Download as pdf or txt
Download as pdf or txt
You are on page 1of 21

Second Italo-Ethiopian War

Date 3 October 1935 – May 1936

Location Ethiopia

Result Decisive Italian victory,Territorial changes : Annexation of Ethiopia by Italy, foundation of


Italian East Africa

Belligerents

Kingdom of Italy Italy

Italian Eritrea

Italian Somaliland

Ethiopian Empire Ethiopia

Commanders and leaders

Kingdom of Italy Victor Emmanuel III

Kingdom of Italy Benito Mussolini

Kingdom of Italy Emilio De Bono

Kingdom of Italy Pietro Badoglio

Kingdom of Italy Rodolfo Graziani

Hamid Idris Awate

Sultan Olol Dinle

Ethiopian Empire Haile Selassie I

Ethiopian Empire Imru Haile Selassie

Ethiopian Empire Kassa Haile Darge

Ethiopian Empire Seyum Mangasha

Ethiopian Empire Mulugeta Yeggazu †

Ethiopian Empire Desta Damtew

Ethiopian Empire Nasibu Emmanual

Strength
Approx. 500,000 combatants (Approx. 100,000 mobilized)

Approx. 595 aircraft

Approx. 795 tanks Approx. 800,000 combatants (~330,000 mobilized)

Approx. 3 aircraft

Approx. 3 tanks

Casualties and losses

10,000 killed1 (est. May 1936)

44,000 wounded (est. May 1936)

9,555 killed2 (est. 1936–1940)

144,000 sick and wounded (est. 1936–1940)

Total: ~20,000 killed and ~188,000 wounded or sick

Approx. 275,000 combatants killed, 500,000 wounded Approx.

Total: ~775,000 killed or wounded

1Official pro-Fascist Italian figures are around 3,000, which Alberto Sbacchi considers deflated.

2Based on 1,911 killed in the first six months of 1940; Ministry of Africa figures for 6 May 1936
to 10 June 1940 state 8,284 men were killed, which Sbacchi considers "[f]airly accurate data."

The Second Italo-Ethiopian War, also referred to as the Second Italo-Abyssinian War, was a
colonial war that started in October 1935 and ended in May 1936. The war was fought between
the armed forces of the Kingdom of Italy and the armed forces of the Ethiopian Empire (also
known at the time as Abyssinia). The war resulted in the military occupation of Ethiopia.

Politically, the war is best remembered for exposing the inherent weakness of the League of
Nations. Like the Mukden Incident in 1931 (the Japanese annexation of three Chinese provinces),
the Abyssinia Crisis in 1935 is often seen as a clear demonstration of the ineffectiveness of the
League. Both Italy and Ethiopia were member nations and yet the League was unable to control
Italy or to protect Ethiopia when Italy clearly violated the League's own Article X.

The positive outcome of the war for the Italians coincided with the zenith of the international
popularity of dictator Benito Mussolini's Fascist regime, in a phase called "the age of consensus"
during which foreign leaders praised him for his achievements. Historians like James Burgwyn
called the victory of Mussolini "a capital achievement", but he was forced to accept the
Anschluss between Nazi Germany and Austria, and to begin a political tilt toward Germany that
finally destroyed him and Fascist Italy in World War II.

1 Italian incursion

1.1 Border clash at Wal Wal

2 Opposing forces

2.1 Ethiopians/Abyssinians

2.2 Italians

3 Italian invasion

3.1 De Bono's advance

3.2 Ethiopian Christmas Offensive

3.2.1 Black period of the war

3.2.2 The Hoare–Laval Pact

3.2.3 Use of poison gas

3.3 Renewed Italian advance in the north

3.4 Southern front

3.5 March of the Iron Will

4 The end

4.1 Italian perspective: "Will you be worthy of it?"

4.2 Ethiopian perspective: "It will be you tomorrow"

4.3 International response

5 Italian occupation

5.1 Badoglio and Graziani

5.2 Duke of Aosta

6 End of Italian East Africa

7 Atrocities

8 Church statements
9 Ferenghi

10 Other personalities of the war

1 Italian incursion

The Italo-Ethiopian Treaty of 1928 stated that the border between Italian Somaliland and
Ethiopia was twenty-one leagues parallel to the Benadir coast (approximately 73.5 miles/118.3
Km). In 1930, Italy built a fort at the Welwel oasis (also Walwal, Italian: Ual-Ual) in the Ogaden
and garrisoned it with Somali Ascari (dubats) (irregular frontier troops commanded by Italian
officers). The fort at Welwel was well beyond the twenty-one league limit and the Italians were
encroaching on Ethiopian territory.

In November 1934, Ethiopian territorial troops, escorting the Anglo-Ethiopian boundary


commission, protested against Italy's incursion. The British members of the commission soon
withdrew to avoid embarrassing Italy. Italian and Ethiopian troops remained encamped in close
proximity.

1.1 Border clash at Wal Wal

In early December 1934, the tensions on both sides erupted into what was known as the "Wal
Wal incident." The resultant clash left approximately 150 Ethiopians and 2 Italians dead and led
to the "Abyssinia Crisis" at the League of Nations.

On 4 September 1935, the League of Nations exonerated both parties for the Wal Wal
incident.The United Kingdom and France, keen to keep Italy as an ally against Germany, did not
take strong steps to discourage an Italian military buildup. Italy soon began to build its forces on
the borders of Ethiopia in Eritrea and Italian Somaliland.

Italy was able to launch its invasion without interference primarily due to the United Kingdom
and France placing a high priority on retaining Italy as an ally in case hostilities broke out with
Germany. To this end, on 7 January 1935, France signed an agreement with Italy giving them
essentially a free hand in Africa to secure Italian co-operation.Next, in April, Italy was further
emboldened by being a member of the Stresa Front, an agreement to curb further German
violations of the Treaty of Versailles.In June, non-interference was further assured by a political
rift that had developed between the United Kingdom and France following the Anglo-German
Naval Agreement.A last possible foreign ally of Ethiopia to fall away was Japan, which had served
as a model to some Ethiopian intellectuals; the Japanese ambassador to Italy, Dr. Sugimura
Yotaro, on 16 July assured Mussolini that his country held no political interests in Ethiopia and
would keep neutral in Italy's coming war. His comments stirred up a furor inside Japan, where
there had been popular affinity for the African Empire. Despite popular opinion, when the
Ethiopians approached Japan for help on 2 August they were refused completely: even a modest
request for the Japanese government to officially state its support for Ethiopia in the coming
conflict was denied.
2 Opposing forces

2.1 Ethiopians/Abyssinians

With an attack appearing inevitable, Emperor Haile Selassie ordered a general mobilization of
the Army of the Ethiopian Empire. His new recruits consisted of around 500,000 men, some of
whom were armed with nothing more than spears and bows. Many soldiers carried more
modern weapons, including rifles, but many of these were from before 1900 and were outdated.

According to Italian estimates, on the eve of hostilities the Ethiopians had an army of 350,000–
760,000 men. But only about one-quarter of this army had any kind of military training and the
men were armed with 400,000 rifles of every type and in every kind of condition.

In general, the Ethiopian armies were poorly equipped. They had about 200 antiquated pieces of
artillery mounted on rigid gun carriages. There were also about 50 light and heavy anti-aircraft
guns (20 mm Oerlikons, 75 mm Schneiders, and Vickers). The Ethiopians even had some Ford
truck-based armored cars and a small number of Fiat 3000 World War I-era tanks.

The serviceable portion of the Imperial Ethiopian Air Force included three outmoded Potez 25
biplanes.A few transport aircraft were also acquired between 1934 and 1935 for ambulance
work. In all, the air force consisted of 13 aircraft and four pilots at the outbreak of the war.The
Ethiopian Air Force was commanded by a French pilot, Andre Maillet.

The best Ethiopian units were the Emperor's "Kebur Zabagna" (Imperial Guard). These troops
were well-trained and better equipped than the other Ethiopian troops. The Imperial Guard,
however, wore a distinctive greenish-khaki uniform of the Belgian Army, which stood out from
the white cotton cloak (shamma) worn by most Ethiopian fighters. Unfortunately for its wearers,
the shamma proved to be an excellent target. The skills of the Rases, the generals of the
Ethiopian armies, ranged from relatively good to incompetent.

2.2 Italians

In April 1935, the build-up of the Royal Italian Army (Regio Esercito) and the Regia Aeronautica
(Royal Air Force) in East Africa (Africa Orientale) started in earnest. In a few months, eight
regular, mountain, and blackshirt infantry divisions arrived in Eritrea and four regular infantry
divisions arrived in Italian Somaliland. These units alone represented 685,000 soldiers. This
number does not include the Italian units already in East Africa, colonial units, or units arriving
during the war. For example, there were 400,000 Italian soldiers in Eritrea and 285,000 in Italian
Somaliland before the new divisions arrived. The huge army forming up in East Africa also
included a great number of logistical and support units. The Italian force also included 200
journalists.The equipment for the build-up alone included 6,000 machine guns, 2,000 pieces of
artillery, 599 tanks, and 390 aircraft. Before these arrived, the Italians had 3,300 machine guns,
275 artillery pieces, 200 tankettes, and 205 aircraft. Thanks to the Regia Marina (Royal Navy), the
Italians had tons of ammunition, food, and other necessary supplies. The Italians also had motor
vehicles to move supplies and troops while the Ethiopians carried supplies in horse-drawn carts.

During this campaign the Italians placed considerable reliance on their Royal Corps of Colonial
Troops (Regio Corpo Truppe Coloniali, or RCTC) – indigenous regiments recruited from the Italian
colonial possessions of Eritrea, Somalia, and Libya. The most effective of these Italian officered
units were the Eritrean native infantry (askaris) who were often used as advance troops. As
advance troops, the Eritreans often suffered heavy casualties accordingly. The Eritreans also
provided cavalry and artillery units. The "Falcon Feathers" (Penne di Falco) was one prestigious
and colorful Eritrean cavalry unit. Other RCTC units employed in the invasion of Ethiopia
included irregular Somali frontier troops (dubats), regular Arab-Somali infantry and artillery, and
Libyan infantry.

In addition to their own colonial troops from Eritrea, Somalia, and Libya, the Italians had a
variety of local semi-independent "allies" who fought for them. In the north, the Azebu Galla
were one of several groups induced to fight for the Italians. For many reasons, the Galla were
willing to sweep down on the fleeing Ethiopians. In the south, the Somali Sultan Olol Dinle
commanded a personal army that advanced into the northern Ogaden alongside the forces of
Italian Colonel Luigi Frusci. The Sultan was motivated by his desire to take back lands that the
Ethiopians had taken from him. The Italian colonial forces even included some Yemenis recruited
from across the Gulf of Aden.

3 Italian invasion

On 28 March 1935, General Emilio De Bono was named as the Commander-in-Chief of all Italian
armed forces in East Africa.In addition, he was the Commander-in-Chief of the forces invading
from Eritrea, the "northern front". De Bono had under his direct command a force of nine
divisions in three Army Corps: The Italian I Corps, the Italian II Corps, and the Eritrean Corps.

General Rodolfo Graziani was De Bono's subordinate. He was the Commander-in-Chief of forces
invading from Italian Somaliland, the "southern front". Initially he had two divisions and a variety
of smaller units under his command. His forces included a mix of Italians, Somalis, Eritreans,
Libyans, and others. De Bono regarded Italian Somaliland as a secondary theatre that needed
primarily to defend itself and possibly aid the main front with offensive thrusts if the enemy
forces there were not too large.

As the invasion began, aircraft of the Royal Italian Air Force scattered leaflets asking the
population to rebel against Haile Selassie and support the "true Emperor Iyasu V". Forty-year-old
Iyasu had been deposed many years earlier but was still in custody.

3.1 De Bono's advance

At precisely 5:00 am on 3 October 1935, De Bono crossed the Mareb River and advanced into
Ethiopia from Eritrea without a declaration of war. In response to the Italian invasion, Ethiopia
declared war on Italy.At this point in the campaign, roadways represented a serious drawback for
the Italians as they crossed into Ethiopia. On the Italian side, roads had been constructed right
up to the border. On the Ethiopian side, these roads often transitioned into vaguely defined
paths.

On 5 October, the Italian I Corps took Adigrat and, by 6 October, Adwa was captured by the
Italian II Corps. Haile Selassie had ordered Duke (Ras) Seyoum Mangasha, the Commander of the
Ethiopian Army of Tigre, to withdraw a day's march away from the Mareb River. Later, the
Emperor ordered Commander of the Gate (Dejazmach) Haile Selassie Gugsa, also in the area, to
move back fifty-five and thirty-five miles from the border.

On 11 October, Dejazmach Haile Selassie Gugsa and 1,200 of his followers surrendered to the
commander of the Italian outpost at Adagamos. De Bono notified Rome and the Ministry of
Information promptly exaggerated the importance of the surrender. Haile Selassie Gugsa was
Emperor Haile Selassie's son-in-law. But less than a tenth of the Dejazmach's army defected with
him.

On 14 October, De Bono issued a proclamation ordering the suppression of slavery. However,


after a few weeks he was to write: "I am obliged to say that the proclamation did not have much
effect on the owners of slaves and perhaps still less on the liberated slaves themselves. Many of
the latter, the instant they are set free presented themselves to the Italian authorities, asking
'And now who gives me food'?" The Ethiopians themselves had attempted to abolish slavery, but
only in theory. Each Ethiopian Emperor since Tewodros II had issued "superficial" proclamations
to halt slavery,but always without real effect. Only with the Italian proclamation of their Empire
in summer 1936, slavery was totally and effectively abolished in Ethiopia.

By 15 October, De Bono's forces advanced from Adwa for a bloodless occupation of the holy
capital of Axum. General de Bono entered the city riding triumphantly on a white horse.
However, the invading Italians he commanded looted the Obelisk of Axum.

De Bono's advance continued methodically and, to Mussolini's consternation, a bit slowly. On 8


November, the I Corps and the Eritrean Corps captured Makale welcomed by the local
population.

This proved to be the limit of how far the Italian invaders would get under the command of De
Bono. On 16 November, De Bono was promoted to the rank of Marshal of Italy (Maresciallo
d'Italia), but by December he was replaced with Marshal of Italy Pietro Badoglio because of the
slow, cautious nature of De Bono's advance. In November the imprisoned former emperor Iyasu
also died, in undetermined circumstances.

3.2 Ethiopian Christmas Offensive

Haile Selassie decided to test this new Italian commander with an offensive of his own. What
became known as the Ethiopian "Christmas Offensive" had as its objectives the splitting of the
Italian forces in the north with the Ethiopian center, crushing the Italian left with the Ethiopian
right, and invading Eritrea with the Ethiopian left. Ras Seyum Mangasha held the area around
Abiy Addi with about 30,000 men. Ras Imru Haile Selassie with approximately 40,000 men
advanced from Gojjam toward Mai Timket to the left of Ras Seyoum. Ras Kassa Haile Darge with
approximately 40,000 men advanced from Dessie to support Ras Seyoum in the center in a push
towards Warieu Pass. Ras Mulugeta Yeggazu, the Minister of War, advanced from Dessie with
approximately 80,000 men to take positions on and around Amba Aradam to the right of Ras
Seyoum. Amba Aradam was a steep sided, flat topped mountain directly in the way of an Italian
advance on Addis Ababa.

The four commanders had approximately 190,000 men facing the Italians. Ras Imru and his Army
of Shire were on the Ethiopian left. Ras Seyoum and his Army of Tigre and Ras Kassa and his
Army of Beghemder were the Ethiopian center. Ras Mulugeta and his "Army of the Center"
(Mahel Sefari) were on the Ethiopian right. A force of 1,000 Ethiopians crossed the Tekeze river
and advanced toward the Dembeguina Pass (Inda Aba Guna or Indabaguna pass). The Italian
commander, Major Criniti, commanded a force of 1,000 Eritrean Infantry supported by L3 tanks.
When the Ethiopians attacked, Criniti's force fell back to the pass, only to discover that 2,000
Ethiopian soldiers had occupied it. Criniti's force was encircled and taking fire from all directions.
In the first Ethiopian attack, two of Major Criniti's officers were killed, and Criniti himself was
wounded. Criniti's force attempted to use their L3 tanks to break out, but the rough terrain
immobilized the vehicles. The Ethiopians slaughtered the infantry, then swarmed the tanks and
killed their two-man crews. Italian forces organized a relief column made up of tanks and
infantry to relieve Major Critini, but it ran into an Ethiopian ambush on the way. The Ethiopians
occupying the high ground rolled boulders in front of and behind several of the tanks,
immobilizing them. The Ethiopians picked off the Eritrean infantry, and swarmed the tanks. The
other tanks were immobilized by the terrain and unable to advance further. The Ethiopians set
two of these tanks on fire. Meanwhile, Major Critini achieved a breakout, having ordered his
men to fix bayonets and charge. Although half of the Major Critini's force was killed in the fierce
fighting, they managed to break out of the Ethiopian encirclement. The Ethiopians claimed to
have killed 3,000 Eritrean troops during the Christmas offensive.

3.2.1 Black period of the war

The ambitious Ethiopian plan called for Ras Kassa and Ras Seyoum to split the Italian army in two
and isolate the Italian I Army Corps and the Italian III Army Corps in Mekele. Ras Mulugeta would
then descend from Amba Aradam and crush both corps. According to this plan, after Ras Imru
retook Adwa, he was to invade Eritrea.

In November, the League of Nations condemned Italy's aggression and imposed economic
sanctions.
3.2.2 The Hoare–Laval Pact

In early December 1935, the Hoare–Laval Pact was proposed by Britain and France. Under this
pact, Italy would gain the best parts of Ogaden and Tigray. Italy would also gain economic
influence over all the southern part of Abyssinia. Abyssinia would have a guaranteed corridor to
the sea at the port of Assab; however, the corridor was a poor one and known as a "corridor for
camels". Mussolini was ready to agree to the pact, but he waited some days to make his opinion
public. On 13 December, details of the pact were leaked by a French newspaper and denounced
as a sell-out of the Abyssinians. The British government disassociated itself from the pact and
both the British and the French representatives associated with the pact were forced to resign.

3.2.3 Use of poison gas

The Ethiopian offensive was ultimately stopped due to the superiority in modern weapons like
machine guns and heavy artillery of the Italian forces.

However, after the 26 December killing of downed Italian pilot Tito Minniti, Badoglio asked for
and was given permission to use chemical warfare agents such as mustard gas. Mussolini stated
that the gas used was not lethal, but only a mixture of tear gas and mustard gas (this gas was
lethal in only about 1% of cases; its effectiveness was as a blistering agent).

The Italian Air Force attacked and bombed a field hospital run by the Swedish Red Cross – a war
crime in itself. Count Carl Gustaf von Rosen served as an ambulance pilot and he later recounted
that the hospital was marked with Red Crosses. He also confirmed that mustard gas was used.
The Swedish Red Cross secured photographic evidence of Ethiopian civilians with damages from
mustard gas.

The Italians attempted to justify their use of chemical weapons by citing the exception to the
Geneva Protocol restrictions that referenced acceptable use for reprisal against illegal acts of
war. They stated that the Ethiopians had tortured or killed their prisoners and wounded soldiers.

The Italians delivered the poison gas by special artillery canisters and with bombers of the Italian
Royal Air Force. While the poorly equipped Ethiopians experienced some success against
modern weaponry, they did not understand the "terrible rain that burned and killed."

3.3 Renewed Italian advance in the north

As the progress of the Christmas Offensive slowed, Italian plans to renew the advance on the
northern front got under way. In addition to being granted Mussolini's permission to use poison
gas (but not mustard gas), Badoglio received additional ground forces. The elements of the
Italian III Corps and the Italian IV Corps arrived in Eritrea during early 1936.

In these months there were three bloody battles:

from 20 to 24 January, the First Battle of Tembien was fought. The outcome of this battle was
not a decisive Italian victory, but the threat Ras Kassa posed to the I Corps and III Corps was
neutralized.

from 10 to 19 February, the Battle of Amba Aradam was fought. The outcome of this battle was a
decisive Italian victory and the destruction of the army of Ras Mulugeta.

from 27 to 29 February, the Second Battle of Tembien was fought. The outcome of this battle
was a decisive Italian victory and the destruction of the armies of Ras Kassa and Ras Seyoum.

Indeed on 20 January, the Italians resumed their northern offensive at the First Battle of
Tembien in the broken terrain between the Warieu Pass and Makale. The fighting proved
inconclusive and, on 24 January, the battle ended in a draw, with the Italians having suffered 10
casualties and the Ethiopians 8,000 casualties. But, for all intents and purposes, the threat posed
by the Christmas Offensive was over. The Ethiopians were never to split the Italian army and they
were never to invade Eritrea.

While Graziani had already done so during the Battle of Genale Doria on the southern front, it
was during the First Battle of Tembien that Badoglio unleashed on the northern front the use of
phosgene as a weapon. The supposed Ethiopian "threat" to Italian-held Makale and the
resultant use of poison gas, Haile Selassie said:

"It was at the time when the operations for the encircling of Makale were taking place that the
Italian command, fearing a rout, followed the procedure which it is now my duty to denounce to
the world. Special sprayers were installed on board aircraft so that they could vaporize, over vast
areas of territory, a fine, death-dealing rain. Groups of nine, fifteen, eighteen aircraft followed
one another so that the fog issuing from them formed a continuous sheet. It was thus that, as
from the end of January 1936, soldiers, women, children, cattle, rivers, lakes, and pastures were
drenched continually with this deadly rain. To systematically kill all living creatures, to more
surely poison waters and pastures, the Italian command made its aircraft pass over and over
again. That was its chief method of warfare".

In early February, the Italians captured Amba Aradam and destroyed Ras Mulugeta's army in the
Battle of Enderta. The battle on the ground was lopsided in the Italians' favour; the Ethiopians
suffered massive losses. The use of poison gas destroyed a small part of Ras Mulugeta's army,
according to the Ethiopians. During the slaughter following the attempted withdrawal of his
army, both Ras Mulugeta and his son were killed. The Italians lost 800 killed and wounded while
the Ethiopians lost 6,000 killed and 12,000 wounded.

In late February, the Italians destroyed the armies of Ras Kassa and Ras Seyoum at the Second
Battle of Tembien. Ethiopians again argued that poison gas played a role in the destruction of the
withdrawing armies.
In early March, the army of Ras Imru was attacked, bombed, and defeated in what was known as
the Battle of Shire. Despite resistance, the Italians successfully crushed his army. The Italians had
suffered approximately 1,000 casualties and the Ethiopians 4,000, with almost the entire army
ultimately neutralized as a fighting force.

On 31 March 1936 at the Battle of Maychew, the Italians defeated an Ethiopian counter-
offensive by the main Ethiopian army commanded by Emperor Haile Selassie. The outnumbered
Ethiopians could not overcome the well-prepared Italian defences. For one day, the Ethiopians
launched near non-stop attacks on the Italian and Eritrean defenders, until the exhausted
Ethiopians withdrew while successfully counter-attacked. The Italian Royal Air Force (Regia
Aeronautica) finished off what was left of Haile Selassie's army by attacking the survivors at Lake
Ashangi with mustard gas. The Italians had 400 casualties, the Eritreans 873, and the Ethiopians
11,000. On 4 April, Haile Selassie looked with despair upon the horrific sight of the dead bodies
of his army ringing the poisoned lake.

3.4 Southern front

On 3 October 1935, Graziani implemented his "Milan Plan". The limited objectives of this plan
were to remove Ethiopian forces from various frontier posts and to test the reaction to a series
of probes all along the southern front. While incessant rains worked to hinder the plan, within
three weeks the Somali villages of Kelafo, Dagnerai, Gerlogubi, and Gorahai in Ogaden were in
Italian hands.

Late in the year, the initiative on the southern front went over to the Ethiopians as it had gone
over to them on the northern front. Ras Desta Damtu formed up his army in the area around
Negele Borana with the goal of advancing on Dolo and invading Italian Somaliland. Between 12
and 16 January 1936, the Italians defeated his advancing and then withdrawing army during
what became known as the Battle of Genale Doria. In reality there was very little fighting on the
ground as Graziani primarily used the Italian Air Force and (according to Ethiopians) some poison
gas to destroy Ras Desta's army.

After a lull in February 1936, the Italians in the south prepared a major thrust towards the city of
Harar. On 22 March, the Italian Air Force bombed Harar and Jijiga as a prelude. Both cities were
reduced to ruins even though Harar had been declared an "open city".

On 14 April, Graziani launched his attack against Ras Nasibu Emmanual to defeat the last
Ethiopian army left. This attack was known as the Battle of the Ogaden. The Ethiopians were
drawn up behind a defensive line that was termed the "Hindenburg Wall", which was designed
by the chief of staff of Ras Nasibu, Wehib Pasha, a seasoned ex-Ottoman commander. Ten days
after the battle began, the last Ethiopian army had totally disintegrated. 200 Italian soldiers and
15,000 Ethiopian soldiers were killed or wounded.

On 2 May, Graziani requested permission from Mussolini to bomb Haile Selassie's train when he
found out that Haile Selassie had left Addis Ababa on the Imperial Railway. But Il Duce ("The
Leader") refused his request, allowing Selassie's escape to Europe.

3.5 March of the Iron Will

On 26 April 1936, when Badoglio launched his "March of the Iron Will" from Dessie to Addis
Ababa, he faced no meaningful Ethiopian resistance. Because of the lack of resistance, he risked
an advance with a mechanized column.

Very early on 2 May, Haile Selassie boarded a train from Addis Ababa to Djibouti on the Imperial
Railway, with all the golden treasure of the "Ethiopian Central Bank". From there he fled to
England (he was allowed to do so by the Italians who could have bombed and blocked or
destroyed his train) and into exile. Prior to his departure, Haile Selassie ordered that the
government of Ethiopia be moved to Gore, he ordered that the mayor of Addis Ababa maintain
order in the city until the Italian arrival, and he appointed Ras Imru Haile Selassie as his Prince
Regent during his absence. The city police, under Abebe Aregai, and the remainder of the
Imperial Guard did their utmost to restrain a growing and ever more restless mob. But, on the
first day, attempts to maintain order were abandoned. Soon rioters took control. They rampaged
throughout the city; looting and setting fire to shops owned by Europeans.

4 The end

Badoglio's force marched into Addis Ababa on 5 May and restored order. While there never was
a formal surrender, the Second Italo-Abyssinian War was over and on 1 June Italy officially
merged Ethiopia with Eritrea and Italian Somaliland, calling the new state Africa Orientale
Italiana (Italian East Africa).

But only on 18 December 1936 Ras Imru finally surrendered to the Italians near the Gojeb River.
Consequently Italy declared the country pacified: some Ethiopian leaders like Dejazmach
Gebrehiwet Michael, Dejazmach Amde Ali, Dejazmach Ayalew Birru, Dejazmach Habtemichael,
the author Afework Gebreyesus, Mengesha Wube, and some local chiefs/Ras started to
collaborate with the Italians in 1937.

4.1 Italian perspective: "Will you be worthy of it?"

King-Emperor Victor Emmanuel III waited for the crowds in the Quirinal Palace on Quirinal Hill.
Months earlier, when the Ethiopian adventure first started, he told a friend: "If we win, I shall be
King of Abyssinia. If we lose, I shall be King of Italy."

"Emperor! Emperor! Salute the Emperor!" ("Imperatore! Imperatore! Salute Imperatore!")


chanted the crowd when Victor Emmanuel, in full Army uniform, showed himself on a balcony.
The first Emperor in Rome in hundreds of years raised his withered hand to the visor of his cap
and said nothing. Elena, his Queen-Empress did not appear. She was in bed with a broken toe
from falling off a stepladder in her library while reaching for a book.

While the Italian King-Emperor was silent, the Italian Fascist dictator Benito Mussolini was not.
When victory was announced by Mussolini from the balcony of the Palazzo Venezia in Rome, the
Italian population was jubilant.

From his balcony, Mussolini proclaimed:

"During the thirty centuries of our history, Italy has known many solemn and memorable
moments – this is unquestionably one of the most solemn, the most memorable. People of Italy,
people of the world, peace has been restored. The crowds would not let him go—ten times they
recalled Mussolini to the balcony and cheered and waved while the boys of various Fascist youth
organizations sang the newly composed 'Hymn of the Empire' (Inno dell'impero)."

Four days later, the same scene was repeated when Il Duce in a speech about the "shining
sword" and the "fatal hills of Rome" announced:

"At last Italy has her empire." And he then added: "The Italian people have created an empire
with their blood. They will fertilize it with their work. They will defend it against anyone with
their weapons. Will you be worthy of it?"

This was Mussolini's hour of glory. He knew that the Italian nation was united around him as it
never was before. He knew that the exultation that he witnessed was genuine. And the Italian
people appeared to have good cause for rejoicing. Italy gained a vast territory and untold
mineral riches... riches much magnified by Italian propaganda.Fascism was never so popular and
the shouts of military victory drowned out the muttered grumbles about some underlying
economic ills.

4.2 Ethiopian perspective: "It will be you tomorrow"

Haile Selassie passes through Jerusalem on his way to exile in England.

While the Italian people were rejoicing in Rome, Haile Selassie was crossing the Red Sea in the
British cruiser HMS Enterprise. On 4 May, he had sailed from Djibouti. The British Mandate of
Palestine was his destination on his way to England via Gibraltar. Two days after his arrival in
Jerusalem, Haile Selassie sent a telegram to the League of Nations, in which he wrote:

"We have decided to bring to an end the most unequal, most unjust, most barbarous war of our
age, and have chosen the road to exile in order that our people will not be exterminated and in
order to consecrate ourselves wholly and in peace to the preservation of our empire's
independence... we now demand that the League of Nations should continue its efforts to
secure respect for the covenant, and that it should decide not to recognize territorial extensions,
or the exercise of an assumed sovereignty, resulting from the illegal recourse to armed force and
to numerous other violations of international agreements."

The Ethiopian Emperor's telegram caused several nations to temporarily defer recognition of the
Italian conquest.On 30 June, Haile Selassie spoke at the League of Nations and was introduced
by the President of the Assembly as "His Imperial Majesty, the Emperor of Ethiopia" ("Sa Majesté
Imperiale, l'Empereur d'Ethiopie"). In response, a group of jeering Italian journalists began
yelling insults and had to be ejected before he could speak. The Romanian Chairman, Nicolae
Titulescu, famously reacted to the buffoonery exhibited by the Italian journalists. He jumped to
his feet and shouted: "Show the savages the door!" ("A la porte les sauvages!")

Haile Selassie then gave a stirring speech denouncing Italy's actions and criticizing the world
community for standing by. At the conclusion of his speech, which appeared on newsreels
throughout the world, he warned that:

"It is us today. It will be you tomorrow."

4.3 International response

The international response to the Italian aggression was mixed. As stirring as Haile Selassie's
speech before the League of Nations was, his resolution for the world body to deny recognition
of the Italian conquest was defeated. In addition, he was not granted a loan to finance a
resistance movement.On 4 July 1936, the League of Nations voted to end the sanctions imposed
against Italy in November 1935.By 15 July, the sanctions were lifted.

On 18 November 1936, the Italian Empire was officially recognized by the Empire of Japan.Italy
in turn recognized the Japanese occupation of Manchuria.

The Italian invasion of Ethiopia meant that the Stresa Front was at an end. During the war, Hitler
supplied the Ethiopians with 16,000 rifles and 600 machine guns in the hope that Italy would be
weakened when he moved against Austria. By contrast, France and Britain recognized Italian
control over Ethiopia in 1938.

Mexico was the only country to strongly condemn Italy's sovereignty over Ethiopia, respecting
Ethiopian independence throughout. Mexico was amongst only six nations in 1937 which did not
recognize Italy's occupation, along with China, New Zealand, the Soviet Union, the Republic of
Spain, and the United States.But three years later only Joseph Stalin's USSR officially recognized
Selassie, and the U.S. government considered recognizing the Italian Empire with Ethiopia
included.

5 Italian occupation

On 10 May 1936, in Ethiopia Italian troops from the northern front and from the southern front
linked up at Dire Dawa.In Dire Dawa, the Italians found the recently released Ethiopian Ras, Hailu
Tekle Haymanot, who boarded a train back to Addis Ababa and approached the Italian invaders
in submission.

Elsewhere, loyal Ras Imru Haile Selassie fell back to Gore in southern Ethiopia to reorganize and
continue to resist the Italians. Graziani was recalled in November and was replaced by the
civilian Duke of Aosta. Tigray was made part of Eritrea and the Somali region Ogaden now part of
Somalia.
Britain and France recognized Italy's sovereignty over Ethiopia by treaty in April 1938.

During the occupation the Italians built 4,000 kilometers of roads in Ethiopia. Italy’s occupation
army of 150,000 was spread thin in vast Ethiopia, and by 1941 they had 250,000 soldiers there
including 75,000 civilians. The former police chief of Addis Ababa, Abebe Aregai, was the most
successful leader of the Ethiopian guerrilla movement after 1937, using units of fifty men.

5.1 Badoglio and Graziani

In early June, Rome promulgated a constitution bringing Ethiopia, Eritrea, and Italian Somaliland
together into a single administrative unit divided into six provinces. This administrative unit was
known as Italian East Africa (Africa Orientale Italiana, or AOI). Marshal Pietro Badoglio was
proclaimed as the first Viceroy and Governor General of the new Italian colony. But Badoglio
held these positions only briefly and on 11 June, newly promoted Marshal Rodolfo Graziani
replaced him in AOI.

In July, some Ethiopian forces still intact after the war, gathered together and launched an attack
on Addis Ababa. The various attacking forces and the commanders fled after the attack ended in
failure. Numerous members of Ethiopian royalty were taken prisoner. Other members were
executed soon after they surrendered. Three sons of Ras Kassa were executed as rebels. On 19
December, Wondosson Kassa was executed near Debre Zebit. On 21 December, Aberra Kassa
and Asfawossen Kassa were executed in Fikke. In late 1936, after the Italians tracked him down
in Gurage, Dejazmach Balcha Safo was killed resisting to the end. Also on 19 December, Ras Imru
Haile Selassie surrendered after being pinned down on the north bank of the Gojeb River. His
capture meant the end of his role as Prince Regent and the end of the government in Gore. The
capture of Ras Imru also meant the end of an early resistance movement known as the "Black
Lions". Ras Imru was flown to Italy and imprisoned on the Island of Ponza.

By December, Graziani declared the whole country to be pacified and under effective Italian
control. Ethiopian resistance continued nevertheless. The occupation was marked by recurring
guerrilla campaigns against the Italians and Italian reprisals. The reprisals, according to
Ethiopians, included mustard gas attacks against rebels and the summary execution of prisoners.
But, on the Italian side, after the beginning of 1937 was growing the number of Ethiopians who
were enrolling in the colonial Italian forces.

On 19 February 1937, a failed assassination attempt against Graziani occurred. During a public
ceremony at the Viceregal Palace in Addis Ababa (the former Imperial residence), Abraha
Deboch and Moges Asgedom attempted to kill Graziani with a number of grenades. The Italian
security guard fired indiscriminately into the crowd of civilian onlookers. Over the following
weeks the colonial authorities executed about 30,000 persons in retaliation—including about
half of the younger, educated Ethiopian population.This period of atrocities came to be known as
Yekatit 12 (the Ethiopian calendar date equivalent to 19 February).

On 24 February, Ras Desta Damtew was executed after his capture. In December, he had been
flushed from his base of operations in Irgalem. Dejazmach Beyene Merid had just joined forces
with him and he too was killed.

On 11 December, the League of Nations voted to condemn Italy and, as a result, Mussolini
declared his country's withdrawal from the organization. In addition to causing condemnation on
the world stage, the occupation was proving to be highly expensive to maintain. The budget for
Italian East Africa from 1936 to 1937 required Italy to provide 19.136 billion lire to create the
necessary infrastructure for the colony. At the time, Italy's entire annual revenue was only
18.581 billion lire.

5.2 Duke of Aosta

In the end, the harsh policies of Graziani did not pacify the country. Therefore, on 21 December
1937, Rome appointed Amedeo, 3rd Duke of Aosta, as the new Viceroy and Governor General of
Italian East Africa and instructed him to adopt a more flexible line. Accordingly, large-scale public
works projects were undertaken. One result was the construction of the country's first system of
improved roads. All in all, the Duke brought a program of progressive improvement that included
2,000 miles (3,200 km) of new paved roadways, 25 hospitals, 14 hotels, dozens of post offices,
telephone exchanges, aqueducts, schools, and shops.

The Italians decreed miscegenation to be illegal. Racial separation, including residential


segregation, was enforced as thoroughly as possible. In addition, the Italians showed favouritism
to non-Christian ethnicities such as the Oromos, the Somalis, and other Muslims (many of whom
had supported the Italian invasion). In an attempt to isolate the dominant Amhara rulers of
Ethiopia, who supported Haile Selassie I, the Italians granted the Oromos, the Somalis, and other
Muslims autonomy and rights. The Italians also definitively abolished slavery and abrogated
feudal laws previously upheld by the Amharas.

Early in 1938, a revolt broke out in Gojjam led by the Committee of Unity and Collaboration,
which was made up of some of the young, educated elite who had escaped the reprisal after the
attempt on Graziani's life. But in 1939 ras Sejum Mangasha, ras Getachew Abat and ras Kebbede
Guebret accepted the Italian Empire and the Ethiopian guerrilla petered off to a minimum level.
The last area of Ethiopian guerrilla in early 1940 was around the lake Tana and the southern
Gojjam, under the leadership of the degiac Mangasha Giambere and Belay Zelleke.

The invasion of Ethiopia and its general condemnation by Western democracies isolated
Mussolini and Fascist Italy. From 1936 to 1939, Mussolini and Hitler joined forces in Spain during
the Spanish Civil War. In April 1939, Mussolini launched the Italian invasion of Albania. In May,
Italy and Nazi Germany joined together in the Pact of Steel. In September 1940, both nations
signed the Tripartite Pact along with the Empire of Japan.

6 End of Italian East Africa

On 10 June 1940, Mussolini entered World War II and joined Hitler as his Axis ally. As a result,
the colony of Italian East Africa proved to be short-lived. Initially, the Italians attacked British and
Commonwealth forces in the Sudan, Kenya, and British Somaliland. In August, the Italians even
overran all of British Somaliland and forced the British and Commonwealth forces there to flee.
But, by the end of 1941, during the East African Campaign, Ethiopia was liberated from Italian
control by a combination of Ethiopian, British, Commonwealth, Free French and Free Belgian
forces.

British Nigerian soldiers removing Italian frontier markers from the Kenyan-Abyssinian border,
1941

While in exile in England, Haile Selassie had sought to gain the support of the Western
democracies for his cause. But he had little success until World War II broke out. During that war,
the British and the Ethiopian Emperor sought to cooperate with Ethiopian and other local forces
in a campaign to dislodge the Italians from Ethiopia. Haile Selassie went to Khartoum, where he
established closer liaison with both the British headquarters and the resistance forces within
Ethiopia.

On 18 January 1941, Emperor Selassie crossed the border into Ethiopia near the village of Um
Iddla. Two days later the Emperor joined Gideon Force, a small British-led African regular force.
The standard of the Lion of Judah was raised again. By 5 May, the Emperor and an army of
Ethiopian Free Forces entered Addis Ababa.Following the Italian defeat, the victorious forces
faced a guerrilla war carried out by remnants of Italian troops and their allies that only ended in
last quarter of 1943 after the formal surrender of Italy.

Among other things, the Treaty of Peace with Italy signed between the Italian Republic
(Repubblica Italiana) and the victorious powers of World War II on 10 February 1947 in Paris,
included Italy's formal recognition of Ethiopian independence and an agreement to pay
$25,000,000 in reparations. Ethiopia became an independent nation again, and Haile Selassie
was restored as its leader. At the time of this treaty, Ethiopia presented Italy with a bill of its own
for damages inflicted during the course of Mussolini's colonial adventure. Claimed were the loss
of 2,000 churches, the loss of 525,000 houses, and the slaughter and/or confiscation of six
million beef cattle, seven million sheep and goats, one million horses and mules, and 700,000
camels. The bill for this presented to the Economic Commission for Italy came to £184,746,023.

In addition, these human losses were recorded by the Ethiopians:

275,000 – combatants killed in action; 78,500 – patriots killed during the occupation (1936–
1941); 17,800 civilians killed by bombings and 30,000 in the February 1937 massacre; 35,000 –
persons who died in concentration camps; 24,000 – patriots executed by Summary Courts;
300,000 – persons who died of privations due to the destruction of their villages.

The Total was 760,300 human losses.The Italians disputed this huge amount, arguing that real
Ethiopian casualties were half those losses.
7 Atrocities

In addition to conventional weaponry, Badoglio's troops also made substantial use of mustard
gas, in both artillery and aerial bombardments. Use of mustard gas, which violated the 1925
Geneva Protocol that Italy had signed, was justified by the deaths of an Italian Air Force pilot,
Tito Minniti, and his observer in the Ogaden. "Heroic death of our comrade in barbaric enemy
land requires exemplary reprisal punishment", General Graziani ordered on learning of their
deaths. In total, the Italians deployed between 300 and 500 tonnes of mustard gas during the
war, despite having signed the 1925 Geneva Protocol. The deployment of gas was not restricted
to the battlefield, however, as civilians were also targeted by the Italians, as part of their attempt
to terrorise the local population. Furthermore, the Italians carried out gas attacks on Red Cross
camps and ambulances.

The armed forces disposed of a vast arsenal of grenades and bombs loaded with mustard gas,
which they dropped from airplanes. This substance was also sprayed directly from above, as if it
was pesticide, onto enemy combatants and villages. Mussolini himself authorized the use of the
weapons:

Rome, October 27, 1935. To His Excellency Graziani. The use of gas as an ultima ratio to
overwhelm enemy resistance and in case of counterattack is authorized. Mussolini.

Rome, December 28, 1935. To His Excellency Badoglio. Given the enemy system I have
authorized Your Excellency the use even on a vast scale of any gas and flamethrowers. Mussolini.

Mussolini and his generals sought to cloak the operations of chemical warfare in the utmost
secrecy, but the use of gas was revealed to the world through the denunciations by the
International Red Cross and of many foreign observers. The Italian reaction to these revelations
consisted in the "erroneous" bombardment (at least 19 times) of Red Cross tents posted in the
areas of military encampment of the Ethiopian resistance.

The orders imparted by Mussolini after the war, with respect to the Ethiopian population, were
very clear:

Rome, June 5, 1936. To His Excellency Graziani. All rebels taken prisoner must be killed.
Mussolini.

Rome, July 8, 1936. To His Excellency Graziani. I have authorized once again Your Excellency to
begin and systematically conduct a politics of terror and extermination of the rebels and the
complicit population. Without the lex talionis one cannot cure the infection in time. Await
confirmation. Mussolini.

The predominant part of the work of repression was carried out by colonial troops (mostly from
Eritrea) of the Italians who, according to the Ethiopians, besides the bombs laced with mustard
gas, instituted forced labor camps, installed public gallows, killed hostages, and mutilated the
corpses of their enemies. Many Italian troops had themselves photographed next to cadavers
hanging from the gallows or standing with chests full of detached heads.

The Ethiopians themselves used Dum-dum bullets against the Italians (prohibited by the Hague
Convention of 1899, Declaration IV,3).

8 Church statements

Catholic reaction was mixed to the Italian conquest of Ethiopia. Fearing retribution from the
National Fascist Party, some bishops gave praise. For instance, in the book The Vatican in the Age
of the Dictators, Anthony Rhodes reports:

In his Pastoral Letter of the 19th October [1935], the Bishop of Udine [Italy] wrote, ‘It is neither
timely nor fitting for us to pronounce on the rights and wrongs of the case. Our duty as Italians,
and still more as Christians is to contribute to the success of our arms.’ The Bishop of Padua
wrote on the 21st October, ‘In the difficult hours through which we are passing, we ask you to
have faith in our statesmen and armed forces.’ On the 24th October, the Bishop of Cremona
consecrated a number of regimental flags and said: ‘The blessing of God be upon these soldiers
who, on African soil, will conquer new and fertile lands for the Italian genius, thereby bringing to
them Roman and Christian culture. May Italy stand once again as the Christian mentor to the
whole world.’

Pope Pius XI (who had previously condemned totalitarianism in the encyclical Non abbiamo
bisogno) continued his implicit criticism of the Italian regime.This coincided with Mussolini's
increasing anti-clericalism, of which he stated that "the papacy was a malignant tumor in the
body of Italy and must 'be rooted out once and for all', because there was no room in Rome for
both the Pope and [himself]."

9 Ferenghi

Marcel Junod of the Red Cross (left) with Sidney Brown (center) in Addis Ababa.

Most of the relative success achieved by the Ethiopians was attributed by the Italians to
foreigners or "ferenghi".[75] Many of these elusive individuals were military advisers, pilots,
doctors, or just well wishers of Haile Selassie's "cause". While never numbering more than a
hundred, the Italian propaganda machine magnified the number to thousands so that Rome
could account for the virtual standstill of the Italian Royal Army after De Bono's first rapid
advances. According to Ethiopian historians, something had to explain the Ethiopians' ability to
launch the "Christmas Offensive" of late 1935.

The following are a few of the foreigners who came to Ethiopia or who supported the Ethiopian
people:

Bill Deedes – Journalist and possibly the inspiration for William Boot in Waugh's Scoop

Andrew Fountaine – Ambulance driver


Hubert Julian – Pilot

Marcel Junod – Red Cross doctor

Webb Miller – Journalist

Wehib Pasha – Military advisor

Count Carl Gustaf von Rosen – Swedish Red Cross pilot – Red Cross facilities were bombed
regularly by the Italians.

John H. Spencer – Advisor

Linton Wells and Fay Gillis Wells – Journalists

Karl von Wiegand – Journalist

Adolf Parlesák – Military advisor

John Robinson - Aviator

While the majority of non-Italian foreigners in Ethiopia were with the Ethiopians, there were
others who saw the war from the Italian lines. An example:

Matthews, Herbert Lionel – A reporter and historian who wrote Eyewitness in Abyssinia: With
Marshal Bodoglio's forces to Addis Ababa (1937)

Pedro del Valle – Observer (USMC)

Evelyn Waugh – Sent by Daily Mail as a reporter; later wrote the novel Scoop based on
experiences

10 Other personalities of the war

Giacomo Appiotti – Commanded 3rd "21st April" Blackshirt Division

Menen Asfaw – Empress of Ethiopia

Ettore Bastico – Commanded the 1st "23rd March" Blackshirt Division and III Corps

Galeazzo Ciano – Mussolini's son-in-law, commanded a bomber squadron nicknamed "The


Reckless" (' 'La Disperata)

Makonnen Endelkachew – Commander of the Army of Illubabor

Roberto Farinacci – Served as a member of the Voluntary Militia for National Security (Milizia
Volontaria per la Sicurezza Nazionale, or MVSN) and eventually attained the rank of Lieutenant
General, he lost a hand while fishing with a grenade
Italo Gariboldi – Commander of the 30th "Sabauda" Infantry Division

Oliver Law – Supporter of Ethiopia

Tekle Hawariat Tekle Mariyam – Ethiopia's Representative at the League of Nations

Vittorio Mussolini – Mussolini's son, he and his younger brother Bruno crewed Italian bombers

Sylvia Pankhurst – Supporter of Ethiopia

Alessandro Pavolini – President of the Fascist Confederation of Professionals and Artists, served
as a Lieutenant

Balcha Safo – An aged Ethiopian fighter and former Governor of the Sidamo Province

Achille Starace – Party Secretary of the National Fascist Party, commanded the East African Fast
Column (Colonna Celere de Africa Orientale) – See Battle of Shire

Asfaw Wossen Taffari – Crown Prince of Ethiopia and the commander of the Wollo provincial
forces

Wolde Giyorgis Wolde Yohannes – Haile Selassie's private secretary

Lydia Gowrie Kimber – founder of the British Abyssinian Refugee Relief Committee, organized
fundraising and political support for Haile Selassie during his stay in England. He presented a
leopard skin to her on his 1967 visit to open the Ethiopian Pavilion at the Expo 67 world's fair in
Montreal, Canada

You might also like