Journal des africanistes

The Ketu Mission, 1853-1859

Monsieur Biodun Adediran

Citer ce document / Cite this document :

Adediran Biodun. The Ketu Mission, 1853-1859. In: Journal des africanistes, 1986, tome 56, fascicule 1. pp. 89-103;

doi : https://doi.org/10.3406/jafr.1986.2114

https://www.persee.fr/doc/jafr_0399-0346_1986_num_56_1_2114

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 Notes et documents

BIODUN ADEDIRAN

THE KETU MISSION, 1853-1859 ;

AN ABOR Tl VE EXPERIMENT BY THE CMS IN WESTERN YORUBALAND *

There is one reason which greatly weighs with me, besides the thousands of
population, why Ketu should' be taken up as soon as possible as Missionary
Station, and that is, it affords an easy access for the gospel to the Dahomians.
(Rev. S. A. Crowther y : Journal entry for 16 th Jan. 1 853, CMS Archives
Birmingham1 CA 2/031/128.):

~ln the second half of the nineteentn century, Christian Missionary enterprise in
Yorubaland was spearheaded by the Anglican Church Missionary Society (CMS) which in 1845;
initiated the Yoruba Mission in Badagry and Abeokuta both of which became major centres
from which • Christian propaganda were disseminated to ? the hinterland , of Yorubaland ;
(СМиуоуе^ЭбЭ, AjayM965,,Ayandele 1966); In addition to the two centres, the CMS-
had the intention of opening stations in other major Yoruba settlements. One of these was:
Ile-Ketu, a town whose ruler, the Alaketu; was recognised as one of the foremost Yoruba?
kings and whose influence covered a large area of Western Yorubaland which extends from
the area of Egbado in present-day Nigeria to the Ouémé Province of Central Benin Republic
(Asiwaju 1977K From the inception of Missionary enterprise in Yorubaland, Ketu was on'
the priority list of the CMS. In spite of this, throughout the nineteenth century, the CMS'
was unable to open a mission station in «Ile-Ketu or in any of its subordinate towns. The;
first Christian station that was established in the town in 1897 was not by the CMS but by?
the Roman Catholic Mission (Parrinder 1967), a late starter in the evangelisation of
Yorubaland.
This article traces the interest of the CMS and the attempts made at pioneering the
Christianisation of Ketu. It also examines some of the reasons behind the failure of these
attempts.

This article is based on materials collected for a research project on the Yoruba-speaking people
in the Republics of Benin and Togo. The project is supported by a grant from the University of
Ife Research Committee.
Documents relating to this paper were formely in the CMS Archives housed at 157, Waterloo
Road; London SE1 . They were transferred in 1979 to the Birmingham University Library.

Journal des africanistes, 56 (1) 1986 : 89-104.

9Oi JOURNAL DES AFRICANISTES

It is not known when exactly the CMS first developed interests in Ketu. What is certain
is that the first CMS Mission to Ketu territory was in 1853, led by. the Rev. Samuel Ajayi

>
Crowther the well-known Yoruba Clergyman. By then, itinerant Muslim missionaries
from the Northern Yoruba towns of Saki and Iseyin as well as from Borgu had established
Islam in Ile-Ketu ; and were in fact already a force to be reckoned with in Local politics
(Parrinder о/э. cit.). On the other hand, up till* 1850, Ketu's contact with the European
world appeared to have been purely commercial . However, in the. 1850s, following the
upsurge of Christian Missionary; enterprise in Yorubaland, CMS officials in Badagry and
Abeokuta developed contacts with the Alaketu, mainly through Ketu traders who
frequented these two places. In 1851, Rev. Charles Gollmer, the CMS pastor at Badagry made
acquaintance with Ketu traders and contemplated visiting Ile-Ketu to start off a mission
station (CMS ? CA. 2/043 1 : Charles Andrew Gollmer, Quarterly and half Yearly Journal
extracts, 1850-1854); Crowther^ Journal entries also indicate that before his visit, he had
developed intimate friendship with the . Alaketu > ; and that this apparently dated to his
early years in Badagry (CMS CA 2/031: Samuel Ajayi Crowther).
There ? were many ; reasons why CMS Missionaries : became interested in : Ketu. The
first revolved around the principle that the CMS should establish a station in every major
Yoruba town. The population of Ketu was cosmopolitan and fairly impressive (Bowen
1966 :,: 144, CMS, CA. 2/031/128 : S.A. Crother Journal entry for 19th January ; CMS?
CA. 2/021/1 : James Barber, Journal entry for February/March 1853). It was estimated,,
in i 1 851 , at between ,1 0,000 and Л 5,000, and 1853 at 20,000. Apart from I le-Ketu, , the :
principal Ketu Settlement, there were many other Ketu towns of equally impressive
population. . Also, . an influence * in i the Ketu region promised to facilitate the propagation of
Christianity > among the Egbado < and the Anago whose various rulers acknowledged < the :
Alaketu as a «Senior brother» deserving some respect, as well as among the northern:
Yoruba, Dahomeans and Borgu who frequented Ketu markets. Furthermore, , there were
:

aspirations, especially in commercial circles, that some economic investment in Ketu would:
yield good dividends. Virtually all those who passed through Ketu territory in the periods
remarked that, in spite of.the nature of the soil, which they judged as poor, the people*
were industrious farmers who could be encouraged to practise agriculture at a commercially,
profitable level. In fact, Ketu traders as well as European; merchants resident in Badagry,,
Abeokuta and Porto Novo played a major part in getting the missionaries interested in Ketu.

2. Bom in the Oyo-Yoruba village of Osogun in the Ibarapa area adjacent to Ketu territory, Crowther
was taken captive in C. 1821 at about the age of fifteen (for more details on Crowther see Ajayi
1970 : 3-17). He was sold to Brazilian slave dealers on the coast but was freed by a British anti-
slave trade patrol team and taken to Freetown. Sierra Leone in June 1822. Baptised in 1825,
he was one of the first students to enroll at the newly created Fourah Bay College run by the
CMS. In 1841, he was already a Catechist and joined the first Niger Mission led by Rev. J. F.
Schon. He was ordained a Minister of the Church of England in 1844 and sent to work in the
Yoruba country. From then till 1857, he was a member of the Yoruba Mission and was Pastor*
in Badagry .Í 1845-46) and Abeokuta (1846-54). During these years he made contact with Ketugbut
but was unable to assert his personality as he had to operate in accordance with the dictates of
his superiors who had control of the mission. In 1864, Crowther was consecrated Bishop and
given direction of the Niger Mission. Although his area of jurisdiction was an amorphous one
covering different parts of West Africa where indigenous clergymen operated, Ketu territory was still
under the juridiction of the white dominated Yoruba Mission. .
3. Oral Interviews in Ketu talk of a quarter of the town known as «Oyinbo gun» (Whiteman lands) ?
which was the living quarter of some white men, supposedly slave traders, in the 19th century.
4. Oral interviews in the Anago and Egbado area conducted at various times between 1978 and 1982.
See also Asiwaju 1977 :ch. I and Adediran 1980 :ch. I.
 NOTES ET DOCUMENTS : 9!

Throughout the period, economic issues featured prominently in the discussions of

Missionaries with Ketu officials; and as late as, 1859, there were attempts by one Mr. Hughes,
resident in Abeokuta, to get the Ketu to cultivate cotton (Gollmer : Journal entry for 9th
Aug.).
Closely associated with this economic factor was the CMS humanitarian gesture of
>■
eradicating the slave trade. Ketu was a major slave market (Bowen op. cit. : 148), but the
Alaketu himself did not customarily keep slaves5. The destruction of the Ketu slave market
looked like an easy task, the accomplishment of which would go a long way in curtailing
slave raiding and trading activities in that part of Yorubaland as well as in Dahomey. In the
latter place, Christian Missionary enterprise had been continually frustrated by Brazilian -.
slave traders on the Coast. Ketu was seen as a new ground from which successful attempts
could be made on Dahomey.
But it has to be pointed* out that the task of establishing a Missionary station in
Ketu was greater than in any of the towns where the CMS was already successfully established
by 1850. Although onlyabout three days (sixty-five miles) journey west from Abeokuta
and two days east of Abomey (capital of Dahomey), Ketu was farther in the interior than
either of these places, and not as popular. with British officials. Also, it was off the major
routes of the period, in a badly watered region under constant raids from Dahomey.
Furthermore, unlike Lagos, Badagry ,' Abeokuta and Porto Novo, Ketu was largely an
«uncivilised» area. It had no liberated immigrants resident in it and had many stories circulating!
indicating the depth of «idolatry» in it.
These facts were not unknown to the missionaries who, nevertheless, believed that
Ketu provided an opportunity of experiencing what to expect from the unexplored Yoruba
hinterland. There is no doubt that in the minds of CMS officials in Badagry and Abeokuta,
Ketu in spite of all odds, was particularly important as an experimental station. It would-
demonstrate that no danger existed in penetration into the interior. Furthermore, it could
serve as a basis for cooperation between the CMS, the British traders as well as
administrators (Gollner : Annuahletters). However,- by procrastination, it was not possible for CMS
agents even to visit Ketu territory until other areas farther in the interior had received
CMS agents.
In fact; the CMS was beaten in the race to Ketu. It was preceded by a Southern
American Baptist Mission led by the Rev. Thomas Bowenb. Arriving Abeokuta in August
1850 and unable to proceed immediately to Igboho, the main object of his mission, Bowen*
realised the importance of Ketu and decided that it was «better to begin a station at I ketu,
than to remain at Abeokuta» (Bowen op. cit. : 142).
After an unsuccessful attempt in 1850; Bowen visited Ile-Ketu in 1851. But the sum
total of his activities in the town was a break of its populace into two hostile factions : a
pro-Christian group led by Adebiya, the reigning Alaketu, and an anti-missionary faction
which comprised virtually all the elderly Ketu Chiefs;. For reasons which willf become
obvious presently, members of the latter. group looked upon the missionaries with
suspicion. Consequently, they formed an alliance with the Muslims and precipitated a crisis
:

which led to Bowen's hurried departure from the town.

Thereafter, the challenge of christianising Ketu was taken up by the CMS7. Led by
Rev. Ajayi Crowther, a party set out from Abeokuta on January 5th 1853, «to pay my;
(Crowther's) ! long promised visit to the king, at his repeated request» (S. A. Crowther;
.

5. Oral Interviews : «Alaketu Adetutu and Chiefs, Aafin, Ile-Ketu», 1 5.7. 1978.
6. For an appraisal of this mission see Prof. E. A. Ayandele's «Introduction» in Bowen op. cit. : Vll-L
7. Bowen was recalled to Ile-Ketu early in 1852 but he was unable to return to the town for he
was then set for Igboho.
92 JOURNAL DES AFRICANISTES

«Account of Journey to Ketu, Dahomey», Jan. ,1853, CMS CA 2/031/128). On the party
were Josiah, (Crowther's son), two Yo ruba converts, presumably of; Egba/Egbado origin,
and one Thomas John, a Sierra-Leonean immigrant with some influence in Abeokuta and
environ. The party entered Ketu territory through Ijale and passed through other major
Ketu towns such as Ibiyan and Ofia. On the 7th of January, they, arrived Ile-Ketu and
were lodged with Asai who had played host to Bowen in 1851 and through whom Crowther
had been exchanging messages with the Alaketu.
Contrary to Crowther's expectations, the party received prompt and warm reception
from Ketu authorities. Crowther's entries on his first meeting with the Alaketu show clearly
the emotion of , the Alaketu at having received the missionary and the high hopes which the
CMS had in; Ile-Ketu. Apart from. ordering that the meeting should be held in his private
chambers, the Alaketu told.Rev. Crowther that he was over-joyed at meeting a man he
considered an intimate friend but whom he had almost given up all hopes of ever meeting.
He concluded his emotional speech with what can be considered a solemn declaration of
éternel -friendship : «Hitherto; I have had no helper : now I have found one, I will hold it
fast» (ibid., entry for 8th Jam/.).
Thenceforth, the party continued to enjoy the hospitality of the chiefs and commoners
alike (ibid., entries for 8th-17th Jan.). They received presents of various kinds and frequent
visits from various dignitaries including the Alaketu's wives. Any fear of hostility was allayed
and members of the party felt free to walk about in any part of. the town. The reaction of
the populace was equally encouraging. They were prepared to listen to Crowther or any
of. his men and in fact, gave them every encouragement to settle down permanently, in the
town. If the comment of the party's host; Asai, is anything to go by, by the fourth day of
the mission's stay, in Ile-Ketu, Christianity was already making an impact on the populace.
Crowther wrote on January 10 :

Asai- said that our book was quite intelligible to all the people ; that there
;

was none who heard me yesterday but thought again, and talked about what
he had heard, when they went ou ; that the book and prayers of the Mahomme-
dans (Muslims) were jarring . confusion^ which nobody understands besides
which they are great liars and deceivers ; that as soon as we shall open school
at Ketu we shall receive a great number to teach.

The Alaketu himself confided in Crowther that he and his chiefs were prepared to
receive as many, as forty missionaries who would. settle permanently in. the. town. He
followed this promise up with. the offer of a piece of. land on which the mission could
build its station. In fact the Alaketu was reported by Asai to have given the party a blank
check : «Ketu is entirely left open to you : do whatsoever, you like on it and bring
whomsoever you think proper : we will receive them with both hands.» When contrasted with
Rev. T. J. Bowen's experience two years earliers,. there is no doubt that Crowther's visit
provided a good opportunity for the CMS to open a station in Ketu. A number of factors
were at the CMS advantage.
Firstly, the prompt attention . given ■ to Crowther. indicated .that ; Ketu ; authorities
;

were ready. for the good, tidings. The Alaketu was a sacred ruler who as Crowther himself
realised was usually not easily accessible, as he was surrounded by protocol. The experience
of visitors to rulers of similar status with the Alaketu had been that of delay and frustration.
But right from the moment it entered Ketu territory,, the Crowther Mission had received
prompt and hospitable treatment from every Ketu official: Crowther wrote of his
experience at Ijale on the 7th : «This place (Ijale) is only about an hour's walk from Ketu town,
the capital. Here we were obliged to wait till the Messengers who went to announce our
 NOTES ET DOCUMENTS 93

arrival had returned. In the meantime, I was kindly entertained by the resident war Chief.
About five p. m., the messengers returned, with a dozen of the king's llari (personal
attendants), to escort us to the town. We arrived here a day sooner than they had anticipated.
I was glad we were not detained at this short distance for the sake of show».
Secondly, the Alaketu made reference to Crowther as his awo. This is an indication
of the Alaketu's strong commitment to Crowther's (and invariably the CMS') cause. An
awo is not just: 'a friend long known by mutual understanding only' as Crowther
interpreted it ; it is someone to whom one is vowedly committed and with whom one shares
intimate secrecy.
Thirdly, the rank and file of Ketu chiefs appeared to be favourably disposed towards
Crowther's visit. When В owen visited I le-Ketu in 1851 there was a strong anti-Missionary
group whose opposition bordered on treason and felony (Bowen op. cit. : 125-150). But
in 1853, there. was none of the rancour and opposition which Bowen witnessed.- Even -,
prominent chiefs including Muslim leaders indentified as «bitter enemies of Christianity»
paid a visit: to Crowther and were treated to various Christian subjects without protests
(S.A. Crowther : entry for Jan. 9th).
.

A fourth factor to the mission's advantage was the fact that Crowher was a Yoruba
indigene. An Oyo-Yoruba with some ancestral connections with Ketu (Parrinder op. cit. :47),
Crowther, spoke a dialect which was mutually intelligible with that of Ketu.- Furthermore,
he was, well-versed in Yoruba language and customs. By 1850, he had succeeded in
translating into Yoruba portions of the Holy Bible (Awoniyi 1969 : 18-19). He conducted his
services and preachings in Yoruba with a mastery? which; was highly commendable and
which endeared him to people-. Thus while the 1851 Baptist Mission had been doomed by
Bowen's reliance on an incompetent interpreter, the success of the CMS was assured by the
absence of misunderstanding due to communication gap-
Lastly, the Crowther party arrived in Ketu at a period of peaceful respite. In 1851,
although it was common knowledge that the Dahomean army had been almost completely
destroyed by the Egba at Abeokuta (Ajayi and Smith .197 V : 37-39): there was widespread
fear, of a Dahomean vengeance on neighbouring .Yoruba settlements.The immediate
preoccupation of Ketu authorities was then to placate Dahomey by remaining at least neutral
in the on-going Egba-Dahomey conflicts. To demonstrate this, instructions were sent to all
Ketu settlements that Dahomean soldiers lost and found wandering in Ketu territory should
be sent immediately to I le-Ketu. Here they were treated hospitably before being diligently
sent back to Abomey (Bowen op. cit. : 142-143). Thus when the Alaketu invited Bowen
tolle-Ketu, a good number of» the chiefs saw it is as an undiplomatic move that could
earn- Ketu the wrath of the king of Dahomey who had sworn mortal enemity, with the
Christian > Missionaries . particularly those resident i in Abeokuta. But this . fear seemed to
have completely disappeared by the early months of 1852. Dahomey appeared unable to
resume her bellicose policy with the same vigour as before 1851. The panicky atmosphere
that existed at the time of Bowen's visit had been completely erased by the fact that
Dahomean traders frequented Ketu markets on a scale hitherto unknown8. These developments
were interpreted in Ketu to mean that the Dahomeans were afraid of another confrontation
with the Egba (oral interview). Since the Christians were known to have contributed
immeasurably to the 1851 s defeat of Dahomey, they came to be associated with some magic,
potent enough to keep off the Dahomeans. In fact, as early as. 1852, the Alaketu urged by
his Chiefs had been making persistent demands; on the missionaries in Abeokuta (Bowen
op. cit. : 150, S. A. Crowther : Journal entry for 5 Jan.).

8. S. A. Crowther : Journal entry for Jan. 11th. The Dahomeans frequented Ketu Markets which
they considered safer than markets in the Egbado area.
94 JOURNAL DES AFRICANISTES

The Alaketu who had all along been convinced of the wisdom fo cooperation with
the missionaries was eager to consolidate his friendship with them. Like his people, he
hoped to seize the opportunity, of .1 Crowther's visit to consolidate the freedom of Ketu >
from Dahomean perennial raids. Of particular interest to him, however, was the possibility s
of the missionaries assisting him. in boosting his image vis-à-vis his principal chiefs with;
whom he had been engaged in series of constitutional disputes.
Furthermore, the Alaketu calculated that the missionaries would be useful allies in
off-setting the ever-increasing influence of the Muslims.
It is no surprise therefore, that the Alaketu was eager that the CMS should physically
establish its presence in с Ile-Ketu by; building a Mission house immediately and sending
teachers and preachers later on. Two sites were offered to Rev. Crowther near the palace,,
ostensibly because, as the Alaketu claimed, his Orisa had counselled that the mission house
must be near him ; but apparently because of the psychological effects such nearness might
have on his adversaries. But Crowther had his eyes on another site which the Alaketu was
reluctant to grant him for reasons which will become apparent presently. As an alternative,
the Alaketu offered another site already occupied by houses which he promised to pull
down for the sake of the mission. When Crowther could not be persuaded to change his
mind, the Alaketu strongly desirous that the CMS should establish in his town, agreed that
the mission could select any portion of land in any part of the town (S.A. Crowther : entry
for/14 Jan.). This was a great concession indeed and Crowther, with some justification,
delared his pioneering enterprise for the CMS in Ketu a success.
Barely two months after. Crowther's visit, Mr. James Barber, an indigenous catechisti
stationed at Abeokuta proceeded to Ketu (CMS CA 2/02/1 , James Barber, quarterly Journal,
«Journey to Ketu, Dahomey 23 Feb. 1853»)9, apparently. to further strengthen the
;

assurances of friendship given by Rev. Crowther. Accompanied as guide by Thomas John,

who had been on Crowther's party, the group took the same route taken by Crowther and
arrived Ketu on the night of February 25th. The following day they were granted audience;
by the enthusiastic Alaketu. Barber immediately set out to consolidate the gains made by
Crowther and requested for some men to help clear the site chosen by, the previous party.
Barber paid great attention to the common people, unlike Crowther whose
interactions were mainly with the nobility. He did a lot of preachings to Ketu indigenes and non-
indigenes alike and i made some efforts at teaching the children some Yoruba alphabets.
During the twenty days he spent in Ile-Ketu, Barber held regular services and classes. Most
of these were however not well-attended. In the first service he held in the morning of
Sunday 27 th, he registered a few attendance «Chiefly youngmen and children». The time
of the evening service he had to spend in teaching and explaining the ten commandments
to his host (J. Barber, : entry í for March 27th.) apparently because nobody turned up for
service. On the ? 3rd of April; he had thirtheen persons at the morning service and only
five in the evening. To him, his most successful day was the 10th of April when according
to him he held four services. But his Journal entry for the day indicated that it was not
much of a success. After the morning service at which the most notable personality appeared
to have been a devoted and prosperous Ifa priest called Baale Omiyomi,he addressed a large
assembly of people under a shade near the king's palace. After that he preached to some
children he later found under a tree. While returning home he was followed by about twenty-
five children to whom he taught the Yoruba alphabet. The depth of his success was shown1
at the evening service when nobody turned up !

9. This journey appears to have been made in March for Barber made entries for the 19th and 30th.
 NOTES ET DOCUMENTS - 95

An immediate reason one could account for this was the change in the political
atmosphere of Ketu. At the time of Barber's visit, the Dahomeans had: resumed their hostility
and there were frequent threats of invasions (ibid., March 28th-April 1st.). On the 28th of
March they boycotted the Ketu Market, an indication that an attack was imminent. For the:
most of April, rumours were rife that Dahomean kidnappers and snippers were all over the
place; thereby paralysing the economic life of Ketu.. In. the circumstance, Ketu indigenes;
were preoccupied with providing adequate security for. the town and its inhabitants and
could not afford to pay much attention to the Christians who, unlikethe Muslims, offered
no practical and immediate solution to their problem10.
More important was the lukewarm attitude of the Alaketu to Mr. Barber's mission.
At their first meeting on the .1 6th of March, Mr; Barber, had made request for some men to ■;
help, clear the site allocated the CMS during Rev. Crowther's visit. When it appeared;to;
Barber/that the Alaketu .was reluctant to procure the necessary labour, he attempted to
hire some labourers. However,. he was disallowed; by the Alaketu who ruled that it was
against Ketu customs to hire labour (J. Barber : entry for March 30.). Although the Alaketu
promised to get the job done,. it was a careful exercise in procrastination, for it was not
until the 14th April, the very day Mr. Barber was to leave Ile-Ketu, that some men were
sent to clear the site, possibly in the hope of persuading Barber not ot leave.
It must be emphasised that it is not that Alaketu Adebiya had lost faith in the
Christians. On the contrary,. throughout Barber's stay in Ketu, the Alaketu continued to make
requests for missionaries and teachers who would stay permanently in the town. His
lukewarm attitude to Mr. Barber, could be explained in a number of ways vis-à-vis his attitude
to Rev. Crowther.
Firstly, it would appear that the Alaketu did not have as much confidence in Mr.
Barber as he had in Crowther. The latter's fame and popularity, had preceded him to Ketu.
On > the contrary, Barber was a -, man completely unknown to the Alaketu and therefore
.

could not have been taken into confidence in the same way as Crowther, his awo (intimate
friend). Furthermore, while Crowther listened to the Alaketu's numerous complaints about
the treachery of his chiefs, the Dahomean menace and a few other private matters, Barber,
nad seemed unsympathetic with the Alaketu's plight ; and was more concerned with his
evangelical work (see Barber's Journal : entries with those of Crowther).
Secondly,, the Alaketu was disappointed that, in spite of his intimacy with < Rev.
Crowther and the latter's assurances of opening up, a mission, only a visiting agent had
been sent. All the aspirations of Ketu authorities in welcoming, Rev. Crowther. had not
been met. . The Alaketu rightly > blamed the CMS for inaction which, in his calculations,
,

had encouraged renewed Dahomean threats of invasion. .

Thirdly, and probably most importantly, was the issue of the site for a mission station,
an issue which Mr. Barber had raised on his first meeting with the Alaketu., The Alaketu ,
had only acquiesced to Crowther's choice to induce the establishment of a CMS mission in
Ile-Ketu. The Alaketu's preference of a site near the palace, as indicated earlier on, was not
uncalculated. The palace was in a central location and would afford the mission the
opportunity of adequate interaction with the townsfolk and the opportunity of off-balancing
the -influence, of the: Muslims who then constituted the greatest threat to the Alaketu's
;

pre-eminence in Ketu politics. The site which, Crowther insisted upon was far removed,
from, the living quarters of the town. This was presumably in keeping with the CMS
tradition (in other parts of Yorubaland) of building the mission house some distance from the
town. Justifying his choice vis-à-vis the Alaketu's offer, Crowther wrote :

10.. Unlike Christianity, Islam assured its adherents of safety in times of troubles by allowing the use
of talisman, amulets, etc.
96 JOURNAL DES AFRICANISTES

The present situation is clear of houses, and large ; it stands on a gradual

elevation over the town, and consequently is well-drained and dry : the country
presents a fine view in front for miles towards the east and north : it is airy,
and void of any offensive smells, and abreast the centre of the town, but remote
from the Mahommedan (i\c) quarter, where their only. Mosque stands (S. A.
Crowther : entry for 14 Jan.).

But the immediate significance of the choice is that it set the mission apart from the;
populace and neutralised the political calculations of the Alaketu. Furthermore, the location
on an elevated part of 'the town which, as Barber pointed out presented «a commanding
view over the whole. town, and over all the roads which lead to the gate in the town» (J.
Barber : entry for 28 March) was a security; risk and further explains the opposition of
successive- Alaketu's to that particular, site . That Adebiya could ever promise strangers
(the missionaries) such a site could never1 be pleasing to a people as security conscious as
the Ketu. In fact the Alaketu had yielded, to Crowther's demand at the risk of displeasing
his people. Barber's renewal of the demand in face of the prevailing atmosphere of
insecurity could not but re-awaken the antimissionary instinct in the Chiefs.
In fact, the land issue created more animosity for the missionaries because of the lack
of consultation» with the Chiefs. But the chiefs tried not to precipitate a crisis for they
anticipated that whatever impression the Christians were able to make on the people would'
fade out on the Alaketu's death. As long as Adebiya reigned as king, the anti-missionary
group could only remain a toothless bulldog. Although he had started his reign some twenty
years earlier in the midst of crisis, by the 1850s, Adebiya had through sheer courage and
diplomacy made himself master of Ketu.
Thus, although Barber left' I le-Ketu in April with the Alaketu still desirous that the
CMS should open a station in Ketu, the: position. was then much more precarious than it
had been the preceding January. The full picture of the CMS predicament was to come out
after Adebiya's death in June 1853. Barber was hurriedly dispatched to Ile-Ketu to condole
the chiefs, congratulate the Alaketu-elect and ascertain the feeling of the new administration
towards the mission (CMS; I ntelligeneer, November 1853)1 On his way Mr. Barber met
with a party which was strongly opposed to his visit (CMS CA; 2/021/2, James Barber,
«Journal of a Second Journey to Ketu, June 1853»). ,
Barber's subsequent * meeting * with Ketu > chiefs, only exposed how ephemeral .the
success of the previous visits were. After listening to Barber's fairly comprenhensive accounts ',
of the CMS intentions in Ketu, the Chiefs told him that the CMS would have to start afresh
for, as far as they were concerned, the previous visits were personal affairs between Adebiya
and the missionaries. They insisted that negotiations between the late Alaketu and Crowther
were null and void since none of the high-ranking chiefs was party to them. They however
promised to advise the new king on the issue and to arrange a meeting with him as soon as
he became fully consecrated.
Investiture ceremonies of the Alaketu were expected to last over a year. Barber himsel
realised that the chiefs had merely told off the CMS albeit diplomatically. Adebiya had
acted ultra vires in his overzealousness to get the CMS established in Ketu. Constitutionally;
issues of importance such as the establisment of a foreign body (the CMS) in Ketu was
expected to be discussed by a Councilof Chiefs made up of heads of the six principal
lineages in Ile-Ketu. The chiefs whould deliberate under their leader the Eesaba and taking;
into consideration different shades of opinion , in their, respective , quarters of the town
,

11. Alaketu Adiro was to tell Rev. G oil mer six years later that when the CMS was ready to build
their station, «a good ground» would be found for them. CMS CA.' 2/043/132. GA Gollmer :
Journey entry for 15 Aug. 1859.
 NOTES ET DOCUMENTS 97

would advise the Alaketu in accordance with their decision. It was only then that the Alake-
tu could commit the people who would then be irrevocably committed to such a decision.
There is every indication that Adebiya did not confer with his chiefs on his relations with
the Christian missionaries. As Barber noted, his was the first opportunity afforded any
Christian visitor to Ketu, to meet the Council of Chiefs and explain the Christian objective
to them (J. Barber : entry for 25 June).
Apparently distrusting his chiefs after their opposition to Bowen's visit, Adebiya
acted single-handedly in all his dealings with the CMS. The closeness between him and the
missionaries defied all protocol which demanded, that the missionaries should go through
i
a chain of officials : starting from the junior officials of the llari cadre, through highranking
Chiefs attached to the palace.
The cumulative rage of the chiefs was placed on Asa i who had been the host of the

;
missionaries (ibid : entry for 24 June). Following his close association with the missionaries
and the Alaketu, Asai acquired a prestige apparently not commensurate with his traditional
status in Ketu politics. Bowen called him 'the king's father or Prime Minister'- (Bowen op.
cit. : 143-144), a description which seemed appropriate to Rev. Crowther. But James Barber's
Journal ^entries indicate that he was neither the Eesaba (Prime-Minister) nor one of the
'six chiefs and elders of Ketu', the most prominent Chiefs in the town. Bowen himself
referred to Asai as one of the officials who must commit suicide at the demise of the
Alaketu (ibid : 147), an indication that he was a junior palace official of the llari cadre (Johnson
'

1921 : 51-69). Obviously, the atmosphere in June 1853 was not conducive to evangelical:
work. Barber/ left Ketu hurriedly in the midst of rumours of a Dahomean attack.' In that
circumstance, it is not surprising that the next Alaketu, Adegbede, pitched his camp with
the chiefs and against the missionaries.
Apparently following Barber's report, the CMS seemed to have lost interest in Ketu.
But six years later, reports from traders who frequented Ketu markets and CMS agents in
Egbado towns inspired another CMS missionary, the Rev. Charles Gollmer to renew attempts
at opening up a CMS Station in Ketu territoy.
A man of energy and resolution, Gollmer took the evangelisation of Ketu very
seriously. Since 1851 when he first heard about Ketu, he had been interested in visiting the area.
As soon as he assumed duty as pastor in Abeokuta in 1857, he indicated his willingness to
revive the CMS links with Ketu. By the second quarter of the following year, he had made:
elaborate plans to resume missionary- work in Ketu .territory (C. A. Gollmer : entry for
1 1 April). These materialised the following August when he toured extensively in the eastern
district of Ketu preaching to fairly large audience in Igara (Egua ?), Ijaka, and Ika. (C. A.
Gollmer, «Journal; extracts for. three quarters ending Sept. 25th 1858», CA. 2/043/129).*
In spite of these successes, Gollmer realised that he had an uphill task to perform in lle-
Ketu itself. Apparently he - had been following developments in the town since Rev. Crow-
ther's visit. He knew he would have to repair the image of the missionaries in the town.
He was well-informed enough to know that Alaketu Adegbede had been openly hostile to
the Christians ; that; Christian religion was virtually non-existent there-; andthat from
1853, the Muslims had systematically gained an .unparalleled influence and had succeeded
in convincing the, traditional elites that the presence of Christian Missionaries would not
i

serve ; any useful purpose in Ketu. Gollmer. spent much of the period between; 1857. and
1859 making enquiries about the state of affairs in the town. Nevertheless; he realised that
it wasidifficult to predict what the disposition of the new Alaketu would be. Not certain
what amount of opposition awaited him, in March 1859, Gollmer sent a carefully selected
team led by three experienced Scripture Readers on a friendly mission to Ketu.
This. reconnaisance, party made a good impression on the Alaketu-elect and gave a
favourable, report which indicated a change of attitude in Ketu official quarters. Gollmer
98 JOURNAL DES AFRICANISTES

wrote in his Journal for April 1 1 th, (the day he received the report) , his feeling of optimism
for the success of the Ketu mission and the eventual realisation of the CMS
long-contemplated objectives :

Good news from a new quarter... Blessed be the lord, the branches of the Gospel
tree have grown much of late, stretching across the land, and peeping into the
Ketu territory, pleading as it were for admittance:

On the 25th of July, with five Scripture Readers and some servants, Gollmer set out
for Ketu spending twelve days on a journey that ought to have taken him less than half
of that time. The delay was due to Gollmer's decision to preach along the route, in order
to ensure that not only Ile-Ketu; but the whole of Ketu territory would be Christianised.
The optimism^ of the party was strengthened on the way. Virtually in all the places where
they stopped, the men were received hospitably and encouraged to preach the gospel.
As soon as they entered Ketu territory, they embarked: on- vigorous evangelistic
campaigns (C. A. Gollmer' : entries for. 3-8 Aug.). On 4th August at Egua, the first major
Ketu town on their route; they preached to an assembly of chiefs and elders. Shortly after,
at a place which Gollmer called 'Iganguwa', about sixty people, mostly. adults,received the
good tidings. At Ijoun, the next major port of call,1 the party broke into five : Gollmer
heading the group which preached to the chiefs and people of the town, while each of the
other groups visited one of the neighbouring towns — Eja, lka,Esejo and Ikajo. The most-
impressive of the party's outing was apparently at Ofia on the 7th, the eve of their arrival ,
in lie— Ketu. There, a morning service held in the market place was attended by over 200
persons among whom were local dignitaries such as -the head chief/the war captain and
elders.
Three factors appear to have accounted for the party's success along the route to •
Ile-Ketu. The first is that by the late 1850s, the Christians were very popular in the Egbado
area. This followed their activities in Porto Novo, llaro, Badagry, Lagos and Abeokuta.
Secondly, the reaction of the villagers in the eastern district of Ketu was dictated by the
attitude of Egba and Ketu authorities (J. Barber : entry for 18th March). Since these two
were favourably disposed towards the Christians and their religion, the villages in between
them felt sage to accept the Christian missionaries among them. A third factor was the
hope of security from the perenia! raids of Dahomey. As mentioned earlier, the Western.
Yoruba states. had been impressed by the assistance which the missionaries gave the Egba'
against Dahomey in 1851. The other advantages which the Egba derived from the
missionaries had made their neighbours to look towards Christians as patrons (CMS CA. 2/031;
«Ajayi Crowther to Chapman, 5 Jan. 1856»).
Nevertheless, Rev. Gollmer's anticipation that; the resumption of the CMS activities
in Ile-Ketu would be fairly difficult .was confirmed in the town (C. A. Gollmer : entries for
9-12 Aug.). The first. indication that the Mission was not going to have things easy-going;
was the news that the Alaketu had consulted the Muslims for, what looked like a
purification ritual against any evil that might accompany the missionaries' advent. This of course
was an indication of the extent to which the Islamic religion had penetrated the fabric of г
the society. In the six-year, absence of Christian missionaries from Ketu, the Muslims hadi
succeeded in reconstituting themselves into a force to be reckoned with in the politics of.*
the state,- a position which they appeared to have lost during the last years of Alaketu
Adebiya's reign. At the time of Gollmer's visit, Adiro, the successon of Adegbede, had not
assumed full powers as Alaketu, for he had not been crowned. Authority was then still
with the Council of Chiefs who, with the muslims, were opposed to the missionaries
gaining an undue influence in the town. Thus secretly urged on by some of the chiefs, the Muslims
 NOTES ET DOCUMENTS 99

attempted to frustrate Gollmer out of the town. They were particularly against the agressive
street-preaching of Mr. Gollmer's Scripture Readers which appeared to be primarily directed
at picking holes in the Islamic doctrine. However, unwilling to precipitate another crisis
by molesting the Missionaries, the Muslims resorted to intimidation and spreading false
rumours. So persistent- was their protest that Gollmer was forced to advise the Scripture
Readers to lessen the tempo of their preachings and to ensure that they did not offend the
Muslims.
In spite of the intimidation from the Muslums, the Mission went about preaching the >
gospel to an ever-increasing audience. Unlike on previous occasions, the chiefs and elders
of Ketu were united with the Alaketu-elect in the aspiration of having a Mission Station;
opened in Ile-Ketu. The Alaketu-elect was remarkably hospitable to the missionaries, and
gave them lots of presents. When a request was made for permission to allow the Scripture
Readers to preach openly in the town, it was promptly granted. In spite of attempts by
rumour mongers, to discredit the missionaries, they were highly regarded by the king who
impressed them with his «frank manner» and friendly disposition. How much the Alaketu
prized the CMS could be gleaned from an eight-point demand he laid before them in August
12. After narrating the intrigues which characterised contemporary Ketu politics and the
chaotic effects of incessant attacks from Dahomey and Abeokuta, he sought the assistance
of the CMS for a number of things which could be grouped into three :
— the return of peace and tranquillity to his domain ;
— his successful installation /with full powers' and restoration to a position of pre-eminence
befitting an Alaketu ;
— a relief from the economic strangulation that. Ketu was in, as a result of closure of its
important markets and insecurity on the routes.
All. the Chiefs shared \ the Alaketu-elect's view on these matters. As Gollmer noted,
«they wished for nothing so much as peace ; that their king may live long, and have many
children, that they would receive the word of God, and, white merchants. to. trade with
them.»
Thus with the Alaketu's and the chief's blessings. and aided by the able Mr. Smith,
an experienced indigenous catechist based nn Isaga- (CMS Intelligencer. Vol. XI;.. 1860.
i

«Recent; Intelligence»), Rev. Gollmer made impressive outings in Ile-Ketu from! the first
day. of his arrival/The first service on Sunday 14th was held in the king's palace with the:
king and his 'household fully; in attendance. The evening congregation of the same day
was, by Gollmer's reckoning, the largest they ever had «almost too large to keep sufficiently
quiet».
The peak of the CMS efforts in Ketu was obviously Gollmer's visit and was the best
time a mission station could have been opened in Ile-Ketu. Nothing expresses the situation
more graphically than Gollmer's own entry on August 15th which is worth quoting in
extenso :

This morning after breakfast, we went to the king's residence by appointment,

and had ano ther three hour's confidential interview with him. With a view
to ascertaining the mind of the king as regards our work, and to get something
like a decided expression, I prepared a few questions, which were fully
explained, and which I give in their condensed form, with the king's reply.

1 st. Does the king wish for Missionaries ?

Reply : It will be sweet tome and all my people :
We shall all be glad...
100 JOURNAL DES AFRICANISTES

2nd Will the king protect the Missionary ?

Reply : White man cannot live in my town without my taking care of him.
3rd. . Will the king permit the Missionary freely to preach God's word ?
Reply : There is nothing in the way, nothing to prevent it.
4th. Will ; the king protect from persecution any one who may believe God's word?
Reply : There is no else who can do it.
5th. Does the king look on the piece of land granted by Adebiya... to Mr. Crowther,
in 1853, as ours and will he permit us to go and see it ?
Reply : You may go and look at the place/but when you are ready to build your house
we shall find good ground for you.
6th.. Will the king permit that Mr. Smith or I may come at any time hereafter, say in
five or six months, and remain two three weeks ?
Reply: It will -please me, but. six months is too far away, if white messengers of God
and merchants come, all will be glad.
The balance sheet in August 1859 was certainly impressive. Gollmer's records indicate
that the time was opportuned for the establishment of a mission station and the realisation
of making Ketu a major centre for, the dissemination of Christian propaganda to Dahomey,
and Northwestern Yorubaland. Consequently Gollmer advocated the immediate occupation;
of Ile-Ketu «at least two European missionaries and a staff of native agents» (C. A. Gollmer,
Annual letters, 1859 CMS CA: 2/043).
The- Rev. Gollmer finally left Ile-Ketu on the 17th of August. Neither* he nor Mr.
Smith visited Ketu 'in five or six months' which the Alaketu had protested was «too far
away.» Shortly after, Ketu fel Г under incessant military assaults and became engulfed in
the international politics of. the south-western Yoruba country (Kola Folayan 1972 :3-32).
From the 1853 outing of Rev. Crowther till the end of Gollmer's visit in 1859 therefore,
the CMS presence in Ketu could only, be described as ephemeral and quickly disappeared
without the society realising its objectives.
In-explaining the failure of their attempts in; Ketu, CMS officials emphasised two
closely interwoven factors : the opposition of Ketu elites and the strength of «idolatry».
Neither of, these i factors adequately, accounted for the. failure. Ketu elites were not
religiously as fanatical as they were painted by the Missionaries, and never constituted enough

:
opposition to completely obliterate the influence of. Christianity, if. the Missionaries
themselves had taken care to get it well planted.'
In fact, it has to be pointed out. that in other parts of Yorubaland where the CMS
succeeded in setting up stations by the second half of the nineteenth century, the
Mis ionaries met with obstacles similar to those they met in Ketu (Ajayi 1965, Ayandele 1966).
For instance, in Abeokuta, the Christians had to yield ground to the traditional religion
to an extent that oro groves existed side by side with the mission house. And in Ibadan, the
Hinderers had a lot of problems with adherents of traditional religions and Muslims. Yet in
comparison with Ketu, Christian, Missionary enterprise in these areas must be judged as
successful. The explanation to the Ketu case must be sought in the reluctance of the CMS
to pursue its missionary enterprise in Ketu with the tact and vigour it demanded.
For instance, Ketu Muslims made attempts to cultivate the friendship of the
Christians. This was in spite of the knowledge that in places like Porto Novo, Lagos, Ba dagry
and Abeokuta, Christians were fastly replacing Muslims as the new elites. „Throughout ■
Rev. Crowther's stay in Ile-Ketu, the Muslims courted his friendship. On the third day of
his arrival a delegation of Ketu Chiefs among whom where two Muslim leaders professed
their friendship to him and listened to his preachings (S. Crowther : entry for 9 Jan.).
 NOTES ET DOCUMENTS 101

Similarly, the muslim elites were friendly during the time of Gollmer's visit (C. A. Gollmer :
entries for 9-16 Aug.). One «Sheriff», a muslim preacher, had been unexpectedly friendly to
his messengers in March 1859. The following August, the Muslims, in a rather overzealous
manner, paid their respects to members of the party. Gollmer himself remarked in his entry,
for the 15th that the leader of the muslim community «had been visiting us (the
missionaries) several times, and appeared with others of his creed friendly towards us». When Mr.
Gollmer's Scripture Readers' preachings became unbearable the Muslims took the matter
coolly. In a circumstance where they could have resorted to violence, they merely sent a
message to Gollmer to caution his aides.They did much more to convince Gollmer of their
friendship. Their leader sent him presents of a sheep and two heads of cowries ;and it was
a Muslim who supplied members of the party good spring-water for most of their stay in
Ketu.
The fact is that while in 1851 the Muslims had strongly opposed the Christians, events
from И 853 onwards convinced '.them to abandon religious pettiness and join hands with.
Christians in making peace return to Ile-Ketu, by presenting a common front against Ketu's
enemies. which had come to include the» Ibadan in addition to the Dahomeans and, the
Egba (C'A. Gollmer, Annual letters 31st December 1860). Most of the Muslims were
itinerant traders and had suffered immeasurably from the ongoing hostilities. They had seen
how in Porto-Novo, Badagry and Abeokuta Christians and t Muslims co-existed and
cooperated to keep the menacing raids of Dahomey at a low ebb.
The CMS agents did not however reciprocate these friendly gestures On many
occasions they provoked the Muslims. Crowther turned a friendly visit by the Chiefs on the 9th
of /January to an occasion for preaching to the displeasure of the Muslims among them.

.
Gollmer was almost always openly hostile. The height of his hostility was his rejection, in
spite of the advice of his host, of presents sent by the muslim leader on the pretext that*
it was sent on a Sunday. The rejection of the presents was a declaration of enmity with the
muslim leader who,. to Gollmer's knowledge; was: a wealthy; and influential man in the
community. Gollmer's reaction was in this wise tactless.
The i same tactlessness characterised i the missionaries' dealings with the traditional í
,

elites (chiefs), whose reactions have to be interpreted within the framework of

contemporary Ketu politics. The Chiefs' opposition to the missionaries was strictly speaking not on
t

doctrinal issues but on the method adopted by the CMS agents to preach the Gospel: It is
doubtful, whether any of the missionaries who visited Ile-Ketu demonstrated those qualities
such as patience, tolerance, and diplomacy identified as necessary for successful missionary
work in. those days. By preaching against the Muslims, the CMS agents demonstrated
religious intolerance which could further; intensify the political crisis in Ile-Ketu.
i

Inadvertently, the missionaries were associated with the Alaketu group to which the chiefs were
opposed. This made the chiefs to distrust the Christians. The conduct of, the missionaries as
discussed earlier, further strengthened the fear and suspicion of the chiefs. They condemned %
■

the indigenous institutions and totally shunned the chiefs, prefering to deal directly with
the Alaketu. The chiefs reacted sharply to this, charging the missionaries with arrogance
and conspiracy against the security of the state. Even i though the missionaries did, not
interfere directly with the = internal > affairs of Ketu, they never succeeded in gaining the
confidence of the chiefs. Throughout, the chiefs kept all Christians at arm's length and
under constant surveillance.
Furthermore, the attitude of the CMS did not indicate any seriousness on their part,
even though Ketu continued to occupy a prominent position in their plan. In 1853, the
Rev. Crowther was given every encouragement by the Alaketu in the aspiration that a
mission station would be established for Christian teachers and traders. But the confidence
which the Alaketu reposed in Crowther was dashed on the rocks when he left the town
102 JOURNAL DES AFRICANISTES

without taking any, concrete step of building a mission house. Thus when a few months
later, Mr. Barber arrived, the Alaketu was sceptical about him. If the popular Crowther his
awo (intomate friend) could not set up a mission; how could this young man about whom
nothing had been heard set' up: one,? The chiefs whom Barber met on his second journey*
indicated thatithey would give the issue of opening a CMS station an appropriate
consideration»; but neither Mr. Barber nor his supervisors in Abeokuta followed this up. In 1859,
the Alaketu protested to Gollmer, that 'six months was too far away' for another evangelical
visit to Ketu. But no CMS Missionary showed up in the town till the end of the century.
Indeed after Gollmer's visit,, the CMS appeared to have forgotten everything about Ketu
until sixteen years later when, the Rev. Valentine Faulkner, desirous of opening a mission
station in Ile-Ketu, made an unsuccessful attempt to visit the town (CMS CA. 2/037;
Valentine Faulkner, «Journal of itinerancy from Lagos to Ketu».
Although there -is no direct evidence to indicate what the situation was immediately
after, Gollmer's visit, it is probably right to conjecture that there was a change of attitude
and í the strengthening of the anti-missionary group over the pro-missionary party. After
all; in spite of/ Rev. Gollmer's impressionistic accounts, the CMS influence had not gained
any i substantial í footing i in ? Ketu к by August 1859 : As Archdeacon Olumide * Lucas once
pointed, the success of Christianity in any, Yoruba town could not be guaranteed unless
<it was vigorously and persistently pursued. The Yorubaman «requires a virile form of
Christianity which influences more by deeds than by words, which replaces the uncouth with
thesublime, which builds a new structure upon its own teaching but without disregarding
all that is best and noblest in the old» (Lucas .1948 : 365). In the absence of a follow-up
and sin - the circumstance : of insecurity which the power- politics in the Egbado area was
,

generating, it is not a surprise that whatever impact the CMS had on the Ketu quickly *
disappeared.
It has to be pointed out however, that the reluctance of the CMS on the Ketu mission
was not the decision of individual missionaries." Rather, it was part of the dilemma faced by
the CMS throughout West Africa and; in particular in Yorubaland: Experience in other
places had taught the CMS not to get too much involved in local politics especially in view
of the reluctance ofofficials at the Colonial affice to get unnecessarily dragged into, the
complex politics of > Yoruba hinterland ( Ayayi 1 965, Ayandele ; 1 966) '. Furthermore after

■
the; 1851 : bombardment of r Lagos,, the Missionaries were very cautious not. to create the
impression .that they * were agents of- Lagos administration whose presence would lead to *
.

,
forcible occupation. The peculiar location of Ketu, a frontier town between the English
.

and French spheres of influence and adjacent to Dahomey demanded much more caution
than Abeokuta or Ibadan; More so as they were not sure of the backing of the Lagos
administration.
The British administration in Lagos, in the early years of its inception, had a policy
which did, not support missionary activities in the hinterland. The administration was not
prepared to > be responsible for Missionaries' safety if they ? (the Missionaries) ventured :
outside the coastal; fringe which. then constituted the British Colony. Thus the
determination of the missionaries to venture into the interior was at their own risks* and primarily
dependent on how much risks individual missionaries were prepared to take ; a calculation
often, based on s the amount of assistance they could get from their local missions
headquarters. Unfortunately for the Ketu mission, the Yoruba Mission of which it was a part,
was characterised '• in t its early* years by interpersonal conflicts which resulted in lack of
coordination and administrative backing for the «ambitious» projects outside the immediate
environ of Abeokuta.. In addition, the Abeokuta station lacked the money, personnel and»
i

vigour to carry; through the evangelisation of the whole of Western Yoruba country in an
era. when insecurity was heightened by hostility. Moreover, the CMS in Lagos, Abeokuta
 NOTES ET DOCUMENTS 1 03 .

and Badagry had many problems from the alarming growth of Islam and other Christian
religious sects. As various CMS agents from 1850 noted (S. A. Crowther : entry for 27
July, 1853 ;S.W. Doherty, Journal 145 CMS CA. 2/035 ;CA: 2/031, «Crowther to Henry
Venn» 3 Nov. 1849), the Muslim population in Lagos, though it did not constitute the
ruling elite, had become a force to reckon with in the politics of the city. Further, the
CMS which initially had a monopoly of Lagos as the only Christian sect in the city had to
take cognisance of the Wesleyan Methodist and the Southern American Baptist which had
begun aggressive programmes of evangelisation. Under these circumstances, much effort
was concentrated on salvaging the CMS in Lagos and other places where the Mission was
already firmly established. The official policy did not therefore support the idea of breaking
new grounds. In this wise, the CMS attempts on Ketu from Abeokuta were largely half
measures and the experiment was doomed to failure even before it took off.

BIBLIOGRAPHIE

ADEDIRAN.A.
1 980 i The Emergence of Western Yoruba Kingdoms, Ph. D. Ife : University of Ife.
AJAYI,J.F.
1 965 Christians Missions in Nigeria, 1841-1891. Longman »
1970 «Bishop Crowther :an assessment» , Odu (IMS), 4 :3-17.
AJAYI.J. F. andR.S.
1 971 Smith Yoruba Warfare in the 19th Century. Ibadan : Daystar Press.
ASIWAJU.A. I.
1 977 Western Yoruba land under European Rule 1889-1945. Longman .
AW0NIYI,J.
1969s «History of the Yoruba Bible», Nigerian Christian, IV (4).
AYANDELE,A.A.
1 966 The Missionary Impact on modern Nigeria, 1842- 19 14. Longman .
BOWEN,T.J.
1 966 Adventures and Missionary Labour, 1849-1856. Frank Cass.
JOHNSON, S.
1 92 1 The History of the Yoruba. Lagos : CMS .
KOLAFOLAYAN
1972 «International politics in a frontier zone : Egbado 1833-1863», Odu, S : 3-32.
LUCAS, J. O.
1 948 The Religion of the Yoruba. Lagos : CMS ,
ODUYOYE/M.
1 969 The Planting of Christianity in Yoruba land, 1842-1883. Ibadan : Daystar Press.
PARRINDER.E.G..
1967 The Story of Ketu. Ibadan : University of Ibadan Press.