, ens&io de comprensao (Rio de Janeiro, 1937) » PP* 70-71*
•^Antonio de Castro Alves, Obras completas (2 vols.,
Sao Paulo, 1938), II, 556-559*
ll+0Vampr6, op. cit.. II, 256-268.
 24-2

Azevedo and (if dramatic license has not run out) hitched itself

to a few rigid, discrete abstractions, to the coattails of

Parisian coiffeurs, and to the engines of the English railway.

By 1890 the locomotives' smoke and chugging would be so dense

as to obscure the ideological vacuum left behind by the winning

of abolition and the Republic.

The railway, indeed, did its part to enliven the city

after 1867.

Negotiations for a trans-Serra rail connection had coin­

cided with our schema for the city's development. Provincial

laws of 1836 and 1838 ("suspensive years") authorized contract­

ing for a Sao Paulo-Santos line fed by an elaborate hinterland

network of rail and river-steamboat arteries. The project,

however, being uncertainly conceived and lacking guarantees for

il+i
the huge capital it would involve, bore no fruit.

At the end of the romanticist decade President Saraiva,

reporting to the assembly, assessed in practical terms the pro­

vince's coffee boom and its economic future. A month later, in

March, 1855, that body authorized him to guarantee a two per

cent return (in addition to the five per cent that by a later

law the imperial government underwrote) to any company which,

with a maximum capital of £ 2 ,000 ,000, would build a railway

"from Santos to this capital and the interior." The next year

Viscount (then Baron) Mau 6 and his associates received a

^•^Adolfo Augusto Pinto, Hist6ria da viacao pfcblica de

S. Paulo (Sao Paulo, 1903), PP. 24-27, 298.
 21+3

ninety-year concession, and they managed by i860 to capitalize

in London The s. Paulo Railway Company, Ltd. In November con­

struction of a roadbed from the port to Jundiai, via Sao Paulo,

ll+2
was begun.
The head engineer, a Britisher, complained (1862) of

the Serra— so long a factor of Sao Paulo's seclusion and self-

sufficiency— as a "dreadful phantom" hovering over his task;

"all our efforts and intentions are dominated and harassed by

it, like the unhappy nation that finds itself oppressed by the
hand of a malevolent despot." Day and night his associates,

Messrs. Fox and Bolland, groped about "through dense forests

iko
among the monkeys, later emerging white as mushrooms." J

At length British technics mastered the 793-meter Serra

by a series of inclined planes, graded at one meter in ten, and

stationary engines for lowering and hauling up the trains. On

16 February 1867 the 139-kilometer line from Santos to Jundiai

lM+
was opened to traffic.

For a brief moment the railway's success was imperiled

by the cut rates of competing muleteers. The latter had bene­

fited by the construction in the l86o's of a new and finer

trans-Serra highway, built perhaps as a pork-barrel measure but

lifP
Ibid.. pp. 33-35? Renato Costa, "A ferrovia de Santos
a Jundiai, em i860 , e o colapso financeiro de Mau 6 ," Corr6 io do
novo (P6rto Alegre), 20 November 19^8; Egas, "Galerla," op. cit..
IT2MS.

^■^Aubertin, op. cit.. pp. *+-5 » 9 *

lLL-
x A. A. Pinto, op. cit.. p. 35; Codman. op . cit.,
pp. 6k-6$.
 244

ostensibly at least for the very aim of holding down railway

1Lt.
freight rates. ' Two weeks after the railway had been in

service Aubertin urged a lowering of these rates, since many

shippers were, after giving rail service a try, returning to

mules. His subordinate in Santos saw a "great quantity of wagons

and muleteams unloading and loading produce as if there were no

railroad right nearby." It was found that to ship 3,743 arrobas

from Campinas to Santos cost 2:844$000 if sent the whole way by

mule and 4:122$064 if sent by mule to Jundiai and thence by

train. Moreover, the muleteam, like the modern truck and to a

degree the airplane, gave "door-to-door" service, while the rail­

road involved transhipments and tended, because of its centralized

facilities and fixedly channelized arteries, rather to mold than

to serve man's economic behavior.

That shipment by rail soon "took," however, is shown

by statistics for the S. Paulo Railway Company's first years of
147
operation:
number of passengers tons of freight profit
1867 28,707 26 ,11*4- 932 :283$ 4l4
1868 51,215 60,199 1.14-3:622^371
1869 69,186 73,065 1 .4-4-0:3l5$6l6
1870 75,399 68,433 1.187:425^106
1871 74,243 93,890 1.817:065$370

1 LlK
Alberto de Faria, Maujj. Ireneo Evangelista de Sousa.
Barao e Visconde de Maul 1813-1889 (Sao Paulo. 1 9 3 3 ). PP. 157-195;
Zenon Fleury Monteiro, Reconstituicao do Caminho do Carro para
Santo Amaro (Sao Paulo, 1 9 4 3 ) ; Hadfield, "Brazil . . . in 1868,"
on. cit.. pp. 80 - 8 I 5 Egas, "Galeria," op. cit.. I, 340-341, 352.
146
AESP, sala 10, mago 85, Capital (J. J. Aubertin to
the provincial president, 1 March 1867); Codman, op. cit.. p. 59*

lll^A. A. Pinto, op. cit. . pp. 234-235*

 2k?

There is also a patent correlation between the advent of the

railroad and the following (page 2b6) figures for exports via

Santos (note also the upswing of cotton production, already

referred to).

Certain contemporaries were not quick to see the new

phase of activity and expansion that the capital could antici­

pate by grace of its strategic positioning upon this axial rail

line and as hub of numerous projected ones. Codman felt that

"when the road is opened, as it soon will be, into the rich

district of Campinas, this place /Sao Paulo7 will lose its

t L.8
commercial importance." And Godoy, commenting on the
decadence of the Paraiba valley (I869) and on the need to tie
l*+9
it into the Sao Paulo-Santos line with a feeder, ascribed

to Santos a future that actually fell to the capital.

Imagine the future importance of Santos when it receives

all the agricultural wealth from the south,west, and
north of S. Paulo and the south of the province of Minas
Gerais; when its market becomes the seat of the great
exchanges, the thousand transactions born of the produc­
tive exuberance of those richest of regions. Then Santos
will be the great commercial emporium of S. Paulo, becom­
ing the propulsive center whence life and sap shall
leave, through a thousand channels, for the remotest
extremities of the great arterial sj'stem that covers such
vast areas.1?©

There were a few signs, however, of the capital's new

animation even within the year-span of this chapter. The

11+8
Codman, op. cit. , p. 70 .
Joaquim Floriano de Godoy, Ljgacao do vale do Paraiba
h via ferrea de Santos (Rio de Janeiro, 18&9), pp. ^-2, 15.
1^°Ibid.. p. 38.
 2b6
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 2b7

line's main assembly plant was located there, and in 1868 the

provincial president urged that it be considerably enlarged.

He requested: a fifty-foot extension and piped water for the

locomotive assembly plant; eight forges and a foundry; a repair

plant to handle at least ten cars; and minor offices, machines,

storage space, etc.1'*2

Hadfield on his first visit (1868) had inclined more

favorably to Sao Paulo than Taunay (perhaps in slight part

attributable to innovations over three years). He remarked on
its "good wide streets," "numerous and well appointed" shops,

its "size, extent, and evident prosperity," and its "superiority

in most of the comforts and luxuries to places more favourably

153
situated by their proximity to the sea." Hadfield's account

of his second visit (1870) gives a good yardstick for the quick­
ening of the city's life:

Looking about the city and neighbourhood I perceive

many improvements since I was last here, the city it­
self, together with the streets, being remarkably clean.
Roads in the outskirts, which were formerly quagmires,
have been bottomed . . . and are now in very good order;
in fact, there can be no doubt that San Paulo is destined
to a go-a-head, as the capital of the province and the
central pivot of railway communication. Gas works are
now in course of erection, to replace the existing oil
lamps, and the Provincial Assembly has given powers to
the Government to contract for a supply of water; so all
modern conveniences will soon be found here. . . . Con­
siderable improvements have been made about the railway
station, which now presents a very cheerful aspect; the

152
Egas, "Galeria," on. cit. , I, 385-386.
■^Hadfield, "Brazil . . . in 1868," op. cit. , pp. 52,
66-68.
 2**8

engineering workshops have been considerably enlarged,

and everything placed on a comfortable footing for
traffic arrangements, both as regards goods and pas­
sengers.1^ -

Completion of the Santos line goes far to explain the

new life-tempo observed by Hadfield on his return. Paulo Egidio,

in fact, writing in 1888, identified this event as "a new and

vivifying breath" for "the social life of the province" and as

the precipitant of the modern economic era.

In 1868, the province of Sao Paulo let out the first

shout in favor of that great sociological and economic
principle, that the State and the political power cannot
and should not intervene in the industrial world since
accrual of wealth and material development belong to the
sphere of individuals and free associations. . . .
Thenceforth the orientation of the province's poli­
ticians and legislators could not be the same.1 -??

The sluicegates were by 1870 opened and, as the final

chapter will reveal, the surge of the inchoate metropolis had

begun.

1 ^Hadfield, "Brazil . . . 1870-76 ," op. cit. , pp. 169-170

155
Egidio, o p . cit. . p. 52.
 2^9

CHAPTER V

THE YOUNG METROPOLIS (1870-1890)

1. The Era of Positivism

The Law Academy has thus far happily served as a symbol

of successive phases of Sao Paulo city's nineteenth-century

"out-turning." It was in fact partly an agent of that change.

It formed a counterpoint— at times in consonance, at times in

discord— with the city's residual "domestic order." During the

year-span of the present chapter, however, the Academy was

divested of its purposive energies and pivotal leadership at

the very time when the city began rapidly to assume features

of a fast-expanding, polyglot, commercial and even industrial

metropolis. The Academy, its catalytic functions performed, was

unable to meet new demands for leadership made upon it by the

urban ethos it had helped precipitate. A knowledge of how and

why the Academy had become an almost vestigial institution by

1890 is a key to the whole period in question.

Silva Jardim fixed 1878 as the year of the "eclipse."

"The collective soul of the youths seemed to have been frag­

mentized." Literary affairs had been abandonedj so too had

serious dedication to politics. The students' political jour­

nalism was "light, without depth, without criterion." The

"liberal" and "constitutional" factions were uninspired. The

"ultramontanes," though energetic and well led, were forgetting

 250

11Christ to defend the Pope" and stood for a counsel of despair,

retrocession, and death. And the "republican" faction, so

recently a white hope, was, of the four, the one that its own
1
votaries most disparaged.

In a masterpiece of praeteritio the Academy director

reported (1879) to the Minister of the Empire:

If it were not for the terror of passing in your opinion
as an atrabilious and peevish old man, perhaps I would
tell Y. Exc. that the defense of /doctoral7 theses has
become a mere formality and that some have been such as
to place in doubt the seriousness of the academic degree
required for that act. I say nothing, however, for I do
not wish it judged that my words are allusive.2

The journal A luta reported a student rally occurring in

April, 1882, as an "avis rara," though two or three years before

■a
such rallies had been held on the slightest pretext. Valentim

Magalhaes, referring later to the same year, sighed: "After

If
that, what sterilityJ"
An academic journal of 1885 recalled how, after the fer­

tile literary years before 1868, political factionalism dis­

rupted both student solidarity and study habits. The new paper,

however, did not propose to revive serious creative endeavor,

for "literature and the arts" were to enter its columns "as a

■^Antonio da Silva Jardim, A gente do mosteiro (Sao Paulo,

1879), PP. 6-15.
o
Arquivo Nacional, caixa 821 (Vicente Pires da Mota to
the Minister of the Empire, 23 December 1879).

^A luta, 20 April 1882.

^Valentim Magalhaes in 0 com6rcio de Sao Paulo, 17
September 1901.
 251

simple accessory," designed to assuage the reader's task.-* In

1889 the Academy was pictured as yawningly inactive, its eyes

turned to the past. "The clubs have shut down. The arena of

journalism is nearly deserted. The tumultuous meetings have

disappeared. Almost nothing is published now, and nothing dis­
cussed."^

Even the physical plant was in abandon. Walls were dirty,

patios overgrown, windows broken, equipment in disorder and dis­

repair (1883)

Losing enthusiasm for political ideals, students were

seduced by a self-image of gay sophisticates having pince-nez

polish and an occupational franchise for bohemian eccentricities.

One critic thought the only remedy for os novos (the new ones),

as they styled themselves, was "to take a slipper and spank them

till the skin comes off." This same writer recalled (1890) the

students' diligence, discipline, and esprit de corps of twenty

years earlier, contrasting them with os novos. who roamed the

streets aimlessly at night, singing, halting carriages, forcing

their way into streetcars without paying fares. On one occasion

they surrounded an Italian in public, "obliging him to commit

upon himself what Jehovah anciently forbade the dwellers of

^Revista acadfemica. I, 1, 1 October 1885. For student

poets this was the era of ivory-tower Parnassianism.

^Folha acadfemica quoted in Vampr 6 , op. cit., II,

525-526.

^Carl von Koseritz, Imagens do Brasil (Sao Paulo, 19^3)»

p. 263; Egas, "Galeria," op. cit.. I, 608.
 252

Gomorrha to do one to another."

The winning of the bacharel degree was no longer a

"pioneering" process that invested the student to feel respon­

sibility for creating a new order of life. The law degree had

become a necessary entree to a niche in an urban society that

9
was now formed and institutionalized. As Pedro Lessa recorded

in 1888, most students hoped only for "legal admission into

certain careers," some going so far as to yield all faith in

their own abilities and place all hope in "nepotism and poli­

tical protection."^0
As I will later show, the watchwords of political and

economic liberalism were now vacuous; initiative had passed

from the forensic education which had generated them over to

the realm of "science." The humanist view yielded to the

belief that society could be propelled toward perfection by

external manipulation. As the novelist Jtilio Ribeiro wrote

(1885) in the Di6rio mercantil of Sao Paulo:

The first requisite of modern education, as a base
for social reorganization, is universality of knowledge.
The scientifically prepared man kust know, at least
elementally, mathematics, physico-chemistry, bio­
physiology, raoral-psychology. He must have good notions
of arithmetic, algebra, geometry, mechanics, cosmology,
sidereal and planetary astronomy, geodesy, physical
geography, geology, mineralogy, paleontology, botany,
zoology, anatomy, histology, pathology, psychology,

O
Jos6 Severiano de Rezende, Cartas paulistas (Santos,
1890), pp. 1^-15, 21. It was asserted that in 1883 800 of the
1,000 students wore pince-nez glasses. Koseritz, op. cit. ,
p. 256.
^Koseritz, op. cit., pp. 263-26^.

•^Quoted in VamprS, op. cit. , II, 517-518.

 253

morals, anthropology, ethnology, linguistics, history

and historical geography, industry, art, literature,
sociology, legislation, politics. H
Furthermore, he must have solid classical studies.

It is true that four natural sciences were added to the

Academy's preparatory curriculum in 1885, hut a republican

1
reform of the faculty as a whole left it as legalistic as ever.

The Academy library was not current with its foreign periodi­
cals, and the local German-language paper Germania stayed on

the doorsill since the librarians could not decipher it. One

student looked in vain for a basic exposition of Littr6 's posi­

tivism, recommended by his professor, and complained that the
library had at great cost acquired from Europe Cujaccius' com-
13
plete works in Latin.

At a meeting of influential citizens, many of them law

graduates, the positivist Luis Pereira Barreto urged (1 December

1889) creation of a private university that would lead fro'm

primary and secondary cycles, with curricula well grounded in

the natural sciences, to faculties of agriculture and viti-

lM-
culture, engineering, arts and trades, and medicine. The

city's facilities for higher education, however, were not to be

rounded out with medical and polytechnic schools until the

■^Jfclio Ribeiro, Cartas sertane.ias (2nd edition; Lisbon,

1908), p. 23 .
12
Vampre, op. cit., II, U-97,566-569*
^ A luta. 6 April 1882; Andrews, op. cit.« p. 1^8.

^Ribeiro, "Cronologia," op. cit.. II (2), 566-568.

 25*+

republican period. Meanwhile certain less ambitious enter­

prises were launched.

In 187*+ a Society for Propagating Public Instruction,

supported by public subscription, began free classes for 100

students. By 1875 enrolment had climbed to Mf2. Shortly the

courses took a vocational orientation. In 1882 the school

became called the Lyc&e of Arts and Trades, giving industrial,

commercial, agricultural, manual, and artistic training. By

1887 its enrolment was 680 , its library numbered 5,000 volumes,
and its income was being augmented by a 12:000$ yearly subsidy
15
from the province.

The long decadent boys' Seminary was in 187*4- turned into

an Institute for Apprentice Craftsmen that gave primary instruc­

tion, military drill, and training for tailors, cobblers,

joiners, locksmiths, and saddlers. If the reorganized school

ceased to function in I883 , it was partly because of competition

from the Lyc&e and from the Dona Ana Rosa Institute, founded

through the philanthropy of the Sousa Queir6s family as a pro­

fessional school for boys (187*0

In 1875 Rangel Pestana, ardent precursor of the Republic,

and his wife opened a girls' school with a six-year curriculum

of wide-ranging subjects, including the sciences, practical arts,

domestic economy, and ''women's rights in Brazilian society."

1*>
Tolstoi de P. Ferreira, loc. cit.. pp. 58-61.

^ I b i d . , pp. 61-62, 70-71; C. de Azevedo Maroues, op.

cit., pp. 705-715; Ribeiro, "Cronologia," op. cit. . I, 683.
 255

Modern Swiss, German, and American methods were used, and the
17
family religion of the pupil was respected. The German colony
sponsored classes, and in 1880 the American School became the
lO
first in Brazil to give a course in accounting and stenography.

The church, too, seemed cognizant of the times. The

Episcopal Seminary, reported in 1875 to be giving a more solid

education than the Curso Anexo. was in 1879 reorganized to

answer longstanding criticism of the foreign Capuchins and their

19
methods. In 1885 the Salesians founded the Lyc&e of the Sacred

Heart of Jesus, which was soon giving capable vocational train-

20
ing to hundreds of boys, many of them orphans.

The regular public primary schools were still unprepared

for the entering age. Many teachers were without calling. A

favorite method for instilling knowledge was to cause a whole

class to repeat a lesson in loud unison ’’ten, twenty, thirty

times, in the same tone, the same singsong, the same deafening

17
Edith Sab6ia, "Francisco Rangel Pestana," RAM. LXI
(September-October 1939), 35-36; "Almanach literArio" (1877)>
on. cit. , pp. 180-181. The school was closed in 1879 for lack
of government support.
18
"Mackenzie— exemplo edificante de cooperagao continental,"
Revista industrial de Sao Paulo. II, 13 (December 19^5) > 27-30.

^Godoy, "A provincial' op. cit.. pp. 88-91; Ribeiro,

"Cronologia," op. cit.. I, ^56; Egas, "Galeria," op. cit.. I,
5^5, 57*+.
^Comissao Central de Estatlstica, op. cit.. p. 3^3;
Egas, "Galeria," op. cit. . I, 675 , 71^*
 256

uproar .’1
21 One teacher named to a primary ’’chair" in the 1880's

found it non-existent and had to rent a classroom at his own

expense. The many undisciplined pupils, some of whose mothers

asked that they he whipped for their complete intransigence,
had to he tolerated since his tenure hinged upon a minimum
22
attendance. The presidents’ reports for 1870-1890 resound
with the complaint that the province's egregious lack of well-

equipped schools, devoted teachers, and assiduous pupils was not

23
consistent with its new prosperity and material progress.

Yet certain factors contributed to spread literacy, if

not rewarding education. Urban presses had made cheap primers

available. A provincial law of March, 187*+, carried forward the

intent of the 18M-6 reform by making education compulsory for

boys of 7 to lM- and girls of 7 to 11 in all towns having official

2b
or officially subsidized schools. In rough figures, Sao Paulo

city's literacy rate (for persons over 6) rose from 5 per cent

(I836) to 30 per cent (I872) to *+5 per cent(l887). (Foreign

immigration played its part in this trend.) The index of dis­

parity between city and country shows up when we consider that

in 1887 the province as a whole was only 29 per cent literate

21
"Sao Paulo h6 quarenta anos" (0 Estado de Sao Paulo«
series of 17 articles, 17 April to 11 July 1928), 3 May 1928.
22Jose Feliciano de Oliveira, 0 ensino em S. Paulo
(S§o Paulo, 1932), pp. *+-5, 26-28. For a pupil's reminiscences
see Joao L. Rodrigues, Urn retrospecto (Sao Paulo, 1930),
pp. lf5-67»
23Egas, "Galeria," o p . cit.. I, **31 ff*
2lfJ. C. de Azevedo Marques, o p . cit. « pp. 568-569*
 257

and had one teacher for each 1,156 inhabitants, while the capital
25
had one for 596.

The Normal School foundered in 1867, got a second false

start in 1875-1878, and finally opened definitively in I880

with 6l students. Now at last a reliable source of teachers

existed, and through it the whole school system could be in­

fused with the reigning ideology. By the mld-l88o's many pros­

pective teachers were won over to Comtean doctrines, and the

influence of Prof. Godofredo Furtado was comparable to that of

Brazil's most famous positivist apostle, Benjamin Constant, in
Rio's Military School. A churchman, appointed School director

by a conservative president in 1887, took office only to be dis­

missed during the haphazard positivist reform ushered in by the

Republic.

The keynote to the 1870 's and l880's is that they saw

Sao Paulo pass from being a town, almost colonial in appearance

but serving the Empire as an intellectual springhead, toward

being a full-fledged city, economically dynamic and impatient

with carefully elaborated political and literary credenda of

25
"Alfabetizagao e instrugao no municipio de Sao Paulo,"
Boletim do Departamento Estadual de Estatlstica. VIII, 1 (19^6),
82-33; Comissgo Central de Estatlstica. op. cit.. pp. 115-116,
271.
Busch, on. cit.. pp. *+l-M+; J. F. de Oliveira, op.
cit., pp. 10-20; J. L. Rodrigues, op. cit.. pp. 107-223.
For general surveys of education in this period see
Primitivo Moacyr, A instrucao ptiblica no Estado de Sao Paulo
(2 vols., Sao Paulo, 19*+2) , I, 52-65; Moacyr, "A instrugao e
as provlncias," o p . cit. . II, 356-^37; Egas, "Galeria," op. cit. ,
I, *+31-757; Godoy, "A provincia," op. cit. . pp. 85-91.
 258

earlier decades except as they might be rationale or embellish­

ment for materially conceived living. This theme will be

developed through the chapter. At present suffice it to point

out that the Academy was faltering in its leadership, as were

those of its graduates who were unable to meet new conditions.

The era of "material progress" found Sao Paulo with inept pri­

mary schools, scarcely a handful of basic vocational schools,

and no competent higher institutions— and this in a city which

during the final quarter of the century leaped from tenth to

second largest in the nation and became the focus of its most

productive economic region.

The capitalist outlook, though not of course full-blown

capitalism, was penetrating Sao Paulo and effecting here as else­

where mighty transformations. The only available set of prin­

ciples organized for rationally structuring the emergent economic

society was positivism; in Sao Paulo, however, positivism was not

institutionalized and, as a comprehensive philosophy, perched

precariously in the minds of but a few.

Even more than in the allegedly laissez-faire industrial

societies of the northern hemisphere, Sao Paulo's economic

development fell haphazardly to individual initiative: to for­

eigners, to isolated Brazilians who had scraped up skills and

experience at home, and to Brazilians educated abroad.

In 187^ there were enough Brazilian students in Cornell

to publish a paper, Aurora brasileira: eight Brazilians were

enrolled in Leheigh (three of them Paulistas) and four (all

Paulistas) in the University of Pennsylvania.2^,, In I878

27corr6io paulistano. 22 January 1871**

 259

A Provlncia de Sao Paulo welcomed the return of Dr. Eugenio

Franco de Lacerda, graduated in America as a civil engineer.

28
Another Paulista, Antonio Francisco de Paula Sousa, was born in
18M-3, studied engineering in Switzerland, then returned to

organize'the province's Water and Sewage Division and partici­

pate in Republican campaigning. Later he was engaged in America

by the Rock Island and St. Louis, where he kept in correspon­

dence with his abolitionist friends, Gama and AmSrico de Campos.
Returning to Sao Paulo, he directed railroad engineering and pub­

lic works, and in the 1890's was successively federal Minister

of Public Works and first director of Sao Paulo's Polytechnic

29
School.

Sao Paulo had, under the Empire, no organized facilities

for training such men as these. Nor could positivism enfold

them, once they had managed a training elsewhere, into an ethos

of common enterprise. Before examining the poverty of positivism

in this regard, it will be useful to disclose why the more san­

guine, humanistic ideals of the l86o's were withering.

Republicanism, as a commitment to cast off monarchic

government, became programatic with the Republican Manifesto of

pQ
A Provlncia de Sao Paulo, 17 November 1878.

^ " A vida e obra de Paula Sousa," Revista industrial de

Sao Paulo. I, 8 (July 19^5), 2k-2$.
On his return from America Paula Sousa wrote an article
entitled "Rapid Sketch of Some of our Industries Compared to
those of the United States." He berated Brazil for bad roads,
transportation, and mails; inadequate financial facilities;
inefficient agriculture; bungling, over-centralized government;
and its need to import the staples of life. Almanach liter&rio
paulista— para o ano de 1876 (Sao Paulo, 1875) » PP» *+9-J>7•
 260

1870, formulated in Rio by two graduates of the Paulistan Aca­

demy: Quintino Bocaiuva and Salvador de Mendonga. Bocaiuva

owed his inspiration to two years spent in Buenos Aires during

the presidencies of Mitre and Sarmiento.^0

The Radical Club of Sao Paulo shortly adhered to the

movement, becoming the Republican Club. Early in 1872 a poli­

tical party was organized in the capital, and plans were laid for

a provincial Republican convention, held in Itu on 18 April

l873» At this point the hollowness of the movement was unmasked.

Aware that Republican principles, and particularly the stand on

abolition, had been diffusely and vaguely formulated with an eye

to coaxing support from the slavocracy, the fiery Luis Gama

31
refused to attend the Itu convention.
In foregoing decisive espousal of abolition the Republi­

cans were left with but a few meaningless credenda culled at ran­

dom from the political traditions of northern industrial demo­

cracies. The Paulista Republicans' platform for 1881, whose

main planks ensue, bears this out:

1. Decentralization. Although containing plausible

recommendations for reinvigorating municipal government, the

burden of this section was an appeal for provincial autonomy.

In a nation where organizing and technical skills were at a

^°Santos, "Os republicanos," op. cit., pp. 62-71*

^ Ibid.. pp. 97-98, 11^-153j Alexandre Marcondes Filho,

"Sao Paulo— a aboligao e a propaganda republicana" in Sao Paulo
e a sua evolucao— conferencias realisadas no Centro Paulista em
1926 (Rio de Janeiro. 1927) , PP. 31-33; Eug&nio Egas, Os m u n ~
clpios paulistas (2 vols., S§o Paulo, 1925) » II, 2179-2204-.
 261

premium, the separatism of Paulistas looking short-sightedly to

aggrandizing their now prosperous province was scarcely edify­

ing.^2 As J. M. dos Santos has observed:

In our preoccupation with dividing a great whole into

independent parts, we reached the exaggeration of believ­
ing that administrative separation of an essentially
technical (that is, material) order also imposed separatism
of ideas or thought, moral separatism— as if we were to
divide the national soul itself into twenty closed, dis­
tinct nuclei carrying as a counterweight the compensatory
appendage of carioca joviality, namely the Federal Dis­
trict.33

2. Public Instruction. This topic was treated with

empty, positivistic jargon. Emphasis was on freedom of teaching

and excision of religious instruction.

Official teaching cannot be subjected to the influence

of philosophic schools; it must be integral, concrete,
and as complete as possible a recapitulation of the
truths affirmed by science.3^-

^2Partido Republicano, Programa dos Candidatos— eleicao

na Provlncia de S. Paulo (Sao Paulo, 1881), pp. 7-1$*
33
Santos, "Os republicanos," op. cit. , p. 117.
A book describing Paulista separatism of the 1880’s is
T^cito de Almeida’s 0 movimento de 1887 (Sao Paulo, 193*0* One
quote, which it takes from A Provlncia de Sao Paulo of that
period, gives the flavor of the movement: "Will it not be nice. . .
when Sao Paulo can announce in the Times or the New York Herald
and other papers of the old and new worlds the following: The
Province of Sao Paulo, having liquidated its affairs with the
old firm Brazil Brigantino, Corruption, & Co., declares itself
constituted as an independent nation with its own firm. It
promises, in its relations with other nations, to keep good
faith in its business, /and/ rectitude, magnanimity and dignity
instead of the duplicity, knavery and cowardice of the old firm."
Quoted in ibid., pp. 20-21.
3*+Partido Republicano, op. cit. . pp. 19-22.
 262

3* Freedom of Conscience and Worship. A great many

freedoms of and from certain things were asserted, but there

35
lacked assurance as to what freedom was to be for.

*+. Agriculture. The need for additional labor was

vaguely stated, with major stress upon a mere procedural aspect-

namely, that immigration be privately sponsored and that it be

administered provincially rather than nationally.

5. Naturalization. This appeal for simpler and more

consistent naturalization laws at points became frankly self-

depreciatory:

To facilitate the foreigner’s taking more direct part

in our public affairs is to kindle in this apathetic
nation another more active life, with freer movements,
for social progress will unfold in proportion to the
increase of industries.37

6. Abolition. The emancipation ideal was gently en­

dorsed and a weak-hearted party resolution of eight years pre­

vious quoted:

Respecting the principle of the federative union, each

province will achieve the reform, more or less slowly,
in accord with its private interests, conforming with
its greater or less facility in substituting free for
slave labor.3o

Two of the signers of this platform, Rangel Pestana and

Am&rico de Campos, had in 1875 become editors of a new paper,

A Provincia de Sao Paulo (today the substantial 0 Estado de Sao

3^lbid. , pp. 23-25.

36Ibid. , pp. 27-lK).

37Ibid. , pp. M-l-52.
3®Ibid., pp. 53-60.
 263

Paulo) that promised to be a powerful vehicle for republicanism.

But it denied political affiliation and after a while developed,

like the Republican party, inhibitions stemming from conserva­

tive backing. In 188U- two of its more spirited collaborators

were forced out and founded a resolute, incisive, popular jour­

nal, the city's first evening paper: Diltrio popular. Only with

the editorship of Jtilio Mesquita, shortly before the end of the

Empire, was A Provlncia to resume a more forthright, self-consis-

•ag
tent position.
Meanwhile practical abolitionism carried on, unyoked from

specific political affiliation. Luis Gama's apostolic self­

dedication braced the campaign till his death in 1882, when he
was succeeded by an audacious and virulent law graduate, Ant6nio

Bento de Sousa e Castro.

The capital was an ideal focus for the crusade. Earlier,

at mid-century, there had been several ch£caras in its outskirts

*tO
where masters sent refractory slaves for corporal punishment.
But there were also havens for runaways. In 1857 Dr. Guilherme
Ellis advertised for the return of a slave "seen in this capital

with his face tied up and wearing shoes; he is suspected to have

*<•1
some hiding-place in the suburbs." Fazendeiros from Araparo,

Porto Feliz, or Campinas advertised continually in Paulistan

papers for escaped chattel. And as the number of slaves owned

^Santos, "Os republicanos," op. cit.. pp. 159-162,

18M--195, 25^-258; Freitas, "A imprensa," loc. cit.. pp. 537-5^,
610.
IfO
Martins, op. cit.. I, 110-111.
LlT
Corrfeio paulistano, 21 November 1857*
 26k-

by dwellers of the capital fell off, the city became ever more
_ k2
a mecca for such runaways.
In the 1870's the Puerto M e a n liberal, Hostos, praised

the "democratic evolution" and free-and-easy atmosphere of the

capital, where whites and blacks, free and slave frequented the

same caf&s and streetcars and could, in the Public Garden;

. . . sit on the same bench, contemplate the same

beauties of nature, admire the same statue, applaud the
same band of music, . . . judge with a common right the
same absurdities, and with this same acquired habit
learn a common respect of one toward another.^3

The Rio Branco law of 1871 , regarded by most planters as

a "cease-fire" agreement, merely whetted Gama for total emanci­

pation. In that same year he was able, by seizing upon legal

technicalities, to win freedom for over a hundred slaves belong­

ing to the estate of a deceased millionaire. Thenceforward the

courts became a major arena for his campaign.

Antonio Bento was even more venturesome. Through per­

suasion and violence he won liberty for hundreds of slaves

belonging to his acquaintances. One night he and several dozen

followers showed up at the soiree of a wealthy Paulistan matri­

arch. The latecomers brought their own music and festivity, and

under cover of the confusion spirited away all their hostess'

^2Sao Paulo city had **,075 slaves in 18555 3,*+2^ in 1872,

and only U-93 by 1887. "Mapa . . . (1855) >" on. cit.; "Recensea-
mento," op. cit. s Comissao Central de Estatistica, op. cit.,
PP- 53-56.
^^ostos, op. cit., pp. 395-396.
i,)| ^
Antdnio Manuel Bueno de Andrada, "A aboliqao em Sao
Paulo," RAM, LXXVII (June-July 19^3), 262.
slaves.

The office of Bento's journal, A redenca o . became the

center of a network of informants and operators who abducted

slaves from fazendas to havens in Sao Paulo or Santos, or to a

sanctuary in the Serra. In the capital clerks, merchants, typo­
graphers, and a lay brotherhood of Negro workers rendered ser­

vices; carriage drivers allowed free use of their vehicles and

were an unfailing source of information. VJhen Bento organized a

procession displaying church images and brutal instruments for

slave torture, the police dared not interfere.

Not only did Bento release slaves, but he arranged with

certain understaffed planters to receive them as salaried labor.

At the time of final emancipation (May, 1888) he boasted that a
k6
third of the estates were manned by these ex-slaves.

At length, however, the abolitionist fever became more

widely contagious. In the capital, where it spread most easily,

the Camara began recording in a Golden Book the names of freed

slaves and their owners (188*+) ; by March, 1888, none remained in

bondage.^ The paternal Pedro, visiting the province in 1886,

gave at least half a conto in each place where funds for

^Marcondes Filho, loc. cit.. pp. 33-36.

LA
Andrada, op. cit.. pp. 261-272; A. E. de Morais, op.
cit. . pp. 259-276; Egidio, o p . cit. . pp. 1*+-I5j Almeida Nogueira,
iv, 163-172.
^ S a n t 'Anna , o p . cit. . Ill, 32-33 and IV, 9^-96.
On occasion the new freedom was too heady a wines "A
slave, over 65 years, named Quintino, belonging to the Exc.
Sra. InScia Antonia de Medeiros, residing in Casa Branca, hav­
ing been declared free by this lady, was seized with so much joy
that he went mad." Corrfeio paulistano. March 1886.
 266
kg
purchasing slaves' freedom were being collected.

The press and public opinion, prompted in part by the

foreign colony, took up the cry. Republican leaders such as

Martinho Prado, Prudente de Morais, Campos Sales, and Bernardino

de Campos, made their stand unequivocal by the late 188o's. And

the planters themselves met the challenge, founding in the capi­

tal an Emancipation Society (November, 1887) pledged to freeing

all slaves within three years. Within a year of March, 1887,

voluntary manumission liberated 39,538 of the province's slaves,

l+o
and thousands more were without hindrance fleeing en masse.

The ease of the fazendelros' conversion becomes more

understandable when we consider that their efforts to import

free European labor were bearing fruit. They had in 1871, the

year of the Rio Branco law, formed an Association of Coloniza­

tion and Immigration which, aided by provincial and federal sub-

50
sidies, set about to introduce agricultural workers.' The
yearly average of such immigrants, however, for the period

1871-188** was only 1,959, scarcely enough to offset current,

and still less future, defections of slaves. But immediately

kQ
Mary VJilhelmine Williams, Pom Pedro the Magnanimous
(Chapel Hill, 1937), p. 279-
k q
Luis Amaral, "0 colono italiano e a libertagao do
negro" in Anais do III Congresso Sul-Riograndense de Hist6ria
e Geoerafia (Porto Alegre, 19^-0) » III* 103^-1035; Rlbeiro,
"Cronologia," op. cit., I, 136 and II ( 2 ) , m-05; Marcondes
Filho, loc. cit.. pp. 39-H-l; Egidio, op. cit. . p. 2?; Egas,
"Galeria," op. cit.. I, 712.
^°Egas, "Galeria," o p . cit. , I, **59; Ribeiro,
"Cronologia," o p . cit. < II (1) > 32.
 267

thereafter— at the very time of the general acceptance of mass

manumission— the immigration figure took on sharp increments;

1885 - 6,500
1886 - 9,536
1887 - 32,112
1888 - 92,086
1889 - 27,893
1890 - 38,291
1891 - 108,736.
The success of subventionary immigration was in part

owing to the efforts of Queir6s Teles (later Viscount of Parnaiba)

who in I878 visited eight countries of western Europe and returned

to praise their— and particular Italy's— potentiality as a labor

source. Later, during his term as provincial president (1886-

1887), he spurred the founding of a new Promotive Society for

Immigration. He built in the capital a Lodge (Hospedaria) for

Immigrants, equipped with dormitories, refectory, infirmary, and

laundry, where new arrivals could board for a week without cost

while awaiting "distribution" to fazendas; by 1888 the Lodge

accommodated *+,000 persons. He tirelessly visited planters,

political enemies as well as friends, urging them to build neat,

healthful workers' dwellings so that he might justifiably coun­

teract bad rumors about the lot of Paulista colonists that came

to the ears of Europe. The provincial budget for subsidizing

immigration was *+6:000$ in 1881; by I887 it was 3 .203:000$.

^Departamento Estadual do Trabalho, op. cit. , pp. 11-13*

52
Diretoria da Sociedade Promotora de Imigraqao em Sao
Paulo. Relat6rio apresentado ao Ilmo. e Exmo. Snr. Visconde do
Parnaiba. 18 Nov. 1687: Sociedade Promotora de Imigracao.
Relat6rio ao Vice Presidente do Sstado de Sao Paulo. 1892;
Adelino R. Ricciardi, "Parnaiba, o pioneiro da imigraqao," RAM.
XLIV (February 1938), 137-151; Henrique Doria de Vasconcelos,
 268

It is therefore evident why, when the Princess Regent

signed the "golden" Emancipation Law of 13 May 1888, slavery had

already ceased to be a matter for contention in Sao Paulo pro­

vince and its capital. Nor were there in the air other ideologi­

cal issues that mightbe called soul-stirring (cf. the 1881

Republican platform).The coffee boom was assured its labor and

its railways. The city, as will be seen, was assured industry,

commerce, public utilities, banking, ornamental parks and build­

ings, cultural diversions, and a fast-expanding populace. Scant

need existed to keep alive political and philosophic rhetoric of

the past— unless a passage or two of federalist theory were

exhumed to upbraid the central government for siphoning off

Paulista wealth.

A few days after the "Golden Law" a Paulistan journalist,

Hipdlito da Silva, spelled out this apathy and lashed at the

"neutral" Republican journals:

What do we do now? Lay down our arms? . . . I will

not accept that. . . . The social question is solved.
The political one remains. . . . We must come to life
againl We must agitateJ The abolitionist campaign,
in the grandeur of its purposes, in part stifled
propaganda for the Republic. . . . The Republican cam­
paign has lived till now in the terrain of doctrine. . . .
This alone is not enough.
On 10 June appeared the first number of da Silva's "The Cry of

the People" (0 grito do novo) . Six months later the journal

53
ceased to exist.

"Alguns aspectos de iraigraqao no Brasil," Boletim do Servico de

Imigracao e Colonizac5o . 3 (March 19*+1) j 5-36 5 S. de A. Azevedo,
op. cit.. pp. !?l"8’-!>22.
^Freitas, "A imprensa." loc. cit. . pp. 655-656 and
"Notas," loc. cit. . pp. m-87-*+8o .
 269

Indeed, when in November, 1889, the Republican coup

occurred, it responded to neither the people's chorused mandate

nor oratory of the paladins of traditional parliamentary liber­

alism. Rather it was a businesslike change of administrators,

carried out by a corporal's guard of technocrats whose apolo­

getics were truncated watchwords of positivism.^

It was in about 1870, according to Joao Cruz Costa,

that a "new bourgeoisie" of soldiers, doctors, and engineers—

persons "nearer the positive sciences owing to the nature of

their professions"— had risen to prominence in the nation's

intellectual life. Some who swelled the positivist ranks were

"men disillusioned with the spiritualist eclecticism taught

among us and which was merged with a verbose and useless

rhetoric." Others professed to resolve the cleavage between

55
inbred religious beliefs and materialist republicanism.

The Rio positivists were spearheaded by the group from

the Military School, many of them sons of petit-bourgeois families,

who constituted a "new elite, of a spirit perhaps somewhat dif­

ferent from that represented by the bachelors in law from

Coimbra, Recife, or Sao Paulo, where most of the sons of the

56
rural patriarchal families received higher education." Of

this Rio group, Benjamim Constant was instrumental in the coup

The inconclusiveness and lack of fervor attending the

advent of the Republic are well rendered in Machado de Assis'
elaborately allegoric novel, Bsau e Jac6.

^ C r u z Costa, op. cit.« pp. 136-I38.

56Ibid., p. 13^.
 270

d'&tat of 1889} while Miguel Lemos and Raimundo Teixeira Mendes

became apostles of a Comtean "religion of Humanity."

In Sao Paulo positivist currents were less channelized

and tended to mingle their waters with social Darwinism.^ For

one thing, a glorious economic future for the city and province
seemed so assured that the setting up of a formal intellectual
cult would have been an empty elaboration. Secondly, the city

had no institutions comparable in influence to Rio's Military

School (certainly the Normal School did not compare) which posi­

tivism might infiltrate and lay claim to. The Law Academy,

because of its decadence and because of the remnants of its

humanistic tradition, was not a likely proving-ground. Miguel

Lemos sadly reported in his circular of the Positivist Aposto-

late for 1882 that a law student had, by writing in a positivist

vein on the topic "Religious Liberty," evoked "a veritable perse­

cution from his examiners and the council of the School." The

paper was "immediately declared null," and the student had

58
appealed to the Minister of the Empire.

Positivism did, to be sure, find limited footholds in

the Academy. In 1881* Lemos reported that "a few of our confreres

on receiving their degrees . . . have also taken the professional

^ L u i s Pereira Barreto, Sao Paulo's dissident positivist,

recalled (1901) that in the 1870's the city was introduced to
Corate by A Provincia de Sao Paulo, to Darwin by Dr. Miranda
Azevedo, and to Spencer by Dr. Paulo Egidio's articles in
Corr 6io naulistano. 0 Estado de Sao Paulo. 27 May 1901.

^Miguel Lemos. L'Anostolat Positiviste au Br&sil--

Rapport pour l'Annfee 1o 82 (Rio de Janeiro. !&&•). pp. ^9-5o»
 271

oath under the invocation of Humanity."-^ Several distinguished

graduates, such as Antonio da Silva Jardim, Jfclio de Castilhos,

and Jos6 Leao, called themselves positivists. And as early as

l88o a student had published a book purporting to reconcile a

monarchist position with positivism, Spencerian evolutionism, and

60
Helmholtzian materialism.

When Lemos came to proselytize in Sao Paulo (September-

October, 1881), however, he directed his series of nine lectures
to the public at large.

The nature of the intellectual milieu which I proposed

to influence presented a heterogeneous mixture of vague,
incoherent, purely verbal positivism and social aspira­
tions peculiar to persons who by the nature of their
studies are accustomed to consider the reaction of
society upon man.

He faced attentive audiences that included magistrates, ex-min­

isters, professors, students, and ladies; the papers carried

extensive resumes of his talks. After founding a Positivist

Society (of six members) he left with high hopes for the move-

ment's future in the city.

"^Miguel Lemos, L'Auostolat Positiviste au Br&sil—

Quatribme Circulaire Annuelle (Ann6e 188M-) (Rio de Janeiro.
189$) , P. 67.
60
Antonio Luis dos Santos Werneck, 0 uositivismo renub-
licano na Academia (Sao Paulo, 1880)•
Positivism of course lent itself to both authoritarian
and republican uses, as the Mexican cientlficos under Porfirio
Diaz well knew. This circumstance endowed positivism with an
aura of scientific definitiveness and with wings to transcend
the frequently sterile polemics between Brazilian liberals and
conservatives. It also goes to explain why military autocracy
followed a ”republican” coup (I889 -I89M • See Santos, "A politica,"
on. cit., pp. 211+-219.
^Miguel Lemos, Resumo historico do movimento nositivista
no Brasil— Ano de 93 (1881) (Rio de Janeiro, 1882), pp. 61-88.
Teixeira Mendes made a similar junket in 1882. M. Lemos,
"L'Apostolat Positiviste /18827V 1 op. cit., pp. ^ 3- ^ .
 272

This "heterogeneous” milieu, however, resisted regimen­

tation. When the Republican journal A luta. edited by foremost

writers and political leaders of the era, adopted positivist

chronology, it warned: "This does not imply any fanaticism or
62
infatuation for orthodox positivist doctrines."

Moreover, the leading Paulistan positivist, Luis Pereira

Barreto, was a maverick. Born in Rio (18U-0) , he studied medicine

in Belgium and returned, with positivist ideas, to exercise his

profession in Jacarei, east of Sao Paulo. Two tomes that he

63
published in 187^ and 1876, plus a spirited polemic (I880)
with a Protestant evangelist, G. Nash Morton, revealed him,

not certainly as an original philosopher, but as opposing any

sort of absolutism, whether of religious creeds or of formal

positivism.

His thinking, while encompassing the currents of the

era, reached out as well to Locke, Berkeley, Kant, and Hartmann.

In criticizing the intolerance, opportunism, and mediocre lead­

ership of the times he inveighed not only against the church,

but against the false wisdom and morality of the Law Academy.

And he had the breadth to commend the moral stand of the

Catholic bishops of Par£ and Pernambuco whom'the government

A luta. 1 September 1882. (The Comtean date was 20

Gutenberg 9*+»l)
a
Luis Pereira Barreto, As tres filosofias: 1. parte.
Filosofia teol6gica (Rio de Janeiro. l87\): 2^ parte. A filosofia
metaflsica (Jacarei. 1876).
^ L u i s Pereira Barreto, Positivismo e teologia— uma
polemics (Sao Paulo, 1880).
 273

imprisoned in 187^ for their anti-masonic edicts.

Because of his adaptive, uncommitted thinking, Pereira

Barreto fell under the ban of the Positivist Apostolate in Rio.

Miguel Lemos scolded him for looking to German and American as

well as French models, for separating Comte’s philosophy from

his tight politico-religious schema, and for falling into the
66
"scientific Gongorism" of the era.

Managing as best he could with the generally inept intel­

lectual attitudes that prevailed, Pereira Barreto emerged as a

constructive, forthright critic of his times and, during decades

of public life in Sao Paulo city, as a practical educator,

economist, and scientist. More nearly perhaps than any Paulistan

contemporary, he measured up to Alvares de Azevedo's ideal of

the discriminating, world-conscious philosopher, effectually

dedicated to his countrymen's service.

Yet Pereira Barreto had not as a young man been formed

by Paulistan institutions. His was a solitary voice of criti­

cism, peripheral to (though uncommonly perceptive of) the new

urban society and unable to align categorically with any of its

vested, self-assured factions. That voice was, in its own lang­

uage and modest degree, a Shavian one.

For commentary on Pereira Barreto see: Cruz Costa.

op. cit. . pp. l^+k— l?^; Romero, "A filosofia," op. cit.. pp. 06-68 ;
Bevilacqua, o p . cit. . pp. 121+-128: Francovich, op. cit. .
pp. ^5-59* For surveys of Brazilian positivism see: Joao
Camilo de Oliveira Torres, 0 positivismo no Brasil (Petr6polis,
19^3) ; Franca , o p . cit., pp. m-35-^2.
66
Miguel Lemos, 0 Apostolado Positivista no Brasil.
primeiro circular anual (ano de 1881) (2nd edition: Rio de
Janeiro, 1900), pp. 1^+9
 27b

Sao Paulo, in fine, appeared to enter, or revert to, an

adolescence in about 1870. As an intellectual phase this

adolescence conjoined with the city's genesis as a metropolis,

or what E. Simoes de Paula has called its "second founding."^

It therefore remains to analyze that surge of physical and

economic growth which put an end at last to exposed vestiges

of colonial life.

2. Economic Expansion and Immigrants

To apprehend the city's quickened life after 1870 one

must first bring into vision the booming coffee frontier which

was accompanying the extremities of the new railways in their

rapid push to the northwest.

Within eight years of the completion of the Santos-

Jundiai line, the four main railways that were to serve the

hinterland were already in operation. These were:

Cia. (Company) Paulista. An extension of the

Santos-Jundiai axis. Opened from Jundiai north-northwest
to Campinas in 1872, to Limeira and Rio Claro in 1876,
to Descalvado in 1881. Trackage by 1890: 250 kms.

2. Cia. Ituana. Opened from Jundiai west to Itu in

1873? ‘to Piracicaba in 1879-
3* Cia. Sorocabana. Opened from Sao Paulo west to
Sorocaba in 1875? to Ipanema in 1879? to Tiet6 in I883.
b. Cia. Mogiana. Opened from Campinas north to
Kogi-mirim and Amparo in 1875? to Casa Branca in 1878,
to Ribeirao Preto in 1883 ? to Pogos de Caldas in 1886.
Brought a region of northern Minas Gerais into Sao Paulo's
economic sphere. Trackage by 1890: 78^ kms.

67
'E. Simoes de Paula, Contribuicao monogr6fica para o
estudo da segunda fundacao de Sao Paulo (Sao Paulo, 1936).
 275

The last important line of this network centering on

Sao Paulo city passed, not through virgin lands, but east-

northeast along the now slightly decadent Paraiba. This was the
Cia. Sao Paulo e Rio de Janeiro (later the Estrada de Ferro
68
Central do Brasil) . linking Sao Paulo with the nation’s capital.
A close correspondence exists between these five lines and the
historic routes for overland travel and haulage (see supra:

Chapter I, Section 1).

Statistics give a notion of how great an economic change
69
was wrought by the railways:
passengers tons of freight profit

(Sao Paulo Railway Co., Ltd. /Santos-Jundiai7)

1870 75,399 68, *+33 1.187: *+258106
1880 130,58*+ 177,*+82 2.577:7308530
1890 *+22,355 607,309 *+.007:5038800
(Cia. Paulista)
1872 33,531 26,150 " ' 12*+: 8868716
1880 178,373 99,198 1.313:3788103
1890 3*+8,l5o 300,857 3. W : 385853*+
(Cia. Mogiana)
1875 28,659 11,881 20:6l6$*+09
l88o 35,362 *+10:*+22$*+73
1890 ,98’?36
*+09,*+82 1*+1,23^ 2 .080 :0668>086
kilometers of track in Sao Paulo province:

1870 139
1875 655
1880 1,212
1885 l,6*+0
1890 (Sao Paulo state) 2, *+25

^*®For this and further information on the railways

(financial organization, smaller lines, engineering problems,
rolling stock, the variance of gauges, etc.) see A. A. Pinto,
op. cit.. pp. 36-251? and the presidential reports for the period
in Egas, "Galeria," op. cit.
a. Pinto, o p . cit.. pp. 233-239*
 276

A final group of figures (a sequel to those given in

Chapter III, Section U-) demonstrates the definitive shift of

coffee planting to the province’s northwest quadrant, whose

70
economic reach the railways had so extended:
185M- 1886
arrobas per cent arrobas per cent
of coffee of total of coffee of total

Paraiba valley 2,737,639 77*5 2,07^,267 20.0

northwest 796,617 22.5 8,300,083 80.0
3,53*+, 256 loo.o 10,37^,350 loo.o
The Paraiba production had begun its decline, while that of the
northwest, which had increased tenfold during 1836-185M-, was

once again decupled.

It was not only by making coffee more marketable that

the railways served to settle the hinterland. The Cia. Paulista,

private Brazilian concern, was the most enterprising in this

regard. It began giving free passage in the 1880's to immigrant

labor destined for fazendas. It opened up a vast zone by provid­

ing steam navigation of the Mogi-guassu Hiver. It spurred

cattle-raising by helping to establish Brazil's first refrigerated

packing-plant; by opening riverboat service to bring cattle into

Sao Paulo from Goi£s, Mato Grosso, and Minas; by slashing rates

to facilitate cattle shipment from winter ranges to the capital;

by furnishing refrigerated cars for the meat export trade. The

Paulista made available low-interest loans and low-cost rolling

stock to tributary railways, and later it impeded the brutal

^°Milliet, op. cit., pp. 18-19.

 277

deforestation of the land by experimental arboriculture and

71
large-scale eucalyptus plantings.
This is not to say that the mechanized era was without
its inefficiencies. Owing to poor roads animal haulage from

fazenda to railway was -slow and costly, and.at stations occurred

further wastage, since coffee sacks were loosely tied and

received little surveillance. Five different gauges of track

entailed toilsome transshipments, while the variance of shipping

charges led to the use of circuitous routes to market. Moreover,

freight movements were predominantly one-way, from farm to sea-

Now that railroads had almost indefinitely widened the

horizon of possible expansion, the exploitative, urban-capitalist

nature of the coffee boom could more clearly be seen. The plan­

ter's modus operand! which impoverished the Paraiba region and

then turned to focus on the northwest has been described as

follows:
The extractive culture of the soil, which the planter
saw himself obliged to practise, cannot be called agri­
culture. It desolates the fields and makes of them
deserts. It brings no well-being nor offers assurance
of stability. . . . Brazil has exported its own patri­
mony, its capital, its wealth represented by the land's
fertility, in behalf of a small number of intermediaries.
This explains the poverty of our rural populace and the
prosperity of the cities, which are the abode and center
of the former ^i.e., the intermediaries*73

^Adolfo Augusto Pinto, As estradas de ferro de S. Paulo

(Sao Paulo, 1916), pp. 65-73-
72a. Lalibre, Le caf6 dans l'fitat de Saint Paul (BrSsil)
(Paris, 1909), PP- 101-^09: Laferne. op. cit.. pp. 199-202.
73mhe author goes on to describe the progressive
impoverishment of exploited coffee lands and their conversion
 278

Writing in about 1909, Pierre Denis described how this

conversion to monoculture, with its mechanized marketing process

and parasitic middlemen, had aggrandized Sao Paulo and Santos at

the expense of cities of the interior. The latter:

. . . are not and have never been coffee markets. The only
markets for coffee are Sao Paulo and Santos, and the business­
men of Sao Paulo and the comissarios of Santos are in direct
contact with the planters. The cities of the interior have
not the function of concentrating the harvest, but they do
control the distribution, in the agricultural districts,
of imported merchandise . . . . Each city has stores for
hardware, cloth, and groceries from which the depots of
fazendas are provisioned. They live also from the money
trade. Planters find credit at small local banks, which
are maintained by more powerful banks situated in Sao Paulo.

Through the year-span of this chapter, any number of

notices such as the following appeared in Paulistan papers to

announce the ascendancy of the urban middleman in agricultural

Brazil:
To the Senhores Fazendeiros
We advise the Sres. Fazendeiros and exporters of coffee
and other products of the country that we are opening in
this market ^Sao Paulp7 on Bom Retiro Street, no. U4 C, a
commercial house under the firm Camargo & Almeida to

to winter pasturage and limited subsistence agriculture. Paulo

Pinto de Carvalho, Aspectos de nossa economia rural (Sao Paulo,
19^3), pp. 3*+-38. See also the study of Brazil's "hollow fron­
tiers" in Preston E. James, Brazil (New York, 19^6).

^Pierre Denis, Le Br 6sil au XXe Sibcle (7th edition;

Paris, 1928), pp. 110-111.
By the 1880's a Free Bourse was functioning in the capi­
tal, and in 1889 the following banks were located there: Royal
Credit Bank of Sao Paulo (founded 1881); Planters' Bank (Banco da
Lavoura) of Sao Paulo (1886); Commercial Bank of Sao Paulo (I800) ;
Ni&lsen & Co., Banking House of Sao Paulo Province; Popular Bank
of Sao Paulo (1888). Branch banks were: Bank of Brazil; London
and Brazilian Bank, Ltd.; English Bank of Rio de Janeiro, Ltd.;
Mercantile Bank of Santos. At that time banks existed in only
seven of Brazil's twenty provinces. Bolsa Oficial de Valores de
Sao Paulo, Repert 6rio de legislacao de bolsa e banco (Sao Paulo,
19^5)> P* xxi; L. R. d'Oliveira, loc. cit.. pp. 372-377*
 279

receive coffee and other products from the country and

abroad, on commission and consignment.75

COMMERCIAL OFFICE
OF
Augusto M. de Freitas
59 Sao Bento Street, at the rear / S a o Paulo7
Buys any quantity of coffee.
Arranges the sale of coffee, by lots, in this market
or in Santos, where transactions are made with important
commercial houses. Receives products on consignment from
the interior or abroad. Will undertake as agent any busi­
ness in the interest of third parties. Buys and sells
buildings, lots, plantations, notes of public or private
debt, letters of exchange, etc.7°
It was in the mid-188o's, largely owing to a sharp dip in
77
world coffee prices, that urban comiss£rios began to press

their stranglehold on the coffee lands. Thitherto they had freely

extended credit to fazendeiros. generally at 12 per cent, and had

nearly as freely been willing to renew such extensions. But by

1885 the money market had grown suddenly tight. Labrne learned
that coffee was yielding "very little or no profits" and was

informed by a fazendeiro that only 20 per cent of the planters

were "free." In the event of "liquidation" 30 per cent could

scarcely have paid their debts, while 50 per cent were so "des-
rpQ
perate" they would not have survived.'
This pinch (which applied more to fazendas tributary to

Rio than to those of northwestern Sao Paulo) was shortly relieved

by a firmer market and by the influx of foreign labor. Yet the

7*0 Estado de Sao Paulo, 11 January 1890.

76
0 Estado de Sao Paulo. 15 January 1890.

"^Afonso Taunay, "Pequena hist6ria," on. cit. «

pp. 132-138.
7®Labrne, on. cit.« pp. 183-185, 19^-197*
 280

middleman's dominion was established. By the turn of the cen­

tury coffee, delivered in Santos to a "half dozen exporters"

who set their own price, was selling abroad for ten times what
the planter received.

The facility of credit, which planters not only used

but widely abused, was not a foundation propitious for
a solid, enduring structure. Nor are /1902/7 the repu­
tations for benevolence, to which the coffee comlssarios
have acquired title, of a nature to justify for all time
a commercial system that is today so costly for being
retrograde, archaic, and wholly incompatible with the
needs of the situation.
It must not be thought, however, that a strict dichotomy

was arising between a city bourgeoisie and a rural gentry— such

as in colonial times existed between Portuguese merchants and

sugar barons in northern Brazil. For with railroads the coffee

proprietors, who had customarily lived on their estates or in

towns nearby, could now enjoy a more comfortable and stimulating

80
life in the capital, remaining in close touch with their fazendas.
As city-dwellers of wealth, social prestige, and university edu­

cation, many of them entered into urban economic activities— as

g-|
railroad directors, industrial pioneers, bankers, etc. — or in­

to pursuits familiar from student days of a forensic, political,

82
or journalistic nature. Foreigners, whatever their class, and

^Adolfo Augusto Pinto, OuestSes economicas (Sao Paulo,

1902), pp. 92-98.
go
Prado Junior, "0 fator geogrSfico," loc. cit. , pp. 258-
261; Bruno, "Apontamentos," loc. cit.« p. 100.
On
Few if any, however, became brokers oroomiss^rios.
Labrne, op. cit., p. 18M-.
®2In 1882 "Jtinius" observed that in the past ten years
the city had received "countless rich families, born and long
resident in different localities of the interior." He further
 281

most Brazilians were far more easily identifiable with urban or

rural interests.

One of the most striking examples of this dual allegiance

was the famous Prado family. Antonio da Silva Prado (18l+0-1929)

and Martinho Prado Junior ("Martinico") (18^3-1906) were sons of
that fazendeiro whose wife visited the capital only for obstet­

ric reasons.

Antonio became a bacharel in Sao Paulo (1861), then

after a trip to Europe for a "bath in civilization" he entered

politics and journalism in Sao Paulo. By 1866 he was clearing a

coffee and cattle fazenda far in the interior, north of Piras-

sununga. But he was not long away from city interests. Between
1872 and 1890 he was at various times: national deputy, founder

of the Faulistan Jockey Club, president of the Imperial Economic

Bank, a director of the Cia. Paulista. president of the Paulistan

Camara, journalist for conservative papers, head of the Conser­

vative party, Minister of Public Works, Minister of Foreign

Affairs, member of the promotive Society for Immigration, and

president of the Bank of Trade and Industry of Sao Paulo. In

1889 Antonio, his father, and Martinico began clearing land in

Sertaozinho that became, with 3 >000,000 coffee trees, Sao Paulo's

largest fazenda. After 1895 he engaged in numerous industrial

enterprises and was from 1899 to 1910 prefect of Sao Paulo

noted that the capital attracted people from S§o Paulo and other
provinces who came to exercise professions or engage in industry.
Jtinius, Notas de viagem (Sao Paulo, 1882), p. 56.
 282
Oo
city. This vigorous career shows not only the co-existence of

agrarian and urban interests, but also a symptomatic shift

through the years from politico-ideological to economic affilia­

tions. His term as city prefect is remembered principally for

the tumultuous material growth that it witnessed.

Martinico took his law degree at Sao Paulo in 1866 (having

fought in the Paraguayan War), was for a time public prosecutor

in the capital, then in 1869 devoted himself to a fazenda in

Araras. In 1876, about when the railway was reaching that region,

he took up residence in the capital. He became, unlike Antonio,

a Republican, was elected to the provincial assembly, and in those

years established a new fazenda at Guatapara. In 1887 the promo­

tive Society sent him abroad to supervise the first levies of

immigrants. After the venture at Sertaozinho was underway, he

81*
took subsequent European trips in 1892, 1895, 1899, and 1900.
The hypothesis therefore is that certain graduates pro­

duced by the Law Academy before the late 1870’s, though their

training tended to be legalistic and literary, had nonetheless

a broad-mindedness, a sense of dedication, an ability to act

within a framework of humane ideals. The generation of Ant6nio

and Martinico Prado, of Rui Barbosa and Joaquim Nabuco, dominated

public life till, approximately, the First World War. So

O^
Primeiro centen^rio do Conselheiro Antonio da Silva
Prado (SSo Paulo. 19M-6’> . p p . 12-15: Nazareth Prado. Antonio Prado
no ImpSrio e na Republica (Rio de Janeiro, 1929) , pp. 13-4-7• That
Antonio Prado found time to be eight times a father stretches
credibility.
81+
“In memoriam," op. cit.. pp. 13-25.
 283

assuring was their leadership that it was hard to realize that

they had been formed in the era of romanticism and mid-century

liberalism, and to recognize that Brazilian institutions were

no longer preparing men to address, masterfully and inspiringly,

the new complexities of an urban age. .

Natural attrition of these leaders and, after 1902,

ruinous coffee crises were by 1920 to leave the native rural-

urban aristocracy with but the tatters of social prestige.

Another cadre of leaders,often of foreign descent, would emerge

— traditionless, opportunist, generated by the city. The indus­

trialization of Sao Paulo, which began a decade or two before

the end of the Empire, made it a spawning-ground for such an

elite and propelled the city itself into a role of commanding

economic and political importance within the nation.

In 187*+ one writer urged the diversion of private capital

and foreign labor to industry so that Paulistas might round out

the last stage of a cycle from slave to serf to citizen. Only

with industry, he explained, citing Comte, were "human faculties

utilized according to the degree of development of each person."

A decade earlier, he went on, capital had not been available for

industry, since it was bringing 18 per cent, 2b per cent, or

more in private transactions. But with the example of the

Santos-Jundiai railway, "the spirit of association and private

initiative were born in that province, as if by magic, to engen-

8*5
der a progress based on order and characterized by industry." J

85
Nicolau Franga Leite, Confer&ncia sdbre o progresso
material da Provlncia de S. Paulo (Rio de Janeiro, 1871*-) , pp. 3
 28b

Ant6nio Bandeira's partial survey (1901) of the capital's

industries gives the year of founding for 9^ of 108 concerns

listed. Of the 9^, only ^ predate 1870, while ^1 fall in the

86
years 1870 to 1890.

A small sampling of newspaper notices conveys some of

this activity. In 1872 G. Sydow & Co. announced a large work­

shop with modern steam-driven machines from Europe that would

87
reduce the cost of cabinetwork by 20-30 per cent. In 1877 Luz

Foundry advertised manufacture of saws, sugarmills, pumps,

presses, iron gates and railings, water tanks, and agricultural

88
machinery. And in 1879:

Ernesto Heinlce
Mechanic from Berlin
5 Vinte e Cinco de Margo Street
Offers to make fine tools for watchmakers, sculptors,
marble-cutters, etc., etc. Makes any and all repairs of
SEWING MACHINES, GUNS, as well as any fine metal instru­
ment. Guarantees perfection, promptness, and very reason­
able prices.89
The city's first factory-size cotton-spinning and -weaving

mill was founded by the Baron of Piracicaba (who was reputedly

the first to have made extensive coffee plantings west of the

capital) and his European-educated son, Diogo Antonio de Barros.

In 1870 the latter acquired machinery from John Platt & Sons of

Lancashire, and by 1872 the mill was in operation with 30 looms

Antonio Francisco Bandeira JOnior, A -Lndtistria no

Estado de Sao Paulo (Sao Paulo, 1901) , pp. 3-220.

^ DiArio de Sao Paulo. 18 February 1872.

88
DiArio de Sao Paulo. 11 September 1877*

^ Corr6io paulistano. 19 July 1879*

 285

and 60 workers. By 1 8 8 7 this and a second mill of Diogo Antdnio's

in the capital had a total of 350 looms. There were ten other
mills in the interior— four of them at Itu, which was the center

of the cotton region— hut those in the capital were much larger
90
and indicated it as the point of future concentration.
The trend toward this concentration had been emphasized

in 1881 by a Portuguese businessman who urged his government to

appoint a full consul there, since Sao Paulo was the:

. . . capital of the province, two and a half hours from

the port of Santos, and the center of convergence for all
the railways from the province and the Court /Rio7• Its
location indicates that it is here that exist the great­
est number of interests to deal with and where all ques­
tions can easily be solved. The consul who comes to S.
Paulo has near him the higher provincial authorities,
with whom he can deal directly, and from here he can over­
see every locality, which would be impossible in Santos.91

By 1887 the capital and its environs could boast, in addi­

tion to Diogo Antonio's mills:

A ceramics plant, employing 300 workers, producing
2,000,000 bricks and 1,000,000 tiles per year. (Also
scores of small kilns, profiting by abundant raw material
and the city's construction boom.)
Five large foundries, including two operated by
railways.92

^ The capital of the two Paulistan mills was 1.050:000$,

while that of the ten others was 2.950:000$. ''Major Diogo
Antdnio de Barros, pioneiro da industria," Revista industrial de
Sao Paulo. I, b (March 19^5) j 31j John Hough, ''Reminiscences of
Old Sao Paulo,'' Times of Brazil. 1^ December 193*+» Comissao
Central de Estatistica. o p . cit., pp. 260-26**; Egas, "Galeria,"
o p. cit.. I, *f36, *t69-»+707
^ A b i l i o A. S. Marques. Interesses da coldnia portuguesa
na Provlncia de S. Paulo (Brasil) (Sao Paulo. 1881), p. 27«
92
For the elaborateness of the Sao Paulo Railway plant
see Andrews, op. cit.. pp. l ^ - l 1^.
 286

A factory for calicos with 70 workers, producing

3 2 0 , 0 0 0 meters per year.
Four plants for wood manufacture, the largest with
a *+0 h.p. engine, 26 machines, and 78 workers.
A furniture factory with 32 machines and 100 workers.
Brazil's largest plant for producing lard and other
by-products from swine.
A match factory with 80 machines, 120 workers, and
an output of 2 5 0 , 0 0 0 boxes per day.
Two hat factories, employing 2*+5 workers and supply­
ing the vast tributary region of Sao Paulo province,
Minas, ParanA, and GoiAs. no
Hundreds of smaller plants and artisans' shops. J

The city's population figures vividly reflect its industri­

al and commercial expansion:

parishes I872 1386 1890 1 82 2

Sk 9,23.3 1 2 ,8 2 1 16,395 29,518
Sta. Ifigenia ^,*+59 11,909 l*+,025 **-2,715
Consolagao 3,357 8 ,2 6 9 13,337 2 1 ,3 1 1
Braz 2,308 5,998 16,807 32,387
Penha 1,883 2 ,2 8 3 2,209 1 ,1 2 8
N. S. do 0 2,023 2,750 2 ,1 6 1 2,350
Sao Paulo 23,2*0 *+*+,030 6*+,93*+ 129,*+09

The outlying nuclei, Penha and 6 , once lively way-stations for

muleteams, were now left to wither by the trains that without

loitering chugged directly into the city's expanding heart.

Dr. Lucila Herrmann has prepared figures to confirm the

shift in the city's occupational structure that accompanied this

population surge. They are only hazily indicative, since the

original censuses used markedly different categories and criteria

of occupation. For example, women listed as farmworkers, seam­

stresses, and textile workers in 1872 were regarded in 18 90 as

^ H u b e r t van de Putte, La Province de Sao Paulo du BrAsil

(Brussels, 1890), pp. 31-3*+; Comissao Central de Estatistica,
op. cit., pp. 26 0 -26*+.
Ok
Ribeiro, "Cronologia," op. cit.. II (2), *+06 .
 287

having no employment; in fact the whole female population seems

to become decimated. The commercial-industrial category for

1872 would be considerably expanded if it included the "servants

and wage-earners" that appear in the "diverse" grouping. And

the 1890 census fails to consider domestics.

The figures are not absolute totals but represent, for
purposes of comparability, persons employed in a given occupa­

tion per 10.000 inhabitants. (In the tradition of Brazilian

statistics, however, they do not for either of the years add up

precisely to a grand total of 1 0 ,000 )

I872 I890

male female male fema]

fishermen *+. 2 «••• M—

farmers 1311+.8 602.1 -- —
agriculture — — M-50.1 —
husbandry — — ^.9 —
EXTRACTIVE OCCUPATIONS (total) 1319.0 602.1 W . o —

manufacturing 672.0 __
25 . 8 6.9
commerce, bookkeeping, accounting 209.1 22.3 — —
commerce — -- 1733.0 —
seamstresses — IflO.1* —
pavers, miners, quarriers 6 .9 — -- —
workers in metals, metallurgy 88.6 -- — —
" " wood 121.3 -- — —
" " textiles 32.3 338. b — —
" " construction — — —
" " hides, skins 80.9 — — —
" " clothing 39.3 — — —
" " hats 12.7 — — —
" " shoes 20. ^
— — —
processing and other industries — — 1929.1 —
COMMERCE AND INDUSTRY (total) 68 b.7 778.0 l4-331+.l

95
Lucila Herrmann, Alteracao da estrutura profissional da
capital do Estado de Sao Paulo (mss., pp. 3-11). The original
figures are given as persons occupied per 1,000,000 inhabitants.
 288

1872 I890

male female male female

public employees 37.7 mm —

active public functionaries — 166.6 13.7

retired 11 " — — 2.0
ADMINISTRATION (total) 37-7 — 176.0 15.7

secular clergy 7.7 — — mm mm mm _

friars — — .1+
priests — — 10.6 ---
non-Catholic clergy — - - .5 ---

judges 1.5 — -- ——
officials of justice 1.5 — — ---

magistrates — _ — L+. 0 —_
lawyers 8.8 — i+l.b ——
attorneys and solicitors .8 — 1+.8 -
notaries and clerks 2.7 _ ... _ mm

doctors 3.1 — 1+6 . 9 -

surgeons •8 — —— ——
pharmacists 1.5 — 17.6 -
midwives - 1-5 — 2.7
dentists -- — 5.7 -
nurses - — — 2.7
teachers and men of letters 13.5 6.5 — -
public teachers -* — 12.3 13.6
private " —— —
20.7 2H-.2
artists ry general category7 1*3-9 5.0 — —
state directors of education - l.l •7
writers and journalists - 7.9 --
bankers —_ 1.5 —

engineers —_ —— 1+2.5 —

surveyors — _ 3.8 —

architects__________________ -- 1 0 .1+ —
LIBERAL PROFESSIONS (total) 85.8 13.0 2 3 2 .I 1*3-9

capitalists and landowners 8 .9

capitalists J1.2
landowners 59.8 1+5.8
military 32.3
servants and wage-earners 1061.1 165.2
domestic service 295.7 lM-27.8
miscellaneous 15.8
without profession________ 1718.3 1 7 6 2 .1 2585*0
______ _____
DIVERSE (total) 3160.9 3367.0 2721.8 1+5.8

The crudity of this tabulation allows little more than

the conclusion that in these years Paulistans were turning from

 289

rural pursuits to commercial, industrial, bureaucratic, and

intellectual ones. The rise of a capitalist class, the afflux

of fazendeiros to the city, and the increase of women in liberal

professions may also be noted.

Foreign immigrants were of course the wellspring that

new technical and commercial occupations drew upon. At a

managerial level, the scientific training of a Diogo AntQnio de

Barros or the directorial talent of an Antonio Prado were rare

among Brazilians. Bandeira's list of Paulistan industries

abounds in such names as Raffinette, Nardelli, Kleeberg, Christo-

fani, Fowles, Weltmann, Sydow, Maggi, Falchi, Stupakoff, Zimmer­

man, Scorzato, and Witte. And from his sketchy figures on

employees I estimate that 75-85 per cent of the proletariat were

96
foreigners.
Van de Putte observed in 1890 that foodstuffs were gen­

erally sold by Portuguese and Brazilians, dry goods by Brazilians,

Germans, French, and Italians. Italians were the principal re­

tailers for shoes, tinware, and hardware. The bakers, pastry­

cooks, and tanners were French or German. Metallurgic plants

belonged mostly to the English and Americans, with Brazilians

and Germans next in importance. Portuguese and Brazilians did

rough carpentry, while the more skilled joiners were Brazilians,

97
French, and Germans.

^ B a n d e i r a Junior, on. cit. , pp. 3-220.

^ V a n de Putte, op. cit. , pp. 3^-35* As for the

author’s own countrymen, the Belgians, nearly all who arrived
in Sao Paulo state were city-dwellers: cobblers, tailors,
upholsterers, carpenters, mechanics, school-teachers, shop­
keepers, etc. Ibid.. pp. 58-59*
 290

The city's rising tide of foreigners, particularly

Italians, is underscored by these figures:
1872 1886
Portuguese 1,078 3,502
German blk 1,187
Italian 151 5,717
French 133 351
English 68 255
Spanish 39 379
Austrian 9 3^0
others 1^7 35M-
Brazilian 2*+,001 35,612
Sao Paulo city 26 ,0^0 ^7,697 98
(8% foreig] ( 2 foreign)
It is easy to see how wealthy or middle-class Europeans

might come to the capital on their own account (as they had, in

smaller numbers, during previous decades), drawn by its spread­

ing fame as a "boom town" or by first-hand reports from associ­

ates. But allowing that until the mid-1890's most lower-class

immigration was subsidized and thus destined for fazendas,

whence came those foreigners who in the 1870's and l88o's

appeared as textile workers and bootblacks, peddlers and day-

laborers?

The answer is two-fold. First, the colonizing system

fixed upon by the planters was, as has been shown, the capitalis­

tic, urban-type "labor pool," which assured the immigrant his

transportation and life necessities but kept intact the large

estates. Once the colonist had worked off his obligations, he

^ "Recenseamento," op. cit. ; "Sao Paulo ha quarenta

anos," 0 Estado de Sao Paulo, 27 April 1928. This tabulation
includes, as the previous ones have not, the small outlying
parish of Sao Bernardo. Negroes born in Africa I list as
Brazilians.
 291

was free to drift elsewhere since he owned no land outright. If

he were dissatisfied with fazenda life or came from an urban

area in Europe, he would be quite inclined to drift cityward.

And as the disparity between rural and urban opportunities

99
widened, this drift became ever more pronounced.

Secondly, many subsidized immigrants stuck to the city's

fingers, as shown by such figures as J have managed to cull:

subsidized immigrants number remain-

period to the province______ ing in the capital

1879 198
Jan.-Oct. 1883 3,955 1,322 100
April-July 188M- 2,032 380
In 1887 the director of the Promotive Society resolved to "avoid

the embarkation /from Geno§7 of so many families of artisans and

merchants for this city /Sao Paulo7" and to encourage more far­

mers. The Society later informed that although most of the

first immigrants it obtained (1886-88) went into agriculture, a

number did find employment "in this Capital and populous centers

of the State, developing considerably all branches of industry."

By 1889-91 the trend had reversed, and only two-fifths were going
, 1^2
to agriculture.
If the lower-class European were enterprising, he

^Labrne, on. cit. . pp. 185-186; Ricciardi, loc. cit. ,

pp. lb-5 ff* ; Comissao Central de Estatistica, on.cit.. p. 2^-7•
^00AALPSP (relat6rios of Laurind© Abelardode Brito
/ l 88o7, Domingos Antonio Raiol /I88M7, Luis Carlos d'Assungao
Zl88g7.
"^^Diretoria da Sociedade Promotora (1887) , op. cit., p. 5-

•^•^Sociedade Promotora de IraigragUo (1892) , op. cit.,

PP* 3-7-
 292

discovered that Paulistan society now offered considerable econo­

mic and even social capillarity. A common avenue for self­

advancement was the mascate's, or peddler’s, trade. Loaded down

with cheap staples and gimcracks of the city (or, if more pros­
perous, leading a mule or two), the mascate made his rounds of

the fazendas, selling and bartering. His constant dream was to

acquire capital for a small general store on a trafficked road

of the interior, and eventually to open a shop or even factory

103
in a city, ideally Sao Paulo. The German, Victor Nothmann,

for example, starting out as a humble peddler, was in 1879

"admitted to register" as a businessman in the capital, and as

years passed Victor Nothmann & Co. became one of its largest

textile wholesale houses.

By the 1880's it was the Italians, especially Calabrians,

who were monopolizing the mascate's trade, though they too would

soon be displaced by the even cannier Syrians.

The influx of Italians, who were by 1897 to outnumber

Brazilians two to one in the capital, was a decisive phenomenon

105
of the period. Though many hundreds came in the l870's, the

■^^Pierre Deffontaines, "Mascates ou pequenos negociantes

ambulantes do Brasil," Geografia. II, 1 (1936), 26-29*
lnL
Corrfeio paulistano. 30 December 1879; "Sao Paulo h&
quarenta anos," 0 Estado de Sao Paulo. 27 June 1928.
On 10 December 1879 Corrfeio paulistano announced, in
slightly defective Italian, the establishment of a consulate:
A W IS S O AGLI ITALIANI
II sottoscritto a w e r t e esssersi stabilito in questa
citt6 con studio in Rua da Imperatriz n. 3 sobrado e che
ha ricevuto dal Regio Consolato d'Italia a Rio de Janeiro
tutte le instruzione necessarie sia per facilitare agli
italiani il disbrigo di affari nei quali avessero bisogno
 293

steady stream began in 1882. In 1887 the Promotive Society— won

by their.industriousness, their eagerness to emigrate, and by

the steamer fare saved by embarkation from Genoa— swelled the

stream to flood-size. The figures for immigration via the

port of Santos read as follows for the decade 1882-1891:

Italians 202,503 Danish 1,0^2

Portuguese 25*925 Belgian 851
Spanish lM-,9511*- English 782
German 6,196 Swedish 685
Austrian ^jllS Swiss 219
Russian 3*315 Irish 201
French 1*922 others ^83
total 263,196 107
It was in 1890 too early to perceive the rise to high
estate of those Italians of humbler origin. Residents of Soro-

caba, however, were in the l88o's coming to know the thirty-year-

old Francisco Matarazzo who, undaunted by having lost at sea the

merchandise he brought from Italy in 1881, was experimenting

with new methods for putting up lard. He was branching out into

other foodstuffs as well, preparing to shift his expanding busi­

ness to the capital, where a few decades later he would be

recognized as South America's richest industrialist and peer of

108
the proudest Paulista lineages.

del consolato stesso, come per la transmissione di dinaro

che gl*italiani desiderassero inviare in Italia col mezzo
consolare.
S. Paolo, 9 Dicembro de 1879.
Devoti Armando.

10^»In memoriam," on. cit.. pp. 351-358.

107
Sociedade Promotora de Imigragao (1892), on. cit.«
anexo no. 17*
■^®A. d'Atri, L'fitat de Sao Paulo et le renouvellement
economique de l'Eurone"(Paris. 1926), pp. 115 ff»; In memoriam— .
Francisco Matarazzo (Sao Paulo, n.d.), pp. 13-19* 350-355*
 29k

Yet the city was not always so kind to those who tried

their fortunes there. Ex-slaves coming in numbers from the

fazendas often found themselves in wretched hovels, working for

minimal wages at jobs such as garbage collection to which whites

scorned to stoop. Opponents of emancipation professed it to be

mainly they who swelled the ranks of alcoholics, criminals, and

109
vagabonds. Paladins of liberalism, on the other hand, ab­

solved ex-slaves and Brazilians in general of parasitism.

Rare, very rare are /I8927 the Negro beggars that

one finds in this city.
And when that happens there is no doubt that they
are true unfortunates who expended their youth and
energies in labor that was never paid and who are today
without succor.
. . . /The beggars7 are all foreigners, and for­
eigners who did not become disabled here, foreigners
who came from their countries beckoned by the fame of
our generosity and who arrived to add a black note to no
our active life with the sad picture of their deformities.

Of whatever color or language these wretches whom the for­

tunes of the city had bypassed, there was to their lot a bleak­

ness and anonymity that sharply contrasted with the colorful pos­

turing of the "popular types" of years gone by. However com­

modious the asylums of the metropolis, however spacious its

jails, there was little in the entering age to match the mocking

but tender affection in which the small creole town had once

^"Primeiro centenArio /Antonio Pradcj/," on. cit.«

p. 208.
Working on a statistical shoestring, one scholar claimed
fairly convincingly to prove that between 1876 and 190^ the
suicide rate among the city's Negroes and mulattoes far exceeded
that of whites. Jos6 de Alcantara Machado, Suicldios na Capital
de S. Paulo (1876-19010 (Sao Paulo, 1905) » P- 27*
^•10DiArio popular, 30 April 1892.
 295

held its self-indulgent "V/atersnake" and its preposterous

"Vinegar Tears."

3. Physical Expansion

This chapter has thus far examined the new sources of

wealth and avenues of enterprise, the soaring increments of

immigrant Europeans, and the pervading attitudes to which they

in part gave shape and in part owed their existence. The con­

joining of these elements can most directly be apprehended in

the city’s physical response— its new construction, expanding

perimeter, and public utilities and institutions. City growth,

indeed, during and long after the 1870's and 1880's vividly objec­

tified the blind, uncoordinated, tumultuous wlll-to-power of

which other reflections have already been noted and which so

distinguished the metropolis from the close-knit, tradition-

bound, post-colonial town.

In 1886 an Italian, Dr. Lomonaco, observed the capital

as follows:

Sao Paulo does not yet show the features of a great

city in the exact sense of the word. It is at present
subject to a regime, to a work of continual demolitions
and transformations that improve and beautify it from
day to day and cannot in a brief span be concluded.
A new city is tending to replace another ancient one,
and, concurrently, new districts are being built, obey­
ing a better plan and standard than the old ones and
daily extending the periphery. From this arise strongly
accentuated contrasts.
Alongside handsome palacetes ^new, palatial, upper-
class residences^, worthy of any great city, one still
sees small, humble hovels, the taipa houses built by
the first Portuguese colonists. In contrast to certain
well-paved streets, with many buildings, appear others
scarcely marked out, possessing few structures, covered
 296

with creeping grasses or bare earth, impassable when

it rains.
This imparity of construction and of differences in
material aspects is seen as much in the old section as
in the new. There is no district, one may say, of which
to affirm that its appearance is definitive. Hence only
in ten or fifteen years will Sao Paulo have a conclusive
cast and acquire the manner of a great and handsome city.

That Sao Paulo never did "level off" to achieve a "conclusive

cast" is part of its later story. The task at hand is to scru­

tinize more closely the circumstances limned by Dr. Lomonaco.

The most telling impetus to "material progress" was

imparted during the presidency of Joao Teodoro Xavier de Matos

(1872-1875)* A professor of lav; and devoted public servant,

Joao Teodoro was given to the gently ironic custom of summoning

to his office a "jury" of homespun citizens, whose verdict on

a given issue he would offer to political leaders as "public

opinion."'1''1'2
Under Joao Teodoro a number of new streets were opened,

some in new lands and others to link existing districts. Notable

in this regard was that Braz, an area of rural ch&caras and

later a populous industrial belt, was given access to the city

center and to Luz, where the railway station stood. The build­

ing of new streets and the widening of old ones involved much

expropriation and demolition of old landmarks.

In 1873 the streets forming the central "triangle"

received the first "parallelepipeds," i.e., small, even,

111Afonso d'E. Taunay, "Impressoes de Sao Paulo (1886),"

Sao Paulo de ontem. de ho.ie e de amanha. VI, 21 (January-June
194-6) , 62.
■^■^Egas, "Galeria," op. cit. . I, 4-79-^84-.
 297

rectangular paving-blocks.

The crumbling embankment overlooking Carmo meadow was

shored up. The meadow itself was drained and a new public park,

delicately named the Isle of Loves, was laid out on a small

island in the Tamanduatei. Regulations of 187*+ provided for

smart upkeep of the Isle and the Public Garden, refreshment

pavilions and weekly band concerts in.each, a twenty-meter obser­

vation tower in the Public Garden, and tree-planting along cer­

tain streets.

During Joao Teodoro's administration an amount equal to

nearly half the annual provincial budget was spent to embellish

the capital— a clear index of the prevailing urban-mindedness

(or Versailles psychology) and an added incentive for wealthy
113
planters to transfer to the capital.
In 1872 the kerosene streetlamps were replaced by far

more satisfactory gas lighting, the concession of a London firm:

the Sao Paulo Gas Co., Ltd. The original 606 lamps were more
than doubled by 1887, in addition to which the Company served
Ilk
l,*+30 buildings. At the end of the following year the first

electric streetlights, installed by a Hungarian concern, were

•^% u t o Sant* Anna, ”0 Jardim da Luz," RAM. LXI (September-

October 1939), 50 5 Martins, op. cit.. I, 63 , 131, l^-O-lte, l*+6,
151 and II, 10-11, 59, 83 , 92; Ribeiro, "Cronologia," o p . cit..
I, 553,637; Freitas, "Dicionfirio," op. cit.. pp. 135-137; Egas,
"Galeria,” o p . cit. . I, *+79-510; Paula, op. cit.. pp. *+-12;
J. C. de Azevedo Marques, o p . cit.. pp. 3m-*+-859*
11*+
Secretaria de Agriculture, ComSrcio e Obras PCiblicas
de S. Paulo, Notas s5bre o Estado de Sao Paulo (Brasil) e sua
capital (Sao Paulo, 1896^ . p. *+6 ; Egas. "Galeria." op. cit., I,
T+71 ff.; Comissao Central de Bstatistica, op. cit. . p. 338.
displayed to crowds in the city center.
115
In 1877 local capitalists, acquiring the services of
British engineers, organized the Cia. Cantareira to furnish

SSo Paulo dependably with water and dispose of its sewage. From

sources in the Cantareira hills, north of the city, 1^- 3/2 kilo­
meters of pipes were to feed a reservoir, constructed of Port­

land cement, in Consolaqao. By 1882 long-thirsty fountains were

gushing, streets could be washed down daily, and 133 buildings

had water connections. By 1885 2,776 buildings were served, and

5,008 by 1888. When on the night of 1 June 1882 churchbells
rang out as of old to give alarm of a fire in the Hotel Hespanha,

the citizenry, as of old, rushed to the scene to lend aid. But

the modern age had made them passive bystanders, mere thrill-

seekers. The blaze was extinguished by a newly created fire

116
department, served by newly installed hydrants.

Sao Paulo now boasted the best water and sewage system

in Brazil. But the wand of applied science, contrary to its

advance notices, bid another Pandora’s box to open. These effi­

cient utilities, appearing in the midst of an underprivileged

agrarian country, conduced to the vicious circle of the city's

inordinately swift growth. And the hills that furnished water

and the river (Tiete) that carried off sewage for 50 or 100

115
Ribeiro, "Cronologia," op. cit.. II (2), 591*

Randolfo Homem de Melo, ” A agua em S. Paulo," RAM.

XIV (July 1935) » 16^-166; Freitas, "Dicionfirio," op. cit. ,
pp. o*+-66; Egas, "Galeria," op. cit.. I, 538 ff.; Martins, oj).
cit., II, lMf-lM#; Comissao Central de Estatistica, op. cit..
pp. 338-339.
 299

thousand people were to become impotent in the face of ten and

twenty times that number. Sao Paulo's severe functional malad­

justments since the l88o's are not (relative to a Latin American

environment) attributable to colonial somnolence and misoneism,

as was earlier the case. Rather, they stem from hypnotic fascina­

tion with a raw accrual of urban size, power, and activity that
are gilded, but not structurally planned, by the technics and

ornaments that reputedly befit a metropolis.

One by one the city's old deficiencies were, at least

temporarily, relieved. In 1877 prisoners still in the old jail

were moved to a section of the Penitentiary, and the jail was

remodeled to give more spacious housing to the provincial assembly.

A new slaughterhouse was provided in 1887» In 1890 a second mar­

ketplace was opened which finally drove the colorful stalls off
117
Casinhas Street.

The Santa Casa da Miseric6rdia, whose patients tripled

from 1870 to 1875> had its small staff of ten increased by French
nurses of the Sisterhood of St. Joseph. It moved to a commodious

site in 188*+, and the next year opened an Asylum for Mendicants
Il8
that was soon tending over 100 inmates. The Portuguese Soci­

ety of Beneficence also found more spacious quarters, which were

119
further enlarged as funds and membership mounted. ' The

■^^Martins, op. cit. « I, 56-59> 107-108, l*+9; Ribeiro,

"Cronologia," op. cit., I , M-38 and II (1), 156.
i*jO
Tolstoi de P. Ferreira, loc. cit.« pp. 9-18, 31-32.

119Ibid., pp. 39-^6.

 300

Italians founded a comparable Society in 1878, as did the French

in 1881.120 Brazilian incentive in the field of charity was

represented by two societies under the aegis of St. Vincent de

Paul: the Conferencia Vicentina (187M and the Association of

1 Pi
Ladies of Charity (I887).
It was, however, far simpler for wealth and science to

provide new facilities than for old habits and suspicions to

melt away. The city's Vaccinal Institute was not effective or

well supplied for nearly twenty years after its founding in

122
187*+* The break-down of causes for death in the city (1887)
shows that public and private authorities still lacked rudimen-
123
tary concern with preventive hygiene:

diseases of the digestive tract 397 diphtheria 22

» 11 » respiratory " 215 puerperal diseases 10
tuberculosis 209 syphilis 9
cerebro-spinal diseases 207 alcoholism 6
circulatory diseases 11+5 erysipelas M-
typhoid fever whooping-cough 3
measles croup 3
smallpox 3^- scarlet fever 3
genito-urinary diseases 26 not specified 286
173S
Of *+,56l deaths in 1892 (excluding 280 stillbirths) ,

2,M+3 were children under eight, and 170 between eight and

120
Salvatore Pisani, Lo Stato di San Paolo (Sao Paulo,
1937), P* 1089; Martins, o p . cit.. II, 121.
1 PI
Tolstoi de P. Ferreira, loc. cit., pp. 63-68 .
122
J. C. de Azevedo Marques, op. cit., pp. 79^-800;
Ribeiro, "Cronologia," op. cit., II (2) , 7*+9*
■^^Marcos Arruda, Boletim dempgraflco-sanit§rio
especificando a mortalidade da Cidade de S. Paulo em I087 (Sao
Paulo, 1888), p. 25*
 301

fifteen. The two main causes of this phenomenon were at the time
declared to be: (1) broncho-pulmonary diseases, naively attri­

buted to quick termperature changes and the "hygrometric state

of the air ;11 (2) gastrointestinal diseases caused by improper

feeding, hired wetnursing, premature weaning, and impure cow's
12b
milk.

Through no efficacy of its services for disease control,

the capital was spared the yellow fever scourge. Having ravaged

Santos for decades? the disease struck even more fiercely in

1889-1892, erupting as well in Campinas, Rio Claro, and later
in the more inland towns. It was noticed, however, that a busi­

nessman named Hawkins, who visited Santos continually during its

worst epidemics, was not stricken until 1893 , when for the first
125
time he failed to return to Sao Paulo for the night.

Until 1892 every victim in the capital had inevitably

just arrived from one of the afflicted cities. 0 Estado de Sao

Paulo censured the apathy of officials toward these cases:

Neither is the disinfection of houses in which deaths

occur carried out with proper vigor, nor is there an
attempt to isolate the sick persons who arrive, or fre­
quently have already arrived, from the neighboring city
^Campinas/.
We are told that in the Santa Cecilia district are
various patients from Campinas and that in a house where
one of them is or was, deleterious fevers developed
which infected five persons.
Now, of the city's environs the district of Santa

IpL. . _
Torquato Tapaj6s, Saneamento de S. Paulo (Sao Paulo,
189M » PP» 1^-16.
12^Vitor Godinho, "A febre amarela— notas higienicas,"
R evista mfedica de S. Paulo, I, 8 (15 September 1898), 132.
 302

Cecilia, as veil as being one of the nearest, is one

of those offering more and better conditions for the
spread of an epidemic, for it has neither water nor
sewers and presents the sad sight of open lands serving
as a dump for the city's garbage and trash, which are
emptied there daily by innumerable wagons.I26

In 1892 and 1893 a yellow-fever cases did originate

in the capital. But always they were persons who had received
heavily packed crates from Santos which, owing to cramped, over­

worked port facilities, had been held for months in conditions

of filth and dampness. Only then did the government start a

127
more systematic campaign of decontamination and quarantining.

Immunized by its high altitude, the capital was, as

mistress of the rail network, simply transshipping the unsuspected

ASdes aegypti to the hinterland. The fever's ravages were in

direct ratio to commercial activity. For Campinas, Sao Paulo's

declared rival, this was a compounded irony.

The yellow fever episode was a factor, though not a

cardinal one, of the city's precipitant growth, the analysis of

which is still lacking in certain important details.

New animal-drawn streetcars evinced Sao Paulo's areal

expansion. The first line (1872) joined Se to the Santos rail­

way station. Another (1877) went to Braz. By I887 there were

seven lines with 25 kilometers of track, 319 animals, and *+3

cars carrying 1,500,000 passengers a year. In addition, a small

•^^0 Estado de Sao Paulo. 19 March 1890.

12?W. L. Strain, "A febre amarela— seu modo de

propagaqao," Revista m6dica de S. Paulo, II, 8 (15 August 1899)>
233-237.
 303

1 9ft
steam railway joined outlying Santo Amaro with the city.

For rich and poor alike the scramble for Lebensraum had

b e g u n . L i b e r d a d e , on the road leading south, became a "re­

spectable" section. An auction of 30-meter lots along a pro­

jected Liberdade streetcar line was held on 1 November 1877:

The progressive increase of population and hence the daily

rl.se in value of lands next to the city being inevitable,
this is a golden occasion of immense advantage for propri­
etors and private parties to obtain, with little sacri­
fice, lands on which to build a shelter for the f a m i l y . 1 ™

By 1886 lands were being sold in Vila Mariana, considerably

beyond Liberdade.
Only humble pretensions could be made for land near the

station:
ATTENTION ATTENTION
LANDS FOR THE POOR
This is the first time that lots are being sold in S.
Paulo for 200$000.
Who would think that in this city, in the picturesque
district of Luz, there could be sold lots so cheaply,
within the reach of all. . . .

1rtO
Comissao Central de Estatistica, on. cit.. p. 338;
Martins, op. cit. . I, 110 and II, 16, 163*
The streetcar contract had been granted by the Camara.
When a dispute arose in 1882 over the limits of the monopoly,
the provincial president, in the tradition of the old law for
municipalities of 1828, pronounced it quite evident that the
Camara had wholly lacked authority to make the concession.
Arquivo Nacional, caixa 371, 1882 (Provincial President to the
Minister of the Empire, lM- June 1882) ; Corrfeio paullstano. 8
June 1882.

12^Paulistans, like all Latin Americans, have historically

preferred real estate to other forms of investment. The collapse
of the banking house of Maufi in 1875 gave fresh impetus to
speculation in city lands. Martins, op. cit.. II, 91*

^°Di|rio_ de Sao Paulo, 31 October 1877*

^ ^Corr6io paulistano. 13 March 1886.

 30^

For that price only he who will not trouble himself

to verify the truth will fail to become a property-
own er .132

Foreigners, as might be expected, had a strong hand in

the' land boom. The French engineer, Jules Martin, contracted in

1877 to build a viaduct across the l8o-meter-wide valley of the

AnhangabaG and link the city's central hill with the Morro do Ch6.
whose chGcara lands were being subdivided. ch£ Viaduct, com­

pleted in 1892, became a safety valve for the congested "triangle."

A German, Frederico Glete, acquired (1879) extensive

ch&cara lands west of the center in the Campos Eliseos district.

After laying out over a dozen streets at a cost of 100 contos,

he sold off lots for a profit of eight times that sum. M. Bur-
chard, another German and an associate of victor Nothmann, also

engaged in real estate in this general area and opened up the

boulevard traversing the aristocratic Higien6polis district. J

The upper-class residential section was spreading out

south and west, toward Santo Amaro, capitalizing on the view and

drier air that the rising terrain afforded. Details of a

chAcara. put up for sale in 1877 and later to be subdivided,

serve to describe the region:

There is for sale the large chGcara of upper Pacaembu,

located half a league from this' Capital, with an excel­
lent house of residence, a kiln, etc., etc. It likewise

^ 2Pl§rio de Sao Paulo. 20 September 1877*

133Martins, o p . cit.. I, 120-121 and II, 13-11*- See

Cursino de Moura, o p . cit., for histories of the various balrros.
or city districts, and their streets.

^3lfPrado JGnior, "Nova contribuigao," loc. cit.. p. 210.

 305

has excellent pasturage divided into several fields, good

water, good and abundant clay for bricks and even tiles,
and extensive woods where there is enough timber for con­
struction. This estate, which is half a league in depth
and 1,000 bracas ^5,000 feet7 wide, is wholly enclosed by
boundary ditches and situated on a pleasant and charming
site enjoying a delightful view.135

Unlike many of the historic highroads that converged upon

Sao Paulo, railways kept to the river-level plains. The Sao

Paulo Railway came in from Santos along the Tamanduatei, skirted

the central rise, then followed the Tiet6 before branching north­

ward. The TietS basin was also followed by the Sorocabana from

the west and the Central do Brasil from Rio to the east. The

Sao Paulo Railway, partly by its generous provision of sidings,

came to determine an industrial belt that "contaminated" a wide

arc east and north of the center, much of which land was already
x *^6
undesirable for being low-lying and dank. Within this arc,
137
notably in Braz and Mo6ca, most of the proletariat were to live.
It must not be thought, however, that the city flowed out

concentrically into neatly demarcated zones of land use. The

•^^DiHrio de SSo Paulo. 22 November 1877•

^ ^Prado Junior, "Nova contribuigSo," loc. cit.. p. 209*

Much of the high-lying, upper-class area had reddish,
clayey soil that drained poorly. According to the season its
unpaved roads were either quagmires or dustbins. The sandier
soil of the proletariat belt, however, offered no compensation
owing to the high water table. Relatorio da Comissgo do
Saneamento das V&rzeas. S. Paulo. 1890-1891 (mss, in Blblloteca
Municipal of S§o Paulo, dated 7 November 1891)>PP» 3-8.
^^Exploring Sao Bento Street as it descended northward
from the central rise, Koseritz found (1883) all "the principal
factories": cotton mills of Dlogo de Barros and Kawarik, Seckler's
printing-press, Messenberg’s carriage factory, etc. Koseritz,
on. cit., p. 256.
 3o 6

swift, unplanned, exploitative nature of expansion caused

industrial, commercial, and high- and low-class residential areas

to jostle and interpenetrate unexpectedly. The following adver­

tisement (1886) shows how a boardinghouse or small industry

might intrude among exclusive residences:

CH&CARA
Announcing for sale or rent the picturesque chScara
Helvetia, located In Campos Ellseos Paulistano, in
direct reach of four well used streets and facing on
Santa Ifig§nia Street with streetcars at the door; has
a spacious residence for a large family, or can serve
as a hotel, health home or school, or for any industrial
establishment; large yard planted with European and
native trees, garden, and lawn. Piped water from
Cantareira.
A report to the state government in 1891 described the

city's turbulent growth with certain apprehension:

Although founded over 330 years ago, S. Paulo is a
new city, whose general appearance is now marked by
constant renovation of old buildings, which vanish
rapidly, and by the numerous structures that make up the
new districts.
Two-thirds of the present city, certainly, is of very
recent date.
Examined in toto. S. Paulo is a modern city with all
the defects and advantages inherent in cities that
develop very swiftly. Imparities in buildings and
street-planning, very appreciable differences in level,
irregularity of constructions that are always erected
without preconceived plan, large inhabited areas lack­
ing indispensable improvements needed for hygiene, wide
spaces either unoccupied or very irregularly utilized,
and along with all this a population that has tripled
in ten years, much activity, much commerce, extraordinary
rise in land and building values, and a naturally pleasant
climate.139
With this pressure of growth the authorities were ill

138
Corr&io naulistano. 30 March 1886.

•1-39HRQiat6rio da Comissao do Saneamento," on. cit. .

pp. 1-2.
 307

adapted to cope. Public utilities could not be expanded fast

enough. Street-cleaning and -paving, garbage and sewage disposal,

and lowlands drainage were all lagging. Rivulets and vacant

lots were becoming pestholes. Iron fences put up to protect

trees were being damaged or stolen. And the CSmara was further
hobbled by not being able to keep up with its tax collections.

The city center— with narrow, irregular streets and

huddled on a hill whose arteries of approach sloped as much as

21 per cent— was, even with its later viaducts, almost unsalvage-

able as a metropolitan nucleus. Worse still, the municipal

codes of 187? and 1886 were largely a mere restatement of time­

worn ordinances having application to a small, static town.

Hence the new districts were laid out without guide or control.
The 1886 code, for example, was quite explicit that

flowerpots should not be kept on windowsills, that horses should

not gallop through the streets (except cavalry on urgent busi­

ness) , that public masquerades could be held only during Carnival,

that taverns frequented by vagabonds must close at 10:00 in the

summer and 9:00 in winter, and that precautions against casualty

•1L.i
must be taken at bullfights. Yet the only provision for

opening new lands were that streets should be straight and 16

^ ^ I b i d . , pp. 13-1*+; Relat6rio apresentado h Camara

Municipal de Sao Paulo pelo Intendente Municipal ces£rio
Ramalho da Silva— 1893 (Sao Paulo . 189*+)\ PP» M— l6.
•^•c6dlgo de posturas do municlpio de SSo Paulo— 6 de
outubro de 1^86. tltulos V. XIII. XV. See also: "C6digo de
posturas £JL87^ , " o p . cit.: Almeida Junior, op. cit. . pp. 51-66.
 308

lL.p
meters wide and that plazas should he square. This "two-

dimensional," gridiron planning— archaic and unimaginative—

produced a city that was wholly disarticulated and unprepared

to accommodate its increasing flow of traffic.

One of the presidents did in 1886 request "circular

boulevards" that would permit vehicles en route from one suburb
llf3
to another to avoid traversing the city center. But these

concentric Rlngstrassen. which were little more than modified

checkerboard planning, were not introduced for another fifty

years.

The city's new cankers could have been excised only by

the large vision and strong will of its administrators and by a

renascence of communally felt responsibilities among its citizen­

ry. In so raw-boned and conglomerate a city this could scarce
be hoped for. Certainly the mere enshrinement of ideals in
municipal codes was not in itself conclusive. For instance,

some of the 1886 ordinances were quite opportune— such as those

requiring effective sewage disposal, cleanliness and ventilation

of lower-class multiple dwellings, and segregation of contamina-

tive factories. Yet the survey of slum conditions in 1893

revealed that disregard for these measures was victimizing a

ll+2"C6digo de posturas ^18867," op. cit. , tltulo I. See

also Anais do 19 Congresso de Habitacao. op. cit.. pp. 9^-95;
Milliet. op. cit.. pp. 1^9-16M~.
•^•^Relatdrlo apresentado b Assembleia Legislative
Provincial de Sao Paulo pelo Presidents da Provincia Joao
Alfredo Corr6la de Oliveira no dia 1? de feverelro de 1886
(Sao Paulo, 1886), p. 105>.
•^^"Cddigo de posturas /I8867," op. cit. , tltulos II,
VII, VIII.
large segment of the proletariat.

The sallies of the municipal and provincial governments

into public works were, as has been indicated, numerous. Yet
they were piecemeal and betrayed the lack of a bold, integrative

vision of the city— past, present, and future— in its totality.

Two of the new parks for instance, though handsomely gardened,

were a wastage. The perfumed bowers of the Isle of Loves had

to compete with the fragrance of old shoes, bones, rusty cans,

and putrescent bedclothes from an adjoining dump. And a park

laid out in the Municipal Square (1880) served to congest

intensely traffic converging upon two churches, a theatre, the

1^6
Camara, and the legislative assembly.

This history does not purport, as I have elsewhere

stressed, to portray city life of 1820 or 1850 as having been

idyllic. By most material standards the populace was, class

for class, doubtless better provided in 1890. Yet in the

earlier age there was a certain correspondence between human

behavior, experience, and expectancies on one hand and,on the
other, the composition and tacit or avowed obligations of

classes and institutions. By 1890 only a.portion of the

citizenry could— thanks to birth, luck, enterprise, or ingenuity

— profess to see such a correspondence. Many others— their

eyes, ears, and minds pricked by the city into new awareness—

■'■^"Relatorio apresentado h Camara Municipal . . .

l893j" on. cit.. pp. M-3-U8.
llf^j6nius , o p . cit. . pp. 101-103; Almeida Junior, op.
cit., p. 81.
 310

were perceiving a stubborn discontinuity between raw experience

and prevailing ideals, whether the ideals of republicanism,

Catholicism, positivism, science, industrialism, or, loosely

for most, "the modern age."

That discontinuity and the plurality of those ideals

comprise, of course, the recent history of Sao Paulo, as of the

world. For all its derangement, the city has since World War I
managed to produce certain minds endowed competently to address

such problems. Therein lies the measure of what salvation it

is to expect.

b. The New Boundaries of Life

The guiding theme of this history— namely, the emergence

of an abstract, nucleated urban order in the midst of a disper­

sive agrarian one— has been implicit in the fabric of the

present chapter: in the discussion of positivism, in the

recourse to economic and demographic statistics, in the descrip­

tion of impersonal, specialized "public utilities," and in the

schematic assumption that the cogs of the city were at many

levels meshing into those of the industrial world at large.

The trend is neatly summarized by two provincial regulations

for collecting building taxes. The first (1856) defines the

city as extending along main highways to certain chicaras;

the second (1873) circumscribes it with an abstract, artificial

line, the "city limits.

c. de Azevedo Marques, op. cit.. pp. 313> 698.

(See supra. Chapter I, Section 1.)
 311

I shall in this final section, however, try to objectify

"trends" and "processes" and to indicate, if only fragmentarily,
what "citification" meant by 1890 in terms of citizens' experi­
ence, behavior, and values.

Upper-class architecture, which yielded an important

clue to the town of 1820, is once again a valuable index.

Through much of the nineteenth century there was in

Sao Paulo little distinction between the professions of archi­

tect and engineer. As long as the construction was taipa.

this circumstance did not preclude structural comeliness; for,

as has been noted, the rigidly geometric solution imposed by

taipa conduced to sturdy functional honesty without demanding,

indeed without accommodating, the esthetic ingenuities of a
skilled architect.

By the 1870's, however, taipa was looked upon as being

drab and rustic, and the long-lingering r6tula met extinction:

By order of the illustrious municipal Camara, we

declare that the inextensible period for replacing
r6tulas. casements, lattices, doors, or windows that
open outward ends the 31st of the current month
/December, 187^7*^
Foreign craftsmen, with allegedly more civilized tech­

niques, were appropriating the construction business:

To the Senhores Fazendeiros

Two German youths, master bricklayers, offer their
services in this trade— namely, in bricks and tiles—
to persons having need of them.
They also undertake to pave terraces for drying
coffee, etc., and whatever else is pertinent.l*+9

Notice in Dl^rlo de Sao Paulo. 23 December 1873»

quoted in Martins, op. cit., II, 123-12^.
•^^Di&rlo de Sao Paulo. 30 January 1872.
 312

And two Italians, Gaudino and Hicardini, were paid in 1879 for
having remodeled the old j a i l . ^ 0

Italian techniques came to dominate the city during

the first decades of its expansion and were quite distinct from
those of Portuguese masons, which set the mold in Rio, along

the littoral, and other regions. The Italians, for example,

preferred brick foundations to stone and used nails rather

than screws in carpentry, which had the effect of changing the

quality of certain woods.

The first changes, then, were rung by foreign artisans

and were of a technical nature. For a decade or more after

I870— when newly rich fazendeiros were beginning to construct

more permanent and munificent city residences— the city was

not yet worldly-wise enough to import architects. Artisans

might change taipa for bricks; they might coat exteriors with

stucco (which was more permeable than the bricks it supposedly

shielded); they might affix irrelevant and uninspired cornices

and friezes. But the skeletal structure and the social pattern

which controlled it were not so quickly shifted. The building

standards of the 1886 municipal Code betrayed the persistence

of an artless and rigid sobrado mentality: first, second, and

third stories were to be respectively 5 m., H.8 m., and m.

high; doors were to be 3*2 m. by 1-3 , windows 2.2 m. by

1.1 m . , front walls 30 cm. thick.

■^°Ribeiro, "Cronologia," op. cit. . I, ^ 39 .

^•^"Cddigo de posturas ^18867,” op. cit.« pp. 61-68.
Jtinius remarked in 1882 thax "the buildings in Sao
Paulo, even new ones, do not depart from the style generally
 313

In 1917 the pseudo-colonial architect, Ricardo Severo,

recalled that the Italian stuccoers had excessively ahused:
. . . sculptured ornament applied to completely
smooth fagades without discretion, architectural com­
position, or minimal esthetic sense. A mixture of
exotic forms arises among the urban houses of the new
districts; the fagade seeks out incomprehensible styles
that are shocking chiefly for their disconnection from
the local scene and its destiny . . . .
. . . The thread of tradition was wholly lost in
that eclectic labyrinth of foreign influences . . . .
Heed was no longer paid to the physical milieu in the
orographic conformation of its terrain and local
countryside, to the social scene with its uses and
customs, its habits of family and collective life; and
the structural forms inherent in the materials of the
country were not forthrightly adopted.152

In the second paragraph quoted, Severo refers to the

larger changes in the basic architecture of upper-class residences,

occurring shortly before the advent of the Republic. Swiss

chalets and luxurious palacetes appeared to attest the accrued

coffee wealth and more frequent sojourns in Europe. Lenita,

the sensual heroine of Jtilio Ribeiro's A carne. imagines (I887)

to herself buying "a large lot in an aristocratic district, on

Alegre Street, in Santa Ifigenia, in Ch6” and building:

. . . an elegant, graceful palacete with oriental fili­
gree that would surpass and vanquish those barracks of
brick, those impossible scarecrows that loom there:
homely, extravagant, fazenda-type, cosmopolitan, without
hygiene, without architecture, without taste. I would
have it done under the direction of Ramos de Azevedo

followed by all those of our country, construction has not yet

abandoned the heavy, monotonous, almost rude architecture that
the mother country taught us.’1 J6nius, op. cit.. p. 75*
•^2Ricardo Severo, ”A arte tradicional no Brasil,”
Revlsta do Brasil. April 1917> ^15-^17*
150
Jfclio Ribeiro, A carne (20th edition; Rio de Janeiro,
19^ 6) , p. 69 .
 31V

Francisco de Paula Ramos de Azevedo (1851-1928) became

the tycoon of this new architecture. Born in Campinas, he had

worked as a young man with the Paulista and Mogiana railways,

then studied engineering in Belgium (1875-78). He returned

to Campinas, worked on the reconstruction of its cathedral,
and in 1886 established himself in Sao Paulo, engaged to build
a new provincial treasury. More engineer than architect, more
entrepreneur than engineer, Ramos de Azevedo, with his associ­

ates, set up a dictatorship over Paulistan taste that did not

begin to crumble until the 1920's. His "style" was preten­

tious, pinchbeck, soulless, derivative, and best described as

promiscuous eclecticism with leanings toward the Renaissance.1^

In scores of palacetes and public buildings the city still

bears his stamp.

To apprehend more fully the way of life that the

palacete stood for, let us pursue further the wishful musings

of Ribeiro's Lenita.

Her home would be furnished with tables and writing-

desks bought in Paris by discriminating agents; Cordovan

leather, Persian and Gobelin tapestry, Japanese fukasas: magni­

ficent oriental chinaware ranged prodigally on shelves and con­

soles, in glass cases and cupboards of filigreed ironwood;

porcelain from Sbvres, Berlin, and Vienna; Japanese bronzes,

Venetian mirrors, Bohemian perfume bottles. Cabinets and

•^^J. F. Barbosa da Silveira, Ramos de Azevedo e sua

atividade (Sao Paulo, 19^1)•
For many ideas about Paulistan architecture I am
indebted to conversations with Sr. Luis Sfiia and Sr. Rino Levi.
See also: Morse, loc. cit.. p. ^-67.
 315

vldepoches would bulge with “ancient jewels, with chrysolites

and diamonds set in silver, with old relics of gold from Porto."

Her cuisine "would shock tastes used to ground meat

and loin of pork" with its smoked herring, caviar, partridge

faisandie, roast lark, and every wine that was expensive and
exotic.

With this characterless and vulgarly ostentatious

m&nage the young lady* s activities were to be quite in keeping.

I would have valuable horses; I would go to Ponte

Grande, Penha, Vila Mariana in a matchless Parisian
huit-ressorts drawn by enormous, spirited, pure-
blooded steeds of dark color and the finest hair.
I would be noted for most elegant, daring, and even
scandalous toilettes.
I would travel through all of Europe, pass a summer
in St. Petersburg, a winter in Nice; I would ascend
Jungfrau, gamble in Monte Carlo.155

Even if recognized as daydreams of a self-centered nym­

phomaniac, these desiderata reflect not too misleadingly the

city's rootless materialism and urge for conspicuous consump­
tion. In fact Ribeiro's novel (finished in 1888) is itself

indicative: a harsh Zolaesque, social-Darwinian jeremiad lack­

ing art or compassion.

The shrewd Portuguese critic, Ramalho Ortigao, observed

in a letter to Eduardo Prado (1887) that metropolitan Brazil

lacked a disciplined sense of taste and etiquette. It was, he

claimed, the Emperor's duty to provide social norms extra-

legally. Yet the "enormous calamity" of "Brazilian civiliza­

tion" was that Pedro's temperament was "absolutely unesthetic,

• ^ J . Ribeiro, op. cit.. pp. 70-71.

 316

fundamentally anti-artistic, rebellious to every notion of

good taste."

That prince let everything go astray and become per­

verted that he should have controlled, and he busied
himself only with that in which he should never have
meddled. The only serious work of his life consisted
in making of himself a sage, and in that he failed.
. . . By his example he damaged as much as he could
the art of conversing, of dressing, of receiving, of
dining, of planning a menu, of leading a cotillion,
of riding a horse, of furnishing a salon, of building
a house, of writing a book.

Society's reaction to the Emperor's "dissolving action," Ortigao

continued, was "singular":

The leading Brazilian men can compete with those

from anywhere. The second-rate ones are perhaps at
an excessive distance from the first. Or, to explain
myself otherwise: there are no seconds. The first
are immediately followed by the ninth- or tenth-rate.
The mean is weak. The same happens with the ladies.

Ortigao went on to praise the salon of his correspond­

ent 's mother (mother also of Antdnio and Martinico Prado).

Dona Veridiana had by now moved to Sao Paulo, where her house

was a gathering-place for such intellectuals as Luis Pereira

Barreto, the ethnologist Teodoro SampSio, the American geologist

Orville Derby, the Swedish scientist Alberto LOfgren, as well

as Eduardo Prado himself, an impassioned litterateur. Of Dona

Veridiana, Ortigao remarked:

What expertness in the art of being pleasing] What
natural perspicacity in observing men and things!
What a quantity of precise and just ideas casually
dropped in the most simple and unceremonious conver­
sation! What subtle perception of certain nuances
and, in fine, what perfect good taste in the choice
of furniture and the choice of words!l?6

^ Revista nova. I, 1 (15 March 1931), 6-9 (letter

from Raraalho Ortigao to Eduardo Prado, dated 1** December 1887).
Pedro's first visit to 5;.^Patilohad been in 18^6. Three
 317

Such islands of refinement added to the heterogeneity

of indiscriminate importations and modishness. So also did

staunch patriarchal survivals, for even in modern days certain

youths kiss their parents' hands and use with them the formal
form of address (o senhor) .

Rail communication with Rio made it easier to import

foreign dramatic, opera, and lyric companies to entertain the

157
upper and middle classes. This was as overpowering to stu­
dent theatrics as the big daily newspapers were to student
journalism.

The old Casa da Opera was torn down in 1870. But

across the boards of the Sao Jos6 Theatre (reopened in 1876

after alterations) and the Provis6rlo. or Provisional, Theatre

(built in 1873 during repairs to the SSo Jos 6) paraded the most

famed singers and actors of Italy, France, Spain, and Portugal.

The bombastic tragedian Ernesto Rossi was wildly acclaimed

(1879) by the students and the Italian colony, and soon the
former, now become mere mimics, were soulfully declaiming:

"Essere o non essere. Ecco il problemsJ" .Sarah Bernhardt made

two visits in the l88o's. It is recorded that delirious students

subsequent trips— 1876 , 1878 , and 1886— helped further to bring

the city into the Court's social sphere of influence. Egas,
"Galeria," op. cit.. I, 5l^> 528, 658.
Pedro was no less adroit socially and intellectually
than most rulers of Victorian Europe; but he had traditions to
create, while they had them, ready-made, to draw upon.
157
From the sketchy table given in Section 2 of this
chapter I make an even sketchier estimate of the city's class
distribution for 1890: 5 per cent upper, 25 per cent middle,
70 per cent lower.
 318

escorted her to her hotel, spreading their topcoats for her to

tread upon and shouting "Pisez sur nous, MadameJ" (it being
maliciously rumored that the French verb was heard with an

atonic '•s")«^®
When Brazil produced a canvas painter of talent, he was
spirited off to study in a French atelier to learn to reproduce

spiritlessly pre-impressionist styles: David, Delacroix, Cour­

bet, Puvis de Chavannes, etc. Though-the Court offered such

painters the surest patronage, a few Paulistas— like Benedito

Calixto de Jesus (1853-1927) and Oscar Pereira da Silva (1867-

1939)— remained in Sao Paulo painting canvases and decorating
churches and new public buildings. Calixto spent only a year
abroad, where he cautiously withdrew from an impressionist

studio. He had some of the ingenuousness but less of the vigor

159
and originality of the earlier Dutra and Father Jesuino.

Largely because of its foreign colonies, the city had

160
an efflorescence of musical activity. There were increasing

158
Egas, "Teatros," loc. cit.. pp. 115-118; JCinius, op.
cit. , pp. 77-78; Pinho, o p . cit.. pp. 101-10^; Duarte, op. cit..
pp. 61-65; Martins, o p . cit. . II, 87; Paixao, op. cit.,
pp. *f28-M+3, Afonso Taunay, "Impressoes," loc. cit.. pp. 5-6.
159
Lourival Gomes Machado, Retrato da arte moderna do
B rasil (Sao Paulo, 19*+8) , pp. 11-27; R&is JOnior, oEi^cit.,
pp. I*t9-2lfl.
l6o_JJJ# g # .

ITALIAN BAND OF MUSIC

Directed by Professor
Eugenio Vecchio
For Parties, Dances, SoirSes, etc.
Advt. in Almanach da Provincia de Sao Paulo (Sao Paulo, l88lf) ,
p. 597-
numbers of voice and instrumental teachers. Chamber and sym- '

phony music was performed by such groups as the Haydn, Mozart,

and Mendelssohn Clubs, the Paulista Quartet, and the 2^-th of-.T :

May Musical Club.

Alexandre Levi (186^-1892), who was born and died in ;

the city, was a composer of certain merit and significance}’ .

despite his obeisance to Schumann and .Chopin, some of his works

162
were genuinely Brazilian in theme and conception. Otherwise,

however, there was little creativity in evidence. Brazil’s

outstanding nineteenth-century composer, Antfinio de Carlos

Gomes (I839-I896) , was born in Campinas and received encourage-.

* * •’

ment from Paulistan law students (for whom he wrote an Academic*

Hymn) to embark for Rio in i 860. A decade later he made his
major triumph in Milan with II Guarany. and his years of ful- ^
l6^
fillment were not associated with Sao Paulo.
For the Paulistan elite (though not perhaps for the

middle- and lower-class Italian colony) attendance at per­

formances of European romantic composers was a mere emblem of

social distinction or, at best, a " cultural activity" to indulge
the more tender sentiments. This conclusion is confirmed by a ^

^■^The players comprising the Paulista Quartet were all ;1

Italian: Bastiani, Martini, Rocchi, and Pasquale.
R. Almeida, on. cit.. pp. 391-392; Pinho, op. cit..
pp. 101-101*.
•l Z a ’ • k*v

Gelfisio Pimenta. Alexandre Levi (S§o Paulo, 1911),

pp. 8-26; Freitas, "Dicionario.".o p . cit. . pp. 86-87; R.
Almeida, op. cit.. pp. l*26-W28.
16^
Carlos Penteado de Rezende, "0 ano de 1859 na vida •
de Carlos Gomes." 0 Estado de SSo Paulo. 23 June 19h8;
R. Almeida,' op. cit. . pp. 371-388.
 320

contemporary account that described the dilettanti of the Haydn

Club attending:

. . . its concert of preterit and future music

. . . with plenty of strong coffee in their stomachs
to resist the temptations of Morpheus / sicl7* God of
classical music. ""
I attended a concert in ..the said club and noticed
that there is not a single spectator there who is not
deeply versed in dissonant harmonies: all of them
perform a duetto with the players, for if the latter
play some pastiche hungrols in Si, the former with
.falsetto voice snore in Sol.lo^

In a speech to graduates of Sao Paulo's Conservatory in

1935 the brilliant musicologist, M^rio de Andrade, made abun­

dantly clear the artificiality of Paulistan salon music. For

fourteen years he had asked his students the purpose of their

studies; always they replied voice, piano, violin, etc.— never

music.

If students come to the Conservatory with the sole

pprpose of studying piano or violin, if the ideal of
those young people is no more than a confusion and
vanity that sacrifice the noble values of art to the
hope of public applause, is it the fault of that
fragile youth? It isn't. You are not the guilty ones,
but your parents, your teachers, and the public authori­
ties. Your error stems from a far more manifest and
profound lack of culture, whose basis is the immoral
confusion between music and virtuosity.
The disadvantage, he continued, of Sao Paulo's orchestras and

string quartets is that:

. . . in a deficient milieu like ours, where the lack
of artists endowed with esthetic culture is desperate
and where most of those who presume themselves cul­
tured are mere pedants cashing in on the cult of self-
worship, . . . such pedants demand immediate, limitless

•^^Revlsta literliria. I, 1, 5 May 1887*

 321

perfection, while the unlearned demand noise, rowdy

music, no art, and a steady flow of sounds.

The middle class of course found certain of these cul­

tural pursuits open to them, and for less cultivated diversion

they could frequent establishments such as the Stadt Bern, a

beergarden with arbors, games, and an orchestra (opened in

l66
1877, with Victor Nothmann as one of the proprietors). They
167
could attend races in the new (1876) hippodrome in Mo 6ca.
l68
There were circuses, bullfights, and an occasional public

spectacle such as the visit (I883) of Prince Henry of Prussia

(Wilhelm II's brother),1^ the inauguration of a new railway, or

the balloon ascent (I876) of the Mexican aeronaut, Te6dulo R.

Cevallos.^® The first all-day picnic train-trip occurred in

about I880 , and shortly thereafter the French colony sponsored

its first kermess in the Public G a r d e n . I n 1877 the brothers

■^^Mfirio de Andrade, "Cultura musical," RAM, XXVI

(August 1936), 77-8*+.

l66Martins, on. cit.. II, 63 .

167
Ibid., 15; Hough, op. cit.
l68^he account of a corrida held in 1877 read in parts
"Only one real bull came out, who was the last. And as he
was a bit more lively than the old nags that had appeared— and
perhaps out of respect to the public— he did a little more,
though even so the fight as it was handled was not worth tne
trouble.
"The horseman was a total fiasco, managing even to fall from
the saddle which came undone from the fiery steed that he rode
with such Sclat." Di§rio de Sgo Paulo, 20 November 1877*
Saint-Hilaire ("Provinces de Saint-Paul," o p . cit., I,
250) had long since observed the placidity of Paulistan bull­
fights.
■^Martins, o p . cit.. II, 26.
■*■^ 0 polichinello, I, 2 (23 April 1876) ; 0 coarci, II,
52 (17 ApriT'l87S).
■^■^Martins, pp. cit. , I, 1^-2 and II, 166.
 322

Normanton from England opened a roller-skating rink which, along

with a new form of exercise for the general public, offered

"scenic skating” and variety acts. Their advertisement appealed

to consciousness of class and of the body beautiful:

Skating is the most healthy, popular, and fashionable

/word in English7 of the era; it assures a necessary
activity, strengthens the lungs, and gives the whole
body a highly desirable grace and flexibility. . . .
"FIGARO” SAYS:
Le patinage avec patins h roulettes, qui est le
divertissement favori de la haute societe en Angleterre
et en Amerique est h present un sport parisien.
Let us make it
NOW 17P
A PAULISTA SPORT.
E. V- Pereira de Sousa has recollected a year (1888)

spent in a boarding-house as a law student. He not only gives

a vignette of middle-class life, but shows how the student was

passing from the independent "republic” to the anonymous room­

ing-house. The place in question was on the second storey of a

once elegant sobrado, whose groundfloor belonged to a French

hairdresser. (The "deterioration” of patriarchal sobrados in

the city center was quite usual in that era.)

The boarding-house gave the impression of Singapore,

so diverse were its guests, who spoke many languagesJ
Paulistan customs at that time were still very patri­
archal: lunch from 9 to 10, dinner from 3 to
Afterward the people went out replenished, toothpick
in mouth— those well-off going to savor a delicious
icecream at 200 rSis in Nag&l's Sweetshop, the others
as usual resigning themselves to decrying life's
adversity, a topic of great and special predilectionl
The boarders were law- and normal-school students, lawyers,

^ Di&rio de Sao Paulo. 5 July 1877»

Luz Foundry was soon manufacturing roller skates. See
advts. of 1 September and 31 October 1877*
 323

bookkeepers, merchants, and public functionaries. "We ate at

a 'round table,1 always full and having two or three sittings."

The guests, with their flow of chatter about everything that

was or was soon to be in fashion, constituted a kind of "vocal

17-5
newspaper." 'J

Those of the middle-class whom Sao Paulo's economic

opportunities did not favor might well, like these boarders,

"decry life's adversity." According to Di&rio popular (1892)

a small family could no longer live on 500$ a month, for it was

victimized by:

. . . the excessive price of primary foods, the

dearness of clothing, the near-impossibility of pay­
ing for domestic service, the school, the doctor,
the store, the fuel scarcity, and above all the
immense complex of necessities that we create and
that can no longer go unsatisfied— all that combined
with lack of foresight, absence of cooperative con­
sumers' societies, disasters from the bourse's fluctua­
tion in the dizzy period of expanding credit. . . .
The middle class is being absorbed by the foreign
element, by the considerable mass of those who emigrate
here and take over all small industry, all small busi­
ness, all small property, and who— enriched by working
and spending little— have full and incontestable right
to make impositions to their exclusive advantage.
The lower class, however, was more nakedly at grips with

the problem of brute survival. For those of its members not

housed by the traditional hovel of daub-and-wattle, the standard

dwelling was the cortico (literally, beehive), a. multiple-

family unit that settled the now valuable city land more

densely.

■^•^Everardo Valim Pereira de Sousa, "ReminiscSncias,"

in "Primeiro centenSrio," op. cit., p. 197*
^ *Difirio popular. 12 March I892.
 32»+

A typical cortico. as revealed by the municipal survey

of 1893 , occupied the interior of a block, generally dank, low-

lying land. It was formed by a series of small apartments

around a cramped patio, to which a long*narrow hallway gave

access from the street. The average apartment housed four to

six people, though its dimensions rarely exceeded 3 m. by 5 or

6 m . , with a height of 3 to 3*5 m. Furniture, such as it was,

took up a third of the space. The sleeping cubicle lacked

light and ventilation; overcrowding at night made it “hermeti­

cally sealed.” Except in the rooms of northern Europeans,

floors were so crusted with mud that the planking was not

visible, and the dampness of the soil on which they rested

caused the cheap, plain paper on the walls to peel. Walls and

ceilings were blackened by flies and by the smoke of the stove,

which the poorly constructed and maintained chimney refused

properly to vent.
The walls, with pictures in bad taste, have their plas­
ter pierced by an infinity of nails and screws from
which hang various objects of domestic use and working
clothes. The furniture, unattractively arranged, is
covered with piles of clothing to be washed.

The main patio provided for its surrounding apartments

a recalcitrant water tap, a laundry tub, and a crudely installed

latrine. Paving and gutters were often lacking.

Variations on the cortico were: a single building

(sometimes a converted sobrado) excessively subdivided; the

dormitory-type hotel-cortico; and improvised shacks at the

rear of stables and warehouses. All were characterized by

lack of air, light, space, cleanliness, drainage, and solid

 325

construction.

Cortico dwellers would scarcely have been found sipping

beer in the beergarden of the Stadt Bern. In 1883 , however,

octagonal kiosks, sporting streamers and garish posters, began

to appear in parks and plazas and near the stations, selling

coffee, sweets, and cheap alcoholic drinks. Just as the foun­

tains had once attracted slaves, farmhands, and muleteers, the

kiosks were a rendez-vous for laborers, vagrants, soldiers, and

lower-class women who effused a rich bouquet of firewater, body

176
stench, and iodoform. '

Such, then, in a few highlights, is the class spectrum

of 1890. In terms of material well-being its extremes were at

a greater remove than in earlier years. Yet metropolitan com­

plexity and anonymity had eroded many former determinants of

class status. Hence the disparity between palacete and cortico

177
took on an irony and engendered a malaise that the coexistence

of sobrado and daub-and-wattle hut had not harbored.

For a traveler to fix this city fully and penetratingly

in a single act of vision was more difficult than for saint-

Hilaire seventy years earlier. The flow of its, in a sense,

■^•^"Relatdrio apresentado & Camara Municipal • . .

1893>" on. cit.« pp. ^-3-^8.
"^Sant'Anna, "Sao Paulo," op . cit.. Ill, *+1-555
Koseritz, on. cit.. p. 255*
^^National and racial tensions were evidence of this
malaise. In 1887 there were several melees involving Italians
and Negroes, and in the next year occurred the most violent
fracas of the feud between students and Portuguese tradesmen.
AALPSP (relat6rio of 1887 from the chief of police to the pro­
vincial president) ; A Gazeta Magazine. 30 March 19^-1.
 326

invisible arteries of transport; the myriad, shifting cross­

currents of ideas and attitudes; the occult fluxions of currency

and capital— all conspired to make apprehension of the city

either a superficial or else a piecemeal, and in part abstract,

statistical endeavor. Only after 191? did painters and poets

and musicians begin to intuit unified, encompassing symbols.

Impressions of the roving observer, however, are not to

be overlooked, particularly those made in comparison with an

earlier era. "Jfinius" (AntSnio de Paula Ramos Jtinior) , who

left the Academy in 1852, wrote a valuable record of his first

return to Sao Paulo, thirty years later.

Jtinius was struck by the quick, noisy tempo of life in

1882. Earlier, families entered the streets only for occasional

visits, always escorted by the paterfamilias; casual strolls for

hygiene or recreation were unknown. Caf§s did not exist, and

if a youth went to a restaurant for beer or even "water with

sugar," he was held as extravagant and perhaps immoral. So

few were the carriages that citizens hurried to their windows

to identify the owner of any that passed. But now there were
countless pedestrians— including unescorted ladies— attracted

by fashion shops, sweetshops, caf6s, restaurants, and concerts

in the park. The once silent streets reverberated with the

constant passage of streetcars and large, heavily laden

178
wagons.
Jtinius was astounded by the profusion of artisans and

■^Jfcnius, 00. cit. . pp. M-7-^9? H ^ > 121.

 327

shops and the luxury of their wares; the availability of toys

or musical instruments, foreign wines or tobacco; the ease

with which man or woman could acquire a complete Parisian ward-
179
robe and grooming. In C-arraux* bookstore the widest line of

luxuries and ornaments was on sale, along with a more au courant

stock of foreign books and newspapers than could be found even

in Rio.180
To prepare a banquet in 1852 one started days ahead,

arranging with a separate victualer for each of the several

items (roasts, the tongues from Rio C-rande, sweets, etc.) and

sending to Santos or Rio for wine and beer. Now, in 1882, there

were restaurants and three big hotels where at 7:00 p.m. one

could order a large banquet for the same night. The Grande

Hotel— with its numberless gas lamps, handsome candelabra,

flowers, and large mirrors— found no equal in Brazil and was

l 8 l
reminiscent of Europe’s best.
Jfcnius was impressed by the newsuburbs, railways, pub­

lic buildings, and the illumination and activity of streets

after dark. Upper-class gardens, which once had grown only

■^^Jtinius noted that men's dress was less formal. The

frock coat— once worn by the Academy's beadles and porter as
well as by students and professors, and de rigueur even for
horseback riding— was in 1882 not so much in evidence. Ibid.,
pp. k 6 9 k9, 119- 121.
For women the fashion of the l880's was the bustle,
which had superseded the long train of the l870's and the noop-
skirts of the previous period. Freitas, "Dicionfirio," op. cit.,
p. 189; VamprS, op. cit., II, 66-67*
^■®0j6nius, op. cit. . pp. 123-126.

l8lIbid., pp. 3^, 57-58.

 328

roses, scabiosa, pinks, dahlias, everlasting, and jasmin, now

burgeoned, thanks to European florists, with myosotis, azaleas,

fuchsias, lobelias, saxifrage, balsam, cactus, begonias,

orchids, and many more. Most owners, however, could not name

the new blooms; like other acquisitions, they had taken physi-
182
cal but not cultural root.

The foreign colony, once limited (except for Portuguese)

to a 'few Englishmen, Frenchmen, and Germans known personally to

all, had mushroomed and was numerically dominated by Italians.

When asked which colony mixed best with the Paulistans, Jtinius

replied, "All of them, except the English." These subjects:

. . . are dominated by the idea that Palmerston

enunciated in his nation's parliament, namely, that
the Englishman is the civis Romanus the world over;
which means that sons of other nationalities must
bow before any subject of H. M . , Queen Victoria.
In accord with this maxim is the belief of cer­
tain Englishmen who, I heard tell, understand that
Companies formed by their compatriots constitute in
any country a State within a State.
If this be true, these persons could well be called
visionaries, who assume that in every land they are
in contact with Zulus.1°3

Jfcnius lamented, however, that this civilization of which

Englishmen were self-styled nuncios had been won at the cost of

communal trust and security. "Formerly we could sleep in any

house leaving the doors and windows open all night; nothing
would be missing next day when we awoke." But now thieves were

everywhere and, as policing was inadequate, often robbed in

l82Ibid., pp.

• ^ Ibid., pp. 52-56.

 329

broad daylight; recently two unsolved murders had been com­

mitted.1®^

This hint of demoralization was confirmed a decade later

in an article by a frequent visitor to the city who had always

been amazed by its progress and fine homes but who carried away
this time "a deep sorrow.11

S. Paulo advances toward moral perdition. Any­

where that he turns the visitor finds vice increasing
so unrestrainedly that the intervention of public
authorities is essential to impede it.
In streets where formerly one saw only families
and houses dwelled in by persons with occupations
today are seen impossible faces that show— despite
being covered with cold cream and crbme simon and
coated with powder— the ineffaceable furrows left
by debauchery and sleepless nights spent in licentious
immorality drinking goblets of simulated champagne
among the cheap spangles of false love1185

The prostitutes of Saint-Hilaire1s day had walked slowly

in the shadows, never contumelious and never accosting (in fact

scarcely looking at) passersby. They, and even tarts of the

1850's whom law students sentimentally apostrophized, had a de­

limited function in society. They formed an 11estate." The

touchstone of commercial profiteering, however, subverted the

bounds of that as of so many other estates. 0 Estado de Sao

l8lfIbid. , p. 59*
On 17 November 1878 A Provlncia de Sao Paulo carried an
appeal from "a victim of the thieves" urging exposure of the
marauders and "pretty boys" (mocos bonitos) whose thievery was
becoming insupportable. "It would be well to recognize that
many a youth who passes as honest in this city is part of the
gang of robbers that now infests the whole province."
The earlier years had of course not been utopian. In
1820 certain "venders of bacon" complained that their stalls
had no hinged doors or locks and hence could not, because of
possible theft, be left unguarded during the day. RGCMSP. XVI
(1820-1822), 97-98.
l8^Di§rio popular. 27 October 1893*
 330

Paulo warned (1892) that "detestable exploiters of human misery"

threatened to transform the "peaceful and moralized city" of ten

years previous into a "vast brothel." Sao Paulo had become "full
of those false hotels and rooming-houses maintained by more or
less disguised pandering."

Once again we are confronted, not with the iniquity of

the modern city, but with its lack of an indwelling frame of

reference, a single and integrative "city-perspective" to which

behavior patterns, moral or immoral, are referred for censure or

for reconciling status. At numerous levels of city life we have

seen the anti-communal effects of this pluralizing release from

tradition. We have seen that cultural pursuits were more diverse,

but that cultural expression had a meagerness, an unrelatedness

to this as yet unapprehended life. Moreover it has been shown

that the city, by projecting its shadow across the hinterland,

bade fair to derange the ecologic anatomy of a vast agricultural

realm. Finally, we have seen how an imported politico-philosophic

rhetoric helped identify progress with material activity and

accrual, and degeneracy with the traditionalism of a semi­

isolated agrarian community. In short, we have witnessed a tran­

sition from a regional society having certain universal attune-

raents to a cosmopolitan society having thoroughly provincial

•^^0 Estado de Sao Paulo. 22 June 1892.

^ ^ F o r an elaboration of the distinction between "region­

alism" and "provincialism" implied in this sentence see Allen
Tate's essay, "The New Provincialism" (op. cit.. pp. 282-293).
 331

The sense of loss did not altogether escape men of the

time. Referring to a departure by railway from Sao Paulo,

L6cio de Mendonga wrote in 1877:

Soon the Locomotive, patron of progress and hence

severe and inhuman for little egoistic tendernesses,
would brusquely snatch us from there. With the rail­
roads even these farewells had lost the old poetry.
Formerly, the horseman who drew away from a beloved
place went at a slow, contemplative pace, turning
back his glance, and when he reached the rise whence
the town could for the last time be discerned, he
stopped and deeply suffused his soul with the sweet
image that was to vanish at the first turn of the
road. Today, emotion is fleeting and rapid, like
all those of agitated and ^asty modern living. The
resting-place is there always, where much of our soul
remains a prisoner to the old memories that do not
die; it is the supreme moment; all will shrivel, like
a theatrical perspective, to a mere mechanical toy.l°8

Luis Martins has written an article to suggest that the

citified, university-trained generation which brought on the

Republican coup of 1889 was "parricidal." It subverted the

rural patriarchy on a national and on a private, domestic scale;

it dispensed with the long-standing symbol of paternal authority,

Pedro II. In the later life and writings of this generation

Martins detects evidences of a "complex of remorse" for their

filial betrayal, a loss of faith in the drifting, authority-less

189
society that was so largely of their making. 7
This remorse was a sequel to the prophetic misgivings of

the earlier romanticist poets. It appears generic to a modern

■^^Lfccio de Mendonga, Horas do bom tempo (Rio de Janeiro,

1901), pp. 309-316.
^•^Luis Martins, "0 patriarca e o bacharel," RAM.
LXXXIII (May-June 19^2), 7-36.
 332

urban society in which "Logos"— or the quest for principles and

for rational calculation of the isolated enterprise— transcends

and denies the integral life-continuum, or tutelary "demon," of

a traditional region. As the later metropolis grew in size and

complexity, its citizens were increasingly to feel a need to

apprehend in the experience of living a sharper savor and a

more meaningful totality.

 333

I. BIBLIOGRAPHICAL AIDS

A. Bibliographies relating to Brazil

Bureau for Economic Research in Latin America, Harvard Univer­

sity. The Economic Literature of Latin America. 2 vols.
Cambridge; Harvard University Press, 1935* (See especi­
ally I, 97-1350
Cannabrava, Alice P. "Tendencias da bibliografia sobre a
hist6ria administrativa do municipio," Revista de
admlnistraca o . I, 1 (March 19^ 7), 8o-87~
Carvalho, Alfredo de. Biblioteca ex6tico-brasileira. 3 vols.
•“ Rio de Janeiro: Empresa-GrAfica, 1929-1930.
Garraux, A. L. Bibliographie brAsilienne. Paris: Chadenat,
1898.
Morals, Rubens Borba de and Berrien, William. Manual biblio-
grAfico de estudos brasileiros. Rio de Janeiro: GrAfica
Editora Sousa, 19^9•
Pierson, Donald. Survey of the Literature on Brazil of Sociologi­
cal Significance Published up to 19^0. Cambridge: Harvard
University Press, 19^5*
RAls, Antonio Simoes dos. Bibliografia das bibliografias
brasileiras. Rio de Janeiro: Instltuto Nacional do Livro,
19^2.

B. Bibliographies and bibliographical essays relating to Sao

Paulo

Though uncritical and somewhat slipshod, Leite's 6,000-

item bibliography of the Paulista city and region is the best

all-purpose compilation: Aureliano Leite, Histdria da

civilisacao paulista (Sao Paulo: Martins, 19*+6) , pp. 237-^36.

(This work is an expanded edition of Leite's earlier A hist6ria

paulista em breve resumo cronol6gico (de 1500 a 1930) /Sao

Paulo, 19M j7.)

 331*

Seminario das fontes -primArias para a hist6ria de Sao

Paulo no s6culo XVI (series of 11 pamphlets, Sao Paulo:

Instituto de Administragao, 19^8) contains informed appraisals

of published and unpublished sources for Sao Paulo's colonial
history.

For economic and demographic aspects the following are

useful:

Fernandes, Florestan. A economia paulista e a imigraqao—

bibliografia. Manuscript loaned by the author.

Lowrie, Samuel Harmon. "Bibliographical Sources concerning Popu­

lation Statistics in the State of Sao Paulo, Brazil,"
Handbook of Latin American Studies ^19327* Cambridge:
Harvard University Press, 1938. Pp. m-90-501. There is
also a Portuguese version of this article; "Fontes
bibliogrAficas das estatisticas de populaqao no Estado
de Sao Paulo," Revista do Arquivo Municipal. LIV (Feb.
1539), ^3-56.
MinistSrio da Agricultura, IndCistria e Com&rcio. "Resumo
hist6rico dos inqu&ritos censitfirios, realisados no
Brasil— Estado de Sao Paulo," Recenseamento do Brasil,
realisado em 1 de setembro de 1920. Vol. I. Rio de
Janeiro, 1922-1929 (5 vols.). Pp. V/6-H80.

Paul Vanorden Shaw describes Sao Paulo city's municipal

archive in: "The Subdivision of Historical Documentation of

the Department of Culture of the Municipality of Sao Paulo,

Brazil," Handbook of Latin American Studies ^19327* Cambridge:

Harvard University Press, 1938. Pp.

II. MANUSCRIPTS AND UNPUBLISHED DOCUMENTS

Materials found in the Arquivo Nacional in Rio de Janeiro

have been sufficiently identified in the footnotes. The same is

true of those from "Sala 10" of the Arquivo do Estado de Sao

Paulo.
 335

The following items are located in the Instituto

Hist 6rico e Geogrlfico Brasileiro, in Rio de Janeiro:

Comissao de Redagao do Instituto Hist 6rico. Imprensa am Sao

Paulo— A primeiro tipografia. Lata 136 , mss. 2362.

Daunt, Ricardo Gumbleton. Letters to Francisco In6 cio Marcondes

Homem de Melo. Lata 8 , mss. 1^8 B.

Mapa da divisao civil, judiciAria e eclesifistica da Provincia de

Sao Paulo com declaragao do coraputo da populacao e do
movimento no ultimo ano (1855)* Lata 57 5 mss. 1081.
Minuta sobre o procedimento do Bispo de Sao Paulo em relagao
a ordenagoes, e seminaristas. Lata 57> mss. 1073*

Provincia de Sao Paulo: Descrigao corogrAfica e estatistica em

1855» Lata l*5> mss. 871.

The following manuscripts were loaned to me by their

authors, excepting the two for which a repository is indicated:

Americano, Jorge. A speech in honor of the fiftieth anniversary

of the Associagao Comercial.

Camargo, Paulo Florencio da Silveira. Dom Antonio Joaquim de

Melo e seu tempo. 19^1.
Hermann, Lucila. AlteragSo da estrutura profissional da Capital
do Estado de Sao Paulo.

Hummel, Alexandre. Sao Paulo no limiar do novo s&culo. 1901.

Located in the Museu Paulista.
Relat6rio da Comissao do Saneamento das V&rzeas, S. Paulo,
1890,-1891* 7 Nov. 1891. Located in the Biblioteca Municipal,
Sao Paulo.
SAia, Luis. Monograph on Carapicuiba. 1938.

Schmidt, Afonso. Sombras inquietas. 19^7*

III. CONTEMPORARY NEWSPAPERS AND MAGAZINES

The following studies give a virtually complete listing

of periodicals published in Sao Paulo during the nineteenth

 336

century. •For a large number of items they furnish historical

and descriptive commentary.

Freitas, Afonso A. de. "A imprensa peri6dica de Sao Paulo desde

os seus primdrdios em 1823 atd IS)!1*-," Revlsta do Instituto
Hist6rico e Geogrdflco de Sao Paulo. XIX (191M-), 321-1136.

________ . HNotas d margem do estudo 'A imprensa peri6dica,'"

Revista do Instituto Histdrico e Geogrdflco de Sao Paulo.
XXV (1927), M*5-4-90.
Toledo, Lafaiete de. "Imprensa paulista," Revista do Instituto
Histdrico e Geogrdflco de Sao Paulo. Ill (l898), 303-521.

Tiie studies by Freitas are limited to Sao Paulo city; Toledo's

study, which deals with the whole provice, devotes pages 385-^92

to the capital.

The following list of periodicals contains only those

directly consulted and cited in this study. Each name is fol­

lowed by the year of founding.

0 farol paulistano (1827)

Corrdio paulistano (I83I)
0 novo farol paulistano (1831)
Revista da Sociedade Filomdtica (1833)
0 governista. (18^2)
0 futuro (18U4)
Aurora paulistana (1851)
Ensdlos literdrios do Ateneu Paulistano (1852)
Corrdio paulistano (185M
A legenda (i860)
Revista dramdtica (i860)
0 futuro (1862)
0 doze de malo (I863)
A dpoca (I863)
Diabo-coxo (1861*)
0 brado da pdtria (1865)
Didrio de Sao Paulo (1865)
0 sete de abril (1865)
Cabriao (1866)
A independdncia (1868)
0 liberal (1869)
0 coarci (1875)
A Provincia de Sao Paulo (1875)
0 polichinello (1876)
 337

A luta (1882)
DiSrio popular C188V)
Revista academica (1885)
Revista literSria (1887)
0 Estado de Sao Paulo (1890, successor to A Provincia de Sao Paulo)
0 com&rcio de Sao Paulo (1893)

IV. BOOKS, ALMANACS, PAMPHLETS, AND DOCUMENTARY COLLECTIONS

Almanach literSrio paulista— para 0 ano de 1876. Sao Paulo:

A Provincia de Sao Paulo, 1875*
Almanach literfirio paulista— para 0 ano de 1877. SSo Paulo:
A Provincia de SSo Paulo, I876 .
Almanach literSrio paulista— para 0 ano de I880 . SSo Paulo:
A Provincia de Sao Paulo, 1879*
Almanach literArio paulista— para 0 ano de 1881. Sao Paulo:
A Provincia de SSo Paulo, 1880.
Almanak paulistano. SSo Paulo, 1857*

Almanach da Provincia de Sao Paulo. Sao Paulo: Jorge Seckler,

188M-.
Almanak da Provincia de Sao Paulo para 1873* Sao Paulo: Ameri­
cana, 1873*
Almeida, Aluisio de. A revolucSo liberal de 18M-2. Rio de
Janeiro: Jos& Olympio, 19^.

Almeida, Francisco Jos 6 de Lacerda e. DiSrio da viagem do Dr.

Francisco Jose de Lacerda e Almeida pelas Capitanias do
ParS, Rio-Negro, Mato-Grosso, Cuiaba, e S. Paulo, nos anos
de 1780-1790. Sao Paulo: Costa Silveira, I8*fl.

Almeida, Renato. Hist 6ria da mCisica brasileira. 2nd edition.

Rio de Janeiro: F. Briguiet, 19^2.

Almeida, Tficito de. 0 movimento de 1887. Sao Paulo: GrSfica,

193^.
Almeida Jfcnior, Joao Mendes de. Monografia do municipio da
Cidade de S. Paulo. Sao Paulo: Jorge Seckler, 1882.

Alves, Antonio de Castro. Obras completas. 2 vols. Sao Paulo:

Nacional, 1938.

Amaral, Edmundo. R6tulas e mantilhas. Sao Paulo: Bancaria,

1932.
 338

Anais da Assembl6ia Legislativa Provincial de S. Paulo. Sao

Paulo: Secgao de Obras d'"0 Estado de S. Paulo," 1926.

Anais do 1? Congresso de Habitagao. Sao Paulo: Liceu Coragao

de Jesus, 1931.

Andrade, Euclides and Camara, Hely F. da. A forga pfcblica de

Sao Paulo. Sao Paulo: Impressora Paulista, 1931.
Andrade, M 6rio de. 0 Aleijadinho e Alvares de Azevedo. Rio de
Janeiro: R. A. Editora, 1935*
________ . Padre Jesuino do Monte Carraelo. Rio de Janeiro:
Minist&rio de Educagao, 19^5*

________ . Pequena hist6ria da mCisica. Sao Paulo: Martins, 1 9 ^ «

Andrade, Martins de. A revolugao de 18^2. Rio de Janeiro: Vera

Cruz, 19^2.

Andrews, C. C. Brazil— Its Condition and Prospects. New York:

Appleton, 1887.
Arax6 , Visconde de. Reminiscencias e Fantasias. 2 vols.
Vassouras: Vassourense, I883-I881*.

Arruda, Marcos. Boletim demografo-sanitario, especificando a

mortalidade da Cidade de S. Paulo em 1887. Sao Paulo:
Martin Junior, 1888.

Associagao Comercial de Sao Paulo. Relatdrio— Ano de 1895*

2 vols. Sao Paulo: Industrial, 1896.

Atas da Camara da Cidade de Sao Paulo. SaoPaulo: Arquivo

Municipal de Sao Paulo, 191*+- ____ •
Atri, A. d'. L'fetat de Sao Paulo et le renouvellement 6conomique
de l 1Europe. Paris: Victor Allard, 1926.

Aubertin, J. J. Carta dirigida aos Srs. Habitantes da Provincia

de S. Paulo. Sao Paulo: Literaria, 1862.
Autogao das c6pias documentos. &. sobre a rebeliao da Provincia
de S. Paulo. Rio de Janeiro: Nacional, 18^ 3 .

Azevedo, Aroldo Edgard de. Sub6rbios orientals de Sao Paulo.

Sao Paulo: Editora, 19l+5*
________ . Subtirbios de Sao Paulo. S2o Paulo: Instituto "Sedes
Sapientae," 19^3*
Azevedo, Fernando de. Canaviais e engenhosna vida politica do
Brasil. Rio de Janeiro: Instituto do Agucare do Alcool,
19l*8.
 339

________ . A cultura brasileira. 2nd edition. SSo Paulo:

Cia. Editora Nacional, 19M+.

Azevedo, Manuel Antonio Alvares de. Obras completas de Alvares

de Azevedo. 8th edition, 2 vols. Sao Paulo: Cia. Editora
Nacional, 19^2.

Azevedo, Vicente de Paulo Vicente de. Alvares de Azevedo. Sao

Paulo: Revista dos Tribunals, 1931*

Badar 6 , F. Les couvents du Br&sil. Florence: Landi, 1897*

______ . L'Eglise au Br&sil pendant 1'Empire et pendant la
R&publique. Rome: Bontempelli, 1895*

Bandeira, Manuel. ApresentaqSo da poesia brasileira. Rio de

Janeiro: CEB, 19^6.

Bandeira Jfinior, Antonio Francisco. A industria no Estado de

Sao Paulo. Sao Paulo: DiSrio Oficial, 1901.

Barreto, Luis Pereira. Positivismo e teologia— Uma pol&mica.

Sao Paulo: Marques, 1880.

________ . As trbs filosofias: 1? parte, Filosofia :.teol6gica. •

Rio de Janeiro: Laemmert, 1874-. 29 parte, A filosofia
metafisica. Jacarei: Comercial, 1876.

Barroso, Gustavo. Hist 6rla secreta do Brasil. Vol. I. Sao

Paulo, 1937* Vols. II and III. Rio de Janeiro, 1937-1938.
Bastos, Humberto. A marcha do capitalismo no Brasil. Sao Paulo:
Martins, 19^+.

Beals, Ralph L. CherSn: A Sierra Tarascan Village. Washington:

Government Printing Office, 19*+6.

Bevilacqua, Cl6vis. Estoqos e fragmentos. Rio de Janeiro:

Laemmert, 1899*

Bolsa Oficial de Valores de S. Paulo. Repert6rio de legislaqao

de bolsa e banco. SSo Paulo: Revista dos Tribunals, 19*+5*
Bourroul, Estevao Leao. 0 Doutor Ricardo Gumbleton Daunt
(1818-1893). Sao Paulo: Espindola e Siqueira, 1900.

Bribre, Yves de la. Le Rbgne de Dieu sous la croix du sud au

Br&sil. Brussels: Desclbe de Brouwer, 1929*

Brito, F. Saturnino Rodrigues de. Abastecimento d'agua de S.

Paulo. Sao Paulo: Garraux, 1911.

Buccelli, Vittorio. Libro d'oro dello Stato di S. Paolo. Rome:

Capaccini, n.d.
 3*4-0

Bueno, Francisco de Assis Vieira. Autobiografia. Campinas:

Livro Azul, 1899•

Busch, Reynaldo Kuntz. 0 ensino normal em S. Paulo. Sao Paulo:

Record-Editora, 1935*
Caldeira, Nelson Mendes. Aspectos da evolugao urbana de Sao
Paulo. Sao Paulo: Dpto. Estadual de Estatistica, 1939*
Camara, Hely F. da. (See Andrade, Euclides.)

Camargo. H. de. Inauguragao do novo templo da Loja Amisade em a

noite de *4- de Janeiro de 1873 no Valle de S. Paulo. Sao
Paulo: Americana, 1873*
Carmelo, Joaquim do Monte. 0 arcipreste da S 6 de S. Paulo,
Joaquim Anselmo d'Oliveira, e o clero do Brasil. Rio de
Janeiro, 1873*
Carneiro, Edison. Castro Alves, ensSio de corapreensao. Rio de
Janeiro: JosS Olympio, 1937*
Carneiro, Levi. Problemss municipals. Rio de Janeiro: Alba,
1931-
Carvalho, Arnaldo Vicente de. (See Carvalho, Maria da Conceigao
Vicente de.)

Carvalho, C. M. Delgado de. Le BrSsil meridional— Etude

economlque sur les Stats du sud: S. Paulo, ParanS, Santa-
Catharina et Rio-Grande-do-Sul. Rio de Janeiro, 1910.

Carvalho, Maria da Conceigao Vicente de and Carvalho, Arnaldo

Vicente de. Vicente de Carvalho. Rio de Janeiro: Nacional,
19*+3.
Carvalho, Paulo Pinto de. Aspectos de nossa economia rural. Sao
Paulo: Martins, 19*+3-

Casal, Manuel Aires de. Corografia brasilica. 2nd edition,

2 vols. Rio de Janeiro: Laemmert, 18*4-5.
Cavalheiro, F.dgard. Fagundes Varela. Sao Paulo: Martins, n.d.

c6digo de instrugSo ptiblica da Provincia de Sao Paulo. Sao

Paulo: Dous de Dezembro, 1857*
C6digo de posturas da Camara Municipal da Imperial Cidade de Sao
Paulo aprovado pela AssemblSia Legislativa Provincial (lei
n. 62 de 31 da mfiio de 1875* S3o Paulo: "DiSrio," 1875*
c6 digo de posturas do Municipio de Sao Paulo— 6 de outubro de
1886. Sao Paulo, 1886.
 3^1

Codman, John. Ten Months in Brazils With Notes on the Paraguayan

War. Edinburgh: R. Grant and Son, 1870.

Coelho, Salvador Jose Corr&ia. Pass6io b minha terra. Sao

Paulo; Lei, i860.

Comissao Central de Estatistica. Relat6rio apresentado ao Exm.

Sr. Presidente da Provincia de S. Paulo. SSo Paulo;
Bookwalter, 1888.

Costa, Joao Cruz. 0 desenvolvimento da filosofia no Brasil no

s6culo XIX e a evolugao histdrica nacional. Sao Paulo:
Jose Magalhaes, 195&.

________ . A filosofia no Brasil. Porto Alegre: Globo, 19*+5«

Crevenna, Theo R. (ed.). Materiales para el estudio de la clase
media en la America Latina. 6 vols. Washington: Pan
American Union, 1950-1951.
D'Alincourt, Luis. Mem 6ria sdbre a viagem do porto de Santos &
Cidade de Cuiaba. Rio de Janeiro: Tipografia Imperial e
Nacional, 18 30.

Davatz, Thomas. Mem 6rias de um colono no Brasil (1850). Sao

Paulo: Martins, 19^1.
Denis, Jean Ferdinand. Br&sil. Paris: Firmin Didot, 1839*
(See also Taunay, Hippolyte.)

Denis, Pierre. Le BrSsil au XXe Sibcle. 7th edition. Paris:.

Armand Colin, 1928.

Departamento Estadual de Estatistica. Divisao JudiciSrla e

administrativa do Estado. Sao Paulo: Tipografia Brasil,
l9*+5*
Departamento Estadual de Informagoes. CentenSrio do ensino
normal em SSo Paulo (18M-6-19M-6). SSo Paulo: Siqueira, 19^6.

Departamento Estadual do Travalho (Secgao de Informag8 es).

Dados para a hist6ria da imigragSo e da colonisagSo em SSo
Paulo. SSo Paulo: Rothschild, 1916.
Dias, Jorge. Os elementos fundamentals da cultura portuguesa.
Mimeographed paper presented at the International Colloquium
on Luso-Brazilian Studies, Washington, 18-21 October 1950.

Diretoria da Sociedade Proraotora de ImigragSo em S. Paulo.

Relat6rio apresentado ao II. e Exv° Snr. Visconde do
Parnaiba— 18 Nov. 1887* Sao Paulo, 1887*
 3^2

Discurso com que o Ilustrissimo e Excelentissimo Senhor Dr. Jose

TomSs Nabuco d'Aratijo, Presidente da Provincia de S. Paulo
abriu a Assembl&ia Legislativa Provincial no dia 1? de mSio
de 1852. Sao Paulo: Tipografia do Governo, 1852.

Discurso com que o Ilustrlssimo e Excelentissimo Senhor Senador

Jos6 Joaquim Fernandes abriu a Assembl&ia Legislativa Pro­
vincial no ano de 1858. Sao Paulo: Dous de Dezembro, 1858.

Discurso com que o Ilustrlssimo e Excelentissimo Senhor Senador

Jos6 Joaquim Fernandes abriu a Assembl&ia Legislativa Pro­
vincial no ano de 1859* Sao Paulo: Imparcial, 1859*
Discurso recitado pelo ExV° Senhor Doutor Domiciano Leite Ribeiro
Presidente da Provincia de Sao Paulo. Na abertura da
Assemblfcia Legislativa Provincial no dia 25 de junho de
IS1*#. Sao Paulo: Tipografia do Governo, 18^8.

Documentos interessantes para a hist6ria e costumes de S. Paulo.

Sao Paulo: Arquivo do Estado, 1891*-____ •

Duarte, Raul. Sao Paulo de ontem e de hoje. SSo Paulo: Grfifica,

lfrl.
Egas, EugSnio. France et Br&sil— De 1'influence franqaise sur
le milieu br§silien. Paris: Aillaud, 1910.

________ . Galeria dos Presidentes de Sao Paulo. 3 vols. Sao

Paulo: Secqao de Obras de "0 Estado de S§o Paulo," 1926-
1927-
________ . Os municipios paulistas. 2 vols. SSo Paulo: Secqao
de Obras de "0 Estado de Sao Paulo," 1925*

Egidio, Paulo. A Provincia de S. Paulo em 1888 (EnsSio

hist6rico-politico). Sao Paulo: Louzada, 1889*
Ellis Junior, Alfredo. A evoluqSo da economia paulista e suas
causas. Sao Paulo: Nacional, 1937*

Faria, Alberto de. MauS, Ireneo Evangelista de Sousa, Barao e

Visconde de Mau& 1813-1889. S§o Paulo: Nacional, 1933*
Feij6, Diogo Antonio. Guia das Camaras Municipals do Brasil no
desempenho de seus deveres. Rio de Janeiro: Astrea, 1830.

Finocchi, Lino. (See Piccarolo, Ant8nio.)

Fleiuss, Max. Hist&ria administrativa do Brasil. 2nd edition.

SSo Paulo: Melhoramentos, n.d.

Fletcher, J. C. (See Kidder, Daniel P.)

Franca, Leonel. NoqSes de hist6ria da filosofia. 9th edition.

Sao Paulo: Nacional, 19^3*
 3^3

Francovich, Guillermo. Fil6sofos brasileiros. Sao Paulo:

Flama, 19M-7.

Freire, J. J. da Silva. InfluSncia da viagao fdrrea na expansao

econdmica de S. Paulo. Rio de Janeiro: Nacional, 191^»
Freitas, Afonso A. de. Diciondrio histdrico, topogrdfico,
etnogrdfico ilustrado do Municipio de Sao Paulo. Sao Paulo:
Paulista, 1930.

________ . Prospecto do diciondrio etimoldgico, histdrico,

topogrdfico, estatistico, biogrdfico, bibliogrdfico e etno-
grafico ilustrado de Sao Paulo. Sao Paulo: Rossetti, 1921*-.

________ . Tradigoes e reminiscencias paulistanas. Sao Paulo:

Monteiro Lobato, 1921.

Freyre, Gilberto. Casa-Grande & senzala. 5th edition, 2 vols.

Rio de Janeiro: Josd Olympio, 19^6.

______ • Ingleses no Brasil: Aspectos da influencia britanica

sobre a vida, a paisagem e a cultura do Brasil. Rio de
Janeiro: Josd Olympio, 19^8.

________ • Problemas brasileiras de antropologia. Rio de Janeiro:

CEB, 19^3•
________ . Sobrados e mucambos. Sao Paulo: Nacional, 1936.
Glllin, John. Moche, A Peruvian Coastal Community. Washington:
Government Printing Office, 19^7 •

Godoy, Joaquim Floriano de. Ligagao do vale do Paraiba & via

fdrrea de Santos. Rio de Janeiro: Villeneuve, I869.

________ . A Provincia de S. Paulo, trabalho estatistico,

histdrico e noticioso. Hio de Janeiro: Didrio do Rio de
Janeiro, 1875.
Gdmez Robledo, Antonio. La filosofia en el Brasil. Mexico City:
Imprenta Universitaria, 19^6.
Gonzague, Louis de. Monseigneur Vital. Paris: Saint-Frangois,
1912.
Haddad, Jamil Almansur. 0 romantismo brasileiro e as sociedades
secretas do tempo. Sao Paulo: Siqueira, 19^5*
Hadfield, William. Brazil and the River Plate in 1868. London:
Bates, Hendy and Co., I869 .

________ . Brazil and the River Plate 1870-76. London: Sutton

and Surrey, I877.
 3^

Handelmann, Henrique. Hist6ria do Brasil. Rio de Janeiro:

Imprensa Nacional, 1931*
Hostos, Eugenio Maria de. Mi viaje al sur. Havana: Cultural,
1939.
________ . Temas sudamericanos. Havana: Cultural, 1939- • •
Houssay, Frbdbric. De Rio-de-Janeiro a S. Paulo. Paris:
Gauthier-Villars, 1877*

Hygin-Furcy, C. L'Emigration ouvribre au Brbsil, suite du Brbsil

actuel (guide de Immigrant). Brussels: Rozez, 1888.

0 industrial paulistano— Jornal da Sociedade Auxiliadora da

Agricultura, Combrcio e Artes estabelecida na Capital da
Provincia de S. Paulo. 2 vols. Sao Paulo: Literfiria, I85h-,
and Dous de Dezembro, 1856.

In meni6riam— Conde Francisco Matarazzo. Sao Paulo: Orlandi, n.d.

In mem6riam Martinho Prado Junior Sao Paulo: Pocai,

19UU.
InventSrios e testamentos. 30 vols. Sao Pav.lo: Arquivo do
Estado, 1920-1939.
Jaguaribe, Domingos. 0 municipio e a reptiblica. 3 vols. Sao
Paulo: Endrizzi, 1897*
James, Henry. The Art of the Novel. New York: Charles Scrib­
ner’s Sons, 19^8.

James, Preston E. Brazil. New York: Odyssey, 19^-6.

Jardim, Antonio da Silva. A gente do mosteiro. Sao Paulo:
Tribuna Liberal, 1879.
JGnius. (See Ramos J6nior, Ant6nlo de Paula.)

Kidder, Daniel P. Sketches of Residence and Travels in Brazil.

2 vols. London: Wiley and Putnam, I8h5»
______ , and Fletcher, J. C. Brazil and the Brazilians.
Philadelphia: Childs and Peterson, 1857*

iKoseritz, Carl von. Imagens do Brasil. Sao Paulo: Martins,

19^3.
Labrne, c. F. van Delden. Le Brbsil et Java. Rapport sur la
culture du caf& en Ambrique, Asie et Afrique. The Hague:
Nijhoff, 1885.
 3^5

Lalibre, A. Le caf& dans l'fitat de Saint Paul (Br6sil). Paris:

A. Challamel, 1909*

Laxe, Joao Batista Cortines. Regimento das Camaras Municipals—

ou lei de 19 de outubro de 1828. 2nd edition. Rio de
Janeiro: Garnier, 1885.

Leite, Nicolau Franga. Conferencia s6bre o progresso material da

Provincia de S. Paulo. Rio de Janeiro: Difirio do Rio de
Janeiro, 187^*
Lemos, Miguel. 0 Apostolado Positivista no Brasil, primeiro
circular anual (ano de 1881). 2nd edition. Rio de Janeiro,
1900.
________ . L'Apostolat Positiviste au Br&sil— Quatribme circulaire
annuelle (ann6e 188^). 2nd edition. Rio de Janeiro, 1895.
________ . Resumo hist6rico do movimento positivista no Brasil—
Ano de 93 (1881). Rio de Janeiro: Sociedade Positivista,
1882.
Le Voci, Antonio. (See Rudolfer, Bruno.)

Lewis, Oscar. Life in a Mexican Village: Tepoztlfin Restudied.

Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1951.

Livro do Centenfirio (1500-1900). U vols. Rio de Janeiro:

Nacional, 1900-1910.
Machado, Antonio de Alcantara. Cavaquinho e Saxofone (Solos)
1926-1935* Rio de Janeiro: Jose Olympio, 19*+0.
Machado. Jos 6 de Alcantara. Suicldios na Capital de S. Paulo
(1o76-190*0 • Sao Paulo: Gerke, 19o5«
Machado, Lourival Gomes. Retrato da arte moderna do Brasil.
Sao Paulo: Departamento de Cultura, 19^8.
Magalhaes, Domingos Jos 6 Gongalves de. "Optisculos hist6ricos e
literfirios" (Vol. VIII of Obras de D. J. G. de Magalhaes).
2nd edition. Riode Janeiro: Garnier, I865.

Mfiia, Joao de Azevedo Carneiro. 0 municipio— Estudos sfibre

administragao local. Rio de Janeiro: Leuzinger, 1883.

Marques, Abilio A. S. Interesses da colonia portuguesa na

Provincia de S. Paulo (Brasil). Sao Paulo: Gazeta do Povo,
1881.
Marques, Jos 6 Candido de Azevedo. Regulamentos expedidos pelo
Exmo. Governo Provincial para execugao de diversos leis
provincials. S3o Paulo: CorrSio Paulistano, 187^*
 3^6

Marques, Manuel Eufrfisio de Azevedo. Apontamentos hist6rlcos,

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Martins, Antonio Egidio. S. Paulo antigo (155^ a 1910). 2 vols.
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child, 1925.

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Prado, Paulo. Paullstica— Hist6ria de Sao Paulo. Rio de

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Prefeitura Municipal. 0 transports colectivo no Municipio de

Sao Paulo. Sao Paulo, 1928.

Primeiro centenSrio do Conselheiro Antonio da Silva Prado. Sao

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Recenseamento da populagao do Brasil— 1872— Provincia de S. /

Paulo. Rio de Janeiro: Leutzinger, n.d.

Redfield, Robert. The Folk Culture of Yucatan. Chicago:

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Registo geral da Camara Municipal de Sao Paulo. Sao Paulo:

Camara de Sao Paulo, 1917-____ •

Rego, Jos6 Pereira. Mem6ria hist6rica das epidemias da febre

amarela e colera-morbo que t§m reinado no Brasil. Rio de
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Sao Paulo pelo Presidente da Provincia Joao Alfredo Correia
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Relat6rio apresentado h Camara Municipal de Sao Paulo pelo

Intendente Municipal Cesirio Ramalho da Silva — 1893* Sao
Paulo: Espindola and Siqueira, 1891*.

Relat6rio da Comissao encarregado pelo Governo Imperial por

avisos do 19 de outubro e 28 de dezembro de 186U- de proceder
a um inquerito sobre as causas principals e acidentais da
crise do mes de setembro de 186m-. Rio de Janeiro: Nacional,
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Rendon, Jos6 Arouche de Toledo. "Pequena mem6ria da plantagao e
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Liberal, 1851.
Rezende, Francisco de Paula Ferreira de. Minhas recordagSes.
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Ribeiro, Jos6 Jacinto. Cronologia paulista. 2 vols. (2nd in

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 3*1

________ • Indice alfab&tico da Lei nP 1038 de 19 de dezembro

de 1906 que deu nova organisaqao municipal no Estado de S.
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Ribeiro, Jtilio. A carne. 20th edition.Rio deJaneiro:

Francisco Alves, 19^6.

________ . Cartas sertanejas. 2nd edition. Lisbon: Teixeira,

1908.
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Rodrigues, Joao L. Um retrospecto. Sao Paulo: Instituto D.

Ana Rosa, 1930.

Romero, Silvio. A filosofla no Brasil.Porto Alegre: Deutsche

Zeitung, 1878*

Historia da literature brasileira. 3rd edition,

5 vols. Rio de Janeiro: Jos6 Olympio, 19^3*
Rudolfer, Bruno and Le Voci, Antonio. 0 transports colectivo
na Cidade de Sao Paulo. 2 vols. Sao Paulo: Prefeitura
do Municlpio, 19^3*
Rugendas, Joao Maurlcio. Viagem pitoresco atravfis do Brasil.
Sao Paulo: Martins, 19^0.

Saint-Hilaire, Auguste de. Voyage dans les Provinces de Saint-

Paul. 2 vols. Paris: Bertrand, 1851.

________ . Voyage & Rio-Grande do Sul. Orleans: Herluison,

1557*
Samp&io, Jos& Nogueira. FundaqSo da Forqa Policial de Sao Paulo..
Sao Paulo: S. I. Tipografia, 19*+3.
Sant'Anna, Nuto. Sao Paulo hist6rico. 6 vols. Sao Paulo:
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________ . A politics geral do Brasil. Sao Paulo: Magalhaes,

1930.
Sao Paulo e a sua evolu?ao— Conferencias realisadas no Centro
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Sarmiento, Domingo F. Recuerdos de Provincia. Buenos Aires:

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 352

________ • A vida de Paulo Eir6 . Sao Paulo: Nacional, 19*4-0.

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Garraux, 1911.

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Secretaria da Agricultura, ComSrcio e Obras Ptiblicas (Departamento

Estadual do Trabalho, Secgao de InformagSes). A imigragao
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Silva, Joao Nepomuceno da. A Provincia de S. Paulo. Rio de

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prAticos sobre a administragao das Provincias no Brasil.
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Spengler, Oswald. The Decline of the West. 2 vols. New York;

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Industrial, 189^»
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________ • Guia da secqao hist6rica do Museu Paulista. Sao

Paulo: Imprensa Oficial, 1937.

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Dpto. Nacional do Caf6, 19*+5*

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________ • Cunha: TradigSo e transigao em uma cultura rural do

Brasil. Sao Paulo, 19^7*
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Ipe, 19W .

V. ARTICLES IN PERIODICALS AND ANNALS

Abbreviations

BFFCL : Boletim da Faculdade de Filosofia, Ciencias e Letras

RAM : Revista do Arquivo Municipal
RIHGSP : Revista do Instituto Historico eGeogrfifico de Sao Paulo
RISP : Revista industrial de Sao Paulo

Aguirra, Joao B. C. "A vida orgamentSria de Sao Paulo durante um

sGculo," RAM, II (July 19 31*) , 27-31**
Almeida, Aluisio de. "Movimento liberal de 18^-2," RAM. CIV
(Aug.-Sept. 19^5), 57-62.
Amaral, Azevedo. "Alvares de Azevedo, o Gnico romantico brasileiro,"
Revista nova. I, 3 (15 Sept. 1931)» 3l*6-35l<-.
Amaral, Luis. »o colono italiano e a libertagao do negro,"
Anals do III Congresso Sul-Riograndense de Kist 6ria e
Geoerafia. III. 1025-1035.
 355

Andrada, AntSnio Manuel Bueno de. "A aboli<?ao em Sao Paulo,"

RAM. LXXVII (June-July 19*+1) 261-272.

Andrade, Mfirio de. "Cultura musical," RAM, XXVI (Aug. 1936),

75-86.

Aranha, J. M. de Camargo. "A fundagao d''A Provincia de Sao

Paulo,*" RAM, XXXI (Jan. 1937), 9-26.

Azevedo, AntSnio Rodrigues de. "Combustiveis— Lenha e refloresta-

mento aspectos economicos," RISP, I, 2 (Jan. 19*+5), 26 -33.
Azevedo, Aroldo Edgard de. "Os subtirbios de Sao Paulo e suas
funcoes," Boletim da Associacao dos Ge6grafos Brasileiros,
IV, b (May 19M+) , 59-69*

Azevedo, Sfilvio de Almeida. "Imigragao e colonisa<j§o no Estado

de Sao Paulo," M M , LXXV (April 19*+1) , 105-158.
Barros, Lucas Antonio Monteiro de (Visconde de Congonhas do
Campo). "Relat6rio da Provincia de Sao Paulo," Boletim do
Denartamento Estadual de Estatlstlca. VIII, 3 (19*+6) , 27-59*

Beyer, Gustavo. "Ligeiras notas de viagem do Rio de Janeiro h

Capitania de S. Paulo, no Brasil, no verao de 1813,"
RIHGSP, XII (1907), 275-311*
Bourroul, Estevao Leao. "0 Padre Feij 6 ," RIHGSP. XI (1906),
21+9-260.
. "A tinoerafia e a litosrafia no Brasil." RIHGSP. XIII
(1908), 3-39*
Bruno, Ernani Silva. "Apontamentos sfibre a Cidade e a Casa de
S§o Paulo no s&culo dezenove," Boletim bibllografico. I,
3 (April-June 1 9 ^ ) , 99-10l+.
________ . "Notas para a histdria da indfistria paulistana,"
RISP. IV (28 March 19*+7), 32-33*
Bueno, Francisco de Assis Vieira. "A cidade de Sao Paulo,"
Revista do Centro de CiSncias. Letras e Artes de Campinas. II
1-3 (Jan.-July 1903), 21-32, 79-8*+, l 5*+-l6l.
Caldeira, Branca da Cunha. "A indtistria textil paulista,"
Geoerafla. I, *+ (1935) , 50-66.
Caldeira, Nelson Mendes. "0 crescimento de Sao Paulo," Economla.
II, 19 (Dec. 19^0), 11*
________ . "Economia urbana de Sao Paulo," Economia. II, 13
(June 19^0) , 10-11.
Campos, D6cio Aranha de A. "Tipos de povoamento de Sao Paulo,"
RAM. LIV (Feb. 1939) , 5-3*+*
 356

Campos, Pedro Dias de. ” 0 corpo de bombeiros de S. Paulo,”

RIHGSP, XIII (1908), 137-157.

________ • "A Forqa Pfcblica," RIHGSP. XIV (1909), 251-285-

Carvalho, Afonso T0 s6 de. "Sao Paulo antigo (1882-1886),"
RIHGSP, XI* 19^2), ^7-6^-.

Carvalho, Antdnio Gontijo de. "Rui Barbosa em Sao Paulo,"

Jornal do Comfercio (Rio de Janeiro), 28 April 19^6.

Carvalho, Fernando Mibielli de. "PopulagSo e imigragao," Revista

braslleira de estatlstlca. Ill, 9 (Jan.-March 19b2\ 111-12^.

Carvalho, Laerte Ramos de. "A l6gica de Monte Alverne." BFFCL.

LXVII, 37-77. -----

Carvalho, Pfericles de Melo. "A legislagao imigrat6ria do Brasil

e sua evolucao," Revista de imieracao e colonisacao. I. U
(Oct. 19^0), 719-739^ -------------

Caxias, Barao de. "Cartas sobre a Revolugao de 18M-2," Ana is do

Museu Paulista, V, 55-61*.

Coelho, Henrique. "Rui Barbosa em S. Paulo 1870-1886," Revista

de lingua uortuguesa. VI, 33 (Jan. 1925), 95-98.

Costa, Joao Cruz. "0 pensamento brasileiro," BFFCL, LXVII.

Costa, Renato. "A ferrovia de Santos a Jundiai, em i860 , e o
colapso financeiro de Mau6," Correio do novo (Porto Alegre).
20 Nov. 19^8.

Daunt (neto), Ricardo Gumbleton. "0 Dr. Ricardo Gumbleton

Daunt," RIHGSP, XLI (19^2), 65-10M-.

Deffontaines, Pierre. "As feiras de burros de Sorocaba,"

Geografia, I, 3 (1935), 263-270.
"Mascates ou pequenos negociantes ambulantes do
Brasil," Geografia, II, 1 (1936), 26-29-
"Regides e paisagem do Estado de S. Paulo,"
Geografia, I, 2 (1935), 117-169
Deursen, Henri van. "L 1Emancipation industrielle du Brasil.
Caractferes et developpement de 1'Industrie dans l'Etat de
Sao-Paulo," Revue feconomioue Internationale, III, 26 (Aug.
193*0, 2 7 5 - 3 W -
Dornas Filho, Joao. "A idfeia republicana em Sao Paulo," RAM,
LXI (Sept.-Oct. 1939), 7-22.

Egas, Eug§nio. "0 Padre Feij6," RIHGSP, XII (1908), 113-12*4-.

 357

________ . "Teatros e artistas," RAM, VIII (Jan. 1935), 113-119.

"Escola P o l i t & c n i c a RISP. I, 8 (July 19^5), 15-19.

Ferraz, J. de SampSio. "As garoas de S. Paulo," 0 Estado de Sao

Paulo, 26 April 1939.

________ « "Ligeiro esbogo de alguns aspectos fundamentals da

climatologia do Estado de Sao Paulo," Anais do IX Congresso
Brasileiro de Geografia. II, ^25-^39•

Ferreira, Barros. "A lndtistria e a evolugao demogrfifica de S.

Paulo," RISP, IV, 37 (Dec. 19^7), 31-33*
Ferreira, Tolstoi de Paula. "Subsidios para a hist6ria da
assistSncia social em Sao Paulo," RAM. LXVII (June 19^0),
5-76.

Florence, Amador. "Um prefeito vitoriosoJ" RAM, XXXIII (March

1937), 69-8*k

Florence, Hercules. "De Porto Feliz a Cuiab£ (1826-1827),"

Revista do Museu Paulista, XVI, 881-991.
Freitas, Afonso A. de. "0 'Corr&io paulistano’ em 1831,"
RIHGSP, XX (1915), 391-399.
_______ • "0 primeiro centenfirio da fundagao da imprensa
paulista," RIHGSP. XXV (1927), 5-*+2.

________ . "Sao Paulo no dia 7 de setembro de 1822," RIHGSP,

XXII (1922) , 1-35.
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