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 Journal of Lesbian Studies

ISSN: 1089-4160 (Print) 1540-3548 (Online) Journal homepage: https://www.tandfonline.com/loi/wjls20

Being White Helps: Intersections of Self-

Concealment, Stigmatization, Identity Formation,
and Psychological Distress in Racial and Sexual
Minority Women

Shannon L. McIntyre , Erica A. Antonucci & Sara C. Haden

To cite this article: Shannon L. McIntyre , Erica A. Antonucci & Sara C. Haden (2014) Being White
Helps: Intersections of Self-Concealment, Stigmatization, Identity Formation, and Psychological
Distress in Racial and Sexual Minority Women, Journal of Lesbian Studies, 18:2, 158-173, DOI:
10.1080/10894160.2014.867400

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Journal of Lesbian Studies, 18:158–173, 2014
Copyright © Taylor & Francis Group, LLC
ISSN: 1089-4160 print / 1540-3548 online
DOI: 10.1080/10894160.2014.867400

Being White Helps: Intersections

of Self-Concealment, Stigmatization,
Identity Formation, and Psychological
Distress in Racial and Sexual Minority Women

SHANNON L. MCINTYRE
Psychology Department, Long Island University, Brooklyn, New York, USA
ERICA A. ANTONUCCI
Psychology Department, SUNY Westchester Community College, Valhalla, New York, USA
SARA C. HADEN
Psychology Department, Long Island University, Brooklyn, New York, USA

This study had two objectives: (1) examine the impact of self-
concealment on identity formation and on degree of psychological
distress and (2) examine the impact of perceived stigma on identity
formation and on degree of psychological distress. Analyses were
conducted on a diverse sample of 166 women, ages 18–32 (white
lesbian, non-white lesbian, white heterosexual, and non-white het-
erosexual). Findings revealed that self-concealment was positively
associated with psychological distress in stigmatized women, but
unrelated to psychological distress in the non-stigmatized group.
Furthermore, although perceived stigma negatively impacted iden-
tity formation in the heterosexual groups, it did not impact either
group of lesbians. Finally, non-white heterosexual women’s percep-
tion of stigma was associated with psychological distress. Implica-
tions and specific psychological health disparities between groups
are discussed.

KEYWORDS self-concealment, racial minority, lesbian, psy-

chological distress, identity commitment, identity exploration,
stigmatization

Address correspondence to Sara C. Haden, Psychology Department, Long Island Univer-

sity, 1 University Plaza, Brooklyn, NY 11201. E-mail: Sara.Haden@liu.edu

158
 Being White Helps 159

The concept of privilege implies that one group acquires unearned benefits
over another (Sidanius & Pratto, 1999). “White privilege” is often studied by
psychologists at the macro-level—focusing on the social norms that sustain
the privilege (e.g., Johnson, 2006) and examining the effects of privilege
for in-group and out-group members (e.g., Knowles & Peng, 2005). More
recently psychologists have focused on the internal experience of the priv-
ileged group (e.g., guilt related to perceiving white privilege, Case, 2007).
Race has been the most commonly studied domain of privilege, but research
has also begun to explore other domains, including sexual orientation. In
Allen’s (1995) discussion of coming out in the classroom, she notes that in-
dividuals without “heterosexual privilege” (i.e., non-heterosexuals) are often
defined by their sexual orientation and experience prejudices that go along
with the lack of heterosexual privilege. In other words, a lesbian psychology
professor may be perceived as a lesbian first (not as an expert in psychology
or a professor) and viewed therefore as politically biased, more mascu-
line, and perhaps even a “man-hater.” Yet few studies have examined how
the absence of white and heterosexual privilege impact a woman’s well-
being and development. Understanding intersections of different domains
of privileged groups—and underprivileged groups—helps to elucidate the
internal experiences of individuals who cope with several dimensions of
identity.
Rather than focusing on the social norms that drive and sustain privilege,
the current study examines the internal experience of women in privileged
and underprivileged, racial and sexual orientation, domains. We speculated
that perceived stigma and self-concealment are two responses to marginal-
ization that impact people’s sense of self (or ego identity) and their degree
of psychological distress (i.e., self-reported symptoms).

LITERATURE REVIEW
Identity Formation
Erikson (1968) posited that people’s ego identity or sense of self is deter-
mined by responses to eight different life-cycle crises, each challenging in-
dividuals to develop new capacities for social interaction. If people are able
to respond adaptively to these “crucial period[s] of increased vulnerability
and heightened potential” (Erikson, 1968, p. 96), they are likely to develop
a stable “achieved identity,” marked by the attainment of new capacities for
social interaction over time. If individuals are unable to respond adaptively,
they do not develop new capacities for social interaction, and an unstable
“diffuse identity” is the result (Erikson, 1959). Based on Erikson’s idea, Marcia
(1966) devised an identity status paradigm, focusing on identity formation
as a task. Proper completion of this “task” necessitates identity exploration,
defined by the active questioning of one’s beliefs and goals, and identity
160 S. L. McIntyre et al.

commitment, defined by one’s personal investment in said beliefs and goals.

Different levels of exploration and commitment combine to determine four
distinct identity statuses. For instance, people develop an “achieved status”
by exploring their identity and then making a commitment to that identity.
Or exploration and commitment can be examined continuously, with every
individual having some “levels” of each.
This study focuses on the process of identity formation during one
of Erikson’s (1950) proposed stages: intimacy versus isolation. This stage
reaches its peak at the age of 30, when individuals either obtain the capacity
to build meaningful and lasting relationships with others or fall into isola-
tion. The current study proposes that at this crucial time, identity formation
will progress differently for sexually stigmatized women. While heterosex-
ual orientation is culturally expected and thus not necessary to proclaim,
identifying as lesbian necessitates disclosing one’s sexual identity to others,
or “coming out” (Cass, 1984)—a process often wrought with stress (Iwasaki
& Ristock, 2007). In an effort to avoid such stress, lesbians may engage in
self-concealment.

Self-Concealment
Self-concealment is formally defined as “a predisposition to actively con-
ceal from others personal information that one perceives as distressing or
negative” (Larson & Chastain, 1990, p. 440). Motivation to self-conceal may
spring from the extent to which individuals believe they are stigmatized, or
would be stigmatized, if they were to disclose personal information (Goff-
man, 1963). In a large study comparing rates of victimization in lesbian, gay,
and bisexual (LGB) individuals to those of their heterosexual siblings, LGB
individuals reported significantly higher rates of surviving psychological, sex-
ual, and physical violence (Balsam, Rothblum, & Beauchaine, 2005). Lesbians
hide their sexual orientation, at least in part, to protect themselves from such
harm (D’Augelli & Grossman, 2001). Goffman (1963) proposed that people
who possess a visible stigma, such as race, use self-concealment in order
to cover the felt differences between themselves and others. For example, a
racially stigmatized individual may laugh at a racist joke, while covertly dis-
agreeing with it. In this way, the individual draws attention away from the
stigma, and places the focus on the interaction. Finally, self-concealment
may be particularly tempting for “triple minority” participants (e.g., les-
bian women of color) who contend with racism, sexism, and homophobia
(Greene, 1994).
Yet individuals who self-conceal are more prone to states of depres-
sion and anxiety (Larson & Chastian, 1990) and lesbians who self-conceal
are more prone to experiencing stress (DiPlacido, 1998). In a sample of
LGB participants, self-concealment seemed to inhibit the formation of a
mature and stable sense of self (Potoczniak, Aldea, & DeBlaere, 2007).
 Being White Helps 161

Conversely, the coming out process has been associated with more positive
mental health, and heightened feelings of authenticity (Vaughn & Waehler,
2010). Perhaps as a result, lesbians and gay men who have “come out”
are more likely to have an achieved identity (or sense of self) than their
heterosexual counterparts (Konik & Stewart, 2004). A limitation of the afore-
mentioned studies is that they sampled predominantly white participants,
thereby reflecting the impact of self-concealment and self-disclosure on
those with white privilege. It remains unclear how self-concealment op-
erates for women without white privilege, even though self-concealment is
perhaps utilized even more heavily by racial minority and triple minorityof
women.

Perceived Stigma
Goffman (1963) focused on the social context of stigma and defined it as any
attribute perceived as discrediting. Three dimensions have been shown to
be important when examining a stigmatized identity (Deaux, Reid, Mizrahi,
& Ethier, 1995; Frable, 1993). The first is concealability, the extent to which
a stigma is visible to the outside world; the second is peril, the extent to
which a stigma is deemed dangerous; and the third is the origin, the ba-
sis of one’s stigmatized identity (Dovidio, Major, & Crocker, 2003). Race
and sexual identity generally share a commonality in terms of peril. Both
identities are seen as potentially dangerous (e.g., lesbians and gay men
are seen as a threat to marriage and family, and people of color are of-
ten thought of as violent; Dovidio et al., 2003). However, similar to stig-
mas associated with obesity and rape—and opposed to those associated
with cancer and heart disease—homosexual identity is considered to be an
identity one has control over. Furthermore, stigmas that are perceived to
be controllable have been found to elicit more negative reactions than those
viewed as uncontrollable (Menec & Perry, 1998; Weiner, Perry, & Magnusson,
1988).
Models of homosexual identity formation (Cass, 1984) and ethnic iden-
tity development (Phinney, 1989) emphasize the challenge inherent in trying
to commit to an identity that is stigmatized by society. This challenge is
likely exacerbated for those with multiple stigmatized identities. While white
lesbians may often work through the stigma related to their sexual identity
in a linear way, with the end product being coming out of the closet, this
process likely varies for women of different races (King, 2009). For instance,
lesbian women of color may feel pressure to choose between expressing
their cultural identity and their sexual identity (Greene, 1994). In order to
better understand how identity formation is impacted for stigmatized women,
a more in-depth exploration of the impact of perceived stigma on identity
formation is needed.
162 S. L. McIntyre et al.

Psychological Distress
Psychological distress encompasses the emotional and behavioral symp-
toms that interfere with one’s functioning. When one considers the threat
of stigmatization, it is no surprise that stigmatized women are at a greater
risk of experiencing depression and anxiety compared to non-stigmatized
women (e.g., Greene, 1994; Kim, Bryant, & Parmelee, 2012; Mays, Cochran,
& Roeder, 2003). Perhaps it is also not surprising that positive mental health
outcomes (e.g., greater happiness, contentment, stronger daily functioning)
are often found in those who possess white privilege (Hughes & Thomas,
1998; Jackson et al., 2004).

PRESENT STUDY

Identity research conducted within the lesbian and gay population in recent
years suggests that coming out results in a more robust sense of self (Konik
& Stewart, 2004), and heightened levels of wellbeing (Vaughn & Waehler,
2010). However, because these studies primarily sampled white participants,
they capture what is likely to be a more linear “coming out” process facili-
tated by white privilege (King, 2009). As such, it remains unclear how identity
formation operates for triple minority women, despite research demonstrat-
ing that triple minority women are more likely to engage in self-concealment
(Greene, 1994) and to experience psychological distress (Greene, 1994; Mays
et al., 2003).
Based on past literature, the present study offers the following hy-
potheses: (1) Self-concealment will negatively impact identity formation,
and lead to higher levels of psychological distress; (2) perceived stigma
will negatively impact identity formation and lead to psychological dis-
tress; and (3) group differences among white heterosexual women, white
lesbians, non-white heterosexual women, and non-white lesbians will
exist.

METHODS
Participants
The sample for the present study included 166 women aged 18 to 32
(M = 22.02, SD = 3.77). Some participants (n = 96) were recruited
through a participant pool of undergraduate students enrolled in an in-
troductory psychology course and were given class credit for their partic-
ipation. Other participants were recruited online (n = 14), approached at
the New York City and Brooklyn Gay Pride March (n = 53), or via flyers
 Being White Helps 163

and postcards placed around Brooklyn neighborhoods (n = 3), and were

offered $10 for their time. By selecting women aged 18–32, the study
sought to capture the end phase of sexual identity development, and
the peak years of the “intimacy versus isolation” stage of development
(Erikson, 1950). Four individuals (age 39, 33, 17, and one who did not
indicate her age) were excluded for being outside the established age
range.
Sexual identity was determined with reference to participants’ self-
ratings on the Kinsey scale (or the Heterosexual-Homosexual Rating Scale),
which prompts the respondents to indicate their sexual behavior and desires
on a scale ranging from “0,” indicating exclusive heterosexuality, to “6,” in-
dicating exclusive homosexuality (Kinsey et al., 1948; 1953). As opposed to
identifying as exclusively heterosexual or homosexual, however, many in-
dividuals identify in the middle of the homosexual–heterosexual continuum
(Laumann, Gagnon, Michael, & Michaels, 1994). It has also been suggested
that women’s sexual orientation is more fluid throughout the lifespan (Di-
amond, 2005). Despite these findings, akin to other studies that have com-
pared heterosexual women to lesbian women (e.g., Jaffe, Clance, Nichols,
& Emshoff, 2000), the sample was dichotomized to allow researchers to
make clearer comparisons in the complicated domain of sexual orienta-
tion. Participants who rated themselves 0–2 on the scale were considered
heterosexual (n = 106) while the participants who rated themselves 4–6
were considered lesbian (n = 60). Participants who rated themselves as
a 3 on the scale (indicating a bisexual orientation) were excluded (n =
1) as were participants who neglected to indicate their sexual orientation
(n = 2).
Determination of each woman’s racial group assignment was based on
responses to questions from a demographic questionnaire. Participants who
self identified as white were placed in the “white” group (n = 73) and
those who chose a race that was not white were placed in the “non-white”
group (n = 93). The 93 non-white participants reported the following racial
backgrounds: Black/African American (n = 50), Multiracial (n = 17), Asian
(n = 12), Latina (n = 11), and Other not specified (n = 3). Participants were
also asked to identify their ethnic orientation, which included the following:
European (n = 44), North American (n = 29), African (n = 23), West Indian
(n = 19), Other (n = 19), Latina (n = 11), Asian (n = 5), Indian (n =
3), Egyptian (n = 2), Middle Eastern (n = 2), Chinese (n = 2), Russian
(n = 1), and Vietnamese (n = 1). Five participants did not indicate their
ethnicity.
The final sample (N = 166) was categorized into four groups:
a “white privilege” group of white heterosexual women (n = 40),
a non-white heterosexual women group (n = 66), a white lesbian
group (n = 31), and a “triple minority” group of non-white lesbians
(n = 29).
164 S. L. McIntyre et al.

Measures
THE EGO IDENTITY PROCESS QUESTIONNAIRE (EIPQ; BALISTRERI, BUSCH-ROSSNAGEL,
& GEISINGER, 1995)
The EIPQ is a 32-item self-report measure, comprised of two subscales:
identity exploration and identity commitment. An example of an exploration
item is “I have not felt the need to reflect upon the importance I place on
my family,” and an example of a commitment item is “My values are likely to
change in the future.” Participants are asked to rate their agreement to each
statement using a 6-point scale—from 1 “strongly disagree,” to 6 “strongly
agree.” The participant’s identity status was not calculated from their scores
on each subscale, as per tradition (Balistreri et al., 1995; Schwartz & Dunham,
2000). Instead, this study sought to examine cross-cultural differences by
analyzing levels of exploration and commitment—a technique that has also
been used to investigate cross-national differences (Berman, You, Schwartz,
Teo, & Mochizuki, 2010). Therefore, each participant received a continuous
score each subscale. As indicated in previous studies, the EIPQ is considered
a reliable measure of both identity commitment and identity exploration
(Balistreri et al., 1995; Berman et al., 2010; Schwartz, 2004).

SELF-CONCEALMENT SCALE (SCS; LARSON & CHASTAIN, 1990)

The SCS is a 10-item self-report instrument addressing three aspects of self-
concealment, including (1) being inclined to keep things about oneself con-
cealed, (2) possessing a particularly distressing secret that is not disclosed
to others, and (3) feeling uncomfortable disclosing concealed information
to others. SCS items are rated on a 5-point scale ranging from 1 “strongly
disagree” to 5 “strongly agree.” The measure has been considered reliable in
both a French (Bernaud & Larson, 2009) and North American sample (Larson
& Chastain, 1990).

STIGMA CONSCIOUSNESS QUESTIONNAIRE (SCQ; PINEL, 1999)

Two separate versions of this scale were used—SCQ-Race and SCQ-Gay
Men & Lesbians. Both versions of this scale include 10 items and each item
is rated on a 7-point scale ranging from 0 “Strongly Disagree” to 6 “Strongly
Agree.” Items on both scales were modified to better fit the target sample.
For example, on the SCQ-Race, the item that states, “My race/ethnicity does
not influence how whites act with me” was changed to “My race does not
influence how members of a different race act with me.” On the SCQ-Gay
Men & Lesbians, the item that states, “My being homosexual does not influ-
ence how people act with me” was changed to “My sexual identity does not
influence how people act with me.” The SCQ for race and sexual orientation
were both considered reliable (Pinel, 1999).
 Being White Helps 165

BRIEF SYMPTOM INVENTORY (BSI; DEROGATIS & SPENCER, 1982)

The BSI is a 53-item scale based on several symptoms related to depression,
anxiety, somatization, hostility, paranoid ideation, interpersonal sensitivity,
obsession-compulsion, psychoticism, and phobic anxiety. Participants were
asked to assess the level to which each symptom had caused them distress
within the past 7 days. Responses are on a 5-point scale ranging from 0 “Not
at all” to 4 “Extremely.” Psychological distress was the sum of symptoms
across all scales. The measure is considered reliable in various populations
(e.g., Geisheim et al., 2002; Khalil et al., 2007).

RESULTS
Preliminary Findings
We first examined differences in group members’ reports of self-
concealment, perceived stigma, psychological distress, and identity dimen-
sions (see Table 1). Non-white participants reported higher levels of self-
concealment, which meant they were more likely than white women to hide
personal information they found distressing. Two significant differences were
found between lesbian and heterosexual women. Compared to heterosex-
ual women, lesbians reported significantly higher levels of perceived stigma
with regard to sexual orientation, and lesbians reported engaging in more
self-reflection about their identity (or identity exploration). Next, associations
between age and the primary variables were examined (see Table 2). Results
indicated that age was positively associated with perceived stigma related to
sexual orientation, and to levels of identity exploration. In other words, older
participants reported feeling more stigmatized in relation to their sexual ori-
entation, and reported more questioning of their beliefs and values (identity
exploration).

TABLE 1 Preliminary Analyses: Testing Group Differences with T -Tests

White Non-white Heterosexual Lesbian

Variable M SD M SD T-test M SD M SD T-test

SCQ Race 2.18 .78 2.21 .86 .26 2.20 .76 2.21 .93 −.05
SCQ Sex 2.28 .96 2.09 .82 −1.36 1.89 .67 2.68 .99 −5.42∗
SCS Total 2.28 .91 2.77 1.08 3.15∗ 2.55 1.04 2.59 1.05 −.22
BSI Global 40.63 8.91 42.14 10.99 1.50 40.96 10.21 42.64 10.02 −1.03
Commitment 3.88 .59 4.02 .66 1.05 4.03 .60 3.84 .67 1.73
Exploration 4.04 .72 3.82 .68 −1.93 3.75 .62 4.21 .76 −4.28∗
M = mean. SD = standard deviation. ∗ p < .05. SCQ = Stigma Consciousness Questionnaire. EIPQ =
Ego Identity Process Questionnaire. BSI = Brief Symptom Inventory. White n = 76. Non-white n = 99.
Heterosexual n = 108. Lesbian n = 62.
166 S. L. McIntyre et al.

TABLE 2 Primary Findings: Correlations between Age, Perceived Stigma, Self-Concealment,

Psychological Distress, and Identity Formation (N = 166)

SCQ race SCQ sex SCS total BSI global Commitment Exploration Age

SCQ Race 1.00

SCQ Sex .34∗∗ 1.00
SCS Total .06 .17∗ 1.00
BSI Global .11 .11 .51∗∗ 1.00
Commitment −.09 −.19∗ −.12 −.09 1.00
Exploration .24∗∗ .31∗∗ .12 .07 −.42∗∗ 1.00
Age .13 .20∗ −.08 −.07 −.09 .27∗∗ 1.00
∗p < .05.∗∗ p< .01. SCQ = Stigma Consciousness Questionnaire. SCS = Self- Concealment Scale. BSI =
Brief Symptoms Inventory. Commitment = Identity Commitment as measured by the Ego Identity Process
Questionnaire (EIPQ). Exploration = Identity Exploration as measured by the EIPQ. N = 166.

Primary Findings
These findings are reported in four steps. First, relationships with self-
concealment were examined (see Table 2). Second, the relationships with
perceived stigma were examined (see Table 2). Third, the relationship be-
tween self-concealment, identity formation, and psychological distress was
examined across the four groups (see Table 3). Fourth, the relationship be-
tween perceived stigma, identity formation, and psychological distress was
examined across the four groups (see Table 3).
Regarding relationships with self-concealment, while it was unrelated
to levels of commitment and perceived stigma, self-concealment was signif-
icantly associated with psychological distress (see Table 2). If participants

TABLE 3 Primary Findings Testing: Correlations with Perceived Stigma and Self-Concealment
per Group

Group Variable SCQ race SCQ sex SCS

∗
BSI Global .32 .05 .47∗∗
Non-white heterosexual Commitment −.28∗ −.35∗∗ −.18∗
Exploration .21 .17 .15
BSI Global −.22 −.03 .76∗∗
Non-white lesbian Commitment .13 .16 −.01
Exploration .35 .29 .18
BSI Global .07 .14 .18
White heterosexual Commitment −.16 −.42∗∗ −.22
Exploration .33∗ .35∗ .26
BSI Global .20 .23 .52∗∗
White lesbian Commitment .04 .03 −.07
Exploration .17 .08 .08
∗p< .05. ∗∗ p < .01. SCQ = Stigma Consciousness Questionnaire. SCS = Self Concealment Scale. SCS
Commitment = Identity Commitment as measured by the Ego Identity Process Questionnaire (EIPQ).
Exploration = Identity Exploration as measured by the EIPQ. N = 166.
 Being White Helps 167

made attempts to hide part(s) of their identity, they also reported more
symptoms of distress.
Perceived stigma, with regard to both sexual orientation and race, was
significantly related to identity exploration (see Table 2). The more a person
becomes aware of the stigma related to her racial and/or sexual identity, the
more likely she is to explore her environment in order to develop a sense of
self (identity exploration). Perceived stigma with regard to sexual orientation
was also significantly related to identity commitment such that one’s ability
to commit to a mature and stable “sense of self” was negatively impacted by
perceived stigma (see Table 2). In other words, the more a participant felt
stigmatized for her sexuality, the less likely she would be to develop a sense
of self that was strong and remained stable overtime. Perceived stigma was
not significantly related to self-reports of psychological distress.
When the relationships between self-concealment, identity formation,
and psychological distress were explored for each of the same four groups,
several significant relationships were found within all groups except for
white heterosexual women (see Table 3). Contrary to our expectations, non-
white heterosexual women were the only group wherein self-concealment
was negatively associated with one’s ability to commit to a mature and
stable “sense of self” (identity commitment). However, self-concealment was
associated with psychological distress in the non-white heterosexual, non-
white lesbian, and white lesbian women groups.
When the relationships between perceived stigma, identity formation,
and psychological distress were compared for each of the four groups, sig-
nificant relationships emerged only for the heterosexual groups of women
(see Table 3). For white heterosexual women, perceived stigma with regard
to both race and sexual orientation resulted in higher levels of identity ex-
ploration. This pattern was not found in non-white heterosexual women.
However, in non-white heterosexual women, perceived stigma (with re-
gard to race and sexual orientation) was negatively associated with identity
commitment. Moreover, among non-white heterosexual women perceived
stigma related to race was also related to psychological distress. Perceived
stigma, identity formation, and psychological distress were unrelated within
the lesbian groups.

DISCUSSION
Self-Concealment
The current study investigated the different levels of self-concealment for
women with and without white privilege. Findings revealed that, when
compared to white women, non-white (heterosexual and lesbian) women
were more likely to self-conceal. Thus, congruent with prior research, racial
minority women were more likely to “cover up” the differences between
168 S. L. McIntyre et al.

themselves and their white counterparts in an effort to create more common

ground (Goffman, 1963). However, white heterosexual women seemed to
be relatively free from the burden of having to self-conceal. This group dif-
ference suggests that “white privilege” has awarded white women with less
need to cover up personal and distressing information in order to fit in.
Akin to past research (Larson & Chastain, 1990), this study suggests that
women who self-conceal are more globally distressed than those who do
not self-conceal. Several important group differences emerged, elucidating
the nature of this relationship. While white heterosexual women suffered rel-
atively little negative consequence from engaging in self-concealment, self-
concealment seemed to have particularly deleterious consequences for les-
bian women, racial minority women, and triple minority women. Thus, white
and heterosexual privilege seem to allow women to self-conceal without ex-
periencing the harmful consequences experienced by stigmatized women
who self-conceal. These findings indicate the importance of self-disclosure
as a way to counteract self-concealment, as it is associated with psycho-
logical distress. Indeed, prior research suggests that women tend use social
support as an outlet for distress disclosure (Greenland, Scourfield, Maxwell,
Prior, & Scourfield, 2009). Furthermore, the current study suggests such an
outlet may be particularly beneficial for stigmatized women.

Perceived Stigma
Generally, one’s awareness of the stigma related to either her sexual orienta-
tion or race seemed to facilitate identity formation, or the active questioning
of one’s beliefs and goals (identity exploration). Simultaneously, however,
such awareness seemed to inhibit one from committing to a sense of self
(identity commitment). Thus, awareness of stigma appears to be double-
edged: although it facilitates identity exploration, making it possible for
people to establish a more mature sense of self, it simultaneously seemed
to inhibit people from committing to stable identity, and experiencing the
heightened levels of wellbeing and daily functioning that Berzonosky (2009)
found were associated with identity commitment.
Quite surprisingly, this trend was most apparent in the only non-
stigmatized group of white heterosexual women. This group of women,
who reported greater awareness of the stigma associated with both their
race and sexual orientation, also identified greater levels of identity explo-
ration. Similar to the overall pattern of findings, white heterosexual women
who demonstrated awareness of sexual orientation stigma endorsed lower
levels of identity commitment. It could be that identity exploration has fa-
cilitated an acknowledgement of white or heterosexual privilege, leading to
difficulty in committing to an identity that has been infused (albeit unfairly)
with privilege that was not rightfully earned. A lack of awareness regarding
 Being White Helps 169

one’s privilege might make it easier to commit to an identity, although it

seems to thwart growth and identity formation.

An Exception to the General Trends

Lesbians (white and non-white alike) were exceptions to the trends found in
this research. Despite research demonstrating various threats of stigmatiza-
tion faced by lesbians and gay men (e.g., DiPlacido, 1998; Moracco, Runyan,
Bowling, & Earp, 2007), lesbians in this study did not report high levels of
self-concealment. Lesbians were also more likely to engage in identity ex-
ploration. Further, when compared to all other groups, lesbians reported a
significantly higher awareness of the stigma related to their sexual orienta-
tion, yet such awareness did not generally inhibit them from committing to
an identity. As opposed to non-white women, lesbian women’s awareness
of sexual orientation stigma also did not negatively impact their sense of
wellbeing. Findings suggest that the heightened feelings of authenticity and
wellbeing derived from the coming out process (Vaughn & Waehler, 2010)
ultimately result in less need to hide and therefore less distress. Perhaps
coming out as a lesbian facilitates a level of authenticity and self-acceptance
that sufficiently trumps the need for societal acceptance.

CONCLUSION

The overarching contribution offered from this study underscores white priv-
ilege and its psychological benefits. The freedom to disclose personal and
distressing information about one’s self without feeling threatened by po-
tential stigmatization, along with the freedom to self-conceal with relatively
little negative consequence, are both inherent features of white and het-
erosexual privilege. Lesbians’ disclosure of their sexual identity seems to
enable them to overcome the otherwise negative psychological impact of
stigmatization. At first blush, this suggests that transparency may also facili-
tate identity formation and wellbeing in other groups of stigmatized women.
However, coming out as a white lesbian is a relatively linear process (King,
2009). Conversely, for triple minority women who contend with racism, sex-
ism, and homophobia (Greene, 1994), coming out is complicated by the
reliance on self-concealment as a coping mechanism. Indeed, findings from
this study suggest that white privilege allows women to evade the double-
bind that racial minority women face, wherein self-concealment serves as
both a habitual way of covering up one’s differences to avoid discrimination
(Goffman, 1963), while also posing a threat to one’s wellbeing (Larson &
Chastain, 1990).
170 S. L. McIntyre et al.

A limitation of the current study was the conflation of ethnic groups

(i.e., Black/African American, Multiracial, Asian, Latina) into one group
(i.e., non-white). Broadly categorizing race enabled researchers to compare
participants with and without white privilege. However, this simplification
prevented researchers from attaining an understanding of different cultural
responses to stigma. By utilizing a larger sample, future research may inves-
tigate the traditional habits that women of different ethnic cultures employ
to cope with stigma.

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

We give special thanks to Jenna Henderson, M.A., Dr. Susanna Jones, and
Dr. Margaret Counzo for providing valuable feedback on this article.

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CONTRIBUTORS

Shannon L. McIntyre, M.A., is a doctoral student at Long Island University

in Brooklyn, NY. Her research interests include shame, identity, and attach-
ment, insofar as they each contribute to a better understanding of adult
development. Shannon’s clinical experience includes individual and group
psychotherapy with adolescents and adults.

Erica A. Antonucci, M.A., is currently an adjunct faculty member at SUNY

Westchester Community College in Valhalla, NY. Her research interests in-
clude stigma and prejudice, female relationships, and the sexualization of
girls in the media.

Sara C. Haden, Ph.D., is an Assistant Professor at Long Island University in

Brooklyn, NY. Her research focuses on the effects of exposure to community
violence as well as risk and protective factors involved in the development
of aggressive behavior. She is a Licensed Clinical Psychologist and works
with mentally ill offenders and sex offenders mandated for treatment. Her
clinical experience includes work with survivors of torture and war trauma,
psychiatric emergency patients, pediatric HIV clinic clients, primary care
patients, and adult male and female prisoners.

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