Tourism Management Perspectives 1 (2012) 9–16

Contents lists available at SciVerse ScienceDirect

Tourism Management Perspectives

journal homepage: www.elsevier.com/locate/tmp

The beach enclave: A landscape of power

Sheena Carlisle ⁎, Eleri Jones
Welsh Centre for Tourism Research, Cardiff School of Management, University of Wales Institute, Cardiff (UWIC), Western Avenue, Llandaff, Cardiff, South Glamorgan, Wales, CF5 2YB

a r t i c l e i n f o a b s t r a c t

Keywords: This paper analyses the beach enclave resort of Senegambia in The Gambia as a landscape of power through
Power relations the physical structure and the power relationships between different stakeholders reinforced by strict legis-
Marginalisation lative and security measures. Beach enclaves are manifested as landscapes which protect tourists rather than
Beach enclave resorts national landscapes with leisure access and business opportunities for all. Building on a socio-spatial analysis
Less Economically Developed Countries of power and landscape, power relations in beach enclaves are discussed. Cultural and economic representa-
tions of the enclave product in a Less Economically Developed Country context are imbued with positive and
negative socio-economic and cultural impacts. Post-structuralism and Structure and Agency are applied to
further understand where marginality results from enclave tourism. The paper demonstrates a gap in the
tourism literature and the need for further research on how places of marginality in tourist destinations
are socially constructed by the power of individuals and organisations.
© 2012 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.

1. Introduction
Through a case study of Senegambia, a beach enclave adjacent to
Kololi, The Gambia, this paper expands the concept of a landscape
of power, which has traditionally referred to the symbolic and often
idealistic representation of imperialist power relations through the
landscape, particularly how art, nature and architecture represent
forms of power and influence (Mitchell, 2002). Pritchard and
Morgan (1999:12) recognised the need to “revisit notions of power,
culture and history … if we are to fully understand tourism processes”.
Church and Coles (2006) also emphasised the need to address how
tourist landscapes expose power and powerlessness and the enclave
as an insecure and hostile environment for residents. The Senegambia
case study illustrates how power is manifested through consumerist
and market-oriented processes within a beach enclave resort. This
poses questions relating to: who the enclave includes and who it ex-
cludes? Such a perspective contributes a useful adjunct to theorisa-
tion of the beach enclave by Miossec (1976), Britton (1982) and
Freitag (1994) which arguably mirrors and reinforces the distribution
of power within society.
The very definition of an enclave implies a closed society only ac-
cessible by a few and raises concerns in relation to the impacts that
may follow its establishment due to the stark contrast of the enclave
and its surrounding area. According to the Oxford English Dictionary
(2010) an enclave is where “a minority culture group is living as an en-
tity with a larger group” or “a territory is surrounded by a larger territo-
ry whose inhabitants are culturally or ethnically distinct”. Enclave
⁎ Corresponding author. Tel.: + 44 0 2920416475; fax: + 44 0 2920 416930.
E-mail addresses: scarlisle@uwic.ac.uk (S. Carlisle), ejones@uwic.ac.uk (E. Jones).
tourism involves “closed off resorts containing all tourism facilities
and services for tourists and encouraging them to stay inside and
spend within the compound of the enclave” (ProPoor Tourism (PPT),
2004:3).
By examining how Senegambia presents socio-spatial processes
that produce inequalities between people and places, it exposes en-
claves as manifestations of power relations through the production
and spatiality of the beach resort landscape. Following a discussion
of cultural and economic representations of enclaves in Less Economi-
cally Developed Countries (LEDCs) the paper explores how this ap-
proach can improve destination management and planning within the
concept of enclaves as dreamscapes through post-structuralism and
structure and agency perspectives. The case study applies these per-
spectives in the context of the difficulties for micro businesses and
sole traders to access tourists within a regulated environment and the
need for local marketing strategies.
2. Cultural and economic representations of the enclave in LEDCs
Miossec (1976) analysed the nature of the transversed space of
enclaves and their associated boundaries which placed hotels and In-
ternational Tour Operators (ITOs) at their heart. Building upon this,
Britton's (1982) LEDC enclave model demonstrated the regulatory
controls, structure and hierarchical flow of capital, goods and services
from tourist-generating countries into the enclave and their distribu-
tion within the enclave. Britton's model highlights external stake-
holders (Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) and tourist-generating
countries) and internal stakeholders (the local elite and
government-owned tourism facilities) and the way that local tourism
businesses, tourists and residents are integrated into the tourism dis-
tribution system (UNCTAD 2007). Escobar (1984:338) described this

2211-9736/$ – see front matter © 2012 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.
doi:10.1016/j.tmp.2011.12.003
10 S. Carlisle, E. Jones / Tourism Management Perspectives 1 (2012) 9–16
interface as “cycles of production, behaviours and rationalities” which
can become embedded into how tourism benefits are perceived in a
built environment.
There is a well-developed literature on dependency theory and
tourism in LEDCs (Akama & Keiti, 2007; Britton, 1981; 1982;
Bryden, 1973; Harrison, 1992; 2001; Scheyvens, 2002; Scheyvens &
Momsen, 2008; Sharpley & Telfer, 2002; Shaw & Williams, 1994;
2002; 2004; Sindiga, 1999) which explain the macro-economics of
tourism and foreign currency leakage through FDI and foreign-
controlled ownership of tourism assets by large-scale tour operators
and hotel chains. While dependency theory provides useful insights,
the Senegambia case study suggests that power relations within land-
scape production can help widen understanding of the spatial pro-
cesses underpinning marginalisation and their effect on a host
society's interactions with landscapes of tourism. This research there-
fore introduces a new dynamic to power dependencies arising in
beach enclaves which are encapsulated in Del Casino's (2009:23)
comment that “landscapes are more than the material relics that we
as humans leave on them; they are texts that are organised through re-
lations of power to produce certain effects and affects”. The negative
symbolism of prostitution and harassment often evident in beach en-
claves in LEDCs exemplifies resistance and contested power in a spa-
tial context. Although prostitution achieves financial gain it does not
aid positive destination images or promote positive perceptions of
tourism amongst residents.
3. Representations of power through spatiality
Typically the concept of a landscape of power has been repre-
sented in art through portraits of prominent individuals, landscape
paintings and architecture statements using monuments, govern-
ment or royal buildings, which affirm a region or country's status.
Geographical analysis shows how built structures can symbolise
power and status (Jones et al., 2007:117). Where poverty is evident
in the vicinity of internationally-renowned buildings, e.g. hotels and
international conference centres, an enclave can reinforce power dy-
namics and impact on competition for resources and exclude resi-
dents through entry barriers and ownership of adjacent land. This
scenario can impact perceptions of the value of modernisation and
development within a built environment, such as Senegambia.
Cornelissen (2005) and Momsen (2005) also recognised the negative
impacts of tourist marketing images created in LEDCs and their effect
on the distortion of indigenous cultural identity which challenges
how tourism unfolds in destinations and can transform the destina-
tion into a contested place.
3.1. The concept of enclaves as dreamscapes
Large-scale visitor attractions and tourism enclaves can represent
what Zukin (1991:219) describes as a “dreamscape”, using Disney-
land in Florida as a prime example of collective fantasy obscuring reali-
ty. In an LEDC context, masking the negative aspects of poverty and its
associated complexity, a tourist enclave can be very effective at shield-
ing tourists from the stark reality of poverty in the area, including a lack
of adequate water or electricity supply and poor medical provision.
Zukin (1991:5) explained how places which host a leisure econo-
my promote the movement of money and people and use consumer
pleasures to “hide the reins of concentrated economic control” resulting
in polarised landscapes capturing “the simultaneous advance and de-
cline of economic forms” (Zukin, 1991:5). This emphasises the need
for critical perspectives in human geography to challenge the com-
promise between market and place and the confidence of capital mar-
kets and their exploitation of place. Dreamscapes identify the
importance of understanding where a contradiction may arise in a
community's appreciation of a place if the trade benefits do not fa-
vour its citizens. For example changes ensuing from compromises in
traditional economic ways of life may change how a community in-
teracts with, and benefits from, the landscape in which it resides.
Like the superiority of the tourist over their hosts as conceptua-
lised in the Tourist Gaze (Urry, 1990), dreamscapes represent social
and cultural superiority over the landscapes they occupy. The tourist
gaze emphasises the freedom of tourists to travel and display their
conspicuous consumption of wealth. The carefully-constructed exotic
landscape of otherness (hotels (internet) cafes, exotic restaurants,
souvenir shops and craft stalls) promotes a sense of ease and security
and a unique relaxing experience.
Pritchard and Morgan (1999:14) recognised that “there are no po-
litically neutral places”. Indeed a wide range of issues relating to social
justice within the human geography discipline have long been identi-
fied by researchers, including: the power relations which influence
production and consumption; how industries develop over time,
who protects them and who is exploited in industry development
(Harvey 1973; Cresswell, 1996; Gilbert, 1997). The following section
considers the application of two social geography perspectives within
the concept of enclaves as dreamscapes and the study of power rela-
tions in a beach enclave context; i.e. post-structuralism and structure
and agency.
3.2. Post-structuralism in enclaves
The post-structuralist view of urban space helps to understand the
social construction, negotiation and definition of space maintaining
relations of power and difference and the resulting resistance or mani-
festation of economic opportunity pursued in a given place. The Sene-
gambia enclave demonstrates how spaces can be utilised as sites of
resistance to authority and inequality and how “bumsters” (young un-
employed men and women who visit the beach looking for economic
opportunity) businesses, tourists and the military act in response to im-
pacts of globalisation and modernisation. Mitchell (2002: 74) defines an
“inbetweenness” which applies to young unemployed youths seeking
opportunities within a tourism landscape to escape to better things.
This is in contrast to how international tourism has achieved what
Massey (1991, June 24–29) described as a global sense of place, a pow-
erful concept which enables privileged tourists to travel globally. Such a
phenomenon is achieved through the mobilisation of resources includ-
ing: “money, ideas, contacts, knowledge and expertise, ownership of
land or goods, influence, knowledge or expertise … the media through
which power is exercised” (Duim, 2005:126). From this perspective
tourism can represent, transmit and transform local, national and inter-
national institutionally-embedded power relations within a society at a
political, economic and cultural level.
As places are essentially constructed through history by individuals
and groups who draw on their own beliefs and prejudices to imbue
places with particular characteristics, meanings and symbolisms
(Jones et al., 2007:115), the altered use of land for tourism purposes is
particularly striking in the LEDC context. Tourist enclave space is often
pre-dominantly determined by a mix of north–south and south–south
FDI (Meyer, 2011) which is consumed by tourists and in turn creates
spatiality. Sindiga (1996; 1999) discussed the difficulties for the Was-
wahili to integrate with the tourism industry in the Kenyan enclave of
Malindi and the subsequent marginalisation experienced in the sur-
rounding villages. In the Okavanga Delta Botswana, Mbaiwa (2005) ex-
plains the frustration felt by those residents who could not access
capital, training or experience to develop luxury eco-lodges which
resulted in the government not issuing licences to foreigners unless a
joint partnership was developed with Botswanan citizens. Manyara
and Jones (2007) analysed how Kenyan community-based tourism en-
terprises are often characterised by foreign resource control and heavy
reliance on donor funding. These different African tourism contexts re-
late to what Rose (1993) termed “paradoxical space” to explain how
different contexts can contribute to oppression of residents.
 S. Carlisle, E. Jones / Tourism Management Perspectives 1 (2012) 9–16
3.3. Structure and agency in enclaves
The second social geography perspective which helps explain how
power relations unfold in an enclave is structure and agency. Giddens
(1984:93) explained how power is intrinsically tied to human agency
and “concerns the capability of actors to secure these outcomes
where the realisation of these outcomes depends upon the agency
of others”. For tourists and residents the tourist enclave can develop
its own logic, institutions and networks of actors that become integral
to the industry's success or failure. This is comparable to Mormont's
(1990) research on how rural citizens relate to their environment
and who influences the rural construct and what factors shape
power relations between stakeholders. Similarly Duim's (2005:130)
research on “tourismscapes” or actor networks represents relational
patterns between people and resources, accommodation, facilities,
systems, organisations and “ways of performing tourism spatially”.
The human-spatial interaction with how land is used by tourism
stakeholders can also influence potential conflicts and require legali-
sation to operate and modes of ordering or organising tourism space
(Duim, 2005; Van der Duim 2007) further contributing to the power
dynamic or “spaces of prescription and negotiation” (Murdoch,
1998:358). Such legislation includes the EU Package Travel Directive
(PTD) which requires due diligence from ITOs and yet can lead to
unintended consequences for LEDCs and respective micro businesses
and sole trades, particularly those offering excursions (Goodwin,
2008). For health and safety purposes the PTD stipulates that ITOs
use businesses which have liability insurance. This prioritises well-
established ground tour operators (GTOs), accommodation and cater-
ing providers who can afford liability insurance and may exclude
other micro businesses and sole traders (Carlisle, 2010). This situa-
tion is incongruous as Goodwin (2008) explains an ITO's contractual
liability extends only to negligence of suppliers of services purchased
prior to departure. Sibley (1995) recognised how legislation can de-
velop a powerful social construction of space which has the potential
to purify space and marginalise groups.
The contrasting landscapes of the rich and the poor are combined
in enclaves and are understood differently by tourists and residents.
Such politics of space can lead to social exclusion and in turn lead to
violence, crime, poverty and lack of self esteem (Ajagunna, 2006;
Dimanche & Lepetic, 1999; Morgan & Cole, 2010). Cheong and
Miller (2000) investigated the micro-interactions of brokers, local
communities and tourists and emphasised that power relations are
not only a binary structure between the tourism industry and a des-
tination's citizens but also that they are localised in their deploy-
ment, unstable and constructed discursively as well as materially.
This questions whether the exercise of power is exclusively
repressive.
One example of power manifestation in a destination is demon-
strated when tourists choose between depending on tour representa-
tives or local residents for local information. Both parties prey on a
tourist's naivety and may only relay information which benefits
them financially. Drawing on Foucault's concept of a surveillance of
power, Edensor (2000) differentiates between enclavic and heteroge-
neous tourist spaces. Enclave tourists need certainty and security to
separate them from undesirable exposure to poverty and their inherent
vulnerability symbolises a lack of power. ITOs may exploit this vulnera-
bility through a lack of information provision and suppress a wider
knowledge of local culture. ITO sensitivity to litigation claims can (un-
necessarily) encourage such behaviour, particularly if certainty or secu-
rity may be threatened by external stakeholders. Hotel and restaurant
employees could also experience a lack of power to challenge poor
working conditions as they integrate with corporate power on a daily
basis throughout the tourist season (Bolwell & Weinz, 2008). Tourism
Concern has campaigned for better implementation of Labour Acts
which are often poor in LEDC tourism destinations (Tourism Concern,
2010).
11
The above arguments correlate with Zukin's (1991:222) “Disney
Realism” which brings together “collective desires of the powerless
into a corporate landscape of power”. Consequently local businesses
and local government are becoming increasingly important in
addressing imbalances of power in beach enclaves if the tourism in-
dustry is to promote responsibility, welfare and justice which are at
the heart of the UNWTO Global Code of Ethics (UNWTO, 1999).
The paper now will go on to develop the case study of the Senegam-
bia in The Gambia. It will open with a discussion of enclave tourism in
The Gambia and highlight four emerging issues: package holidays; all-
inclusive holidays; bumsters; increasing local economic benefits.
4. Enclave tourism in The Gambia
The international tourism industry is a crucial component of The
Gambia's Gross Domestic Product (GDP) contributing 17.9% of GDP
and 89,000 jobs representing 14.4% of total employment (WTTC
2009). Export earnings from international visitors and tourism
goods generated 21.8% of total exports amounting to US
$84.1 million (WTTC 2008). Such figures need to be considered along-
side development indicators since 55% of the population is illiterate,
GNP per capita is $400 and life expectancy is 56 years (World Bank,
2008). For this reason while the overall benefit of tourism to The
Gambian economy is unquestioned, the tourism industry's real con-
tribution to poverty alleviation is not clear.
Dieke (1993; 1995) and Thompson et al. (1995) illustrated The
Gambia's difficulties in competing in the international tourism mar-
ket for a share in the benefits of the tourism industry. They attributed
this to the lack of power of the national government and local commu-
nities to act autonomously within the global distribution of tourism ser-
vices. Nearly eighteen years on Sharpley (2009) confirmed that these
issues still remain. The typical vertical integration within the Tourism
Supply Chain and the domination of the tourism industry by ITOs and
a small number of large hotels, encourages a dependency on north-
western European and American countries to provide finance, training
and a supply of tourists. This has led to what some authors have cited
as a form of neo-colonialism (Graburn, 1983; Lea, 1993; Manyara &
Jones, 2009; Nash, 1989; Smith, 1978).
Before tourism arrived in the 1960s the beach was a homogenous
zone primarily used for fishing. Tourism soon changed the nature of
local employment in the coastal districts surrounding the tourist en-
clave of Senegambia. The shift from a production economy to a
service-economy led migration to the coastal area from “up country”
rural areas in The Gambia and beyond. Soon a multiplicity of social
places and differing gender roles, incomes and job opportunities
arose within one and the same geographical area.
4.1. Package holidays
Interest from ITOs and foreign investors promoting winter sun
package holidays began in 1967 when a Swedish construction compa-
ny built the first hotel in The Gambia, the Wadner Beach Hotel, near
Banjul. The Swedish tour operator Vingressor, in association with
Scandinavian Airlines, had a five-year monopoly to operate charter
flights in and out of The Gambia. British tour operators Wings and
Far Horizon started bringing groups of tourists in 1971. Concessionary
loans from the World Bank enabled the government to launch the
Tourism and Infrastructure Project (TIP) known as the Bafuloto pro-
ject in 1975. The term Bafuloto referred to the region around the
beach, which was allocated for tourism (Sadibo, 1978) and the
beach enclave landscape began. The Bafuloto project acted as a basic
planning document which considered the physical and environmen-
tal aspects of tourism development and provided the prerequisites
for the allocation of loans for the road networks and airport infra-
structure essential for tourism development. A major outcome of
the project was the designation of a government-owned Tourism
12 S. Carlisle, E. Jones / Tourism Management Perspectives 1 (2012) 9–16
Development Area (TDA) which initially extended 15 km south from
Banjul and now stretches further to the southern border with Senegal
at Kartong.
To absorb the increasing arrival of visitors, during the period
1970–1980 more hotels were built through FDI including the Atlantic
Hotel, Fajara Hotel, Sunwing Hotel, Palm Grove Hotel, Bungalow
Beach Hotel and Bakoto Hotel. However tourism was not set up
with the aim of developing the domestic market, it was an export
product which contributed to spatial segregation with the primary
foci for enclave tourism being Senegambia, Kotu and Cape Point
(see Fig. 1).
The development of the Senegambia beach enclave resort began in
1982 with the building of the Senegambia Beach Hotel and the subse-
quent development of cafés, nightclubs, restaurants and supermar-
kets adjacent to the village of Kololi. It consists of one main road
(commonly known by tourists as “The Strip”) and another smaller
road leading towards the Kololi Beach Club timeshare apartments
on the coast. A major problem for indigenous small-scale businesses
within and surrounding the Senegambia enclave is how to become
known to package holiday tourists and distribute information within
hotels to promote and market their products and services. Hotels
within the immediate vicinity of The Strip include the Kololi Beach
Club time-share apartments, The Kairaba Hotel, Senegambia Beach
Hotel, Holiday Beach Club, Sarge's Hotel and Seaview Hotel, all
sourced by ITOs. Often ITOs are accused of instilling fear in tourists
to explore the local area which subsequently reduces opportunities
for and access to tourists by local businesses. 85% of tourists arrive
on an ITO package (CSO 2005) with one in seven European based
tour operators (Mitchell & Faal, 2007:451). Crucially 90% of tourist ac-
commodation is located in 20 large hotels with 50% of these visitors
staying in seven of the most popular hotels (Mitchell & Faal, 2007:
448).
More recently luxury spa hotels (the Sheraton Hotel 3 mi south
from Senegambia and Coco Ocean Resort and Spa near Bijilo, 1 mi
south of Senegambia) have also opened. The majority of restaurants
and bars on The Strip offer an eclectic mix of food and drink from
Fig. 1. Senegambia enclave.
around the globe including Irish, Lebanese, Italian, English, Danish,
Chinese and Thai cuisine bringing owners and managers to The Gam-
bia from their countries of origin.
4.2. All-inclusive holidays
In 1999 all-inclusive holidays were banned by the government of
The Gambia due to their limited positive impact upon the local econ-
omy, lack of support for local businesses and increasing pressure from
residents and NGOs. In particular, Gambia Tourism Concern (GTC)
and Voluntary Services Overseas (VSO 1999) highlighted the lack of
linkages and foreign currency leakage. Earlier that decade Freitag
(1994) and Pattullo (1996) demonstrated similar concern for the
negative impacts of all-inclusive holidays in the Caribbean. During
the one year ban on all-inclusive holidays, the Ministry of Tourism
stated “we want visitors to interact with our people and culture … if
the tourists are restricted to one place because they have paid in advance
for drinks and meals there is no benefit to our country. The local restau-
rants, bars, taxis and arts and crafts sellers all suffer” (Hall, 1999, 26th
June). However the government's policy position changed due to
pressure from European ITOs and the significant loss in tourist ar-
rivals as a result of the ban.
4.3. Bumsters
A dominant group of society who trawl the enclave landscape are
“bumsters”. These young adults are lured through economic necessity
to look for non-regulated economic opportunities to help provide for
their families or pay for an education. Deloitte (2005) reported that
67% of tourists regarded harassment from bumsters as a major prob-
lem. This highlights the desire of tourists to remain in a comfortable
relaxing space within and outside the hotel. This technically-
unauthorised activity of bumstering within the enclave area has in-
creased since the 1980s and 1990s (Deloitte, 2005). As bumsters do
not possess appropriate qualifications or capital to formally engage
with the tourism industry they primarily take on unregulated
 S. Carlisle, E. Jones / Tourism Management Perspectives 1 (2012) 9–16
economic opportunities, including: informal guiding; selling sex or
drugs; gaining commission from other tourism attractions by recruiting
customers. Brown (1992) published a study of the changing relations
between generations in The Gambia due to the cultural exchange be-
tween bumsters and tourists and reported how bumsters were often
blamed for a deterioration of cultural values and the adoption of dis-
agreeable practices, such as drinking, prostitution and sexual relations
between older Western women and younger African men. Such a phe-
nomenon is not uncommon in other beach enclaves in LEDCs and has
been analysed for its social and cultural impact upon the destination,
e.g. in Goa (Noronha, 1999), Thailand (Hall & Ryan, 2005) and the Carib-
bean (Frohlick, 2008; 2009; Padilla, 2007).
The evolution of these socio-economic and cultural impacts in an
LEDC context increases enclave exclusiveness which proliferate tourist
harassment and hassling, crime and prostitution. Conflict can also
arise when the enclave adopts strict policies and regulations, such as
FDI, Federation of Tour Operator (FTO) Guidelines, PTD and the Tourism
Offences Act which may create barriers to local economic development
and entrepreneurship.
4.4. Increasing local economic benefits
In response to the challenges related to package and all-inclusive
holidays the Gambia Tourism Authority's Responsible Tourism Policy
(GTA 2002) aimed to widen the spread of economic benefit of en-
claves by promoting local sourcing of food and other local tourism
products and services. Increasing local expenditure and distributing
tourism benefits reflects a tourist's spatiality whilst residing in en-
clave and emphasises the importance of unlocking opportunities for
micro businesses and sole traders (Ashley et al., 2001:13). Bah and
Goodwin (2003) analysed a UK Department for International Develop-
ment project which aimed to support and empower the informal sector
and initiate a shift in focus towards entrepreneurship and pro-poor
tourism strategies.
Mitchell and Faal, 2007:455) carried out value chain analysis to
highlight the important contribution of local tourism spend by pack-
age holiday tourists in The Gambia where 14% of discretionary tourist
expenditure flowed to the poor via locally-owned businesses. They
estimated that 50% of all shopping (69% of gifts and souvenir shop-
ping) is from the informal sector. Additionally 40–50% of fruit and
vegetables for hotels and restaurants were supplied from within The
Gambia. It was estimated that hotels and restaurants spend around
US$5.6 million per year on food, of which US$3.0 million goes on
local food supplies (Mitchell and Faal, 2007 cited Ashley, 2006:16).
Such statistics need verification as they help justify package holiday
tourism and its role in responsible tourism development to effectively
support the local economy and enhance economically-sustainable op-
portunities for indigenous entrepreneurship.
5. Methodology
The results presented in this paper are generated from a research
programme undertaken in The Gambia between 2002 and 2006. Critical
ethnographic fieldwork investigated the political economy of small
business development in Gambian tourism and the macro and micro
economic environment. Participant Action Research (PAR) was
designed to develop knowledge and understanding of the barriers ex-
perienced by local entrepreneurs and small businesses involved with
enclave tourism. Thomas (1993:26) states that PAR is used to highlight
the needs of those “normally excluded from decision making processes”. In
this context the research exemplified a commitment to social analysis
drawing upon larger social forces impinging on smaller contexts
(Lincoln 2001: 125) and aimed to help bring understanding to
institutionally-complex situations where people can remain stagnant
(Somekh, 2006). PAR was realised through living and working near
13
the Senegambia enclave and talking to key stakeholders in the Sene-
gambia enclave.
Five focus groups (see Table 1), were carried out with indigenous
stakeholders holding appropriate GTA licences and codes of practice
who were members of formal trade associations. The trade associa-
tions had been formed to represent the interests of the stigmatised
informal sector, a label which gave them second-class status in the
tourism industry and made them victim to considerable criticism
and complaints from the formal sector (hotels, ITOs and GTOs). De-
spite the licence, the code of practice and membership of a trade as-
sociation, these stakeholders struggled for formal recognition within
the Senegambia enclave. The purpose of the focus groups was to un-
derstand the key barriers which hindered business development in
the Senegambia enclave. Focus groups were used since as Johnson
(1996) argues they have considerable potential to raise consciousness
and empower participants. The participants used the opportunity to
express collective and individual opinions and frustrations that they
perceived as inhibiting progression and improvement of their busi-
ness. The focus groups were not recorded as the participants were
not comfortable with that so contemporaneous notes were taken.
6. Case study findings
The case study findings reflect three integral issues that connect
place and power in the context of Senegambia beach enclave tourism,
i.e.: legitimate and non-legitimate access to small businesses by tour-
ists; informal sector marginalisation; marketing and promotion with-
in a regulated landscape. These three interconnected issues
demonstrate the theoretical application of post-structuralism and
structure and agency within the concept of enclaves as dreamscapes
and explain not only the extent to which residents, businesses and
tourists can remain independent of one another but also how rela-
tions are necessary and contingent within the enclave. These issues
can be simultaneously enabling and constraining.
6.1. Legitimate and non-legitimate access to tourists
The focus group participants reluctantly recognised that the bum-
ster phenomenon, which has become an integral (albeit unwanted)
component of beach tourism, had spread to include informal-sector
businesses, security guards and even military. Significantly any em-
ployee within the TDA needs to comply with the Tourism Offences
Act (2003) that stipulates that it is an offence for any employee in
the TDA, tourist enterprise or other place providing services to tour-
ists, alone or jointly with another person to stalk, insult, intimidate,
threaten, beg, harass or hassle a tourist. The legislation was estab-
lished in part to make provision for offences related to tourism and
also provides for sexual offences by tourists against children, as well
as for prohibition of child trafficking. However, the legislation is
open to different interpretations, particularly for those trying to ap-
proach tourists to sell genuine services, given the lack of local destina-
tion marketing outlets (discussed later) whose actions could be
misinterpreted as hassling.
The incongruity of power imbalances between local residents and
tourists is further emphasised by the tourist's vulnerability that is vigor-
ously protected by the PTD. This representation of power and the
Table 1
Focus groups.
Name of trade association Number in focus group
National Official Tourist Guides Association (NOTGA) 8
Mango News Vendors Association 8
Senegambia Craft Market Association 9
Juice Pressers Association (JPA) 7
Tourist Taxis Association (TTA) 10
14 S. Carlisle, E. Jones / Tourism Management Perspectives 1 (2012) 9–16
dominant tourist ideology is reinforced through security police, hotels,
ITOs, busy restaurants owned by foreigners and military officials posi-
tioned within the enclave landscape to remind tourists and locals who
is in charge and who has access to money. The focus group participants
accused large hotels of over-zealous protection of tourists by emphasis-
ing the potential of being hassled when engaging with the informal sec-
tor. However, occasionally hotels would invite craftspeople into the
hotel for the demonstration and sale of their wares within the “safety”
of the hotel grounds. This presents an analogy with how the Disney
planners created a Disney realism programming out negative unwanted
elements and programming in the positive elements (Wallace 1985
cited Zukin, 1991:222). Zukin (1991:222) went on to describe how
this achieves “totalitarian image making, projecting the collective desires
of the powerless” (in this particular case the informal sector) within
the “corporate landscape of power” (the hotel).
Thus the PTD determines the mechanisms and structures under
which holidays may safely operate. Fundamentally tour operators
will not confidently recommend local services to their customers if
they are not convinced that tourists are adequately protected and
safe under the health and safety requirements and conditions of the
PTD and the Federation of Tour Operator (FTO) Safety Guidelines.
The PTD offers ITOs the opportunity to promote fear amongst tourists,
either in welcome meetings or on the bus from the airport, by warn-
ing against the adversity tourists may experience if they venture out-
side the enclave, i.e. pot holes, no street lighting, bumsters. Such
rhetoric helps to secure commission gained for the sale of ITO excur-
sions with an appointed commercial ground handler (Goodwin,
2008). In addition ITOs have argued that National Official Tourist
Guides (NOTGs) members of the National Official Tourist Guide Asso-
ciation (NOTGA) do not have a licence to sell their services in the
form of an excursion. According to Deloitte (2005: 50) 30% of tourists
take one formal day excursion with an ITO and Bah and Goodwin
(2003:17) stated that 42% of tourists had used a local guide. Thorne
(2011) emphasised tourists may not distinguish between formal sec-
tor (GTO) guides, OTGs and unlicensed local guides (bumsters). How-
ever, Thorne (2011) cited McCombes (2008:89) to explain that 37% of
tourists use bumsters to gain a more ‘real’ experience.
6.2. Informal sector marginalisation
6.2.1. NOTGA and Mango News vendors
Although individual NOTGs do not have liability insurance they
argue that they are licenced and therefore should be protected by
the government. Two popular four-star hotels, The Senegambia
Beach and The Kairaba, are located immediately opposite a corrugated
shelter where approximately 50 NOTGs are permitted to be stationed
and tourists have to approach them, not vice versa. Reportedly neither
hotel encouraged NOTGs to enter, whereas other hotels in the Kotu en-
clave invited a tourist guide representative to attend welcome meetings
for the tourists or permit NOTGs to use a desk at the entrance of a hotel.
No consistent requirement to promoted the NOTGA existed, although
the GTA advocates them on their Visit Gambia website, it leaves ITOs
and hotels to decide whether they promoted Tourist Guides or not.
The majority of hotels preferred to patronise their respective Ground
Tour Operator to which the ITO had a formalised business partnership
for excursions.
According to the NOTGA, the information which tourists receive
from ITOs is not always positive, particularly when some ITOs state
that tourist guides are not insured and should not take tourists out
longer than a short day tour. The lack of liability insurance is used
to exclude the NOTGs from competing with the ITOs. More recently
some NOTGA members have established their own websites and
business cards to promote themselves. Some have left the informal
sector altogether to establish less stigmatised formal businesses.
At the time of research Mango News was a magazine published by
an umbrella trade association called the Association of Small Scale
Enterprises (ASSET) with information of local events and businesses
surrounding the enclave. Vendors were recruited to sell the magazine
in the enclave for which they received a commission from the sale,
similar to the Big Issue in the United Kingdom. As sales depended
upon the vendors approaching tourists they experienced a similar
barrier as the NOTGs to sell their service. Due to other constraints
with printing costs and lack of sales the publication was soon
cancelled.
6.2.2. Taxi Drivers Association (TTA)
Another informal sector group which struggles for recognition and
competition from other transport companies and private hire is the
TTA. The taxis are situated outside hotel entrances and at the entrance
to the Sengambia Strip. The standard and quality of the TTA fleet of
taxis does not always encourage tourists. Although the GTA licence
for tourist taxis requires an MOT certificate ITOs may still emphasise
the lack of liability insurance. This situation corresponds with
Sibley's (1995:77) analysis which described a need to purify spaces
and create boundaries which can further entrench fear within the en-
clave model and may discourage tourists from exploring local areas.
6.2.3. The Juice Pressers Association (JPA) and Senegambia Craft Market
Association
The JPA and Senegambia Craft Market Sellers also experienced dif-
ficulty accessing tourists to promote their products and services with-
in the hotel and ITO. For the Juice Pressers this was due to the health
and safety concerns of lack of access to washing facilities, particularly
hot water to wash glasses. Both associations represented competition
for either hotel souvenir shops or juice sold in the hotel. Poor product
development, presentation and a lack of awareness of tourist tastes
also contributed to a lack of development. The focus group meeting
with the JPA suggested that access to hotel guests was an ongoing
problem. Hotels with a private beach area for guests requested that
the juice pressers positioned themselves 10 m away from the sun
beds of the hotel and did not approach guests.
6.2.4. Marketing and promoting locally within a regulated tourism landscape
Marketing success is usually contingent upon good access to target
markets. However, there is no tourist information office in the Sene-
gambia enclave in which all businesses can equally promote their
products and services. The constraints of the resort enclave for infor-
mal businesses are exacerbated by the active prohibition of marketing
and promotional opportunities within large hotels.
6.2.5. International Tour Operator (ITO) monopoly
As the majority of tourists travel to The Gambia for relaxation
Deloitte (2005) tourists are keen to connect with the natural beauty
of the tourism landscape comprising of palm trees, sea, ocean breeze,
sun and the luxury of the hotel built environment. First-time visitors
may not patronise locally-owned businesses due to low levels of
awareness and trust. Mormont (1990) and Duim (2005) explained
how enclaves develop their own logic and institution which is sup-
ported by its own network of actors and employees and customers.
Subsequently, it becomes relatively easy for hotels and ITOs to per-
suade/influence tourists to remain in the resort and not to integrate
effectively with the local business community through poor informa-
tion provision. This propensity for tourists to stay inside a hotel for a
large proportion of their winter sun holiday, avoiding bumsters and
perhaps tentatively booking a one-day tour with the ITO is a key chal-
lenge to LEDC tourism authorities and local tourism organisations.
Such an issue requires innovation and collaboration with the SME
and informal sector if positive local economic benefits are to be
increased.
Close collaboration between large hotels and ITOs results in an ef-
fective monopoly into which it is hard for micro businesses and sole
traders to break. ITOs may encourage tourists to visit foreign-owned
 S. Carlisle, E. Jones / Tourism Management Perspectives 1 (2012) 9–16
restaurants if there is an arrangement with the ITO's representative to
promote their products. This is a strategy demonstrated in a First
Choice map of Senegambia which included the following catch-
phrases to promote products and services available on The Strip:
“Best Pizza in The Gambia”; “More up-market restaurants (with an
arrow to a Danish and English-owned restaurant)”; “Right Choice En-
glish Brands”; “Nice to relax and best cheesecake in Gambia” (First
Choice, 2008). Of the eleven restaurants mentioned on the map,
only one was promoted for its African food and not one of the several
Gambian-owned restaurants were featured. Also on the map NOTGA
members were referred to as “Walking Guides” with no detail of
their affiliation or what they offer. Tourist Taxis are only referred to
as Green Taxis and The Senegambia Craft Market does not state its
opening times or the types of product available. This somewhat-
biassed leaflet demonstrates an unfair playing field within the
enclave where foreign businesses are given more access to
promotion to tourists compared to Gambian-owned businesses. Al-
though the ITOs may argue that tourists demand such foreign goods
it presents significant issues of marketing the Gambian tourism prod-
uct and establishing linkages to complementary industries and busi-
nesses to allow the multiplier effect to fully establish itself within
the destination.
7. Conclusion
This paper has highlighted some of the socio-spatial concerns evi-
dent in the Senegambia beach enclave resort, in an LEDC context. Ex-
posing enclaves as dreamscapes allows a more critical analysis of the
power relations which have developed to produce and support the
tropical holiday dream. In addition from a social and cultural perspec-
tive, it has been demonstrated how the by-product of marginalisation
can create an emphasis upon difference and privilege which in turn cre-
ates social exclusion of residents in an LEDC context. In this paper ha-
rassment of tourists and the bumster phenomenon exemplifies the
politics of ownership of place and who is included and who is excluded
in the enclave. Arguably this situation is contested by bumsters as at-
tempts are made to use the enclave for essential economic gain.
What should be included in the concept of a landscape of power
are the fields of knowledge and ability of local residents and businesses
to negotiate power within a destination. The lack of congruence be-
tween the needs of local people and those of the tourists and how
they relate to the landscape of the enclave creates a power dynamic of
the enclave which promotes the primacy of the tourist ideology. Such
complex undertones of socio-spatial relations within the enclave are
important to tackle when considering decision-making processes in
destination planning and management, rather than allowing the built
enclave environment to facilitate a powerful façade which may not
allow open discussion of these sensitive impacts of tourism.
For example, at what point should stakeholders question the va-
lidity of tourism if the balance of power is tipped too far in favour of
the tourist at the expense of the residents? Too much compromise
can cause increasing levels of dissatisfaction and disease with tourism
as an effective development strategy. Strategies to encourage more
residents to own property within tourist enclaves by presenting tourism
as a favourable industry to invest in and encouraging domestic tourism
becomes of key importance. Notably, some informal sector workers
have used their experience and contacts gained from working in the in-
formal sector to move on to establish different businesses that are less
stigmatised. Thus, the significance of how the built and natural environ-
ments of an enclave resort develop the social relations created within
these spaces and how the nature of the space shapes the social relations
becomes important when finding solutions and strategic development
strategies. Varied forms of spatial exclusion can reinforce and maintain
social boundaries in society and can also prevent healthy cross-cultural
relations (UNWTO 1999). Increasingly the tourism industry and local
governments are challenged to address examples of social, economic
15
and environmental injustice. This is a contemporary and important de-
bate in how tourism has the ability to perpetuate social exclusion and
marginalisation. Within the critical geography literature there are ex-
tensive spatial concepts. This paper has demonstrated how one of
these concepts, that of a “landscape of power relations” can assist in
the theorisation of beach enclave resorts and thus add to the tourism
literature through a theoretical and conceptual approach to analysis of
tourism enclaves.
If tourism is to have a more positive impact on cross-cultural rela-
tions and reduce resident marginalisation from enclaves it is impor-
tant that all stakeholders address how tourism can more effectively
promote global citizenship and respect for a culture and people in a
destination society. Education, training, access to capital, improved
working conditions; empowerment and collaboration need to be in-
tegrated into government policy and strategy that are implemented
alongside other industries. This would help to address the current
negative socio-spatial realties.
Further research could measure the range of changes in society as
a result of tourism. In particular, more research needs to identify:
how tourism contributes to the changing distribution of skills within
society; whether fewer people engage in agriculture; changes in the
structures of given social systems; working conditions for employees
in tourism; changes in consumption; increasing movement and in-
creasing diversity within an enclave which can lead to dual emigra-
tion with Gambians emigrating to Europe and tourists buying
second homes. A better understanding of such phenomena will help
identify causality and why and how certain patterns of behaviour
emerge in the enclave space.
References
Ajagunna, I. (2006). Crime and harassment in Jamaica: Consequences for sustainability
of the tourism industry. International Journal of Contemporary Hospitality Manage-
ment, 18(3), 253–259.
Akama, J. S., & Keiti, D. M. (2007). Tourism and socio-economic development in developing
countries: A case study of Mombassa Resort Kenya. Journal of Sustainable Tourism,
15(6), 735–747.
Ashley, C. (2006). How can governments boost the local economic impacts of tourism?
SNV tool kit for East and Southern Africa. London: Overseas Development Institute.
Ashley, C., Roe, D., & Goodwin, H. (2001). Pro-poor tourism strategies: Making tourism
work for the poor: A review of experience. London: Overseas Development Institute.
Bah, A., & Goodwin, H. (2003). Improving access to the informal sector to tourism in
The Gambia. Pro-poor Tourism Working Paper, No.15. February 2003.
Bolwell, D., & Weinz, W. (2008). Guide for social dialogue in the tourism industry: Sec-
toral activities programme. Working Paper. Geneva: International Labour Office
(ILO).
Britton, S. (1981). The spatial organisation of tourism in a neo-colonial economy: A Fiji
case study. Pacific Viewpoint, 21(2), 144–165.
Britton, S. (1982). The political economy of tourism in the Third World. Annals of Tourism
Research, 9(3), 331–358.
Brown, N. (1992). Beachboys as culture brokers in Bakau Town, The Gambia. Commu-
nity Development Journal, 27(4), 361–370.
Bryden, J. (1973). Tourism and development: A case study of the Commonwealth Caribbean.
Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Carlisle, S. (2010). Access and marginalisation in a beach enclave resort. In S. Cole, & N.
Morgan (Eds.), Tourism and Inequality: Problems and Prospects (pp. 67–84). Wal-
lingford: Cabi International.
Cheong, S., & Miller, S. (2000). Power and tourism: A Foucauldian observation. Annals
of Tourism Research, 27(2), 371–390.
Church, A., & Coles, T. (Eds.). (2006). Tourism, power and space. London: Routledge.
Cornelissen, S. (2005). Producing and imaging ‘place’ and ‘people’: The political economy
of South African International Tourist representation. Review of International Political
Economy, 12(4), 674–699.
Cresswell, T. (1996). In place, out of place: Geography ideology and transgression. Minneso-
ta: Minneapolis.
CSO (2005). Tourism statistics report. The Gambia: Central Statistics Office.
Del Casino, V. J. (2009). Social geography: Critical introduction to geography. Singapore:
Wiley-Blackwell.
Deloitte (2005). The Gambia Tourism Development Master Plan: The challenges for
2005 to 2010 and 2020. Final Report submitted to the Ministry of Tourism & Culture,
Government of the Gambia.
Dieke, P. (1993). Tourism and development policy in The Gambia. Annals of Tourism Re-
search, 20(3), 423–449.
Dieke, P. (1995). Tourism and structural adjustment programmes in the African economy.
Tourism Economics, 1(1), 71–93.
Dimanche, & Lepetic (1999). New Orleans, tourism and crime: A case study. Journal of
Travel Research, 38(1), 19–23.
16 S. Carlisle, E. Jones / Tourism Management Perspectives 1 (2012) 9–16
Duim, R., 2005. Tourismscapes: An actor network perspective on sustainable tourism
development. PhD Dissertation, Wageningen University Press.
Edensor, T. (2000). Staging tourism: Tourists as performers. Annals of Tourism Research,
27(2), 322–344.
Escobar, A. (1984). Discourse and power in development: Michael Foucault and the
relevance of his work to the Third World. Alternatives, 10(3), 377–400.
First, Choice (2008). Senegambia tourist map. : First Choice Publications.
Freitag, T. (1994). Enclave tourism development: For the whom the benefits roll: Case
study of Dominican Republic problems of resort development. Annals of Tourism
Research, 21(3), 538–554.
Frohlick, S. (2008). Negotiating the public secrecy of sex in a transnational town in
Caribbean Costa Rica. Tourist Studies, 8(1), 19–39.
Frohlick, S. (2009). Pathos of Love in Puerto Viejo, Costa Rica: Emotion, travel and
migration. Mobilities, 4(3), 389–405.
Giddens, A. (1984). The Constitution of Society: Outline of the theory of structuration.
Berkley: University of California Press.
Gilbert, M. (1997). Feminism and difference in urban geography. Urban Geography,
18(2), 166–179.
Goodwin, H. (2008). Holding the travel industry to account—The role of the law.
Paper presented at the International Conference of the International Bar Association in
Buenos Aires in session on The Greening of Tourism: An Oxymoron http://www.
haroldgoodwin.info/uploads/hjgIBA.pdf
Graburn, N. (1983). Anthropology of tourism. Annals of Tourism Research, 10(1), 9–33.
GTA (2002). Responsible tourism policy. Gambia Tourism Authority Responsible Tourism
partnership.
Hall, S. (1999, 26th June). Us and them. : The Guardian Newspaper.
Hall, C. M., & Ryan, C. (2005). Sex tourism: Marginal people and liminalities. London:
Routledge.
Harrison, D. (1992). Tourism and the less developed countries. London: Belhaven Press.
Harrison, D. (2001). Tourism and the less developed world: Issues and case studies
(2nd Edition). : CABI International.
Harvey, D. (1973). Social justice and the city. Balitmore: Johns Hopkins University Press.
Johnson, A. (1996). Its good to talk: the focus group and the sociological imagination.
Sociological Review, 44(3), 517–538.
Jones, M., Jones, R., & Woods, M. (2007). An introduction to political geography: Space,
place and politics. London: Routledge.
Lea, J. P. (1993). Tourism development ethics in the Third World. Annals of Tourism
Research, 20(4), 701–715.
Lincoln, Y. S. (2001). Engaging sympathies: Relationships between action research and
social constructivism. In P. Reason, & H. Bradbury (Eds.), Handbook of action re-
search: Participative inquiry and practice (pp. 124–132). London: Sage Publications.
Manyara, G., & Jones, E. (2007). Community based tourism enterprises development in
Kenya: An exploration of their potential as avenues of poverty reduction. Journal of
Sustainable Tourism, 15(6), 628–644.
Manyara, G., & Jones, E. (2009). Reflecting on tourism development in Kenya through
the mirror of dependency theory. Tourism Review International, 12(3/4), 231–242.
Massey, D. (1991, June 24–29). A global sense of place, Marxism today.
Mbaiwa, J. (2005). Enclave tourism and its socio-economic impacts in the Okavango
Delta, Botswana. Tourism Management, 26(2), 157–172.
McCombes, L., 2008. Ingredients for positive tourist–guest encounters: A study to in-
vestigate the factors that affect the nature of the tourist–host encounter between
tourists and ‘bumsters’ in Kololi and Kotu, The Gambia. University of Greenwich:
MA Thesis.
Meyer, D. (2011). Changing power relations: Foreign direct investment in Zanzibar. In J.
Mosedale (Ed.), Political Economy of Tourism—A Critical Perspective. London: Routledge.
Miossec, J. M. (1976). Elements pour une theorie de l'espace touristique, Les Cahiers du
Tourisme, C-36. Aix-en-Provence: CHET.
Mitchell, W. J. T. (2002). Landscape and power. : University of Chicago Press.
Mitchell, J., & Faal, J. (2007). Holiday package tourism and the poor in The Gambia.
Development Southern Africa, 24(3), 445–464.
Momsen, J. (2005). Uncertain images: Tourism development and seascapes of the Caribbe-
an. In C. Cartier, & A. A. Lew (Eds.), Seductions of Place: Geographical perspectives on
globalisation and touristed landscapes. Critical Geographies series. London: Routledge.
Morgan, N., & Cole, S. (Eds.). (2010). Tourism and inequality. Problems and prospects.
Wallingford: Cabi International.
Mormont, M. (1990). Who is rural? Or how to be rural. In P. Marsden, T. Lowe, & S.
Whatmore (Eds.), Rural Restructuring: Global Processes and their Local responses.
London: Fulton.
Murdoch, J. (1998). The spaces of actor-network theory. Geoforum, 29(4), 357–374.
Nash, D. (1989). Tourism as a form of imperialism. In V. Smith (Ed.), Hosts and guests:
The anthropology of tourism (pp. 37–52). (2nd ed.). Philadelphia: University of
Pennsylvania Press.
Noronha, F. (1999). Ten years later, Goa still uneasy over the impact of tourism. Journal
of Contemporary Hospitality Management, 11(2), 100–106.
Oxford English Dictionary, 2010. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Padilla, M. (2007). Caribbean pleasure industry: Tourism, sexuality and AIDS in the
Dominican Republic. : University of Chicago Press.
Pattullo, P. (1996). The cost of tourism in the Caribbean. London: Cassell.
Pritchard, A., & Morgan, N. (1999). Power and politics at the seaside: The development of
Devon's Resorts in the twentieth century. Exeter: University of Exeter Press.
ProPoor Tourism (PPT) (2004). ProPoor Tourism Information Sheets: Key Terms. Sheet. No.11.
(Retrieved at). http://www.propoortourism.org.uk/info_sheets/11%20info%20sheet.pdf
Rose, G. (1993). Feminism & geography: the limits of geographical knowledge. Minneapolis:
University of Minnesota Press.
Sadibo, I., 1978. The socio-economic environment of tourism. Independent Study.
Unpublished Document, Banjul.
Scheyvens, R. (2002). Tourism for development: Empowering communities. Eaglewood
Cliffs: Prentice Hall.
Scheyvens, R., & Momsen, J. (2008). Tourism and poverty reduction: Issues for small
island states. Tourism Geographies, 10(1), 22–41.
Sharpley, R. (2009). Tourism in the Gambia: A case of planning failure? Tourism Review
International, 12(3–4), 215–230.
Sharpley, R., & Telfer, D. J. (Eds.). (2002). Tourism and development: Concepts and issues. :
Channel View Publications.
Shaw, G., & Williams, A. M. (1994). Critical issues in tourism: A geographical perspective
(First Edition). Oxford: Blackwell.
Shaw, G., & Williams, A. M. (2002). Critical issues in tourism: A geographical perspective
(Second Edition). Oxford: Blackwell.
Shaw, G., & Williams, A. M. (2004). Tourism and tourism spaces. London: Sage.
Sibley, D. (1995). Geographies of exclusion. London: Routledge.
Sindiga, I. (1996). International tourism and the marginalisation of the Waswahili.
Tourism Management, 17(6), 425–432.
Sindiga, I. (1999). Tourism and African development: Changes and challenges of tourism in
Kenya. Aldershot: Ashgate Publishing.
Smith, V. (1978). Hosts and guests: The anthropology of tourism (2nd Edition). Pennsyl-
vania: University of Pennsylvania Press.
Somekh, B. (2006). Action research: A methodology for change and development. Maiden-
head: Open University Press.
Thomas, J. (1993). Doing critical ethnography. Qualitative Research Methods Series 26.
London: Sage University Paper.
Thompson, C., O'Hare, G., & Evans, K. (1995). Tourism in The Gambia: Problems and
proposals. Tourism Management, 16(8), 571–581.
Thorne, J., 2011. Selling culture to package tourists: An exploration of demand for in-
tangible cultural heritage excursions in The Gambia. Leeds Metropolitan Universi-
ty, MSc. Thesis.
Tourism Offences Act (2003). Government of The Gambia Criminal and Penal Law. Date
of entry into force: 04/09/2003.
Tourism Concern (2010). Putting tourism to rights: A challenge to human rights abuses
in the tourism industry. Tourism Concern Published Report.
UNCTAD (2007). FDI in tourism: The development dimension. United Nations Commis-
sion on Trade and Development Published Report (New York and Geneva).
UNWTO (1999). United Nations World Tourism Organisation global code of ethics. :
UNWTO Publication.
Urry, J. (1990). The tourist gaze: Leisure and travel in contemporary societies. London:
Sage.
Van der Duim, R. (2007). Tourismscapes: An actor network perspective. Annals of Tour-
ism Research, 34(4), 961–976.
Wallace, M. (1985). Mickey Mouse History. Portraying the Past at Disney World. Radical
History Review, 32, 33–57.
World Bank (2008). World development indicator. Washington D.C.: World Bank
Publication.
WTTC (2008). World travel and tourism council statistics handbook for LEDCs. : World
Travel and Tourism Council Publication.
WTTC (2009). World Travel and Tourism Council Statistics Handbook for LEDCs.
Zukin, S. (1991). Landscapes of power. From Detroit to Disney World. Berkeley: Universi-
ty of California Press.