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Donor Driven Conceptual Frameworks Works Well in the Development Sector in Bangladesh
and it Works more for the Market Forces
- S N Azad, Development Specialist and Adjunct Senior Fellow, RMMRU

Seven key analytical concepts are discussed in this paper, which shed light on how it could go in
future designing a development project that is similar or based on a social business model:

- Value chain analysis,

- market access approach,
- food and nutritional security,
- social business,
- social capital,
- social protection (through social inclusion vs. exclusion matrix),
- sustainable livelihoods approach (rights based approach), and
- women’s empowerment in the context of samaj (community/society) vs. agency.

The value chain covers the entire process, the full range of activities that firms and workers do to bring a
product from its conception to its end use and beyond. This includes activities such as design,
production, marketing, distribution and support to the final consumer. The activities that comprise a
value chain can be contained within a single firm or divided among different firms. Value chain activities
can produce goods or services, and can be contained within a single geographical location or spread
over wider areas (Frederick, 2016).

Two complementary strains of market systems development thinking, born in the “subsector” analysis
of the early 1990s, have come together in one and half decade. Namely, USAID’s value chain
approach and DFID’s market development approach (Making Markets Work for the Poor or M4P). While
the former is based largely on Michael Porter’s work on value chain analysis the latter on Douglas
North’s institutional economics. There are some differences between the two, both base on the
sociologist’s “systems” approach to address the same inbuilt components of the system:
- the core transactions and relationships between buyers and sellers of the product or service in the
value chain;
- the rules affecting the system, meaning the political, economic, and social values or customs, which
may be codified as norms and practices either formally or informally; and
- the supporting functions or systems, meaning the commercial and non-commercial services essential
to the functioning of the core market system, but not directly part of it. (Grant, 2015)

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Fig. 3: M4P with a Focus on Supporting Functions

Source: (Grant, 2015)

For example, in Bangladesh NGOs are working funded by USAID on agriculture value chain (AVC) project.
Funded under the Feed the Future (FTF) initiative, this project worked to strengthen 10 agricultural
value chains through a range of tools, platforms, and agreements to implement large-scale, systemic
interventions. AVC in partnership with 25 of the top private sector firms and organizations in the
agricultural sector is leveraging private sector interests and investment opportunities to drive more
inclusive growth. Ultimately, AVC’s work will result in increased access to and availability of diverse and
nutritious fruits, vegetables, and pulses in local, regional, and national markets and will contribute
significantly to improving food security in the Southern Delta.

The idea of a value chain was first suggested by Michael Porter (1985) to depict how customer value
accumulates along a chain of activities that lead to an end product or service. He explained the value
chain as the internal processes or activities a company perform “to design, produce, market, deliver and
support its product.” Porter maintained: “a firm’s value chain and the way it performs individual
activities are a reflection of its history, its strategy, its approach to implementing its strategy, and the
underlying economics of the activities themselves.” Porter identified two major categories of business
activities: primary activities and support activities. Primary activities are directly involved in transforming
inputs into outputs and in delivery and after-sales support. These are generally also the line activities of
the organization. They include:
- inbound logistics – material handling and warehousing;
- operations – transforming inputs into the final product;
- outbound logistics – order processing and distribution;
- marketing and sales – communication, pricing and channel management; and
- services – installation, repair and parts. (Statements on Management Accounting, 1996)

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The Global Value Chain:

The GVC Initiative is particularly interested in understanding value chains that are divided among
multiple firms and spread across wide swaths of geographic space. That is why it is called the "global
value chain." The patterns and effects of GVCs tend to vary in specific industries and places (Duke
University website on GVC). Because of this, GVC research often has a sectoral or geographic focus.

The governance of global value chains initiative identify three important variables to look for when
studying GVCs in a particular firm, industry, or place:

Complexity of Transactions. More complex transactions require greater interaction among actors in
GVCs and thus stronger forms of governance than simple price-based markets. Thus, complex
transactions will likely to be associated with one of the three network governance patterns
(modular, relational, or captive) or integrated within a single firm (hierarchy).

Codifiability of Transactions. In some industries schemes have been worked out to codify complex
information in a manner in which data can be handed off between GVC partners with relative
ease, often using advanced information technologies. If suppliers have the competence to
receive and act upon such codified information, and if the codification schemes are widely
known and widely used, then we would expect to see modular value chains emerge. If not, then
lead firms might either keep the function in-house, leading to more vertical integration
(hierarchy) or outsource it to a supplier that they tightly control and monitor (the captive
network type) or have a dense, idiosyncratic relationship with suppliers (the relational
governance type).

Competence of Suppliers. The ability to receive and act upon complex information or instructions
from lead firms requires a high degree of competence on the part of suppliers. Only then can
the transfer of complex but codified information be achieved (as in modular networks) or
intense interaction is worthwhile (as in relational networks). Where competent suppliers do not
exist, lead firms either must internalize the function (hierarchy) or outsource it to suppliers that
they tightly monitor and control (captive suppliers).

Moreover, value chain governance patterns tend to change in predictable ways if one of these three
variables changes. Like if a new technology renders an established codification scheme obsolete, we
might expect modular value chains to become more relational, and if competent suppliers cannot be
found, then perhaps captive networks and even vertical integration would become more prevalent.
Conversely, rising supplier competence might mean that captive networks move toward the relational
type and better codification schemes might prepare the ground for modular networks.

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Table 8: Value Chain vs. Conventional Management Accounting

Source: Statements on Management Accounting, 1996. (Adapted from Shank and Govinarajan, 1993.)
Table 8 above shows how the traditional approach to management accounting differs dynamically from
that of the global value chain (GVC) process. This is instructive to the Bangladesh market as well.

Market Systems Approach:

Markets are generally regarded as a system where actors act rationally. The UK Aid’s take on the market
systems approach is different. It sees market as a complex social system where market actors share a set
of biases based on a multi-layered network of structures, rules, and norms (Haque and Georgy, 2017).
To fully comprehend a market system, development activists/practitioners may need to look for
patterns in the system, which can uncover formal and informal norms that generally have a substantive
impact on which actor and to what extent they/s/he participate(s) in different market functions. This
dynamics also entails why decision will be made as they will be made and how they will be made
depending on relationships between market system actors. For example, in market systems
development programmes like USAID/Bangladesh’s Agricultural Value Chains Activity, it is important to
understand the informal norms that affect firms and other market actors. That should help analysts,

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(rural) market observers to better grasp the motivations behind market behaviour and attempt
interventions to address norms that are conflicting with inclusive market trends.

Informal norms have dramatic impacts at the meso-level, affecting how firms are governed, structured,
and standard business practices; as well as the micro-level, affecting how firms interact with and retain
customers and suppliers. In Bangladesh’s context, two of the most influential informal norms are family
loyalty and social hierarchy (Haque and Georgy, 2017).

Loyalty-driven business practices

Firm management and structure

In the context of Bangladesh, family loyalty is a driving force in social structures and behaviours. Family
loyalty impacts firm structure. Prioritising family loyalty plays a role in restricting firm growth, as it limits
innovative ideas and alternate perspectives, reduces opportunities for piloting new approaches or
products, and demotivates employees. This contributes to the tendency for Bangladeshi firms to
maintain slow growth patterns that minimise risk and undervalue innovation.

Cooperation and competition between market actors

The informal norms around loyalty also impact relationships between firms in the market. Positive
competition between market actors such as traders, distributors, and retailers fosters innovation and
increased efficiency. For positive competition to exist and grow, communication amongst these market
actors is very important sharing new practices, successes, bottlenecks and opportunities. Because
market actors are unwilling to share business information outside of their loyalty networks in the
context of Bangladesh, this knowledge sharing does not happen often, at least not formally. Rather than
seeing collaboration and positive competition among peers as an opportunity, market actors in
Bangladesh assume that sharing information outside of their internal trust circle will result in
competitors poaching their ideas or initiatives, which of course happens too often in reality. This is
because the norms of business ethics and scale based analysis and investment is not yet
institutionalized.

Engaging support services

Loyalty norms often determine a company’s or cooperative’s approaches to support services. Although
BPO business is increasing, Bangladeshi firms are yet to be accustomed to outsourcing for different
internal support services like IT/ITES, strategic communication, brand marketing, event management
and PR, media support, transportation, logistics, supply, etc. Top management does not rely on
specialised firms outside their loyalty network with their firm or product information, strategy, or sector
knowledge. Hence, quality and usefulness suffers and value for money decreases. But this non-
outsourcing strategy is seen as a cost saving method by the agribusiness leadership. With cheaper price

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they end up purchasing low quality and non-innovative, even non-appropriate tools and tactics. This
ultimately results in damaging company / entity’s ROI.

Hierarchy-driven business practices

Relationship-building in the market

This is related to social norms around loyalty is a not so flexible hierarchy within the Bangladesh social
structure. In this structure status and social class dictate an individual’s network. Although this applies
to all countries and societies where it differs in Bangladesh is that the alternative institutional structures
that are available in developed countries are not available or even known here. This trend is pervasive in
the market system. Hierarchy norms have created a tendency for market actors to only interact and
build relationships with other market actors that hold a similar social/business status creating social gap
between agribusinesses and poor, smallholder farmers. It results in lack of bridging capital in the system.
That in turn limits businesses’, market systems’ capacity to develop alliances, build customer base,
create pool fund to evolve into a more inclusive market system for inclusive growth which is needed for
any social business in particular.

Valuing consumer demand

Agro-firms sell their products through distributors, and they see these distributors as their direct
customers, and focus any investment in improving transactions and building relationships on the initial
point of sale of their products. Firms are not willing to invest in relationships or transactions with
farmers, as they are perceived as outside of their network due to their lower social status. These are
some of the fall outs from a rigid social hierarchy (Haque and Georgy, 2017). Because the firms do not
see the value of understanding the preferences or buying patterns of farmers, there is little to no
investment in market assessments or consumer demand studies. Different companies are regularly
bringing out new products in the market. Investment in consumer assessments initially, in product
design, and in product rollout is not seriously valued by the agribusiness players because it will then deal
with market actors from lower social rank. Hence a non-binding relationship is created between the
agro-business and the end consumer that hurts the whole sector.

Investing in the distribution channel

Agro-firms do not invest in developing a structured distribution channel. Neither do they enforce quality
control on their distributors. In the seed industry for example, once firms sell to distributors, they
consider their role in the transaction complete, and do not monitor the transactions from the distributor
to retailer to farmer, despite the fact that these transactions have implications on their sales and their
brand image. Agro-businesses could benefit significantly from developing more structured vertical
networks to improve firms’ link to the end consumer. This would allow the farmers to message back

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through the channel their preferences, customer satisfaction, and product needs. Business practices
that result from social hierarchy are reinforced by loyalty norms.

Grant tried to bring the two approaches together which he thinks yields both a broader understanding
of the sector—leading to a clearer sectoral strategy—and a detailed diagnosis of the key transactions
constraining the economic welfare of poor people in the sector.

Figure 4: Converging Methodologies of M4P and GVC

Source: (Grant, 2015)

FOOD SECURITY FROM THE RIGHTS BASED APPROACH

Food security is an important angle in explaining social protection through the social inclusion and
exclusion matrix. This project has a major focus on food security in ensuring the upliftment of
livelihoods. The survey tried to assess all four aspects of food security:
- food availability,
- food accessibility,
- purchasing power (of food), and
- most importantly the nutritional situation of the respondents.

Due to the nature of this investigation it was decided to capture most of the details of food security
through the food consumption score (FCS) that was approved for Bangladesh.

Households are asked to recall the foods they consumed in the previous seven days (see the list of items
in Table 6.1). Each food item is given a score of 0 to 7, depending on the number of days it was
consumed. For example:

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 If potatoes were eaten on three of the last seven days, they are given a frequency score of 3.
 If potatoes were eaten on three of the last seven days, even if they were eaten twice on each of
those days, at two meals, they are still given a frequency score of 3.

As for analysis food items are grouped according to food groups and the frequencies of all the food
items surveyed in each food group are summed. Any summed food group frequency value over 7 is
recoded as 7.

Each food group is assigned a weight, reflecting its nutrient density. For example:
 Beans, peas, groundnuts, and cashew nuts are given a weight of 3, reflecting the high protein
content of beans and peas and the high fat content of nuts.
 Sugar is given a weight of 0.5, reflecting its absence of micronutrients and the fact that it is usually
eaten in relatively small quantities.

For each household, the household food consumption score is calculated by multiplying each food group
frequency by each food group weight, and then summing these scores into one composite score. The
household score can have a maximum value of 112, which implies that each of the food groups was
consumed every day for the last seven days.

The household score is compared with pre-established thresholds that indicate the status of the
Household’s food consumption. WFP finds the following thresholds to be applicable in a wide range of
situations:
 Poor food consumption: 0 to 21 The threshold is different
 Borderline food consumption: 21.5 to 35 for Bangladesh – please see
 Acceptable food consumption: > 35 box below.

These thresholds can be adjusted if there is clear justification for doing so, for example, in populations
where the consumption of sugar and/or oil is frequent among nearly all households surveyed, even
when the consumption of other food groups is rare and the food score is otherwise low. In these cases if
this base diet of oil and sugar is combined only with frequent consumption (7 days’ worth) of a starch
base, the score already arrives at 21. However, this clearly cannot be classified as even a borderline diet.
For this reason the thresholds can be raised from 21 and 35 to 28 and 42 (by adding 7 to each threshold,
this account for the daily consumption of oil and sugar, which gives 7 points to the FCS).

If the consumption of oil and sugar for the overall population is higher, the FCS thresholds should be
changed as follows:
 Poor food consumption: 0 to 28
 Borderline food consumption: 28.5 to 42
 Acceptable food consumption: > 42
Food Security including nutritional security is seen as an integral part of poverty eradication. Hence
economic growth and development of human capital to achieve that end must be considered as a
constituent part of the entire analytical frame.

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Figure 5: Cycle of Economic Growth, Human Capital and Nutrition

Source: Gillespie S. Mason J & Matorrel R. How Nutrition Improves. ACC/SCN, Geneva, 1996.

SOCIAL BUSINESS

The concept of social business was first defined by Nobel Laureate Professor Muhammad Yunus back in
2008. The major point of this business was to address a social issue through business. Since then
entrepreneurs around the world have been implanting this idea to make a positive change. Muhammad
Yunus' vision of social business, for instance, that has its origin in microcredit, is increasingly attracting
global attention. One of the basic principles of social business is that investors and owners can gradually
recoup the money invested, but cannot take any dividend beyond that point. Corporate conglomerates
that are often subject to criticism for their profit maximising behaviours generally seek refuge in
corporate social responsibility or charity to confront their critics. That rather ad hoc and lump-sum
donation might help the poor to some extent but they are less potent that on creating a sustaining and
lasting impact on poverty or other social needs (Islam, 2011). Rather it may create dependency even.
Corporate houses have found social business as a new avenue to spend their money and share their
technology and expertise in more meaningful ways. Such an endeavour could ease social tensions
facilitating the progress of both traditional profit-maximising and social businesses. There are two types
of social businesses. Type 1 focuses on businesses dealing with social objectives only. Eg. The product
produced is for the benefit of the poor. Type 2 can take up any profitable business so long as it is owned
by the poor and the disadvantaged, who can gain through receiving direct dividends or by some indirect
benefits. Eg. The product could be produced by the poor but exported to an international market while
net profits would go towards workers benefits.

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A social entrepreneur identifies and solves social problems on a large scale. Just as business
entrepreneurs create and transform whole industries, social entrepreneurs act as the change agents for
society, seizing opportunities others miss in order to improve systems, invent and disseminate new
approaches and advance sustainable solutions that create social value. Social entrepreneurs primarily
seek to generate "social value" rather than profits. And unlike the majority of non-profit organizations,
their work is targeted not only towards immediate, small- scale effects, but sweeping, long-term change.
A social business is outside the profit-seeking world. Its goal is to solve a social problem by using
business methods, including the creation and sale of products or services (Islam, 2011).

Social business is a non-loss and non-divided company dedicated entirely to achieve a social goal.
Examples of social businesses under the umbrella of the Grameen brand:
- Grameen Danone, for example is working to solve the problem of malnutrition by selling affordable
yogurt fortified with micro nutrients.
- Grameen Veolia Water addresses the problem of arsenic-contaminated drinking water at a price the
poor can afford. It develops a way to provide access to safe drinking water for rural Bangladeshis.
- Grameen Creative Lab (GCL) in Wiesbaden, Germany.
- Grameen Shikkha (Grameen Education).
- Grameen Healthcare Services Ltd.(GHS).
- Grameen-Adidas social venture aims to minimize the barefootedness problem by producing shoes
that cost no more than one euro.
- Grameen-BASF is planning to produce mosquito nets.

Hans Reitz, a director of the Grameen Creative Lab (GCL) in Wiesbaden, Germany helped Yunus to
formulate the seven principles of social business:
1. Business objective will be to overcome poverty, or one or more problems (such as education,
health, technology access, and environment) which threaten people and society; not profit
maximization.
2. Financial and economic sustainability
3. Investors get back their investment amount only. No dividend is given beyond investment
money
4. When investment amount is paid back, company profit stays with the company for expansion
and improvement
5. Gender sensitive and environmentally conscious
6. Workforce gets market wage with better working conditions
7. ...do it with joy

Countries such as Germany, Italy, and Japan are implementing social business at such a large scale that
their cities, for example Wiesbaden, Luxemburg and Fukuoka, are being called social business cities (The
Daily Star, August 21, 2015). Bangladesh is considered the pioneer as it was the first country where
social business was first established.

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SOCIAL CAPITAL

Along the line of ‘good governance’ and ‘civil society’, Social Capital has become a useful concept in the
discipline of development studies and in the circles of development practitioners.
“At the heart of the social development approach is an understanding that the
behaviour of each of us is determined not just by economic rationalism. Each person's
response to the development challenge is also shaped by the society, culture and
historical moment in which he or she lives. In analysing society and culture we recognise
that the behaviour of individuals is determined by structures and networks of social
relationships and obligation - and by shared knowledge and values.” (ODA, 1993).

Social capital is that sum total of cooperation and networking that yields benefit when needed (Azad,
2001). In a country like Bangladesh people in rural or urban areas often relies on social capital rather
than government or other institutional schemes afforded by non-profit or other charitable organizations
to alleviate their suffering. It is a relationship of give and take in a humane way where one comes to aid
the other be it neighbor, be it community member, be it relative, be it family, be it people from same
creed or workplace or friend circle.

SOCIAL PROTECTION – THROUGH THE LENSES OF SOCIAL INCLUSION VS. SOCIAL EXCLUSION

Poverty has to be seen from two angles that encompasses the process of poverty as well. It needs to be
understood from the rights based approach where a lack of right to informed choice in decisions and
exercises pursuant to economic, social and political fields. It also needs to be seen as arising out and
condition of deprivation (Sen, B., 2009). However, in both the angles, the key factors are vulnerability
and risk. Social protection is an agenda primarily for reducing vulnerability and managing the risk of low-
income individuals, households and communities with regard to basic consumption and social services.
Vulnerability has to be mitigated in order to reduce poverty, which in turn ensures development with
protection.

Experts are divided based on their discipline and development perspective. While Bangladesh has more
than 80 formal social protection policies for vulnerable groups, it often fails to reach the target
population due to lack of proper mechanism, politicisation of the process, corruption and so on.
Consequently, poor people have to rely heavily on achieving various forms of informal social protection.
Again, if we look at poverty – protection from a macro-economic perspective, successive governments
here have done well to put in place elaborate social protection measures to address hunger, chronic
destitution and certain aspects of severe vulnerabilities. However, the focus has mainly been on
absolute poverty. Tackling relative poverty and how social protection can help it, is something that
needs more serious attention now (Azad, 2017).

In MDGs decent work was merely a subcomponent of Poverty Eradication goal. In SDG,
however, decent work is at the fore (SDG 8): “Promote sustained, inclusive and sustainable

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economic growth, full and productive employment and decent work for all”, and it is also
mainstreamed across the Agenda (ILO, 2016).

Here are some of the key discussions on social exclusion that is relevant to this evaluation. UN
identified (2007) social exclusion as a collective sum or combination of the following conditions
where an individual is either unable or restricted structurally or socially to participate:
a) Social identity, such as race, ethnicity, caste, religion, gender and age;
b) Social location, such as remote areas, stigmatized areas, war or conflict areas;
c) Social status, including the health situation (disability, illness of HIV/AIDS and other stigmatizing
diseases), migrant status (including refugees/statelessness), occupation and level of education.

The following table helps us to understand the dimensions of social exclusion in its different definitional
approaches. Table: A shows the focuses of social exclusion discourse as on processes, people and
environment.

Table 9: Classification of Social Exclusion

Definition Class Definition Title Explanation

Exclusion is the state of being excluded
Conditions and Processes
and the process of becoming excluded
There are different sources and different
Multi-dimensional processes working dynamically to cause
Process
social exclusion
The processes and results of exclusion are
Connectivity joined up and compound each other in a
vicious cycle
The breakdown of social ties between
Social Relationship people and a community that does not
work, inhibits participation in society
People
Exclusion can be conceived of in terms of
The Excluded individuals, groups or society as a whole,
however, it affects everyone
Exclusion is primarily from the labour
Economics and the Labour
market and stems from economic
Market
restructuring and a lack of risk-taking
Exclusion occurs with the breakdown of
Environment Social Systems social systems: social, economic,
institutional, territorial and symbolic
Social exclusion is seen as either a lack of
Resources and Prospects resources or a lack of prospects, and is,
therefore, involuntary
Source: Farrington, 2002.

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The analysis of social exclusion needs to be on a multidimensional level covering social, economic,
cultural and political situations (Islam and Nath, 2012). Such an approach can lead to an understanding
of the various aspects and mechanisms that lead to a situation of being excluded from active life and
social action in general.

The following flow chart will explain in details what social exclusion entails at the micro level for an
individual within a specific community. As seen in this chart, macro and meso level risk factors can
effectively create a milieu of social exclusion where structural barriers to inclusion are translated
through process orientations in policy and bureaucratic/administrative implementations.

Figure 6: Contextual risk factors propelling social exclusion

Source: Jehoel-Gijsbers and Vrooman, 2007.

A detailed discussion on policy responses (Table: B) to such specific social exclusion realities is found in
Farrington. It is both instructive and directional. For the purpose of clarity we detail out the following
matrix for social exclusion and/or inclusion.

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Social Exclusion / Inclusion Matrix to understand how social protection schemes would work:

 Socio-economic profile
o Age
o Occupation
o Family Member
Endowment set
o Family Member's Occupation
o Family Income range
o Level of Education
o Skill Training
o Community Involvement
o Land ownership status

 Access to Civic amenities

o Drinking Water
o Sanitation (Sewerage & Drainage System)
o Gas
o Electricity
o Garbage Disposal
Entitlement set
o Bazar
o Bus Station
 Access to Economic Institution
o Livelihood Options
o Access to alternative (other than traditional occupation obtained) livelihood option
o Access to credit facility from GO/NGO source
 Access to Social Services
o Health
o Education
o Government institutions
o NGO activities
 Access to Legal institution
o Police
o Court
 Access to Political Institution
o Vote
o Involvement in political activities
o Community connection to local government

 Social/economic challenges
o segregation Entitlement Mapping
o Untouchability
o Livelihood option
o Income difference with mainstream non-excluded people
o Awareness on legal rights

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o Capacity Building
 Community
 Mobility Mapping

Social Protection (Social Exclusion / Inclusion) and SDGs

Bangladesh’s SDG commitment warrants it to look into the following goals on social exclusion.

Goal 1: End poverty in all its forms everywhere

Goal 2: End hunger, achieve food security and improved nutrition,
and promote sustainable agriculture
Goal 3: Ensure Healthy lives and promote well-being for all at all ages
Goal 4: Ensure inclusive and equitable quality education and
promote life-long learning opportunities for all
Goal 5: Achieve gender equality and empower all women and girls
Goal 6: Ensure availability and sustainable management of water and sanitation
Goal 7: Ensure access to affordable, sustainable, reliable and modern energy for all
Goal 8: Promote sustained, inclusive and sustainable economic growth, full and
productive employment and decent work for all
Goal 9: Build resilient infrastructure, promote inclusive and sustainable
industrialization and foster innovation
Goal 10: Reduce inequality within and among countries
Goal 11: Make cities and human settlements inclusive, safe, resilient, sustainable
Goal 12: Ensure sustainable consumption and production patterns
Goal 13: Take urgent action to combat climate change and its impacts
Goal 14: Conserve and sustainably use the oceans, seas and
marine resources for sustainable development
Goal 15: Protect, restore and promote sustainable use of terrestrial ecosystems,
sustainably manage forests, combat desertification, and
halt and reverse land degradation and halt biodiversity loss

This report takes note of these SDG goals and assesses, investigates the relevant issues in relation to
social exclusion of respondents.

Social Protection through Social Exclusion and Inclusion in 7th Five Year Plan of GoB

The government of Bangladesh has given specific priority to the socially excluded and aims to bring
them under inclusion programmes by the government under its 7th five year plan.

In addition to women, vulnerable populations in Bangladesh encompasses different social groups such
as children, elderly, ethnic and religious minorities, people with disabilities or physical impairments and
low caste groups. All these heterogeneous groups are generally vulnerable to extreme poverty, natural

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disasters, and other external shocks that may impact their well-being. Likewise, their access to health
and nutrition services is often restricted and their education participation and achievement tends to be
low. Therefore the different needs and priorities of these social groups must be taken into account
when planning to eradicate poverty and improve Human Resource Development. Empowerment
through increased participation in the various spheres of a society is the most efficient and inclusive way
to do so. This positively reinforces the development of a nation and strengthens economic growth both
directly and indirectly, in addition to increasing social stability and the well-being of its citizens.

Through the Constitution of the People’s Republic of Bangladesh, the Government is committed to
eliminating all kind of social exclusion. This is a long term agenda and continuous efforts are needed.

The following population groups and issues are specifically targeted by 7th five year plan of GoB in the
context of social exclusion which are related to this study:
- Children (health, education, empowerment, Child labour, Child abuse)
- Ethnic Communities
- Dalits and Extreme Poor Groups
- Sexual Minority Groups
- Persons with Disabilities (PWD)
- Food and nutrition
- Access to water and sanitation
- Birth registration and child marriage
- Land rights
- Labour Mobility

The Seventh Plan strategy for inclusion is based on implementation of the Constitution of the People’s
Republic of Bangladesh that provides equal rights and opportunities to all citizens irrespective of race,
religion, caste, creed or profession. It will build on the positive lessons of experience of the Sixth Plan
while focusing special attention to those areas where progress has been more limited. (GoB, 2015)

Structure and Nature of a matrix appropriate for the IFSL Project:

This evaluation survey and report takes into account the above discussion on definitions and approaches
to social exclusion. It creates its own structure to track social protection1 through lenses of social
inclusion vs. exclusion matrix as per the context of poverty, vulnerability and agency development and
aspirations. A cross section of population was selected without limiting with preconditions to check for
the impact of social protection initiatives taken up by this project.

A. Representation in institutional mechanism of accessing entitlement package (or lack thereof)

i. Information seeking behavior vis-à-vis institutions

1
This is, however, not an exhaustive process but was followed as an indicative one only because such a detailed investigation is
beyond the purview of the survey.

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ii. Access to Information – knowledge, attitude, practice

iii. Knowledge on redressal / grievance mechanism
iv. Use of Information to create opportunities to get into institutions/organizations/CBOS
v. Support or Barriers from GoB officials/stakeholders in gaining access to institutions
vi. Direct benefit from access to organizations / decision making process
vii. Access to org./CBOs helping in migration process
viii. Who (who does not) gains access to institutions, why and how?

B. Social support (or lack thereof)

i. Access to social network (membership or access to decision making groups – CBOs, comm.
elderly group, youth volunteers’ group)
ii. Social isolation (stigma / discrimination – race, gender, ethnic lines…)
iii. Access to community resources (water and sanitation, school, open space –
park/playground, primary health care support,… )
iv. Partnership with key stakeholders (public safety, development, cultural engagement, etc…)

C. Structural support (or lack thereof)

i. Social rights (access to amenities / provisions –
a) Housing (scarcity of resources)
b) Healthcare (scarcity of enabling resources)
c) employment / low income (scarcity of resources)
d) limiting illness / disability (scarcity of enabling resources)
e) education – literacy / numeracy (scarcity of enabling resources)
f) food security (scarcity of resources)
ii. Debt problem – cyclical?
iii. Access to / availability of legal aid
iv. Access to banking facilities
v. Mobility – availability of transport (proximity / remoteness)
vi. Connectivity (communication) – phone / internet (digital divide)

SUSTAINABLE LIVELIHOODS APPROACH

Different definitions of livelihood are found in the development discourse. A simple and functional one
is offered below:
'A livelihood comprises people, their capabilities and their means of living, including food,
income and assets. Tangible assets are resources and stores, and intangible assets are claims and
access to facilities / benefits.
A livelihood is environmentally sustainable when it maintains or enhances the local and global
assets in which livelihoods depend, and has net beneficial effects on other livelihoods.
A livelihood is socially sustainable which can cope with and recover from stress and shocks, and
provide for future generations.'

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– Chambers and Conway (1991)

Livelihood Approach
The Sustainable Livelihoods Approach (SLA) was developed in the 1980s and has been evolving since
then. It is used by a number of development agencies such as UNDP and UK Aid, CARE, Oxfam.

In the LEP Project, PROSHIKA presents the classic formulation of livelihood approach by Carney and
Ashley 2000. The sustainable livelihood approaches evolved as a mapping of the poor peoples’ living,
the importance of structural and institutional issues. The principles of the concept are:

People – centred: Sustainable poverty elimination will be achieved only if external support focuses on
peoples’ concerns. Understanding about the need-based segmentation among people within the
context of their current livelihood strategies, social environment and ability to adapt, is key for
success.

Responsive and participatory: Poor people themselves must be the key actors in identifying and
addressing livelihood priorities. Outsiders need processes that will enable them to listen and
respond to the poor.

Multi-level: Poverty elimination is an enormous challenge that will only be overcome by working at
multiple levels, ensuring that micro-level activity informs the development of policy and an effective
enabling environment, and that micro – level structures and processes support people to build upon
their own strengths.

Conducted in partnership: With both the public and private sector.

Sustainable: There are four key dimensions to sustainability – economic, institutional, social and
environmental sustainability. All are important and a balance must be found between them.

Dynamic: External support must recognise the dynamic nature of existing livelihood strategies, respond
flexibly to changes in peoples’ situation and the catalytic variables and develop long-term
commitments.

To operationalise the concept of "sustainable livelihoods", the UK Department for International

Development has developed a framework to understand and analyse the livelihoods of the poor (Figure
3).

The understanding of the poor's assets, in terms of human, natural, physical, financial and social
capitals, and strategies to cope with external factors such as shocks, trends and seasonality (i.e.
vulnerability context) and institutional, commercial and cultural structures and processes, can provide
avenues to target development strategies more adequately to the poor and support them to achieve
new livelihood outcomes.

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Figure 7: Sustainable Livelihood Approach (SLA)

Source: Curney, 1998 in DfID Report on Gender-Responsive Aquaculture Policy, Produced as a paper for workshop
on May 2-3, 2000, for Asian Institute of Technology, Bangkok, Thailand

DFID's sustainable livelihood (SL) framework is an evolutionary (Ashley & Carney, 1999) and analytical
tool to improve our understanding of the complexity of livelihoods while assisting in the identification of
suitable 'entry points' for external support that are congruent with vulnerable people's survival
strategies and priorities (Farrington, et.al., 1999).

Figure 8. Entry Points and Livelihood change

Source: Dorward et. al., Asset Functions and Livelihood Strategies: A Framework for Pro-Poor Analysis, Policy and
Practice. Contributed Paper To EAAE Seminar On Livelihoods And Rural Poverty, September 2001.

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The entry points clearly indicate the role external or catalytic forces should play in case of an attempt to
facilitation at the grassroots level. Sen’s ‘entitlement’ with endowment (set of resources) and exchange
(set of relationship) is vital to ensure flourish of a livelihood. These resources will include material,
human, social and common property resources. A key concept that can easily merge with the structure
and nature of a matrix appropriate for the IFSL project put out on page: 49.

This evaluation presumes that the entry points in the rural areas are very much neglected. There is
hardly any coordinated effort from all concerned to prop up these entry points. The emerging insecurity
and unchanged or worsening situation of poverty and lack of access to basic rights, benefits / amenities
/ facilities, all deepens the vulnerability of the victims of riverbank erosion. These are the vital areas
where NGOs can essentially contribute as part of their corporate responsibility. In Figure 5, IDS’s
formulation of sustainable rural livelihoods framework is presented. It has a holistic nature and covers a
wide range of aspects embedded in the social relational setting.

Figure 9. Sustainable Rural Livelihoods Framework, Institute of Development Studies (IDS), University of Sussex, UK

Source: Solesbury, William, June 2003, Sustainable Livelihoods: A Case Study of the Evolution of DFID Policy,
Working Paper 217, Overseas Development Institute, UK.

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Framework for a Livelihood Study

Livelihood studies are generally used to cluster information along several analytical categories:

Context – social, economic, political and environmental dimensions,

conditions and trends.
Livelihood resources – financial, natural, physical, human, political and social capital
Institutional Processes
and Organisational Structures – GO, civil society, private sector
Livelihood Strategies – productive and exchange activities and coping strategies
Livelihood outcomes – food security, health security, habitat security, education
security, safety and environmental security

Livelihood Approach vs. Rights Based Approach

Adopting a livelihood approach does not mean that the study abandons the rights based approach of
research and activism. Interestingly this livelihood approach does not dismiss or contradict the existing
development practice with a rights based approach.

As the LEP study points out, a rights based approach encompasses notion and action on empowerment,
equality of entitlement, dignity, justice and respect for all people. It encourages poor people to assert
and demand services actively, directly, based on their own priorities. This in turn develops self-esteem
and promotes agency of the people at the lower rung. This approach sees that the existing and
developing mechanisms to redress wrongs or injustice in the society are actively nurtured and utilised.

Within this approach, DfID identifies three underlying principles:

Participation: enabling people to realise their rights to participate in, and get access to information
relating to the decision-making processes, which affect their lives.
Inclusion: building socially inclusive societies, based on the values of equality and non-discrimination,
through development that promotes all human rights for all people.
Fulfilling obligation: strengthening institutions and policies that ensure that obligations to protect and
promote the realisation of all human rights are fulfilled by states and other duty barriers.

Approach taken in this Evaluation

It is our contention that developing the livelihood approach “in public policy implementation” and in
mitigating the sufferings of the riverbank erosion affected and displaced people would require a bearing
of rights based perspective. Because the IFSL project is working in districts where actual or migrated
riverbank erosion affected and displaced people are often paupers and marginalised, hence located at
the lowest rung of the society. This will help enhance a process of self-sustaining social justice and non-
discrimination in even the remote char areas.

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Useful for the Target Group of an Evaluation of a development project

For the purpose of this evaluation, we recap some of the key features of sustainable livelihoods
approach (SLA). It prioritises the following:
– people's assets (tangible and intangible);
– their ability to withstand shocks (the vulnerability context);
– policies and institutions that reflect poor people's priorities, rather than those of the elite.

Figure 10. Components and Flows in a Livelihood

Source: Chambers, R. and Conway, Gordon R.

(December 1991), Sustainable Rural Livelihoods:
st
Practical Concepts for the 21 Century, IDS
Discussion Paper 296.

 Using the SLA frame work we can conclude:

– ‘Poor’ is a non homogenous category in Bangladesh (access to resources and exposure to risk is
different for even different households)
– Using poverty ranking of previous studies we can divide poor of these areas into three categories

Segmentization of population for livelihood scheme

Some studies and social / development research has categorised and segmented their subjects of
research in the following manner. This study finds it useful.

Social poor – moderate or tomorrows’ poor

(have some land and can meet up to 6 months of food security from their own
production;
have good ties with relatively better off families;
can secure employment; and
can access credit in times of crises)

Helpless poor – marginal or extreme poor

(Functionally landless in terms of homestead;
could meet food security for 2 months through sharecropping;
both male/female sell their labour during the off and peak seasons;

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lack of link to wealthier families

– limited access to (timely) credit
– limited access to (timely) employment)

Bottom poor – poorest of the poor

(have no land and lives on borrowed or common land;
they have food insecurity round the year;
have 1 meal per day during the lean season;
children do not go to school;
have a single set of clothes;
work as wage labour round the year;
sell labour in advance / pledge labour;
have very low social capital – no access to credit during crisis)

There are, however, other segmentisation / category groups used by different organisations. These are:
very poor, primary poor, chronic poor, absolute poor, relative poor, hardcore poor and so on. Of these,
different development organisations have their own pet terms to define the extreme poor or often said
to be the ultra poor. Examples are:
DfID – extreme poor BRAC – ultra poor and destitute
World Bank – bottom poor BIDS – extreme poor
Proshika – extreme poor UN, OECD &
CARE – extreme poor Amartya Sen – absolute poor
RDRS – hardcore ultra poor

What do all these categorisations mean and lead ultimately? When we check with the definitions they
offer (for quick reference, LEP Study by IMEC, PROSHIKA), these definitions are often based on ideas and
stereotyping associated with land holding, calorie / food intake, number of income earning member,
access to loans (institutional / non-institutional), access to NGO membership, access to healthcare and
medication, low interaction with other social groups, both men and women of a household sell labour
round the year, begging for living, women with disabled husband, female headed household with a
single earner, dependent on manual labour do not have bargaining power, lives in a jhupri, i.e. thatched
house, per capita income of 2,800 tk. (as estimated in around 2002), chronic food insecurity and so on.

These are interesting as some of these goes against key themes for advocacy for gender empowerment.
For example, why should selling labour round the year by a woman or a woman with disabled husband
or a female-headed household with a single earner is considered as a weakness and as in a condition of
vulnerability? If we observe closely, there are reasons why these people could be considered as ultra
poor or hard core poor. The social context in rural Bangla has to be brought into perception. As the LEP
study points out following Narayan et. al, 2000, creation of social exclusion can be possible through
various means and conditions and antecedents. These include:
Geography
Entry barrier
Intimidation

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Corruption
Physical violence

WOMEN’S AGENCY – EMPOWERMENT IN THE CONTEXT OF SAMAJ (COMMUNITY/SOCIETY)

Women’s empowerment should lead to the liberation of both men and women from patriarchal world
view. It should lead to a situation where each one can become a whole being regardless of gender, and
use their fullest potential to construct a more humane society for all (Akhtar 1992 quoted in Batliwala
1994: 131). The current popularity of the term empowerment in development discourse coincides with
recent questioning of the efficacy of central planning and the role of ‘the state’, and moves by donor
governments and multilateral funding agencies to embrace NGOs as partners in development. Political
and institutional problems have gained prominence on the development agenda with a focus on human
rights, good governance and participation. (Razavi and Miller, 1995)

Women's empowerment is central to overall human development. Human development, as a process of

enlarging people’s choices, cannot occur when the choices of half of humanity or “the fifty percent” are
restricted. Targeted actions aimed at empowering women and righting gender inequities in the social
and economic sphere, as well as in terms of civil and political rights, must be taken alongside efforts to
en-gender the development process.

In line with affirmative action strategies followed worldwide for the last fifty years or more, gender
mainstreaming means being deliberate in giving visibility and support to women’s contributions rather
than making the assumption that women will benefit equally from gender-neutral development
interventions. Policies and programmes that ignore differential impact on gender groups are often
gender-blind or insensitive, i.e., potentially harmful for ultimate human development. Gender
mainstreaming requires a focus on results to improve the well-being of women. In the context of the
developing world and for a country like Bangladesh it has to be more geared to focus the poor women.

Specifying Indicators based on the need of education in empowering women

When we talk about the impact of education on empowering women we need to discuss new set of
indicators that will help us track their empowerment in specific issue areas.

For example, if we are designing education to help equip the women to claim their legal rights then the
education system / curricula should include:
topics of legal protection, legal justifications of women’s entitlements,
introduction to protection providers – authorities,
legal awareness – meaning of justice,
intro on justice system,
steps involved in starting a legal procedures,
adjudication – perception of justice system as a victim or complainant,
perception of effectiveness of justice system in preventing

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recurrence in crime,
mediation methods, dispute resolution scopes

The appropriate government agency needs to decide in which layer of the life cycle of a person they will
incorporate these issues.

Labor force participation rate has been at around 59% with that of females at around 30-35% only
(Mahmood & Bidisha, 2016). According to World Bank, gender differential in Bangladesh was striking,
with young women constituting the majority of unemployed young NEETs (not in employment,
education or training) in Bangladesh. “More young women than young men are in vulnerable
employment. The greatest proportion of women in vulnerable employment can be seen in Bangladesh
(90%). Eighty percent of young women are at home and not in the labour force. Two-thirds of young
women are NEET, and two-thirds of school drop outs are women. Some 36% of urban youth and 42% of
rural youth are NEET. Some 25% of young women who are working are employed in agriculture. Parents
may view early marriage as a logical choice for females when fewer income-earning opportunities are
open to them.

Kabeer, et al. (2011) identifies female participation in labour force in Bangladesh is as follows:
- Formal/semi-formal work: 4 per cent. This category is mainly made up of export garment (35 per
cent) and other factory workers (10 per cent), teachers (19 per cent), NGO staff (16 per cent),
nurses, paramedics and other health workers (9 per cent) and insurance field workers (4 per cent).
- Informal work outside the boundaries of the home: 9 per cent. This encompasses a larger range of
activities, including paid domestic work, agricultural and non-agricultural wage labour, petty trade
and services.
- Informal paid work within the home: 46 per cent. The largest of our categories, this work consists of
livestock and poultry rearing, handicrafts etc., from which some income is earned.
- ‘Expenditure-saving’ activities: 18 per cent. Various forms of subsistence activities oriented to
directly meeting the household’s needs, although the women might engage in occasional small sales
of their products.
- ‘Economically inactive’: 22 per cent. Women who reported neither paid nor unpaid productive
activity as a primary occupation.

Key objectives of the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development include gender equality and women’s
empowerment. Indicators of women’s empowerment like: control over income, mobility in the public
domain, participation in public life, attitudes and perceptions, paid work are important. Kabeer, et al. in
their work shows that it is the nature of women’s paid work, rather than the simple fact of earning
money, that has the potential to bring about shifts in gender relations: in terms of how women view
themselves and how they are viewed by others, as well as in their capacity for voice and agency. Their
work of course also shows that the empowerment potential of paid work has costs. Forms of work that
empower women also leave them vulnerable to harassment and abuse because it takes them into the
public domain. It can involve considerable levels of stress and take a toll on their health: this is
particularly true of women in informal outside work. There is little evidence though that the gender

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division of labour in unpaid domestic chores and childcare has changed with women’s greater
breadwinning responsibilities.

It is evident that while access to certain forms of paid work has had a number of positive impacts on
women’s voice and agency; it does not seem to have done a great deal to promote women’s capacity to
participate in the collective affairs of the community or in public protests against injustice (Kabeer, et al.
2011).

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