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Linking Social Identities To Intergroup Behavior I
Linking Social Identities To Intergroup Behavior I
Linking Social Identities To Intergroup Behavior I
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Diane Mackie
University of California, Santa Barbara
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IN DIVERSE TEAMS:
Patricia Garcia-Prieto
Solvay Brussels School of Economics and Management
Université Libre de Bruxelles
Av F.D Roosevelt 19 CP 145
1050 Brussels - BELGIUM
Tel. + 32 2 650 3835
Fax. + 32 2 650 6596
E-mail: Patricia.Garcia-Prieto@ulb.ac.be
Corresponding author
Véronique Tran
Department of Strategy, Human Resources, and Organizational Behavior
ESCP-EAP (European School of Management)
79, avenue de la République
F-75011 Paris -FRANCE
Tel. +33 1 49 23 58 18
Fax. +33 1 49 23 21 03
E-mail: vtran@escp-eap.net
Marcus M. Stewart
Bentley College
Department of Management
175 Forest Street
Waltham, MA 02452-4705
Phone: 781.891.2851
Fax: 781.891.2896
Email : mstewart@bentley.edu
Diane Mackie
Department of Psychology
University of California, Santa Barbara
Santa Barbara, CA 93106-9660
Tel: (805) 893 20.57
Fax: (805) 893 43.03
Email: mackie@psych.ucsb.edu
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EMOTION IN DIVERSE TEAMS
ABSTRACT
phenomenon - to argue that the way diverse team members cognitively appraise a situation
(concerning relationships or the task at hand) and react emotionally about it, and the extent to
which they intend to act on it or not, will be a function of their identification with a salient
categorization. The proposed extension by applying IET offers the advantage of being able to
predict more specifically when and why individual members in a diverse team may come to
experience emotions on behalf of a shared salient social categorization (e.g., the team)
potentially leading to shared emotions in the team, and when they will experience emotion on
behalf of varied salient social categorizations (e.g., profession, gender, tenure), potentially
leading to variation of emotions in the team. Essentially we argue that IET allows the
integration of intergroup emotion as a key moderator in models of diverse teams that connect
propositions about the nature and role of intergroup emotion in diverse team functioning
sharing.
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EMOTION IN DIVERSE TEAMS
The question of whether team diversity leads to increased or reduced team functioning
and through which mechanisms continues to receive a lot of attention in the literature
(Jackson, Joshi & Erhardt, 2003; Horwitz & Horwitz, 2007; Knippenberg & Shippers, 2007).
The major arguments for a positive impact of diversity in teams have been that the more
diverse team members are the greater the potential amount of information, skills,
competencies, and a variety of points of view that can be pooled towards better decisions
(Guzzo & Dickson, 1996; Jackson, 1992; Jackson, May, & Whitney, 1995; Sessa & Jackson,
1995, Williams & O´Reilly, 1998) or towards increased innovation and creativity (Albrecht &
Hall, 1991; Milliken, Bartel, and Kurtzberg, 2003; Payne, 1990). The major arguments for a
negative impact of diversity in teams are that to realize team diversity potential the diversity
of perspectives, skills, expertise, opinions, have to be integrated or managed, along with all
Price, and Bell, 1998). Without this integration, diversity is expected to lead to divergence,
including dissent, disagreement, or conflict (Amason & Schweiger, 1994; Jehn, Northcraft &
Neale, 1999; Pelled, 1996; Pelled, Einsenhardt & Xin, 1999; Tsui & Gutek, 1999).
The view that the negative effects of diversity on teams emanate from negative social
categorization and identification processes has been the dominant perspective (Brewer, 1995;
Chatman, Polzer, Barsade & Neale, 1998; Northcraft, Polzer, Neale, & Kramer, 1995, Randel,
2002; Tsui, Egan & O’Reilley, 1992). Traditionally, researchers have applied concepts from
the social identity approach (self-categorization and social identity theories) to predict that
team member differences, particular visible differences, will inevitable increase ingroup-
outgroup categorizations that cross-cut team composition producing intragroup conflict and
miscommunication (Jehn, Northcraft, & Neale, 1999; Pelled, Eisenhardt, & Xin, 1999; Tsui et
al., 1992). In their review of over 40 years of research on diversity in organizations Williams
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EMOTION IN DIVERSE TEAMS
and O´Reilly (1998) offered strong support to this position by suggesting that the negative
such as stereotyping and integroup biases. These authors came to the disquieting conclusion
that “unless steps are taken to actively counteract these negative effects, the evidence suggests
that, by itself, diversity is more likely to have a negative than positive effects on group
and Schippers (2007) point the fact that few empirical studies have directly addressed
categorization and identification processes. These authors maintain that existing results
remain unequivocal as to whether social categorization processes are actually in operation and
are directly responsible for reduced team performance in diverse teams. In the past 5 years the
view that the mere presence or even salience of diversity in the team does not necessarily
have these dire social categorization and group identification consequences has been gaining
attention (Chattopadhyay, Tluchowska, & George, 2004; Garcia-Prieto, Bellard & Schneider,
2003; Van Knippenberg, De Dreu & Homan, 2004; Randel, 2002; Randel & Jaussi, 2003;
Stewart & Garcia-Prieto, 2008). In their review Van Knippenberg and Schippers call for a
“more fine-grained analysis of the factors that elicit social categorization as well as of the
factors that translate social categorization into intergroup bias” (p. 527). Given the more
categorization and particularly identification processes that have recently appeared in the team
diversity literature (Van Knippenberg & Schippers, 2007) we felt it was particular timely to
explore how social categorization may translate into intergroup behavior in diverse teams
In this paper we apply Intergroup Emotion Theory (IET, Mackie, Devos & Smith,
2000; Smith, 1993; 1999) – a theory that considers emotion as a group-based phenomenon -
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to argue that the way diverse team members cognitively appraise a situation (concerning
relationships or the task at hand) and react emotionally about it, and the extent to which they
intend to act on it or not, will be a function of their identification with a salient categorization.
The proposed extension by applying IET offers the advantage of being able to predict more
specifically when and why individual members in a diverse team may come to experience
emotions in the team, and when they will experience emotion on behalf of varied salient
argue that IET allows the integration of emotion as a key moderator in models of diverse
In the next section we will briefly outline the major tenets of IET and review empirical
evidence before describing the major contributions of applying IET to the area of diverse
teams. We then elaborate propositions about the nature and role of intergroup emotion in
diverse team functioning before discussing potential consequences of shared and varied
The theory of intergroup emotions (Mackie, Devos & Smith, 2000; Smith, 1993;
1999) was founded on the assumption that an individual who identified him or herself as a
member of a social group appraised and interpreted events as relevant not to the self but to
that group membership, that such appraisals generated group-based emotion directed toward
both the ingroup and relevant outgroups, and that those emotions in turn acted as motivating
The appraisal processes that are proposed to generate intergroup emotions are thought
to be identical to appraisal processes that have been identified as generating emotion for
individuals, with the important difference that the appraisal involves the individual’s “social
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identity” instead of his or her “personal identity” (Smith, 1993; also see Garcia-Prieto &
Scherer, 2006). If cognitive appraisal theories of emotion (Frijda, 1986; Lazarus, 1991;
Roseman, 1984; Scherer, 1984a, 1984b, 2001; Smith & Ellsworth, 1985) posit that emotions
are experienced by individuals because an event has relevance to them as individuals, IET
posits that intergroup emotions are experienced by individual group members because an
event has relevance to them as members of a social group. Intergroup appraisals evaluate the
implication of events or situations for the ingroup (me as a “Woman”), rather than for the self
(me as “Mary”). To put it simply, when a social identification is “switched on” it blurs the
distinction between ourselves and the ingroup (Smith & Henry, 1996) and emotions are
Parkinson, Fischer & Manstead (2005) who proposed to distinguish on the one hand, between
the subject and the object of emotion, and on the other hand, whether the subject or object is
an individual or a group (see Fig 1). Because individuals vary in their level of identification
with social groups (e.g., I could identify with being a male from weakly to very strongly),
intergroup emotion theory posits that the more an individual identifies with a group the more
easily, frequently and intensely he/she will experience intergroup emotion (Mackie, Silver, &
Smith, 2004).
What are the consequences of intergroup emotion on behavior? IET argues that
intergroup emotions regulate behavior directed toward the ingroup and outgroup. Just as
emotion theory assumes that emotional responses are adaptive signals that prepare the
individual to take action because a relevant event is occurring (Lazarus, 1991; Frijda, 1986),
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IET argues that intergroup emotions are motivators of action tendencies directed toward
others as members of the ingroup or the outgroup. Such intergroup emotions make particular
intergroup behaviors more or less salient, likely, and/or desirable. When those behaviors are
Empirical Evidence
In the last 15 years an impressive body of research has provided support for the nature
and function of intergroup emotions (for a recent review see Mackie, Silver, & Smith, 2004;
Parkinson, Fisher & Manstead, 2005). We focus here on reviewing those studies that have
The most comprehensive data in this regard come from two studies in which Smith,
Seger, & Mackie (2007) asked participants to first think about themselves in terms of
individual identity and then in terms of particular relevant group memberships (Americans,
Republicans, men, and so forth) and to report the emotions they felt when thinking about
themselves in those ways. The results across the two studies were compelling. For each
social categorization activated, participants produced separate emotional profiles, which were
both distinct from one another and distinct from the emotional profiles participants produced
when thinking about themselves as unique individuals. That is, even though a particular
individual might report feeling happy and relaxed as an individual, that same individual might
report feeling angry and anxious as an American and guilty and depressed as a Democrat.
Moreover, similar patterns of emotions were shown by other individuals in the same social
category, so that the emotional experience of any one Republican participant, for example,
was more closely aligned to the emotional experiences of other Republicans than to his or her
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EMOTION IN DIVERSE TEAMS
emotions reported by group members just as the theory predicted. Also as predicted by IET,
the relation between category membership and emotion was moderated by identification.
Across the several groups studied, greater identification with a particular group membership
(as measured by centrality and importance of the membership to the self) was associated with
more intense positive ingroup-directed emotion and more anger toward outgroups, as well as
with reduced negative emotions toward the ingroup. Finally, these data provided converging
evidence for the regulatory function of intergroup emotions. For each categorization
activated, participants reported their desire to engage in a wide range of behaviors reflecting
affiliation with the ingroup and confrontation with the outgroup. Intergroup emotions and
intergroup anger in particular, were powerful predictors of these desires. For example, anger
at the outgroup predicted the desire to both criticize the outgroup and to confront an outgroup
Research by Yzerbyt and colleagues (for a review see Yzerbyt, Dumont, Mathieu,
Gordijn & Wigboldus, 2006) has also clearly demonstrated that variations in social
categorization and the level of social identification can have a strong impact on the experience
of intergroup emotion. For example, Yzerbyt, Dumont, Wigboldus, & Gordijn (2003)
Dutch-speaking Belgian university. The article described that Professors at the Dutch-
speaking university wanted to impose English as the only language for students. Participants
were either categorized into a common group with the victims (by telling them their responses
would be compared to those of professors) or categorized into a different group than the
victims (by telling them their responses would be compared to those of students at the Dutch-
speaking University). Results showed that participants who saw themselves as sharing a
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common group membership with the victims felt stronger anger than participants in the other
conditions. In addition, the more participants identified with the shared group membership,
the stronger the reported anger and the stronger the action tendencies to confront the outgroup
Other studies have confirmed the powerful role that intergroup emotions play in
regulating intergroup behavior. In one such set of studies (Maitner, Mackie, & Smith, 2007 a)
Ingroup members who reacted with guilt to such events were motivated to end such attacks
and their guilt became even more intense when the ingroup failed to do so. In contrast those
who felt satisfaction at the attacks were more motivated to attack again, and satisfaction
increased when the ingroup did so. Importantly, highly identified members of the group were
more likely to appraise the original acts of aggression as justified and more likely to react to
them with satisfaction which explained why highly identified group members found ingroup
aggression even more desirable than group members who were not so highly identified. In
another set of studies (Maitner, Mackie, & Smith, 2007 b), anger provoked by an outgroup
insult was intensified by the ingroup’s failure to confront the outgroup but ameliorated when
the ingroup went on the offensive. Thus intergroup emotions acted as motivators for specific
types of intergroup behavior, and whether or not this behavior occurred had important
consequences for either increases in the instigating emotional state (when the desired behavior
did not occur) or its decrease (when the desired behavior did occur) demonstrating its
regulatory role.
In sum, this growing body of research confirms the main tenets of intergroup emotion
theory. Social categorization determines the experience of intergroup emotion, a relation that
is mediated by group level appraisals and moderated by social identification. The triggering
of distinct ingroup and outgroup directed emotions in turn motivates specific and predictable
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EMOTION IN DIVERSE TEAMS
behaviors toward the ingroup and the outgroup, and are in turn regulated by whether or not
Elsewhere, IET has been applied to reflect on the conditions under which individuals
Mackie, Tran, & Smith, in press). This paper proposes that the theoretical links made by IET
described in the previous sections contribute to the existing diverse team literature in two
specific ways. First, they integrate emotion into conceptualizations of diverse team
functioning that have focused on the antecedents and contingencies of categorization and
identification in diverse teams but have not elaborated on emotions (e.g., Chattopadhyay,
Tluchowska, & George, 2004; Van Knippenberg, De Dreu & Homan, 2004). Second, they
extend previous models of diverse team functioning that have elaborated on emotions but a)
have only focused the impact of a few emotions, positive/negative affect or team affective-
tone (Phillips & Lount, 2007); b) have only examined the negative affective outcomes of team
diversity such as lowers satisfaction, and lower commitment (Milliken & Martin, 1996); c)
have only studied the disruptive nature of emotions resulting from relational conflict (e.g.,
Jehn et al., 1999; Pelled et al., 1999); or d) that have integrated emotion as a moderator, but
have failed to fully articulate the link between emotion processes and categorization and
identification processes (Garcia-Prieto, Bellard & Schneider, 2003). In the following sections
we outline what we see as the major advantages of applying IET to the diverse team literature
But before going any further we would like to address the question of what would an
intergroup emotion look like in the context of a diverse team? Let us take the example of a
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the US, composed of 5 people, with a mix of functional expertise, (marketing, sales,
production, research and development, HR), a mix of nationalities (France, US, Australia,
Nigeria, Chile), and both genders represented (2 women, 3 men). Depending on the context,
any membership, whether team, gender, age, or ethnic or national demographic categories or
professional occupation might be salient and relevant to any of the team members, with cross-
cutting consequences of shared membership for different members (Ashforth & Johnson,
2001; Foreman & Whetten, 2002; Pratt & Foreman, 2000; Pratt & Rafaeli, 1997). Thus as a
function of the context a member of this diverse team might feel like an individual (e.g; I am
Giselle), a member of this specific team, or as woman, as being French, or a member of the
sales department, and see others in the organization as individuals, or members of another
work team, or men, or Australian, or representing another function. Going back to the criteria
that determine what is an intergroup emotion (see figure 1), in this paper we are not
concerned with those the emotions that one member, say Giselle may have toward another
member of her team, Mike (i.e;, interpersonal emotion). Nor are we concerned neither with
the idiosyncratic emotions that Giselle may have toward Americans in general (i.e; individual
emotions toward a group), nor with those emotions that she may share with others in her team
about their CEO (i.e; group emotion toward an individual). We are only concerned with those
emotions that will be elicited when one of Giselle’s social categorizations becomes salient
and she identifies with it to the extent of leading her to appraise an event or entity and thus to
out-group. For example, imagine this diverse team receives information that top management
has finally approved the budget necessary to support the sales of a new product developed by
the team that clearly targets the Asia-Pacific. This event may be appraised as particularly
categorization. As a result she could feel “Sales” group-based emotions like relief and hope or
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satisfaction about this event. If she feels relief, she may feel like relaxing (Lazarus, 1991) and
if she feels hope she may feel like further committing to the teams actions (Paez, Asun, &
Gonzales, 1995). Thus, for Giselle feeling “Sales” group-based relief and hope are likely to
make her want to remain engaged in her diverse team activities. This budget, however, may
also be seen as a threat to the needs or goals of France/Western Europe if her French
categorization is salient and she strongly identifies with it, thus eliciting “French” group-
based envy or sadness, depending on other relevant appraisals. If associated with anger, her
envy may lead to want to become aggressive toward those team members who she may
perceived as representing the regional outgroup (e.g; the Australian team member) and if felt
for a long period of time, it may poison her relationships with the team in general (Lazarus,
1991; Lazarus & Cohen-Charash, 2001). If associated with sadness, given that sadness is
associated with withdrawal tendencies (Scherer and Tran, 2001), “French” group-based envy
may lead her to withdrawal from team activities and restrained participation. Thus, for Giselle
experiencing “French” group-based envy, whether associated with anger or sadness, may lead
In diverse teams, we expected that members have the potential of a more varied range
and to which they feel identification with at any given time (Garcia-Prieto, Bellard &
Schneider, 2003; Jackson, May, & Whitney, 1995). The more an individual in a diverse team
identifies with any of those social categorizations the more easily, frequently and intensely
he/she will experience intergroup emotion (Mackie, Silver, & Smith, 2004). Thus we propose
that:
Proposition 1: Diverse team members may more often than not appraise situations
and respond to them emotionally bearing in mind that they are members of these
multiple social categorizations rather than unique individuals.
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Proposition 2: The more an individual in a diverse team identifies with any of those
multiple social categorizations the more easily, frequently and intensely he/she will
experience intergroup emotion.
As discussed in the sections above these intergroup emotional reactions are expected
emotional reactions that would be provoked by the same event or entity if diverse team
The claims that emotions are linked to categorization and identification, and that
intergroup emotions are differentiated are the two most central and important theoretical
claims IET makes. Social categorization determines the type of emotional reaction and
identification moderates the strength of this reaction. Since in diverse teams individuals might
differentially identify with any of multiple social categories or group memberships (i.e., the
organization, the team, their nationality, the profession, gender, etc.), (Harrison, Price & Bell,
1998) teams members are capable of showing shared or varied intergroup emotion reactions
to the same person or entity which could have important consequences for diverse team
functioning. Hence,
Proposition 3a: Diverse team members who share a categorization and share similar
levels of ingroup identification with that categorization, are more likely to share
emotional reactions to the same event or entity.
Proposition 3b: Diverse team members who see themselves in terms of varied
categorizations and have varied identifications with any of the potential multiple
group memberships available to each individual, are more likely to have varied
emotion reactions to the same event or entity.
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Another important contribution it that the IET approach moves beyond past diversity
members in diverse teams into ingroups and outgroups (Van Knippenberg, De Dreu &
Homan, 2004) or team diversity models which have integrated emotion but have only focused
on a few emotions or on the impact of positive/negative affect or team affective tone evoked
by being with dissimilar others (Phillips & Lount, 2007). The focus of IET is on being able to
predict a whole range of distinct and differentiated emotional reactions that can be provoke
members of ingroups and outgroups, but also by events and issues relevant to ingroups and
outgroups. In addition, IET’s approach to emotion entrains the view of appraisals as readiness
for action, as the intention to strike out when angered, to shun when disgusted, to nurture
when affectionate, or to flee when frightened. From this perspective, the theoretical focus is
what ingroup or outgroup members in diverse teams want to do to one another rather than
what they think of one another (which might well follow rather than provoke action) and the
theoretical urgency is to be able to intervene between team members emotions (fear) and
readiness to act (wanting to more away from) to enhance diverse team functioning, and not
how to make diverse team members’ actions consistent with their attitudes.
prejudice in diverse teams. Whereas stereotypes and prejudice are regarded as stable over
time and context, emotional reactions vary over both. As discussed, the iterative chaining
among appraisal, emotion, and behavior, allows for similar situations and entities in diverse
categorization and identity, in the context and event, and in the number and intensity of
emotions generated.
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Proposition 4b: In diverse teams the distinct type of intergroup emotion experienced
by a given member about an event or entity will be a function of the relevance of that
event or entity to that member’s salient categorization.
Focus on the Regulatory Function of Intergroup Emotion for Diverse Team Behavior.
negative consequences of categorization and identification (for a review see Knippenberg &
Shippers, 2007) and on the disruptive impact of negative affective outcomes of interacting
with dissimilar others (Jehn et al., 1999; Pelled et al., 1999; Milliken & Martin, 1996). The
IET approach to team diversity moves away from this pessimistic view and is complementary
to recent models which either have argued for a detailed models of categorization and
identification (Van Knippenberg, De Dreu & Homan, 2004) or have offered a more functional
view of the role of both positive and negative team affect in diverse team functioning for
example with regard to information sharing (e.g., Phillips & Lount, 2007). IET sees emotion
as functionally regulatory at the group level just as emotion is functionally regulatory at the
individual level. Indeed, such group-level functionality is to be expected, for group living is
evolutionarily ancient in humans as well as related primate species. Just as emotion has
changed from being seen as inherently disruptive of the best functioning of the individual to
being understood as part of an intricate system that promotes adaptive functioning, so does
IET view intergroup emotion as occurring for adaptive reasons and not merely as an event
positive consequences; will ultimately serve the area of diverse teams well in its attempt to
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with a shared or with any of possibly multiple social categories in a diverse team lead to
intergroup behaviours that can affect team functioning. In this section we will illustrate more
precisely in which ways intergroup emotions may impact intergroup behaviours concerning
members (Stasser & Titus, 1985; Stasser, 1992) has been positively linked to team
performance (Jehn & Shah, 1997; Saavedra, Early & Van Dyne, 1993). It has been argued
that the pooling and coordination of information is expected to lead to better team decisions
(Gigone & Hastie, 1993). In longer-term established workgroups, information sharing is also
expected to reduce relational and task related conflict increasing team performance (Moye &
Langfred, 2004). A key finding in this area of team research is that in decision-making teams
sub-optimal decisions are often made because discussions tend to be biased in favor of
exchanging shared information (information already known to all members) at the expense of
unshared or “unique” information (know by only one or a few members; Stasser & Titus,
1985).
But recent research has suggested that diverse decision-making teams, composed of
categorically diverse members (i.e., in-group and out-group coworkers) may be less
susceptible to these biases and have less coordination loss (Phillips & Loyd, 2006; Phillips,
Northcraft, & Neale, 2006; Sommers, 2006). In fact there is growing evidence that the mere
presence of visible diversity (because of the anticipation of interacting with dissimilar others)
might elicit greater use of alternative perspectives and more throughout processing of
information (Antonio et al. 2004; Phillips & Loyd, 2006; Philips, Northcraft and Neale, 2006;
Sommers, 2006). It has also been shown that unique information is more likely to be used in
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EMOTION IN DIVERSE TEAMS
member) especially if he or she is alone (Phillips, Mannix, Neale & Gruenfeld, 2004). In line
with these results, Van Hiel & Schittekatte (1998) showed that mixed-sex groups (i.e., where
one would expect greater ingroup-outgroup categorization based on sex) mentioned more
unique information than same-sex groups. Mennecke and Valacich (1998) also showed that
groups composed of members with an established relationship tended to mention less unique
information than groups of strangers. Taken together, these results offer the intriguing
possibility that information sharing is one domain in which the varied categorization and
fully explored the potential impact of identification (for recent reviews see Wittenbaum &
Stasser, 1996; Wittenbaum, Hollingshead & Botero, 2004). Similarly, the question of whether
and to what extent emotions (interpersonal or intergroup) may actually moderate information
sharing behaviour in workgroups remains to be explored empirically (see Raus & Liu, 2004).
A model recently propose by Phillips & Lound (2007) offers some promising insights
as to why diverse teams may have an advantage when it comes to information sharing. These
authors build on research showing that negative emotions and affect can lead to more
Gabriel & Moreno, 2001; Bodenhausen, 1993; Tiedens & Linton, 2001) and that positive
emotions and affect can lead to less effortful information processing strategies
(Boddenhausen et al., 2001; Mackie & Worth, 1989) to propose that the advantages of team
diversity may stem from the more negative affective reactions (e.g., uncertainty and
anticipation of relational conflict) that team members may typically associate with diversity.
The two propositions that stem from their model are that working in diverse teams will lead to
more negative affective tone which may enhance systematic information processing
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EMOTION IN DIVERSE TEAMS
enhancing decision-making, and working in homogenous teams will lead to more positive
affective tone which may lead to reduced cognitive complexity decreasing decision-making.
Using an IET approach offers the advantage of being able to predict a whole range of
differentiated intergroup emotions (beyond positive and negative) and the extent to which
they will be shared or varied in the diverse team as a function of which categorizations
members identify with more strongly in the context of a decision-making task. This gives us
the possibility of being able to predict more specifically how shared and varied integroup
about how a specific intergroup appraisal leading to intergroup anger or sadness (felt at
varying intensities) may elicit intergroup behaviours which can directly impact information
sharing behaviours.
Conceptualizing emotion processes in diverse teams through IET will facilitate leaders
thinking of emotion as a source of useful information that they can use strategically to
enhance diverse team functioning. For instance, intergroup emotions can serve as indicators
for leaders with regard to subgroup or committee assignment. Perhaps members expressing
more active emotions such as anger and or joy are desired for some initiatives (e.g., selling an
issue, timely action), while members expressing sadness may be desired for other aspects
18
EMOTION IN DIVERSE TEAMS
potential or future faultline formation (Lau & Murnighan 1998; 2005) among group members
who are perceiving/reacting to a given issue in similar fashion. For example if we go back to
the example we discussed in this paper of the cross-functional multinational team in Brussels,
if the leader notices during a meeting that some members reacts to an issue expressing
Leaders could thus utilize information about intergoup emotions to develop appropriate action
measures to mitigate negative effects of the coallition formation. For example by cross-
Intergroup emotional responses may also signal leaders as to what is the appropriate
interested ingroup emotional responses may signal that individuals identifying strongly with
the ingroup are ready to engage immediately. Ingroup sadness may signal to leaders that the
need to allow or otherwise facilitate time and space for particular group members to process
the relevant information and gather themselves if appropriate. Expressions of intergroup anger
between ingrups and outgroups may also signal that dyadic interaction with sufficient
confidentiality and space (removed from other group members) is necessary or a preferable
strategy allowing for differences to be expressed through emotion (as opposed to wanting to
Intergroup emotional responses can indicate who among the group holds different
specific data gathering points for leaders to facilitate gathering of unique information. “It
appeared as though you were excited about this issue… what is it that you see…?” “It
appeared as though you didn’t think very highly of this suggestion/I though I sensed
anger/resistance to the issue… what is it that you see…?” Through this process, leaders can
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EMOTION IN DIVERSE TEAMS
course, this doesn’t have to be based on intergroup emotion only – it is likely that an effective
leader strategy may be to seek out each group member individually when it comes to any
may serve as cues when resources are limited, or when trying to strategically identify and
conflict, or even serve as a conduit for information/perspective gathering and sharing across
CONCLUSIONS
In sum, in this paper we have elaborated propositions about when and why intergroup
emotions may be more prevalent, frequent and intense in diverse teams (propositions 1 and 2),
when there will be instances of shared and varied intergroup emotion and when these will be
amplified or suppressed (propositions 3a, 3b, 3c) , how a whole range of distinct and
differentiated emotions can potentially occur in diverse teams (propositions 4a, 4b), and about
the importance of focusing on the regulatory (functional nature) of positive and negative
discussed in which ways intergroup emotions may impact specific intergroup behaviours,
Emotion researchers have previously draw attention to the need to pay closer attention
to the links between diversity and emotion in general (Ashkanasy, Härtel & Daus, 2002) and
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EMOTION IN DIVERSE TEAMS
in teams (Garcia-Prieto Bellard & Schneider, 2003). Diversity researchers (Van Knippenberg
& Schippers, 2007) have also called for more focus on how social categorization processes
may translate into intergroup behavior in diverse teams. Thus the perspective proposed here
answers these calls and provides a fresh and more functional insight into the nature and role
21
EMOTION IN DIVERSE TEAMS
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43
EMOTION IN DIVERSE TEAMS
FIGURE 1
toward emotions
an individual
Individual
Interpersonal emotions
Individual
Emotions directed
toward a group
Individual Group
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EMOTION IN DIVERSE TEAMS
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EMOTION IN DIVERSE TEAMS
Slightly Low intensity MAY WANT TO ATTEND • + May share “unique” ingroup
sadness • May want to observe well, to understand, to pay attention to information to clarify, understand
• Event or interaction slightly /disappointment consider possibility for the ingroup to adjust to new events,
obstructing ingroup goal review objectives realistically
• Event or interaction perceived as a MAY WANT TO AVOID (move away)
slight loss to ingroup • May want to have nothing to do with outgroup, or be bothered
• Slightly low coping potential of by outgroup, to stay away from outgroup
ingroup to deal with consequences • -May hold back “unique” ingroup
of event or interaction from outgroup
Moderately Medium MAY WANT TO ATTEND
• Event or interaction moderately intensity • May want to observe well, to understand, to pay attention to • + May share “unique” ingroup
obstructing ingroup goal sadness consider possibility for the ingroup to adjust to new events, information to clarify, understand
• Event or interaction perceived as a review objectives realistically
moderate loss to ingroup MAY WANT TO AVOID (move away)
• Moderately low coping potential of • May want to have nothing to do with outgroup, or be bothered
ingroup to deal with consequences by outgroup, to stay away from outgroup
of event or interaction MAY FEEL HELPLESSNES • -May hold back “unique” ingroup
• May want to do something but not know what, may feel information from outgroup
ingroup helplessness
• Sense of ingroup failure, like nothing can be done • -May stop sharing any information
Strongly High intensity WANTS TO ATTEND
• Event or interaction strongly sadness • Wants to observe well, to understand, to pay attention to • + Shares “unique” ingroup
obstructing ingroup goal /dispair consider possibility for the ingroup to adjust to new events, information to clarify, understand
• Event or interaction perceived as a review objectives realistically
strong loss to ingroup WANTS TO AVOID (move away) • -Holds back “unique” ingroup
• Want to have nothing to do with outgroup, or be bothered by information only from outgroup,
• Very low coping potential of outgroup, to say away from outgroup only shares with ingroup members
ingroup to deal with consequences WANTS TO BE WITH (Moving toward)
of event or interaction • Wants to be with ingroup for social bonding and and support • -Holds back “unique” ingroup
HELPLESSNES information and shares only
• Wants to do something but not know what, may feel ingroup common information to feel
helplessness comforted
• Sense of ingroup failure, like nothing can be done • -Stops sharing any information
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