!

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iiiillilHi!Mi!iHilli!ii!li 'li

Friedrich von Wieser

THE LAW OF POWER

Das Gesetz der Macht,
Macht , 1926

W. E
Translated by W. . Kuhn,
E. Kuhn ,
-
University of Nebraska-Lincoln
Nebraska Lincoln

J. Samuels,
Edited with an Introduction by Warren J. Samuels ,
Michigan State University

/ÿ)
\ Av/oCLI '<

Bureau of Business Research

University of Nebraska -
Nebraska-Lincoln
Lincoln

1983
 _;_: _ 1m
TABLE OF CONTENTS

Translator’s Note
vii
vi i
Introduction xiii
Author’s Preface xxxvii

PART 1 : GENERAL STRUCTURE OF POWER AND SOCIETY

I. External and Internal Power 1-j

1. The Law of Small Numbers as the Innermost
Problem of Power
2. The Linguistic Concept of Power
3. External and Internal Power Aggregates
729626 4.
5.
The Task of Historiography-
Historiography
External and Internal Powers During the World
GEORGETOWN UNIVERSIH War
LIBRARIES 6. Realpolitik and the Politics of Ideas
7. Force and Power

SEP 24 1984 II. Of the Origin and Growth of Power and Power Asso-
Asso ¬

ciations 13
1. The Kinship Associations
2. The Work Associations (or
( or Task Forces)
Forces )
3. The Origin of Power in Success
z 4. Coercive Powers and Liberation Powers
5. Primitive Peoples and Civilized Peoples
6. Formation of States and Initiation of Culture
as Fundamental Social Achievements
7. The Two Main Trends of Social Growth
8. The Economic Achievement of Society,
Society , the Error
of the Materialistic Concept of History
9- The Historic Growth Periods and the Personal
Stages of Life
10. The Utilitarian Principle in Society
e
Copyright 1983 by the Bureau of Business Research
III. Basic Form of the Constitution of Society:
Society: Leader
All rights reserved and Masses 35
Library Congress catalog card number 83-070450 1. Leadership as a Result of Mass Technique
2. The Nature of Leadership
Manufactured in the United States of America 3. The Forms of Leadership
4. The Hierarchy of Leadership
5. Leadership Strata (Leading People , Leadership
Leading People,
Status and Leadership Class)
Class )
6. The Following by the Masses
7. The Functions of Leader and Masses
8. The Great Man
Originally published in German by Julius Springer, Vienna, 1928 9. Fundamentals of the Development of the Consti¬
Consti ¬

tutional System
IV. Psychology of Power 55
3- The Instinct of Self-Preservation
Self-Preservation of
1. The Mass Mind Power, and the Social Inversion and
2. The Psychology of Power of the Masses Self-Destruction
Destruction of Power
3- The Teachings of the Psychology of Power of B. Public Opinion
the Masses
4. The Individualism of Private Life 1. In General
5. The Psychology of Power of the Leaders 2. Healthy Public Opinion
6. The Sacrificium Voluntatis in the Power 3- The Public Opinion of Say-So
Say -So
Experience 4. Public Opinion in a Democracy
7. The Personal Instinct of Self-Preservation and 5. The Share of Leader and Multitude in the
the Drive to Maintain Power Formation of Public Opinion
V. The Division of the Powers in State and Society 72 C. Self-Determination of the People
1 . The Idealizing Democratic View
1. The Competition of the Powers 2. Self-Determination
Determination in the Club and in the
2. Public Order Powers, Welfare Powers, and Cul¬ Corporation
ture Powers The Historic Truth About Self-
The Power Endowments of the Nations 3- Self -
3- Determination of the People
4. The Ruling Powers and the Drive for the Maxi-
mum, the Dominant Power Appendix. The Issue of Social Guilt
5. Supportive Powers (The Fundamental Civil
Rights) 1. Legal and Sociological View of Social
6. The Doctrine of the Separation of Powers Guilt
7- The Social Equilibrium 2. The Criterion of Social Endangerment and
8. The Concept of Society Security

VI. Legal Power and Legal Form 83

PART 2: THE HISTORICAL WORK OF POWER
1. The Power of Custom, of the Drive for Knowl¬
edge and Beauty, and of the Moral Sense
2. The Purpose in Law and the Sense of Justice IX. Social Institutions, Historical Formations.
Formations , Histor¬
Histor ¬

3- About the Inequality in Law ical Education 141

4. The Fight for (the Observance of) Rights
5. Internal and External Power of Law 1. Strength and Task
6. About the Necessity for a General Belief in 2. The Problem of Historical Formations
Law 3- About Former Solution Attempts
7. The Importance of Legal Form 4. About the Theory of the Objective Spirit in
8. Legal Form and Rule by Force Particular
9- About the Art and the Development of the For¬ 5. The Historical Formations as Power Formations
mation of Law 6. Education in School and in Life
10. About the Formation of Modern Constitutional
Law in Particular X. Historical Power, Its Forms,
, Its Transformation 155
VII. The Culture Powers 102 1. Entrenched and Growing Historical Power
2. The Collective (or Mass)
Mass ) Habit
1. The Communion of Faith 3. Sense and Custom, the Conventional
2. The Power of Knowledge 4. The Historical Power of the Welfare Powers and
3- The Social Work of Art the Culture Powers
4. The Crisis of our Culture 5. Historical Symbiosis
6. The Development of the Vernacular Language
VIII. Social Decision-Making 116 7. About the Law of Small Numbers
8. The Historical Power of the Church
A. Individual and Collective Decision-Making in 9. The Power of Historical Memory
General 10. Transformation of Historical Power
1 . The Meaning of "the others" in Society XI. Historical Leadership
2. Power and Purpose 172
1. The Willingness of the Masses to Follow
2. The Dynastic Power

ii
iii
 __ _ ;m
3- The Papal Power 5. The Circulation of Power in World History
4. The Anonymous Powers as Historical Powers 6. The Epochs of the History of Peoples and of
World History
XII. The Historical Work of Force and the Law of
Decreasing Force 180
PART 3: THE WAYS OF POWER AT THE PRESENT TIME
1. From "bellum omnium contra omnes" to the Free
People's State
2. Coercion in the Free People's State XVI. Liberalism 251
3- The Law of Decreasing Force within the State
and the People 1. The Birth of Liberalism in the French
4. Relapses into Force within the State and the Revolution
People 2. England's Role
5. Force in the Class Struggle 3. The Liberal Era
6. The War of the Civilized Peoples and the Com¬ 4. The Transition from Liberalism to Democracy
mand of Charity
7. Governmental Autarchy XVII. Nation and Nationalism 261
8. Private and Public Morality
9- The Law of Diminshing Force Between the 1. People and Nation
Peoples 2. The Jews
3- National Circulation and National Renewal
XIII. The Law of Increasing Freedom and Equality 207 4. National Culture and National Idealism
5. The National Idea in Germany
1. The Interrelations between the States of 6. National State and National Security
Force, Law, and Morality 7. Nationalism and Imperialism
2. Freedom and Equality in Christianity
3- The Revolutions of the Protestant Idea of XVIII. The Modern Organs of Power 299
Freedom
4. The Revolutions of the Bourgeois Idea of A. The Modern Organs of Freedom
Freedom
5. The Revolutions of the Proletarian Idea of 1 . About Individualistic and Organic
Equality Sociology
2. Despotic and Free Leadership,
Leadership , Constrained
XIV. The Law of Small Numbers Put to the Historical Test 217 and Free Following
3- The Free Leadership Organs and the Free
1. The Historical Possibilities Mass Organs
2. Despotic Leadership and Its Consequences for
the Masses B. The Political Parties and the Classes
3- The Transition to Lordly and to Democratic 1. Representation of the People and Personal
Leadership Franchise
4. Will of the Masses and Will of the Leader 2. State Constitution and Party Constitution
during the Period of Revolutions, Espe¬ 3. The Organization of Party Leadership
cially the French Revolution 4. The Composition of the Party Masses,
Masses , and
5. The Roman and the English Systems of Control the Classes in Particular
of the Leaders 5. The Political Parties as Historical
6. Will of the Masses and Will of the Leader F ormations
after the Upheaval, Especially in Russia
7- The Circumstances Governing the Central Powers C. The Political Parties in the Old and in the
and the Victorious Nations Young Democracies
XV. The Historical Circulation of Power and the Sequence 1 . The Special Interest Parties in the Con¬
Con ¬

of Epochs 231 stitutional System of Government

2. The State Parties in the Parliamentary
1. About the Theory of the Coincidences in System of Government
History 3- The Young Democracies After the Revolution
2. Measuring Social Forces by a Common Standard
The Circulation of Power Within a People D. The Daily Press
3-
4. The Sense of History 1. The Press as Leadership Organ
2. The Readers of the Press
3. The Press as a Business Enterprise

iv v
 4. The Power of the Press and Its Abuse
5. The News Service
6. The Impact of the Press
E. The Economic Leadership Organs and Mass Organs
1. The Capitalistic Enterprise
2. The Large-Scale Enterprise
3- The Labor Union
4. The Contribution of the Capitalist Enter¬
prise to the Building of the National
and the World Economy
5. Modern Plutocracy
F. The Modern Dictatorships
1. The Classical Dictatorship and the
Autocracy
2. Revolutionary Dictatorships and Law-and-
Order Dictatorships
3- Cromwell
4. Revolutionary Dictatorship and Caesarean
Law-and-Order Dictatorship in France
5. The National Law-and-Order Dictatorship
(Fascism and the Spanish Officers
Dictatorship)
6. Dictatorship and Democracy
7. Bolshevism
XIX. The Balance of Power at the Present Time
A. The Crisis of Power At the Present Time
1 . The Existing Power Conflicts
2. The Balance-Sheet of Social Forces Before
and After the World War
B. The Ways of Settlement of the Power Conflicts
1. The Path of Instruction
2. The Prospects for the Symbiosis of Power
3- The Twilight of Arms Power
4. The League of Nations
5. The National Reformation and the Fight for
External and Internal Peace
6. The Youth Movement
vi
S NOTE
TRANSLATOR'S
When in the mid-twenties, having long made his mark as one
of the founders of the Austrian school of economics,
economics , Wieser wrote
his magnum opus, he cut a broad swath through the social sciences
in historical perspective. His magnificent overview,
overview , his master¬
master
¬
ful grasp of the totality of man as a social animal in multiple
power relationships, is reminiscent of the work of Schumpeter,
Schumpeter ,
the great Austrian of the next generation,
generation , whom Viner in his
obituary called one of the last polymaths of the 20th century.
20 th century.
Although many world wars had been fought prior to the one
witnessed by Wieser shortly before he went to work on "The
"The Law of
Power”, probably none had been so designated by historiogra¬
historiogra ¬
phers. But by the early 1920s the military clash of 1914-1918
1914- 1918
had come to be viewed as geographically farther-reaching
farther -reaching than any
of its predecessors; hence reference to the World War in " The Law
"The
of Power" identifies what the next generation,
generation , experiencing the
holocaust of 1939-1945, came to call World War I.I.
i.e., he
footnotes , i.e.,
Wieser dispensed almost entirely with footnotes,
gave no references, as they are nowadays understood,
understood , to the work
of others. He assumed that the reader is familar with the writ¬writ ¬
sociologists , economists,
ings of dozens of historians, sociologists, economists, and
psychologists. Most of these probably still loomed large on the
scientific firmament at the turn from the 19th
19 th to the 20th
20 th cen¬
cen
376 tury, but for the post-World War II student of human affairs some
¬
familiarity. What is more,
names no longer have the ring of familiarity. more , in
many cases it is virtually impossible to determine which ideas
elaborated in "The Law of Power" originated with Wieser and which
others. In some cases the
he may have drawn from the work of others.
felicity , in other cases
author expresses these ideas with rare felicity,
.
their presentation is rather turgid.
Latin. Cer¬
The author takes for granted a strong base in Latin. Cer ¬
tain terms or phrases of this foundation language of the educated
person appear throughout the work, sometimes in quotes and some¬
some ¬
times italicized. Except for one Greek phrase,
phrase , I have abstained
from translating into English foreign language bits in order to
give the reader some idea of how much graduates from advanced
educational institutions half a century ago were supposed to be
props.
able to accommodate without translation props.
A related question is whether German words which have become
such. I
accepted in the English language should be identified as such.
have followed the practice of underlining (and ( and capitalizing)
capitalizing )
those which I understand to have become well entrenched,
entrenched , such as
etc.
Weltanschauung , Realpoli ti k , Junker , etc.
A much more substantial problem is the fact, however , that a
fact , however,
number of German terms used by Wieser often escape unambiguous
rendition in English. This is partly because they are too gen¬ gen¬
eral (e.g., are "Werkgemeinschaften"
" "work associations" or "task
"work associations" "task
forces," or are "gesellschaftliche Werke"
Werke" " collective works"
"collective works" or
"collective deeds" or "collective accomplishments"?),
accomplishments"? ), and partly
because we have largely discarded notions which smack of racial
prejudice (e.g., we no longer talk of "edle "edle Naturvolker"
Naturvolker" or
"primitive peoples of superior blood,"
blood ," alias "high-born
" high- born or
vii
LM_:_: _ m
superior primitive peoples"). A slippery term of , . I„ have vacillated between "leader
leader of the mind"
mind " and "
"soul
racially
should "Kulturbegrundung" be leader" .
in seeking an equivalent for "Seelenf iihrer."
"Seelenfuhrer
soul
ancient standing is "Kultur"; thus,
equated with "initiation of culture" or the "establishment of

_ _
"Kultur- In searching for "the historic truth about self¬
civilization"? (Somewhat arbitrarily, I have translated determination of the people"® Wieser observed:
self-
volker" into "culture peoples" rather than just "civilized observed: "In
" In der Induk-
Induk
tlonsreihe der Geschichte zeugen die Jahrtausende fur die Zwangs- -
tribes ," or like phrases.) bestimmung.
Zwangs-
und nur ...zeugen fur die_ Selbst-
Jahrzehnte...
bestimmung." I hope to have captured the meaning Selbst -
I am not sure just what Wieser meant by "Massentechnik" , phrase of this sentence by looking for a "stages
of the first
which appears in many places,"' hence have used the neutral word tory." "stages view of his¬
his ¬

"mass technique," feeling strongly that the author meant some¬

thing beyond "mass production techniques." Even more quizzical As is well known, one of the most treacherous German words
special
are passages such as the followingÿ to which Wieser gaveEinheits- is "Sinn." Where I felt uncertain about the author's
author's intended
emphasis: "Das Gesamtwerk der Zwangsgemeinschaf ten und
meaning,9 I have translated it as "
verbande hat immer die offene personliche FUhrung zur Vorausset- "sense"
sense " (rather
( rather than "meaning,"
" meaning,
”
"interpretation," "idea," "purpose").
").
zung...." which I have, somewhat uneasily because I am nebulous
about what Wieser was driving at, translated as follows: "The At the beginning of the chapter’'®
total accomplishments of the coercive and unit associations are
always based on open personal leadership...."
chapter
^devoted to "The
"
The Law
Increasing Freedom and Equality", the author dealt with "
Law of
"Aggrega-
Aggrega-
tionszustanden." I hope that "state
state of social relations"
relations" ade¬
ade ¬
quately covers Wieser's notion of "der gesellschaftliche
Another "teaser" occurs in Wieser's discussion® of the divi¬ tionszustand" , just as I hope thatt "
Aggrega-
Aggrega -
sion of the power in state and society. It appeared least prob¬ "work
work associations"
associations" ( ("task
"task
forces"?) comes close to his understanding
lematic to me to translate the title of the second section of schaften.
of " Werkgemein-
"Werkgemein-
that chapter, "Ordnungsmachte , Lebensmachte und Kulturmachte" , as "''
"Public Order Powers, Welfare Powers, and Culture Powers." I assume that the "Kraft zur Freiheit,
Freiheit , die dem englischen
I am not sure what Wieser meant by the "Trieb zum Maximum", Volke eigen ist"'2 is captured by "the"the impulse to freedom,"
freedom ,"
in the title of section 4 of the same chapter,1' hence I Maxi-
have rather than "strength for freedom,"
" ""which
which is particular to the
rendition, "Drive for the English people."
committed myself to a literal
mum...5 I am not sure whether the title of section 1 ,

——
Theory of the Coincidences in History"
, ""About
About the
In discussingthe appropriate posture of the "dominant History" — " "Ueber
Ueber die Lehre von
den Gleichzeit.igkeiten der Geschichte"
Geschichte" — of chapter XV is appro¬
power" relative to the other powers, Wieser remarks: "Sie [i.e., priately chosen, because what the author in the text discussedappro ¬

the dominant power] wird darauf bestehen, dass keine andere Macht
in ihre vorbehaltenen Zirkel storend eingreife, wird dabei aber
doch das Stammgebiet der andern schonen mussen."® In such cases
of vagueness I have given vent to the translator's frustration by
a "law of parallel historical development"
geschichtlichen Gleichlaufigkeit" (mymy emphasis). —
development " — "
cannot prove, an inadvertent equating of two different
"Gesetz
Gesetz der
emphasis ). I suspect,
is
suspect , but
notions.
notions.
using quotation marks to identify dubious terms, as shown by the Wieser's distinction between "peoples"
peoples" and "
inner quotes: "It will insist that no other power intrude upon "nations"
opaque, and so does his idea of what happens when'®
nations" remains
'
*

its 'reserved circles,' hut at the same time it will have to keep when 2 ""the
the peoples
its hands off the ancestral ground' of the others."
deepened into nations"
vertieft" or why '4 — "Die Volker haben sich zu Nationen
the Greeks and the Romans were "culture
peoples" ("Kulturvolker") but not "culture "culture
The word "Buÿgertum" occurs, as expected, in diverse con- nationen").
"culture nations"
nations" ( ("Kultur-
"Kultur -
texts; I have relied on intuition in rendering it now as "bour-
geoisie," now as "middle class(es)." I feel less than comfortable with the translation of "Die
freien Englander wurden ein weltgebietendes Herrenvolk" "Die
Wieser makes many references to "Umsturz," occasionally in Herrenvolk " 12® into
'
"The free English became a world-commanding
connection with events of World War I.? But whether perhaps
he meant a commanding master race"
race" because
of the absence of a connotation of racial superiority
particular revolution or a more general upheaval, the
English over the French or the Germans during the time ofof the
entire reordering of values brought about by the outcome of that nial rule. colo¬
colo ¬
war , remains unclear.
Chapter VIII deals with "Die gesellschaftliche Willens- Wieser's division of the work of society into " "Sonderwerk"
Sonderwerk"
bestimmung" and appeals to allude to the process of "social deci¬ and "Gesamtwerk"'® I have incorporated into the conceptual pair
sion-making." Accordingly, in Section A of this chapter, Wieser "special undertakings" and "collective
collective undertakings"
undertakings" (
(rather
rather than
distinguished between "personal and collective decision-making" "individual" and "social" undertakings)
undertakings ) because in the former
(or "personliche und gesellschaftliche Willensbestimmung"). success essentially concerns the acting individual alone,
alone,
in the case of collective undertakings the general effectwhereas
is at
stake.

viii ix
 m
"Gesetz der abnehmenden Gewalt," or "
"law
law of decreasing (diminish-
Along a different line, there are also instances of what I ing) force" (Chs. XII and XIII);
( diminish ¬

will call "blackout," i.e., where recourse to modern dictionaries

has been of no avail. In the first of three different cases "Gesetz der Gewalt," or "law of force"
Wieser wrote: "Wie zu seiner Zeit der Grundherr die Bauern zu ( Chs. XII and XIII);
force" (Chs. XIII );
besitzlosen Landarbeitern abgestif tet hatte [my emphasis] , so "Gesetz der hochsten Kraft," or "
driickte jetzt der Fabriksherr...die selbstandigen Gewerbsmeister strength" (Chs. XII and XIII);
"law
law of greatest (highest)
( highest )
in die Schicht der Lohnarbeiter hinunter."ÿ I have guessed at
the mysterious word "abstiften" by using the English term "Gesetz des Parteiinteresses ," or "
"degrade," thus: "As in his time the lord had degraded the peas¬ "law
law of party interests" ( Ch.
interests" (Ch.
XII);
ants to the status of landless workers, so the manufacturer..."
In the second case the author talks of a "geringe Zahl uber- "(allgemeines) Lebensgesetz ," or "
"(general)
( general ) law of life"
machtiger und iibermutiger Optimaten" [my emphasis] die "uber ( Ch.
life " (Ch.
’..18 which I XII);
eine Masse von verarmten Kolonen und Sklaven gebot,
have glibly Anglicized into "a small number of too powerful and "Gesetz der zunehmenden Freiheit und Gleichheit,"
.
arrogant optimates.. ," thereby at least suggesting the idea of Gleichheit ," or "law
" law of
increasing freedom and equality" (Ch.
Ch. XIII);
XIII );
self-centered wealthy persons being solely concerned with opti¬
mizing their own welfare at the expense of their subjects. "Gesetz der Gleichheit," or "law of equality" ( Ch. XIII);
equality " (Ch.
Finally, when Wieser condemns film makers for using movie thea¬
XIII );
ters as means for disseminating slanderous war propaganda, he "(Friedens) gesetz der Freiheit," or "
"(peacetime)
( peacetime ) law of liberty"
liberty "
suggests that Dante would have been moved "die verleumder Ischen (Ch. XIII);
Veranstalter in eine der argsten Bulgen des Inferno zu ver-
weisen."lq Not being able to find out the meaning of "Bulgen", I "Gesetz der geschichtli chen Wellenbewegung , " or "
"law
law of histor¬
histor
have weakly generalized by referring to "one of the worst habi-
¬
ical wave motion" (Ch. XIV);
tats [in both cases my emphasis] of the Inferno."
"Gesetz der geschichtlichen Gleichlauf lgkeit ," or "law of paral-
uieicniaui igkeit
Before turning to a different, and final, matter I cannot lei historical development" (Ch. XV);
XV );
suppress my delight qua economist over a passage in Wieser's
discussion of "The Capitalist Enterprise" in chapter XVIII, where "Bevolkerungsgesetz ," or "law of population" ( Ch . XV);
population " (Ch. XV );
he aptly anticipates what much later came to be known as money
illusion. For he wrote: "It may be that the men and women who "Gesetz der Erhaltung des Starksten,"
Starksten ," or "
"law
law of survival of the
followed the entrepreneur's call allowed themselves to be fittest" (Ch. XVII);
deceived by the figure of the money wage because they were unable
to foresee the level of their necessary expenditures...." "Gesetz des Kreislaufes ," or "law of circulation"
circulation " (Ch.
( Ch. XIX,
XIX , Sec-
Sec -
tion B).
I have never read a book which so abounds with references to
"Gesetz des (der)..." or "law of..." Surely one may overdo this I gratefully acknowledge the help of my colleague,
colleague,
practice by using "law" when merely referring to some observed Iwand, in smoothing out some rough spots in the draft of Tom the
behavioral principle or tendency. Except for the "Law of Small translation, and of Warren Samuels,
Numbers"
II, III,—X,
"Gesetz der kleinen Zahl"
XIV, XV, and XVI, and —
which
which occurs in chs. I,
I have capitalized in
accordance with accepted English usage, I have used lower case
discovery of those rough spots.
, the competent interpreter of
the Wieser Weltanschauung, whose attention to detail yielded the

letters in giving the English version of these so-called laws. E. Kuhn

W. E.
W.
It may be of interest to the reader that, in the order of first University of Nebraska-Lincoln
Nebraska-Lincoln
occurrence, he will encounter the following "laws":
"Gesetz des gesellschaftlichen Wachstums," or "law of social
growth" ( Ch. II);

"Gesetz des Erfolges," or "law of success" (Chs. V, XII, XIII,

and XIV, Section B);
"Glaubensgesetz ," or "law of faith" (Ch. VII);

"Moralgesetz ," "S i ttengesetz ," or "law of ethics" (Ch. VII);

"(inneres) Gesetz der geschichtlichen Bildung," or "( internal)
law of historical formation" (Ch. IX);
"Gesetz der Massentechnik ," or "law of mass technique" (Ch.X);

xi
x
 m
FOOTNOTES INTRODUCTION
1 E.g., Chs. III, IV, VIII. Warren J. Samuels

2Ch. in.
3ch. V. Friedrich von Wieser (1851-1926)
1926 ) was one of the unusual
formed , relatively early in life,
social scientists who, having formed, life ,
4Ch. V. inklings of a vision of a general model of society and perhaps of
history, managed to marshal their energies and research to pro¬ pro¬

is this the same as the "Trieb ins Grosse,”

or ’’Urge life , on opus articulating that
duce eventually, perhaps late in life,
to Achieve Great Things'1? See Ch. XV. vision. In Wieser's case, Das Gesetz der Macht was published
only a few months before his death. 1 For most thinkers,
thinkers , the road
6Ch. V. to the production of an elaborate statement of their grand view
of society is diverted by much narrower and often much more tech¬tech¬

?E.g • > Ch. VII. nical work, if not also by the demands of teaching,
teaching , administra¬
administra¬

service. Furthermore,
tive work, and possibly public service. Furthermore , in a world
8Ch. VIII, Section C. of increasingly specialized intellectual disciplines,
disciplines, it is mani¬
mani ¬
festly difficult and readily perceived as unrealistically ambi¬ ambi¬

in Section E of Ch. X. tious to generalize across, much less to master,

master , several social
sciences. Adam Smith came close in In producing two-thirds
two-thirds of a
10Ch. XII. sentiments , self-interest
trilogy focusing on the moral sentiments, self- interest and the
market, and law (and fortunately we have several sets of student
1 1 Ch. II. notes on his lectures in the unpublished area, jurisprudence ).
area , jurisprudence).
Karl Marx, of course, produced a system which,
which , whatever its ambi¬
ambi¬

12Ch. XIV. guities and problems, stands among the world’s

world ’s great intellectual
achievements. Of lesser historic significance,
significance , but not much if
13ch. XV. at all less an intellectual accomplishment,
accomplishment , is the work of Max
Weber , culminating in the integration of his thinking on polity,
polity ,
l4Ch. XVII. economy , and society,2 as well as the Treatise on General Sociol-
Sociol¬

ogy3 of Vilfredo Pareto.

15Ch. XVII.
Wieser is well known for his technical studies as a leading
l6Ch. XVIII, Section A. economics.
member of the Austrian school of economics. He advanced and
strengthened the Austrian theory of subjective,
subjective , marginal util¬
util ¬

17Ch. XII. ity. He developed the idea that cost involves lost utility,
utility , the
notion of opportunity cost. He also developed the theory of
l8Ch. XIV. imputation, which explains the valuation of factors of production
in terms of their contribution to the utility status of final
19ch. XVIII, Section D. output, the value of inputs being derived from the utility of the
produce.
final consumer goods which they help produce. In all these
respects Wieser cemented the Austrian vision of utility as the
central operating principle of the economy,
economy , and perforce of eco¬
eco ¬
nomic theory, active on both demand and supply sides of the mar¬mar ¬
ket.

Wieser also had a career in public service.

service .He was
appointed to the Upper House of the Austrian legislature and also
served as Minister of Commerce in the last two Cabinets of the
Austro-Hungarian Empire. Earlier in life he worked for seven
Austria.4
years in the Ministry of Finance of Lower Austria.4

Throughout his adult life Wieser had what his student,

student ,
vision. Wieser’s
Joseph Schumpeter, was to call a vision. Wieser ’ s vision cen¬
cen ¬

tered not on the static mechanics of individual utility but on

society and history, on what may be called either historical
sociology or sociological history.5 The principal elements of
the vision were three: society undergoing evolution in form and
structure , the role of leadership in all human activities,
activities, and

xii xiii
 m
, and by the differences
political, and eco- by consequence of which latter a
the existence of private property,
power as the fundamental category of social, notion of hierar-
nomic analysis. Common to all
chy. The model of the economy as a larger
functions was to be ensconced in
three
a
_
is
grand
the
interplay of utility
model of power. If
also depended upon
between rich and poor,
—
as a consequence
and by
formation of the
second element mingles itself in the formation of which latter a
namely, purchasing power."9
differences
exchange
of exchange value,
value would arise from indi
value ,

marginal utility it
value depended upon upon the social arrangements Among other things, natural value under the circumstance that
¬

social stratification, that is, especially, which gave thewouldsame arise from indi¬
which helped form utility functions and, vidual subjective valuations of goods under demand
as all
the circumstance others ’.
weights to the respective preferences of different individuals each individual's preferences countedthus functions that
and
the same
and groups. Value itself was
the need to concentrate on what we would
and operation of the institutions
largely
and
eclipsed,
now
mechanisms
call
as Wieser felt
the formation
of social con¬
whole and certain general
In the real world, utilities
exchange values based upon utilitieswealth
of inequality in the distribution of poor.
—
— were
thus
wealth,
,demand
were
as
10 stratified
entiation of mankind into rich and poor.111 that is,the
all others'
stratified
that isfunctions
because
, the differ
In Natural because
and
Value ,
themarginal
differ-
.
¬

trol and social change. Aspects of thepresented in earlier writ¬

articulating
isolating the domain In Natural Value ,
principles of the central vision were in the remarkable work, Das Wieser was principally interested in articulating
identify
of marginal
the as marginal
ings, but Wieser's thought culminated utility theory of value. inequality
In isolating the domain of marginal a key
the first time in
Gesetz der Macht , which is here published for utility he felt an obvious need to subjective
identify valuation operated
English translation. economic inequality
factor affecting the way in which subjective power structure as a key was
in the real world. Some notion individuals ’ valuation
preferences . operated
Wieser ’s
and Pareto for of economic power structure
Wieser is to be compared with Marx Weber, of social
necessary to the weighting of individuals' cost , and the
preferences.
process was of
As a
his architectonic vision and grasp. with them and with Robert
theorist focus on marginal utility, opportunity ,cost, to recognize stratifiWieser's ¬

is in the same league imputation led him, perhaps ironically, which he and couldtheabstract
process of by
class Wieser inter¬ to11recognize stratifi¬
Michels, Gaetano
1 Mosca, and Schumpeter. As an analyst who to
reducible the
cation as an important factor fromsociety which .he could abstract by
preted society, polity. and
interactive categories of
economy
power,
typically emphasizing the importance ofsystem)
knowledge (belief
in terms
psychology, and knowledge
u..
power and psychology and
are manipulated by
— creating the fiction of a communist society.11
Power and utility1ÿ became thedescribed
twin
organizing principles of
by Oskar Morgenstern
organizing
treatise principles
been writof
how psychology and
and in the interest of power
—
Pareto, Schumpeter, Weber , Werner Sombart,
John Kenneth Galbraith. His ideas
Wieser
also
is to be compared with
must
and, more recently,
be seen as having
Gustave Le
Wieser's Social Economics, a book described
principle of by
in 1927 as "the greatest systematic
ten by an Austrian in which the principletreatise
that has
Oskar Morgenstern
marginal
that
The first part
analyzed in all its ramifications. 1 3 not of themarginal
utility
hasofbeen
isolated
the writ¬
utility
is
book
Robinson is
¬

been influenced by the work of Marx, Weber, Pareto "

examines the abstract individual (but not The first part of
arrangements and presents the book
Emile Durkheim, and Gabriel Tarde, among . isolated
the Robinson
Bon , Georges Sorel, Crusoe) independent of specific social theory The second part
had been considerable arrangements
others. Although by the mid-1920s there activities in the fields
the fundamentals of marginal utility theory. specific
The
and presents
institutional
first-rate and influential intellectual foregoing as well as other
examines the individual within the specific
second
inclusive of the state part but
in which he worked, involving theother arrangements of the modern economy, actions institutional
, particularly the
names, Wieser only rarely cited writers and apparently without reference to specific state inclusive economy of the state
rooted but
than on close work in power ,
relied principally on his own intellect
Nonetheless,
rather
Wieser's analysis very
property
constitution of the nominally private .
actions,
economy
The particularly
third part again the
in the existing literature. private property, and the law of rooted
taxation in theinlight power,
of
the work of others and certain interests, property. The third independent
part again
much reflects both
the period of his adult examines briefly public expenditures and not entirely
taxation
ideas, and themes relatively common to marginal utility analysis, largely The final partin the light to
amounts of
writers. To recognize that, but not entirely independent
life, especially among continental accomplishments, which
of considerations of power and class. economics
The final
, particularly
however, is not to minimize his own a survey of topics in international payments and part
trade, amounts
touching to
Wieser's analysis is quite original economics,
international particularly
extended beyond synthesis. Perhaps more important, he worked on international prices and balances of payments and trade, economic rela ¬
touching
in a number of respects. interpretation.
somewhat on %he play of power in
international economic rela¬
truly fundamental problems of analysis and tions.
universal operation of util ¬
The place of Das Gesetz der Macht in Wieser's
overall scheme Expectably, Wieser explores thevaluation of consumer goods,
of thought is suggested by noting the contents of his two other
Value'1'
and
ity and opportunity cost in the universal
productionoperation
valuation
. Even when
of consumer
of util¬the
principal and previously translated works, Natural ,goods,
capital goods, and other factors of analytical attention how ¬
presented the production.
individual and his/her Even when the
preferences
Social Economics.° In the earlier book Wieser abstract individual is the center of analytical
of value, exchange value in relation to ever, Wieser does not take the individual attention,condi
socio-culturally how¬
¬
marginal utility theory and his/her preferences
of imputation, the sacrifice-of- and needs as given: economy , the individual oper ¬
"natural value," the theory examination of public
These latter are socio-culturally
and social control (condi¬
opportunity theory of cost, and a brief tioned.111 Moreover, in the social economy, the individual
which
oper¬
and taxation in the light of marginal utility the¬ ates within an institutional structure and "natural . society
")control ^
is
expenditures "that value which arises . Social
massessocial (which
power
ory. By "natural value" Wieser meant may be so taken for granted as to appear is
amount of goods and utility, or "natural").
divided into leaders and following masses.role of la^power
society is
ar* d of
from the social relation between
value as it would exist in the communist state... Natural value understood as, in part, classreproduction
power.
politicalT1le
of soda Social structureis
la” and .
the formation of exchange value. It does not, education is, in part, the reproduction . ,role of
and economic relaof
is one element in structure.
¬

into exchange value. On the There is stratification of social* political, of

valuesa0<1social
( prices ).
however, enter simply and thoroughly
imperfection, by error, fraud, eo°nomic Pow ^
rela¬
one side, it is disturbed by human tions and therefore of utilities and vaiueS (pnices). Pow®1"
force, chance; and on the other, by the present
order of society,
signifies that marginal utilities and therefore prices are strat¬ matter of formal law but also of unwritten law.23
law.23 The state,
state ,
ified. The market gives effect, in its allocation of resources, consequently, is an "indispensable factor"2*1
factor"24 in the social econ-
econ ¬
to hierarchical relations effectuated, reinforced, and altered omy , and its operation and performance must be examined objec-
objec ¬

through hierarchical institutions. These hierarchies are given ti vely. In part this is because the exercise of state power is
direct market impact through private choice based on wealth and relationships. "The
derivative of leader-mass relationships. "The fate of society is
social position, with stratification operating through both dependent on the relationship of leadership and the masses,"
masses ," and
demand and supply sides via the distribution of wealth, institu- "social power is most marked when these groups are legally supe¬
supe ¬

tions , and noncompetitive (monopoloid) conditions. Realized
economic welfare is a function of the actual stratified economy.
There are other themes in Social Economics which presage the
discussion in Das Gesetz der Macht. Both the history and the
operation of the capitalist economy are explicated in terms of
rior and subordinate."2ÿ One problem is that in a hierarchical
system "legal freedom of contract as matter of fact shrinks into
an extremely limited freedom of choice."2ÿ
choice."26
The crux of the normative issue lies,lies , according to Wieser,
Wieser ,
in the questions: "Is private property an institution of eco¬ eco¬

power. Property as a form of power is critical to the historic nomic endeavor or is it not, much more properly,
properly , to be called an
success of the modern economy. So also are unions and the state institution of superior power? Or, Or , to be more precise,
precise, is pri¬
pri¬
as vehicles for working out new power relations balances of vate property an institution subservient to the economic require¬ require¬
power, and welfare results. Leadership, perhaps especially anon- ments of society, or is it merely the creature and tool of those
ymous leaders arising from the masses,, is critical to all eco- who wield social-economic power?"ÿ 2
nomic systems, socialism included. The individual is a social ^ Wieser ’s answer,
Wieser1 answer , which is
quite complex and open-ended, indicates that he is not willing to
being who develops through "social education. »t 15 Historical take as given the specifics of the then-exist
evolution is profoundly influenced by "success" and by the hold erty , nor is he willing to reject private - existing
ing system of prop-
property. There is
property.
prop¬

on the minds of the many of the successes of the few: "Success
is the driving force that moves the masses to copy the example of
the leaders.
In contrast with Natural Value , Social Economics includes
explicitly normative discussions V/f conjoined to positive descrip¬
tion and interpretation which can stand independent from the
normative views. Power exists and is subject to being checked by
other power players. "Powerful persons are merely in a position,
in building up the economic organization, to carry through their
personal interests rather than the general interest. Thus they
"great inequality between the rich and the poor." poor." He argues that
"goods should never be applied to lower needs,needs , while higher needs
call for satisfaction and could be covered accordingly.
accordingly. But the
private constitution of economy permits the rich to satisfy their
luxurious needs, while the poor are scarcely able to satisfy the
needs of this existence."2° Yet, he is not convinced that major
change of the system will benefit the poor:poor: "It "It may well be that
a system of rules, which distributes very unequally the enormous
gains to which it is instrumental, is after all more beneficial
to the mass of the citizens than another,
another , doling out its much
smaller proceeds according to ’principles
principles of right and rea¬ rea¬

are able, at those points which they regard as critical, to son.’" * The future of the specifics of the institution of prop- prop¬

replace the social mind by their own."16 Far from hypothesizing 9 then, is at the heart of the problem of the status of the
that pursuit of self-interest is consistent with realization of
'
existing order. "The extreme partizans [[ sic] sic ] of the prevailing
the social interest, Wieser argues that a truly social theory order decline to recognize the evils of the existing dispropor¬ dispropor ¬
"will point the way to needed reform," especially furnishing "a tion of economic power... The opponents of the existing order
sound theoretical basis for freedom and also for restrictions on look upon it as nothing more than a contrivance to serve the
f reedom.!» 1 9 This is part of the struggle for power in society, power."30
egoistic interest of those in power. "30 But "even " even the social¬
social¬

one dimension of which involves the conflict between the economic istic state of the future will need leadership;
leadership ; will,
will, by leader¬
leader¬

order erected by the bourgeois class and the "counter-reform of ship, create power; and, as the outgrowth of power, power , there will
the economic order proposed"ÿ by the proletariat. Derivative again be despotism, under the pressure of circumstances,
circumstances , whenever
from this conflict are the conflicts between the bourgeois and the masses are not sufficiently strong to offer resistance to the
socialist thinkers and between their respective cases. Both prevailing leaders."31
classical and socialist economic theory have presented supporting
cases for their visions of economic reality. Each has loopholes, One final point made by Wieser echoes Natural Value:Value: He
deficiencies , and has gone to extremes; both have competed for argues that the theoretical foundation for the capitalist system
control of public opinion. The socialist has pointed to the handed down by the classical economists,
economists , specifically "the
"the theo¬
theo ¬

economic consequences of stratified power and the classical theo¬ rem that private freedom guarantees the attainable maximum of
rist to the consequences of freedom. In Wieser’s view, "one must social utility, is no longer regarded as sacred."
sacred ." He partic¬
partic ¬

hold himself aloof from the excesses of the individualistic expo¬
sition, but the explanation must still run in terms of the indi-
vi dual ," ' and "true freedom does not consist in total lack of
control. It consists rather in a relation of the individual to
society.n 22
Private power is dependent upon the law , and the law is in
part a creation of private power. Property is power; property is
one of the forms taken by power. Property power is partly a
ularly stresses that the teachings of the classical doctrine "are
"are
valid only under conditions of a general equality of forces. forces.
Where this equality does not prevail,
prevail , complete freedom can only
weak."32
result in disadvantages to the weak. "32 In time,
time , accordingly,
accordingly ,
the "state will feel it a duty to provide as far as may lie in
its power the public means of protecting the life values of the
laboring class."33 To an economist the argument that traditional

xvi xvii
__
m
which is quite different from, for example, Malthus's
Malthus's law of
microeconomics requires a general equality of power is striking population or Say's Law.
and radical, whatever the implications for public policy.
Structurally, the book is divided into three major sec- sec ¬
Wieser did not in Social Economicsÿ provide a calculus for tions. The first outlines the principal factors comprising the
reform or for evaluating received arrangements. But, unlike so general structure of power and society,
society , especially the law of
many others, for whom traditional doctrine is a rationalization small numbers, power, leadership, leader-masses
leader-masses relations,
relations, the
of the regnant economic system whatever its constitution of pri¬ psychology of power, legal and nonlegal social control institu¬
institu ¬

vate power (to use Wieser's term), Wieser was willing to confront tions, and aspects of collective decision-making.
decision-making. The second
that doctrine with the realities (as he perceived them) of power part presents the elements of Wieser'
Wieser's historical analysis of the
and thus treated the respective cases of defender and opponent of reality (or, as he calls, it, the "
"work") power, including the
work ") of power,
the existing order with understanding. Wieser was more inter¬ forms and transformation of historical power;
power; the role of histor¬
histor ¬
ested in comprehending the power play at the heart of issues of ical education; the laws of force, decreasing force,
force, and increas¬
increas ¬

reform and public policy than in providing a propaganda for one
side or the other. He understood the dynamics of the actual
historical evolution and operation of power. He understood the
inevitable hierarchical tendencies in society. He was not taken
in by ideological legitimations on either side. He was able to
identify, in a relatively neutral manner, the critical analytical
and policy issues.
Wieser, then, was able to integrate power and utility:
Price is a social institution, not simply
because its magnitude is the result of a uni¬
versal appraisal of value by society; it is so
as the result of a social contest for the
possession of the offered supply
— a contest
between individuals of varying appreciation
and varying powers of demand. The maximum
offer of the marginal stratum is decisive.
Therefore price does not take its standard
from the marginal utility as such, but from a
stratified marginal utility.3**
ing freedom and equality; the overriding law of small numbers;
numbers ;
and the fundamental historical circulation of power.
power. The third
part, "The Ways of Power at the Present Time,"
Time, focuses on liber¬
alism; nationalism; the modern organs of power"(classes,
liber ¬
( classes , parties,
parties ,
press, economic organizations, and dictatorship);
dictatorship ); and the balance
of power at the time; in each case he uses the concepts,
concepts, the
themes, and especially the laws developed earlier.
earlier.
As the reader of the work will quickly observe,
observe, Das Gesetz
der Macht encompasses both a model of interpretation of history
and a holistic, albeit selective, treatment of society.
society. Wieser's
Wieser ’s
is a multi-millenial view, a particular interpretation of history
which, while often focused on the century preceding the 1920s,
1920 s ,
identifies trends emerging during several thousand years of Wes¬
Wes ¬
tern history as well as trend manifestations discernible within
shorter periods. (That different interpretations can be given to
history and to its ostensible manifestions is not of particular
interest here to Wieser.) But taking account of this truly long
view is indispensable to understanding the details of Wieser's
Wieser's
historical analysis, particularly his most important specific
laws.

This was in microeconomics. In what has come to be called macro- As a theory of society as a whole, whole, Wieser's
Wieser ’ s analysis
economics: "The structure of the acquisitive community and the bridges, and to a limited extent integrates,
integrates, several major social
formation of income are always determined by the stratification science themes of the late nineteenth and early twentieth centu¬
centu ¬

of the people."35 Whatever one thinks of the equality require- ries. In a manner resembling the broad but nonetheless limited
ments , explanation of the working of economic reality necessi- scope of Pareto's Treatise on General Sociology , Wieser's
Wieser's hol¬
hol ¬

tated, in Wieser's view, recourse to the analysis of utility, istic analysis of society emphasizes power,
power , power play,
play, the psy¬
psy ¬

power, and stratification (inequality).
Turning now to Das Gesetz der Macht, as Professor Kuhn
chology of power, and the role of belief systems;
systems; it does not
directly include the workings of marginal utility in the market,
market,
which Wieser (as had Pareto) had discussed so effectively in his

__
remarks in his Translator's Note, Wieser used "Gesetz" rather earlier works, although certain aspects of the evolving economic
freely throughout the book. As I shall indicate below, several power structure found in Social Economics also are presented
_
specific "laws" are very important to Wieser's arguments. The
use of Gesetz in the title, which does literally translate "The
here.

Law of Power," does not signify a particular analytical or inter- If by political is meant having to do with matters of choice
pretive law. The "law of power" comprises an assertion of the and power, then Das Gesetz der Macht is a work chiefly of both
primary importance of power in society, polity, and economy. sociology. Along with the works
political economy and political sociology.
Thus Wieser begins his Preface with this statement: "The people of such other writers as Marx, Pareto, Weber , and,
Pareto, Weber, and , to some
of the world stand under the principle of power." Power is the extent, Schumpeter and Galbraith, this book integrates in terms
critical aspect of organized life, the important concept for of power the fields of economics, ..politics, sociology.
politics , and sociology. A
analysis, and it is amenable to objective analysis, although leading member of the Austrian school of economics,
economics, which has
hitherto largely neglected by social scientists and histori- come to emphasize doctrinally a stringent methodological individ¬
individ¬

ans.35 Law is thus used in the title in much the same way one ualism. thus also developed (here and in his earlier books,books , but
may use the term "principle of utility" to indicate the reign most elaborately here) a sophisticated and thorough methodo¬ methodo ¬

(overriding importance) of the twin masters of pleasure and pain, logically collectivist analysis. As political economy,
economy , Wieser
analyzes the economy as a system of power,
power , focusing in part on

xix
xviii
 i liiii s
the importance of class, the economic manifestations of leader- masses in all
masses interaction, the specific power foundations of the eco¬ to the Law of organizations, including the state.
Small Numbers below, state. I shall return
nomic system, and the importance of the interactions between indicate not only that below, but at this point
nominally legal and economic processes. As political sociology, that Wieser's analysis this law is one of several lawsI want to
Wieser analyzes in terms of power and (what amounts to power) of power is far more but also
complex than can be multifaceted and
both legal and nonlegal social control as alternative paradigms, summarized in a handful of laws. laws.
focusing throughout on a sociology of law, the internalization of
legal and moral norms, the complexities of hierarchical rela¬
tions, the social psychology of power, leader-masses interac¬
dependencies, in a _
Power exists, in Wieser's view, view , in a parallelogram of
multiplicity of power relationships inter-
inter ¬

tions, and such specific topics as dictatorship, political par¬ situations, not typically in and power
is under thei control of situations in which one individual
ties, and the political (or party) press. sonal and anonymous but another. Power is not entirely imper-
is largely so ( imper ¬
(III.
III.3)-
Wieser is, if anything, extraordinarily candid in matters of
class, power, and hierarchy in general. Unlike Pareto, among
operates unconsciously
exists as command over the and inconspicuously (1. 3)
( 1.3-
3).
)
Power generally
Power often
*

define reality and channel human mind,mind , belief systems which

others, Wieser evidences no anxiety as to possible adverse conse¬ root of economic struggle behavior (1.2; ( 1.2; VI. VI.5).
5 ). Power is at the
quences of candor and demystification in social science for the omy (1.4). and governs the operation
of the econ¬
status quo processes of social control and order. Force is historically important, important, for example, econ ¬
regard to social order example, in
and
XVIII.F.6; XIX.B.2-6). Force historical education
Wieser was neither ideologue nor high priest. He presents yields an aura of power (1.7;
( XIII.1;
1.7; XIII. 1;
and much more important, (1.7),
(1.7 ) » but,
but ,
no apologia for any dominant class, although he can be cited it is transformed into power by the
psychology of power
favorably by the ins and the outs and by the high and the low.
He was a major contributor to a positive political economy and success (in re the (1.7;roles
XVIII.B.4). 4). The origin of power is
of historical education, in
Legal and nonlegal education, see below). below ).
political sociology. He transcends (as much, perhaps, as a powers (V.2 and passim);institutions of social control are social
writer can) the popular legitimizing slogans and myths of law, power is social control
Individuals and organizations V.2; VI.1).
(V.2;
( 1 ).
politics, economics, and power. On the contrary, he identifies a drive for, and the self- preservation and VI.
seek self-preservation
alternative idealized conceptions (for example, of the state). maintenance of,
of , exhibit
VIII.A.3, C.2). Power play, power IV.7;
(IV.
( V.4,7 ;
7 ; V.4,7;
The phenomena of power, leader-masses interactions, and belief tition are ubiquitous power limiting power, power, and compe¬
systems were something to be explored, mapped, and used to inter¬ (V. 1,4,5,7; VIII.VIII.A. compe ¬

pret history and society. Power and class were neither dirty XVIII.A.3, F.3; XIX.B.2). A.3,3, C.3; XII. XII.4; 4; XIII.
XIII.5; 5;
names nor sensitive secrets. This does not mean that his discus¬ effective legal protection forThe powerful know how to provide
of the contest for their interests (VI. ( VI.2,
2,9),
9 ), as part
sions fail to reflect his time and location, for example, the ubiquitous conflictcontrol of the state (XII.
over rights (VI.
( XII.8; 8; XI.1) ), including
insecurities of the nations and peoples of Central and South¬
oriented more toward the attainmentVI.4, 6).
4,6). Decision-making
Decision making is
eastern Europe (XVII), the prevalence of newspapers with party the achievement of and retention of -power
connections and editorial lines (XVIII.D), and his increasingly substantive purpose than
declasse status as the Empire passed into history. Nor does it
Social order is both a dependent ( VIII.A.
(VIII. A.2; B. 1 ).
XIX.B.1).
2; XIX.
regard to power and independent
variable with
powers engage in(VIII.B.1; IX.5). Both entrenched and expanding
mean that he never makes his own normative views known on various
subjects, for example, that true democracy is freedom (V.6), that
conflicts over rights are legitimate (VI.4), that complementary
antagonists are necessary to produce a balanced way of life
tionships of continual
the historicalconflict,
struggle (X.
( X
alliance, and symbiosis
powers (X.5). History
. 1 ,8, 10),
1,8,
is
__
10 ), although rela¬
are found among
rela ¬

transformation of largely
(X.10), for example, as boththe adaptive
(VIII.A.3), that democracy requires a structure in which no sin¬
gle organization represses the others (VIII.C.3), that the
masses mature frompowerhistorical leaders and
power involves a education. The transformation
education.
masses' love of liberty is the counterbalance to the leaders' expansion of the historical circulation of power, power , comprising an
of
will to power necessary for a free society (XVIII.A.2), and so Unions are inner circle of the powerful (see
( see below).
below ).
on. (XVIII.E.3). organizations of opposition,
Capitalist enterprises
opposition , not of
leadership
tions and social powers, with are both
Wieser also was sensitive and prescient regarding post-World and often controlling power rivaling leadership institu-
institu
that of the state
¬

War I developments in Europe, particularly centering around repa¬ III.3). Power governments (XVIII.
( XVIII . A .3, E.1 ,4,7 ; II.
A. 3 » E.1,4,7; II.4;4;
rations, fascism, Bolshevism, the League of Nations, and the always feel the is subject to
powers that areselective perception:
perception: "
"We
We will
factors now known to have led to World War II (XVIII.F.5-7 5 aids for our affairs, to be useful to us to be
XIX.A, B.2-4), although his portrayal of trade unions (for exam¬ ing those which hamper liberation, whilebeneficial
powers of liberation,
ple, XVIII.B.5, E.3) and plutocracy (for example, XVIII.E.1,5;
XVI.4) is more controversial.
Wieser's analysis of power centers on the Law of Small Num-
could we react differently?"
reader will encounter such
and crush

means instability; the will tofurther

social dynamism; unused power
(II.
us
3)-
)
as
.
powers of coercion
Throughout the book
points as:
power lends courage,
as:
—
perceiv¬
perceiv
— the
Balkanization
courage , energy,
energy, and
¬

how

bers: rule, law-making, and ownership of the means of production is ruled; and the atrophiesÿ; a nation either rules
atrophies
— in short, all forms of decision-making are in the hands of
a relative few. (Wieser thus goes far beyond Pareto's law of
concentrated income distribution.) Accordingly, much of his
ideali sm
in the growing
reality of power
power of charity and see
vis-a- vis mushy moralizing or
although, as we shall vis-a-vis
see, , Wieser had a deep belief
peace, ,
and
ioal education. peace as products of histor- histor ¬
discussion treats ubiquitous hierarchical institutions and rela¬
tionships , often stressing the relations between leader(s) and

xx
xxi
 ill

iMiiiiii
_i ill
The absence of historical education,
education , or
discussion require ity, is the core of Wieser's theory of of sufficient matur¬ matur ¬
Two concepts employed in the foregoingeducation." Wieser including fascism. These dictatorships are modern dictatorship,
dictatorship ,
amplification: "success" and "historical leadership due to situations in
social decision-making and which the masses, in his view, have power
uses "success" to explain power is in success: Success attracts education (including what he calls before their historical
selection. The origin of failure repels (II.3* XV.2;
their
(XIX.B.1)) has sufficiently advanced and they have freedom organs
and permits survival, whereas adequately
XVIII.A.2). Force is transformed into power through the psychol- matured. They crave freedom and self-determination
self - determination but lack the
leadership acquires (or produces) awe, capacity for governance (XVIII .F .2-6 XIX.B. 1 ). The function of
Successful law-and-order dictatorship is to - abet
ogy of power: 6 ; XIX.B.1).
confidence, and legitimacy (1.3). Success attracts following, or the task of historical
Power is reinforced by success (11.4,6; education (XVIII.F.6). Wieser is quite cold-blooded
membership (II.2). The masses (and, of course, one is free to disagree cold - blooded about this
XVII. 1). Leadership selection is through success: with his interpreta¬
interpreta
with the test of success, from among the tion). He is fully aware of the possibilities,
possibilities , indeed the ubiq¬
¬

select in accordance a socializ- uity, of abuse of power (XVIII.D.4). ubiq ¬

contending leaders (111.3,7; XIV. 4). Success is thus

mechanism pro¬
.
ing vehicle, among other things a synchronization
ducing commonly held views (IV.1).
Property, for example, is Whatever the means, one does learn from force (XII. ( XII.5;
its consecration by success (VI.2). XIII.1; XIX.B.1), i.e., the exercise of 5;
seen as sacred because of gradual coordination of play an educational role for all parties (power has played or can
The social will is channeled by the A. 3). Capitalist leadership did Wieser see in prospective League (IX; IX ; XVIII.A ,,BB , F). Thus
energy along successful paths (VIII. of Nations' success in
resolving small disputes the prospect of Nations
1
of production (XVI. 3)* I shall
resides in its success in terms and explanatory quality short of war, larger conflicts, that is, success in settling,
settling,
have more to say about the interpretive is , a process of historical
of the concept of "success," but literally: it should be understood that education. He also saw that this would require the transcendence
quite The course of his¬ of nationalism, for example, being able to
Wieser intended to be taken of contending par¬ that is, national reformation (XIX. admit wrongs,
national wrongs,
tory, so much a matter of trial and error and .B. 4 ). The civilizing proc¬
2,4).
B.2, proc
profoundly influenced by both actual and perceived suc¬ ess is not something discussed frequently
these .
¬

ties, is perceived to have succeeded, Wieser's multi-millenial perspective on European days.

days With
cess. What succeeds, or what is and world his¬ his
immediate turn on the path of his- tory, the process of historical, civilizing ¬

survives. It constitutes the the law of highest clearer. education became

tory. Success is closely intertwined with
strength or supreme power: Success confirms and reinforces
power, however problematic that power had been and remains. Of Power is hierarchical: '

the Law of Small Numbers.

Numbers. The
all the opportunities hitherto open to historical evolution, of rival tendencies of hierarchy and equality together constitute
all the prospective leaders, only the successful do in fact mark the critical locus of tension in .. the operation and
evolution of
history and leadership. Whatever and who¬ society (II.7). Thus Wieser contrasts Nietzsche's
the actual course of
history. Wieser seems to have the will to power of a true elite with hisNietzsche 's emphasis on
ever fails falls by the wayside of
as a matter of both logic and experience. His tive of the principle of power explained inown: own: ""The
The representa¬
representa ¬

understood this this book is society

participation in governance seems to have of sensitized him to the in its tension between leader and masses"
masses ( Preface ). Society and
including the role the emotions which all organizations are hierarchical in " (Preface).
psychology of power, mind, functioning structure. Stratification
and leadership [itself hierarchical structure.
permit power to gain and retain its hold on the ( III.4)]
(III. 4 )] are ubiquitous
or perceived success. That is, after all, the (II.7; III). The practical problem is the relative rigidity of
through actual public relations in all established stratified arrangements (XVI.
psychological dimension of political ( XVI.1).
1 ). Identification of
class structure is difficult; although
societies. it is not a matter of
economic division alone, it has been increasingly
(IX). History, propertied versus unpropertied , with ethnic, a matter of
The second concept is "historical education" It comprises train- and dynastic factors still present but ethnic , regional,
regional, religious,
religious,
to Wieser, has been a process of education. less important than for-for ¬
cooperative activity (XII. 1; merly.
ing in civic duties and in peaceful, life, the training
XIX.B.5). Education exists in both school and
and nonformal education With regard to leaders and masses,
of successive generations through formal the experience of power masses, Wieser makes a number of
rather straightforward and, to him,
from
(IX.6). The masses have learned religion, limited cooperative him, fundamental points.
points.
basic form of the constitution of society The
(for example in military service, to sense its successes sion between leader(s) and masses (III, is found in the divi¬divi ¬

ventures) to submit to a greater whole and historical education the fundamental division of power in XI ). In it resides the
III , XI).
as their own (IV. 2). Through stern III.1 ). The role of
masses have been trained to leadership participate in collective undertak¬ leadership, in its various forms society (III.1).
(
III.3 ), is to guide (III.
ings; moreover, through it has been transformed from XIV.1,3,4; XVIII.C.3) E.2). Among (III.3)>
other things
things,
( III.2;
, the masses fol¬
2;
(VIII. A. 2). Wieser thus notes the low, either passively or actively, selecting fol ¬
despotic to liberal leaders between aspirants to
process of maturation of the masses in England, following the (further) leadership on the basis of ( (perceived)
perceived ) success (III.
( III.6;
which the way had been IV.2,3; XI; XII.2). Because, in part, 6;
spread of the franchise, a process for 5) He notes that trade ing belief systems, leader-massespart , of ignorance and obfuscat¬
obfuscat ¬

prepared by earlier maturation (XVIII.B. education •

(XVIII.B.5), ,
power play, is largely inconspicuous interaction, considered as
interaction
unions represent training in historical ( 1.3 ). Belief
to the masses (1.3).
union discipline constituting a form of moral self-education systems are used by leaders to control
the masses ( 1.6 ). Success
(1.6).
(XIX.A.2). He notes that the education ofengaged politicians requires emanating from the work of the many will be
credited to the few
to be financially secure individuals in a full-time (1.7). Circumstances are important both in leader success
them of Weber).
vocation (XVIII. C. 2; note the influence
xxiii
YV1
 m
leaders, who often are Wieser argues, therefore, that there
(III.8; IV.5) and in the transformation of realities (X.10; XII.2). social growth. One is the tendency toward are two main trends of
tamed and/or accommodate to new power tion, toward greater hierarchy. The other increasing stratifica¬
stratifica ¬

is multifaceted and complex. is the trend toward

Overall, leader-masses interaction and its future, is the upward mobility of classes, particularly
Most critical for society, for its operation masses (II.7). Although the law of the rise of the
VI.10). It undoubtedly
the leadership selection process (III.5;"that the method by which ture is never compromised, Wieser continued hierarchic struc¬
struc ¬

was Wieser from whom Schumpeter learned

its particular struc- classes power has historically become stresses that as between
a society chooses its leaders in what, for lower strata become historically educated, diffused. The
more widely diffused.
ture, is the fundamental
instance, was the function of
one of the most important
social
the
things
function
warrior
about a
for its performance as well as for its fate.
in feudal
"37
such as, for
society
—
is
society, most important
the rights of the upper strata, and educated , increasingly sharing
coopted into the ruling ranks (11.6,7;
the leaders they produce are
11.6
hierarchy continues, but in revised form
XVII.3). The fourth law, therefore,
,7; 111.5,9; X.10). Thus
111.5 ,9; X.10).
( XVI.1;
and structure (XVI.
therefore, is the law of upward mobil¬
1;
ity. A prime example was the new nineteenth-century mobil ¬

power in the abstract.

Wieser's is clearly not a theory of model-building system which both brought new stratanineteenth -century economic
theorizing and in this into prominence and aug- aug
Although there is much mented the power of resistance of the masses ¬

book, his principal concern is the interpretation of history. XVIII.A.

(XVIII.
( A.3).
2).
the key to under¬
Power, as the critical aspect of society, is economy. Wieser's Closely related to, and not technically
standing the history of society, polity, and the law of , upward mobility, is a fifth, differentiated from
contradictory) , the law of increasing
specific laws embody statements of general (and operative and freedom and equality (XIII). Withinfifth
the
tendencies with regard to power which he considered chy, that is, of leadership and success requirements
( XIII.3-4),
of hierar¬
hierar ¬
observable throughout human history. (at any time those who are below the top (XIII. -
3 4 ), the masses
is a to enjoy increasing rights and freedom instrata of society)
society ) come
Historically, force is the first important law. Force and economic affairs (XIII.3). Legal equality religious, political,
religious, political ,
decision-making, of determining results (XIII. 5). Force again within continued hierarchic greater, and,
is greater, and ,
mode of ormation of preda- structures,
structures , there are wider
is paradoxically involved in the gradual transf education. opportunities for individual and
class improvement (XVII.
cious into social man (XII. 1) through historical There is, therefore , a fundamental historical 3 ).
( XVII.3).
past but continues into circulation
Force was more ubiquitous in the distant
social power. It is not solely, as it was with of
power among and within elite groups. It Pareto,
indeed necessary process of Pareto, a circulation of
the present as a viable and by .
decision-making, however much it is increasingly eclipsed is a generally increas¬
ing expansion of the domain of effective power increas ¬
peace (XIX). a greater diffusion of power. Because of the (XVII.
( XVII. 3;
3 ; XIX.
XIX B. 1 ),
.B.1),
education, force and inequality are paradoxicallyneeds of historical
superior
Second, there is the law of highest strength or of to use achieve the historical circulation (diffusion) necessary to
seems ( diffusion ) of power as well
or supreme power
interchangeably.
or
The
of
all these laws, is nowhere
success,
crux of
terms
Wieser's
elaborately
to refer to general formulations of them
(for example,
which
—
argument
stated,

rival —
Wieser
his
which,
practice
as with
being
is that from contests
candidates for leader¬
as unity and cultural heights (XIX.B.1).
and/or actual vestiges of force and
B.1 ). Whatever the necessary
whatever the continued,
essary forms of hierarchy, in Wieser's continued , nec-
Wieser s view power has histori¬
cally become more diffused, increasing’ the
nec ¬
histori ¬
freedom and promoting
between power players the equality of all persons 33.
These winners ipso facto represent
ship power) emerge winners. so under¬
highest strength, superior power, and success. Successin history The sixth and final principal
is to Wieser the principal adjustment mechanism law is that of decreasing
stood force. It clearly is implicit in the argument supporting the
(III.9; XII.5,7; XIII.5). laws of upward mobility and of increasing
of most (although that is not to say that force hasfreedom and equality
Third, there is the Law of Small Numbers, the law comprising the those movements). In Wieser's view, not been present in
profound consequence and significance to Wieser,of leader-masses , history manifests the grad¬
grad ¬
ual transformation of predacious
one theme (it encompasses, of course, the fact a basic factor in this but, and into man. Force has been
social man.
division) found throughout Das Gesetz der Macht. From the
first
stresses the historical fact of has been increasingly replaced bythis
law
critical , in time force
is critical,
and morals;
paragraphs of the text Wieser
of production by a force permitted these to be generated by morals; paradoxically,
paradoxically ,
rule, law-making, and ownership of the means XVI.4; XVIII.E.1,7; in experience of peace which (successful) its success _and by the
few (1.1; X.7; XIV.1; in capitalism,
tendency is (XII.1,3; XIII.1). It is onlysuccessful ) force also produced
through the socialization-i of man
socialism, XVIII.E.3). The universal and inevitable division that both decreasing force and increasing liberty
concentrate, to stratify (I; II). The have developed
for power to
accordingly is fundamental in society (XIII.5).
between leaders and masses requirements of mass
and in all organizations: The technical One possible generalization, or law,
action include the need for leadership (III .1 ; XI.1; XIV. 1). law , which Wieser specifi¬
cally rejects is that of parallel historical specifi ¬
(typi-
Leadership guides (III.2). The masses develop their own argues that there is no such law because development.
development. He
cally and importantly anonymous) leaders. Democracy involves there is no uniform
leadership and the Law of Small Numbers no less than
any other historical pattern or periodization to be found In social growth
in
(II.9; XV.1,4). Furthermore, the
system (XIV.3). categorized into world epochs (XV.circulation of power cannot be
6; although he did foresee the

xxi v xxv
hitherto subordinated nations throw off European dominance; see occupation if one takes the perspective
below). of several millenia
the discussion of imperialism, (XII.2,9). Politics has replaced armed aggression
( XII.2),
(XII. 2 ), espe-
espe
cially within nations. Man has progressed: ¬

of power centers progressed:

the male progeny of defeated enemies has beenThe extermination of
Wieser's interpretation of history in termsand the structure replaced by subju¬
of force
on these laws regarding the evolution distinguished by a partic¬ gation and work. While the latter may not be ideal, subju ¬

ideal , they are

of power. His interpretation also is circulation, actually an more humane conditions; what is more,
more, in being manifestations of
ular formulation of the notion of a of power; by the role of an ordered life (even if in empires produced
expansion or diffusion of the sphere, quest), they permitted the work of the mind by successful con¬ con ¬
success, through power and the psychology of other power; and by the sensitivity and humaneness to develop (XII.1). and the growth of
mitted the instruction of the intellect and .the
of and somewhat ( XII 1 ). They have per¬ per ¬
role of historical education. A number
subsidiary aspects may be noted. First, Wieser writes of the of passion, the growth of the peace powers (XIX. will
will, , the control
"task" of a people and how their success or failure to achieve (
reinforces certain emotions; peace others. AsXIXthe .B.1).
B.1 ). Warfare
its realization is critical to their history. a new historical
For example, he peace has come increasingly to others. felt duty of
prevail, the great leaders
prevail,
points to the possibility of a conflict between increasingly have come to champion peace and love,
task and the existing historical powers (IX.1;
XII.9)• (I shall comparison with earlier times (XII. love , at least in
to say about this below.) .8).
8). The civilized state has
replaced its scaffolding, the warring state
have more 9 ). Charity,
( XII.9).
(XII. Charity, or
fellow feeling, has grown apace with peace,
peace , as an ethical procla¬
, Wieser's overall analysis regarding
Second1 , force vis-a-vis mation of human rights in a community increasingly procla ¬

stated. It clearly
peace is quite complex and nowhere fully force produces peace, moral sentiment and action under the banner of marked by
( XIII.1 ).
love (XIII.1).
includes the following ideas: Successful Adam Smith's notion of sympathy, or
increasing eclipse of force (XIII. 3); and peace benevolence,
benevolence
vation. Nietzsche's conception of love as weakness , requires culti-
culti ¬
which permits an (XIX.B.6). and decadence
requires strength, which in turn requires force He would respond
has been increasingly repudiated (XIII.
XIII.2).
2). The future is with
Wieser may be perceived as glorifying force. in the light of
the peace seekers, the peace powers,
powers, the first great historical
that he was trying to be realistic and accurate power of love having been the Roman church
He would cite church,, especially in its
history and a reasonable interpretation thereof. defense of the indigent and oppressed (XIII. .
2). This was part of
Wieser's interpretation of history. ItXIII
warring nobles continue to deva¬ ( 2).
the generic situation in which
and slaughter the population until one wins have no more ardent desire than this: also was his dream:
dream: "I ’’I
state the countryside "unification," which leads, this: that this book contribute
and imposes what tends to be called something to filling the hearts with the
in Wieser's view, to a situation of peace and of historical edu¬ mankind's lot to land in the haven of confidence that it be
cation consequent to a particular episode of success. Perhaps Although he chooses "sides with the peace peace at long last." last ."
plane: He party ," he recognizes
that warfare will continue, as part of the party,"
the rebuttal to Wieser is an argument on a different process of historical
envisions success as its own justification likely and is unwilling to education: Those who lost their lives
apply other evaluative criteria. His reply
would focus on "heroic martyrs of the historical work in the World War were the
the realism and accuracy argument.
force, peace.
of mankind" (Preface)
again the paradox of winning force producingmankind"
the
( Preface ) --
transcendence --
of
Third, he acknowledges the consequences ofsubserviency the early upper
of land for rural bondage and and, The reader of Das Gesetz der Macht will
class acquisition from the peasantry encounter
in turn, for the proletariat recruited other concepts. Wieser stresses the idea of social vigorstill and
(XIV.2). strength, as contrasted with disintegration,
disintegration , as the basis of
social growth (II.9; V.3,5; VII.3; ; XII.1 ).
Fourth , he identifies the then-modern crisis as
consisting refers to a racial basis of leadershipXII.1). He occasionally
strata and of leadership
in part of the conflict between faith and science (VII. 4; X.8; stock, in part in regard to its replenishment
through absorption
XIX. A). from below (III.5). In doing so, he may be
reflecting a turn-of-
turn-of-
governments
the-century social science preoccupation with questions of race,
Fifth, Wieser argues that whereas earlier including explications in terms of invidious, race ,
strata of invidious, racist compari¬
(states and cities) reflected and served the upper and forces sons. Wieser's apparently most important compari ¬

structure, and while hierarchical structures (which may still leave one uneasy, in the statement on the matter
social
f’emain at work, the modern state, whatever its form,
serves the theory and practice) is that the historical light of later Nazi
circulation of power
entire people (XVII; XVIII.B.1). is more important than race theory (XV. 5 ). At the same point he
( XV.5).
was also predicts that the world supremacy of Europe will be followed
Sixth , Wieser , as were so many of his contemporaries, called
by an equalizing rise of the hitherto
dominated peoples ( (see
see the
shaken by the numbing e realities of what in 1926 could be above discussion of categorization of world epochs).
he thought, epochs ).
the World War (Preface; XIX). That war truly opened,
the era of world history (XIX.A. 1). In the light of both Wieser's earlier writings and
cipal themes of this book, his treatment the prin¬
prin ¬

peace and of the question of the

A central theme dear to Wieser was the growth of the economic power structure should offer no surprises. . Class struc¬
charity. He perceived in history, as a companion toemotions, law of ture is an empiric fact, necessarily to surprises struc ¬

decreasing force, a movement toward the more tender to is also increasingly an economic be accepted (II.
phenomenon ( VI.2;
.
4 ). It
( II 4).
peace, toward a community of love (II. 9; V.7-8; VIII. A. 1). Game Market structure, behavior, and performance are(VI. 2; XVIII
XVIII. .B. 4 ).
B.4).
governed by legal
has replaced war. Indeed, he thought war was no longer a regular and nonlegal social control (II.
VI.2)
4; VI. 2). The position of the

xxvi xxvi i
 'I: sliiiiliiiliilii Si
capitalist, especially the finance capitalist, and of theprivate
talist firm, is predominant, encompassing a
governance (however much bv anonymous leaders) and 1,4;
official government (II.4; 111.3,9; XII. 5;
system
XVI.
of
capi¬

control of the
VIII.A. 1,
intrude. Private life is not isolated life
—— it is social
life... Not only is private life always embedded in social
but in addition it is always more or less oriented to it...
as do private rights, so all of private life is socially
life ,
life,
it... Just
condi¬
condi ¬
all, is a system of leadership, a tioned" (II.4. emphasis deleted). . ""Personal
Personal energy manifests
D.4, E.4,5). Capitalism, after of power and of itself mostly only in the degree of independence by which
phase or facet of the larger historical evolution essentially a bour¬ general norms are adapted to the personal circumstances. the
leader-masses relationships. Capitalism iscapitalism has to be legal freedom of action there remains for thecircumstances. Of the
geois power phenomenon, and power under majority of people
comprehended in that context. Individualism, according to practically only a certain freedom of choice with respect to
the
Wieser, has been the ideology of a particular hierarchic system modalities by which they fulfill the common norms" ( IV.4;
norms" (IV. 4 ; see
XIV. 3; XVI. 1,4; XVIII.E.1). The classi¬ also IV.6,7; VI.1,2; IX.3; XI.4; XII.
XII.2; XVII.A.
2; XVII. 1 ,2). These ideas
A.1,2).
(IV.4; VIII.B.1; XIII.4; coming from a leading Austrian-school
was seen as very
cal theorem equating private and social interestNonetheless, school economist may surprise many
play of power is recognized. there readers.
limited once the
workers
has been the rise into social power of the industrial
(II.7; XII.5). The relative positions of bourgeois, peasantry, Pervading Das Gesetz der Macht also are elements
(for intertwining themes of the psychology of power and the ofrole,
the
and proletariat at that time are examined in some detail and including the manipulation, of ideas and belief systems inrole ,
example, XVII. 3). One difference between Social Economics the
to think operation and evolution of society, polity,
Das Gesetz der Macht is that in the former Wieser tended the market,
polity , and economy.
economy.
in terms of power interfering with the operation of gives effect Finally, the degree of Wieser's candor and depth of analysis
whereas here the market inevitably is based on and is indicated by the two facets of what can be called his
to power. Power and utility are truly joined. consti¬
consti ¬
tutional relativism. First, he argues that society's
society 7 s total con¬
con ¬
Nor did Wieser hesitate to discuss the question of aspectimperial- stitution is the sum of all its public (including
( including the de jure
the book. imperialism is an of constitution) and private constitutions,
constitutions, including the idea that
ism at various points in the political constitution is only one of several interlocking
the modern nation-state system (XVII) /, along with jealousy (V.1)
admittedly public constitutions (III.9). Second,
and the spirit of war (XVIII.D.4). The World War was he finds Second , he maintains that consti¬
tutional provisions and phrases have meaning only through consti ¬
an imperialist struggle (XVII. 7). Not unexpectedly,
redivi¬ ways in which they are interpreted by the forces and powers the
that it was due to great nations seeking the territorial of the be (III.3; X.9), including the idea that law is a result of powerthat
sion of the world (XII.9). Imperialism is but a facetcapital- structure (VI.3; XIV.6,7).
international division of economic power in which the
rich countries dominate (with labor and capital interests therein
converging vis-a-vis the weak nations) (XVIII.E.4; XIX.A.2). The discerning and critical reader of Das Gesetz der Macht
of likely will be uncomfortable not only with certain
The European domination of the world economy and division War themes but also with one characteristic of Wieser's substantive
labor he perceived as being terminated by the World analysis.
Wieser 7 s analysis.
(XIX.A.1). As have other interpreters of imperialism, Wieser The modern social scientist works largely with deterministic
power analyses: Generally speaking, phenomena are related to one
perceived the interdependence of foreign and domestic (1.4-5). another in a manner which yields a unique,
struggles, typically centering on economic conflicts Wieser's analysis does not. However,
unique , determinate result.
result.
Imperialism and war were both very much a result of conflicting However, although his is a nondeter-
nondeter-
ministic analysis, his language often expresses indeterminacy
economic interests, however much disguised (XVIII.E.4; in
XIX.A.1). He also perceived the increasingly predominantgovern¬ posi¬ deterministic language, a possibility due to the fact that ex
Finance capitalists control post determinate results have been produced.
produced. Indeed,
tion of financial capital: Indeed , his discus¬
discus ¬
real rulers of the sion often claims, or seems to claim, determinacy.
claim, determinacy.
ment economic policv. They are among the others, however, he
world (XVIII.E.4). More subtle than many
recognized that dividing up the world, whether by force or by Wieser's analysis is nondeterministic for two reasons. reasons.
peaceful agreement (at least among the dividing powers), has been First, notwithstanding the specifics of his theories of power and
history, his overall discussion, insofar as it may be applied to
the natural state of affairs (XII.9; XIX.A.2). His considerable any particular segment of reality or conjunction
prescience is evident in his discussion of the apparent imperial of events , con¬
stitutes not a theory but a model. It is a set of events, con ¬

powers: Russia is one, expansionary in the long run, a Bolshe¬ forces in juxtaposition to one another, factors and
vist imperialism. The English are born imperialists. The United Japan
another, permitting
dominant and then another; there is no formula fornow one to be
States is an imperial power capable of world domination. identifies
establishing
for purposes of specific prediction the pattern of dominance
is an Asian power against Europe. (XVII. 7) He also or,
or,
especially, the precise situations when one and then the other
the corporation, already a national leadership organ, as increas- will be dominant. Second, the core of Wieser's
ingly a world leadership organ, supported by national power Wieser * s analysis deals
with power, power play, and the psychology of power,
(XVIII.E.4). power, and it is
the essence of its realitv that the results of power play are not
readily (but that is not to say not at all)
In addition, Wieser's methodological (as contrasted with all ) reducible to predic¬
tive models, for a heavy component of circumstantial factors predic ¬

normative) collectivism reaches not only questions of social enters into the determination of the results in each power situa¬
power relations vis-a-vis individual utility, but also the nature tion. situa ¬

of the individual economic actor as a thoroughly socialized indi-

vidual: "Even into the sphere of private life social powers

xxviii xxix
mi n
historical phenomena. A model in which successful force produces
For example, Wieser writes of the law of force having to peace, which permits the increasing eclipse of force (XII.
yield in the long run to the law of liberty (XIII.5). He also ( XII.3),
3 ), and
in which peace requires strength, which requires force (XIX.
( XIX.B.
B.6 ),
writes that "there is no doubt that the national history of every covers every possibility. Whatever the interpretive power of 6),
people which preserves its physical and mental health will end model, it is clearly awkward to claim that it explains each and
the
everywhere with the victory of the powers of peace over force and every predominance of peace and each and every use of force,
that the intervention of force necessary to clear away obstacles force, at
least in a manner that provides predictive power.
power. I dwell on
in the way of the powers of peace will become increasingly rare this because some modern readers will fault Wieser's
Wieser s analysis for
and short" (XII.4). This type of argument covers every possibil¬ not being determinate, and others for pretending 'to be determi¬
ity: It attempts to explain why peace is present and why force nate while'not actually being so. Wieser's
determi
Wieser's discussion leaves him
¬

is present (actually
J.S present v.atji.ucixxiy no mean .
UVJ \>a»
Vinwpvpr limited).
feat-, however It quali¬ open properly to the latter charge,
fies both by making an assumption of "physical and mental health" is an interpretive model, not a predictive theory
former. His
, but not to the former.
which is nowhere precisely defined. Aside from the more substan¬
theory,, however much
he may have been carried away with its seeming closure,
closure, and he
tive assertion that peace in the long run will succeed over should not be condemned for not accomplishing what,
force, with regard to particular situations the argument explains what , as I see it,it ,
he did not attempt to achieve.
everything and nothing.
One important concept in Wieser's
Wieser's analysis which is greatly
As I interpret the nature of Wieser's analytical design, affected by such considerations is "
however, it is not to predict each and every particular histor¬ success."
"success Actual and/or
and / or
perceived success, as we have seen, is the principal
ical phenomenon but to present the array of forces or tendencies mechanism of
historical selection in his model. But the notion of success is
which makes history in the large explicable, particularly a his¬ relativist. Success governs the results of power play,play , but vic¬
tory in which power, and therefore the vagaries of social success. The analysis is tautologi
torious power play produces success.
vic ¬
decision-making and confrontations, predominates. When he tautologi- ¬
cal. Wieser likely would respond that all analytical systems
writes, after the fact, of a certain historical situation, that have fundamental tautologies and that success nonetheless is a
"the collapse clearly showed that the old historical leaderships critical concept, given reality. It constitutes the mechanism,
had no internal power over the masses. The military defeat mechanism ,
as it were, of historical selection.
selection. The course of history is
deprived them of all authority. The masses not only denied them marked by a path of success vis-a-vis
their following, but turned openly against them , and the prepon- -
a vis other paths which might
have been. Success in this context signifies survival,
survival, not nec-
derance of the masses sealed their fate" (XVIII.F.7), he is essarily the fittest in any noncircumstantial sense.
nec ¬
attempting to explain the course of that situation in terms of sense. If any¬
any ¬
thing, any nuance, properly is to be added to the fact of survi¬
his analysis (just as marginal utility analysis attempts to val per
survi ¬
se , it is that success permits certain possibilities for
explain actual demand phenomena, ex post, not to predict them). the future to remain viable (at least until later successes rule
But that analysis in its handling of the contests of force, out still others). Successes point to the failures,
the psychology of power and the complexities of leader-masses failures, to the what-
what -
relations
— could have explained quite different results, for
example, one in which the old historical leadership had managed
to retain its internal power over the masses and in which the
might-have-beens. Success, in Wieser's
dent positive or normative, ex ante,
analysis, has no indepen¬
Wieser's analysis, indepen ¬
test . It is circumstantial,
, test. circumstantial ,
episodic, and without external or internal value basis indepen¬
indepen ¬
dent of the fact of survival. It is the sequence of successes, ,
latter did not deny the former their following, perhaps even however, which mark the course of history.
history.
successes
after military defeat.
Thus Wieser argues that the welfare and culture powers
Wieser's analysis attempts to provide understanding of the (legal and nonlegal social-control
control institutions)
forces at work, not to predict ex ante. Accordingly, it makes institutions) produce " "wel¬
wel ¬
fare" and "culture." But welfare and culture are known not
points which are true ex post. Its explanations, while exposed any independent test but only in terms specific to the victorious
by
to alternative explanations, tend to carry the ring of truth powers' conceptions of welfare and culture.
inasmuch as they relate to actual phenomena which seem more or culture.39 Welfare and cul-cul ¬
ture are specific to power structure and success. With rival
less nearly to fit the overall analysis. (Much ostensible "veri¬ contenders for success, each with its own criteria of welfare and
fication" in modern social science involves the selective refer¬ culture, the real historical problem is to determine which crite¬
encing of actual phenomena to suggest, or assert, the truth of a rion is to dominate. To establish the successful criterion crite
¬

theory.) establish the criterion of the victorious power,

is to
power , and vice
Accordingly, there is not one law for Wieser but several. versa. When Wieser argues that the masses select,
select , in accordance
with the test of success, from among the leaders (III.
( III.7),
His analysis involves a dialectical process existing among the not mean to establish an independent test of success. 7) » he does
several laws which manifests (and requires the analysis to recog¬ success. The selec¬
tion process is the test. If success is psychologically selec
¬

nize) divergent possibilities all covered, and in a general way based ,

predictable, by the laws.
model.
how can it be produced contrary to what is psychologically based,
It is a multidimensional, if-then domi¬
domi ¬
nant (VIII.B.5)7 To Wieser, success is not a predictive cate¬
gory. It is relativist and circumstantial. cate ¬

circumstantial. His point is that

did not limit himself, however, to providing underg¬ whatever succeeds governs the future,
future, in part by
Wieser
standing of the forces at work. one reason for his deterministic
following and in part by ruling out alternative attracting
evolutionary
a

language is that he went farther and argued how well his under¬
paths.
standing of the forces at work do in fact explain the actual

xxx xxxi
 Rf
Much the same thing must be said of Wieser’s notion of a understanding the economy objectively but in articulating a case, case,
nation’s historical "task.” This is an ostensibly substantive the circumstantially best possible or most effective case,case, for a
term with relativist content which can be identified only ex post particular economic system or set of specific economic institu¬
institu¬

and then, perhaps, only in terms of the vision of task comprehen¬ tional arrangements. Wieser, the reader will learn,learn , understood
sible under the aegis of the actual historical path. A different that effort and located it in the larger scheme of his analy¬ analy¬

sequence of actual successes would have led to an understanding sis. That Wieser’s analysis can be cited,
cited , for normative or prop¬
prop¬

of a different notion of historical task. (This does not deny, aganda purposes, in support of continued hierarchical arrange¬arrange¬
of course, that individuals can project or identify subjective ments, greater pluralizati on , or different hierarchical arrange¬
arrange¬

notions of task, ex ante.) Thus Wieser writes of a conflict ments, or, for that matter, in support of recognizing the reality
between a new historical task and the existing historical powers of power and class per se, has made his analysis,
analysis , to this type of
(IX.1; XII.9). The new task will have historic significance only mind, less useful if not positively dangerous.
dangerous. That Wieser’
Wieser ’s
if the growing, emerging powers succeed vis-a-vis the entrenched type of work and substantive interests largely have been filtered
powers. Otherwise, the task will have been aborted. A nation, out of economics is a pity. But each individual reader will have
accordingly, has at any time a spectrum of possible tasks. Power to determine the precise quality of the substantive analysis.
analysis. At
play determines which becomes operational. A notion of ’’the bottom, the argument of this book is that both marginal utility
historical task” is thus a principal interpretive concept, but it and power are important: Wieser insists that there are, are, in fact',
'
fact ,
can be used only ex post, retrospectively. Wieser may stress two, not one, controlling principles at work in the economic
’’awareness of the task to be done” (IX.1), but that can be under¬ system, that even marginal utility requires a system of order and
stood objectively only ex post, for ex ante there are quite dif- a Power structure for forming and weighting individual prefer- prefer¬
ferent awarenesses of the task to be done, quite different ences.40 We can all be grateful to Professor Kuhn for having
notions of what will constitute success. At best, one can dis- undertaken and successfully produced so felicitous a translation
cuss ex ante only the contest between these different pretenders and for thereby making this work available to a wider circle of
to the throne. readers. As the reader will soon learn,
learn , although there is much
in this book that is dated if not alien to the modern mind, mind , for
At its most subtle level, Wieser’s theory of power is pre¬ example, Wieser’s elitism, there also is much insight,
insight , indeed
cisely that power, power play, and leader-masses interaction wisdom, for example, Wieser’s mature and deep perceptions on
operate to select from a spectrum of possibilities (of notions of social psychology, government and other facets of public choice,
choice ,
welfare, culture, success, task, and so on) the one(s), which art, business, and, inter alia, the blending of methodologically
delineate the course of history. Operative within this process individualist and methodologically collectivist aspects of econ- econ¬
are Wieser’s laws, which together amplify the fundamental point omy and society.
that ’’the whole social entity is governed by power” (Preface).
Power governs welfare, culture, success, and task.
Utility analysis is Wieser’s mode of handling the role of
individual preferences, valuation, and choice, but power , in all
its ramifications, governs both the formation of utility func-
tions and the determination of whose preferences will count and
in what socioeconomic system. Wieser is not unique in having
formulated this integration, but he is the sole preeminent
Austrian school economist to have done so. Austrian economics is
much more heterogeneous because of that.
There has been an obvious tendency for economics to be
understood and practiced only in terms of the ’’pure” economics of
the market and accordingly to be preoccupied with deterministic
techniques of analysis, to the exclusion of what may be called
political economy, economic sociology, or sociology, that is, of
topics involving power to any real depth. Such narrow under-
standings of scope and method severely limit economics. The work
of Pareto and Schumpeter demonstrates the foolishness of such
exclusi vism. So also does the work of Wieser, for whom the anal-
vsis of the market and the pure logic of choice had to coexist
with the analysis of poweÿ, class, historical evolution, and so
on. To all three thinkers (as well as to others), the analysis
of the operation of an economy requires attention, albeit not
sole attention, to the organization and control forces making
that economy what it is.

Wieser’s (and others’) work also has been adversely affected

by the fact that many waiters have been interested not so much in

xxxi i xxxi ii
xxxiii
 Ril
1 9Ibid , pp. 58-60,
.
FOOTNOTES passim.
242, and passim.
1 1 1bid., p. 248.
Springer, 1926.
12Robert B. Ekelund, Jr., "Power
Power and Utility:
Utility: The Normative
2Max Weber, Economy and Society , edited by G. Roth and C. Economics of Friedrich von Wieser,"" Review of Social Economy 28
Wittich (New York: Bedminster Press, 1968), three volumes. (September 1970) 179-196.
Pareto, A_ Treatise on General Sociology (New 1ÿMorgenstern,
York: Dover, 1963), two volumes. See Warren J. Samuels, Pareto 671.
op. pit., p. 671.
on Policy (New York: Elsevier, 1974). Economics, p. 25.
the obituaries by Henry Higgs, Economica 7 (June 15Ibid., p. 163.
1927): 150-154; Oskar Morgenstern, American Economic Review 17
(December 1 927): 669-674; and Joseph A. Schumpeter, Economic l6Ibid., p. 165.
Journal 37 (June 1927): 328-330. See also the articles on Wieser
by Wilhelm Vleugels, Encyclopedia of the Social Sciences (New "Power."
York: Macmillan, 1937), vol. 15, pp. 419-420; and Friedrich A.
von Havek, International Encyclopedia of the Social Sciences (New 1R
'Social Economics, p. xvii.
York: Free Press, 1968), vol. 1 6 , pp. 549-550. More detailed
discussions of Wieser's life and work are found in George J. 19Ibid., pp. xvii, 9. Arguments much later in the twentieth
Stigler, Production and Distribution Theories (New York: century have focused on (1) the relevance of the status quo dis¬
Macmillan, 1948), pp. 158-17$! Henry William Spiegel, ed., The dis¬

Wiley, 1952), pp. tribution of rights for the theorem equating self-interest
self- interest and
Development of Economic Thought (New York: social welfare and (2) the probative value of any body of theory
555-567 (by Friedrich A. von Hayek); T. W. Hutchison, A Review of or technique for resolving conflicts among rights'
rights' claimants as
Economic Doctrines, 1870-1929 (London: Oxford, 19535”! pp. 153- to whose interest should be given protection through rights,
rights , that
164; Richard S. Howey, The Rise of the Marginal Utility School: is, the structure of opportunity sets,
sets, freedom,
freedom , coercion,
coercion , and so
1870-1889 (Lawrence: University of Kansas Press, 1960), pp. 143- on.
154; and Stephan B. Boehm, "The Later Work of Friedrich Freiherr
von Wieser," a paper presented at the Annual Conference of the 29Ibid. p. xvii i.
History of Economics Society, June 1981, East Lansing,
Michigan. See also Hayek's "Friedrich Freiherr v. Wieser," 21Ibid. P- 154.
Jahrbucher fur Nationalokonomie und Statistik 125 (1926): 513-
530 ; and Eduard Spranger, "Friedrich Wieser, Das Gesetz der 22Ibid., p. 155.
Macht," idem 125 (1926): 578-584.
2ÿIbid., pp. 39 1 -392.
'’Schumpeter, op. cit , , p. 330. Schumpeter’s term for the
field was economic sociology. 2ttIbld., pp. 11, 410.
a sense of these developments, see Harry Elmer Barnes, 25Ibid.
An Introduction to the History of Sociology (Chicago: University P- 157.
of Chicago Press, 1948); Harry Elmer Barnes and Howard Becker,' 26Ibid. P- 162.
Social Thought from Lore to Science (Boston: Heath), vol. II;
Pitirim A. Sorokin, Contemporary Sociological Theories (New 27Ibid., p. 389.
York: Harper & Row, 1928); Theo Suranyi-Unger, Economics in the
Twentieth Century (New York: Norton, 1931); Emil Kauder, "Intel- 28Ibid., p. 397.
lectual and Political Roots of the Older Austrian School,"
Zeitschrift fur Nationalokonomie 17 (December 1957) 411-425; and 29Ibid., p. 398.
John Torrance, "The Emergence of Sociology in Austria, 1 885-
1935." Archives Europeennes de Sociologie 17 (1976) 185-219* See 3°Ibid., p. 406.
also William M. Johnston, The Austrian Mind (Berkeley: Univer¬
sity of California Press, 1972). 31Ibid. P- 408.
2 Natural Value, edited by William Smart (London: Macmillan ,
1893; first published as Per natiirliche Werth, 1889).
32Ibid., p. 410.
8Social Economics (London: Allen & Unwin, 1927; first pub- 7ÿIbid., p. 429.
lished as Theorie der gesellschaftlichen Wirtschaft, 1914). 8i4Ibid., pp. 188-189.
9Natural Value, pp. 60-62.
35Ibid. P- 317.

xxxiv XXXV
 iliiiii iii!!!l!il!iifil
AUTHOR’S PREFACE
PREFACE
I, sections 1-4. Subsequent references will be in
the text and to chapter (for example, I) or to chapter and sec¬ The
people of the world stand s t a n d under
u n d e r the t h e principle
p r i n c i p l e of of
tions) (for example, 1.1-4). power. The whole social entity is governed g o v e r n e d bv power,p o w e r , this
t h i s being
being
the highest value peoples aspirea s p i r e to t o and a n d by b y which
w h i c h thev
t h e y are are
37Joseph A. Schumpeter, Ten Great Economists (New York: counted, weighed, and judged. But, B u t , contrary
c o n t r a r y tot o what
w h a t is i s usually
usually
Oxford University Press, 1951 )9 P* 217. The quotation is from an assumed, it is not external power which w h i c h determines e v e r y t h i n g,
d e t e r m i n e s everything,
essay on Frank William Taussig. In his view that large corporate but fundamentally internal power is the t h e core
c o r e ofo f the
t h e power
p o w e r phenom-
phenom
size has to be accepted, Schumpeter also may have been influenced
¬

enon. As this core gradually matures over t i m e , it

o v e r time, b u r s t s open
i t bursts open
by Wieser’s view, which tended to equate effective power with the shell of external power under whose w h o s e protection
p r o t e c t i o n it grows g r o w s to to
social effectiveness and success. maturity. In the book which I hereby p l a c e before
h e r e b y place b e f o r e the public I
t h e public
was guided by the idea of showing
s h o w i n g howh o w thet h e stern
s t e r n principle
p r i n c i p l e of of
3®Wieser’s analysis can readily be interpreted, depending external power in the course of time t i m e isi s transformed
t r a n s f o r m e d into t h e more
i n t o the
upon the perspective of the interpreter, as an apologia for hier¬ m o r a l i t y. This
gentle commands of law and morality. T h i s transformation occurs occurs
archy, for the use of force, and for egalitarianism. Wieser’s according to logical necessity, for f o r the p o w e r which
t h e power w h i c h gives
g i v e s the
the
understanding and objectivity in these matters may haveÿ been people their law is itself governed
g o v e r n e d bvb y the
t h e principle
p r i n c i p l e of t h e evo-
o f the evo
influenced by his perception and analysis of the recent history
¬

lution of that power. It was the second s e c o n d thought

t h o u g h t which
w h i c h in i n this
this
of his class in European governance. Wieser’s analysis of his¬ book has guided my endeavors to develop d e v e l o p thet h e principle
p r i n c i p l e of o f the
tory in terms of the laws summarized in the text, whether or not the
evolution of power; given the wealthw e a l t h of o f historical facts, f a c t s , this
this
correct, suggests the utility of seeking the often-masked hierar¬ principle breaks down into a whole series s e r i e s ofo f particular l a w s.
p a r t i c u l a r laws.
chical element(s) in ideologies preaching individualism and free¬
dom, and vice versa. The title of the book might suggest s u g g e s t that
t h a t it bears b e a r s a rather
rather
39p0r example, whether the output of an industry is to be close relationship to Nietzsche’s "Will "W i l l to P o w e r.” This
t o Power.” T h i s isi s not
the case. The book is meant to be neither n e i t h e r a detailed
d e t a i l e d statement
considered its physical product or the combination of physical- of Nietzsche’s work nor a rejoinder
r e j o i n d e r to t o it,it , but b u t hash a s come
c o m e into
into
product and worker safety. being quite independently from it. it. The
T h e representative
r e p r e s e n t a t i v e ofof
Nietzsche’s will to power is the ambitious a m b i t i o u s member
m e m b e r ofo f thet h e master
master
"Austrian School,” P- 421. race, whereas the representative of o f the t h e principle
p r i n c i p l e of o f power
power
explained in this book is society in its i t s tension
t e n s i o n between
b e t w e e n leader
leader
and masses. Therefore, the criteria
c r i t e r i a under
u n d e r which
w h i c h the
t h e phenomenon
phenomenon
of power is examined in this book b o o k are a r e so s o different
d i f f e r e n t from
Nietzsche’s that the two conceptions
c o n c e p t i o n s hardly
h a r d l y come
c o m e close
c l o s e to t o one
one
another. Only with respect to a few p o i n t s , which
f e w points, w h i c h certainly
c e r t a i n l y go
go
to the heart of the matter*, they impingei m p i n g e upon
u p o n each o t h e r , but
e a c h other, b u t in
in
the main thev ignore each other, and a n d consequently
c o n s e q u e n t l y in i n only
o n l y very
very
few passages of the book have I had o c c a s i o n to
h a d occasion t o turn
t u r n against
against
Nietzsche.
For the rest, as well, I have hardly h a r d l y had
h a d an a n opportunity
o p p o r t u n i t y to
to
refer to other authors who address
a d d r e s s themselves
t h e m s e l v e s to t o the
t h e subjects
subjects
treated in this book. My work bears
b e a r s non o significant
s i g n i f i c a n t relationships
relationships
to most works in this area. The scopes c o p e ofo f the
t h e phenomenon
p h e n o m e n o n ofo f power
power
and of the social phenomena surrounding
s u r r o u n d i n g it has h a s beenb e e n quite
quite
neglected scientifically so far, and a n d he w a n t s to
w h o wants
h e who t o scrutinize
scrutinize
it has to try in his own way how to t o get t h r o u g h. When
g e t through. W h e n I started
started
out on my path I couldn’t help finding
f i n d i n g out very v e r y quickly that I
q u i c k l y that
couldn’t make headway on anv of the tried a p p r o a c h e s , and
t r i e d approaches, a n d I would
would
thereforeÿ mislead the reader if I were w e r e tto o give
g i v e himh i m literary
l i t e r a r y ref¬
ref ¬

erences in the manner practiced by b y thet h e German s c h o l a r s.

G e r m a n scholars. My
My
source of knowledge was not the literature
l i t e r a t u r e about
a b o u t power n o r was
p o w e r nor w a s it
the other sociological literature. I have h a v e gathered t h e facts
g a t h e r e d the f a c t s and
and
ideas incorporated in this book in other w a y s , about
o t h e r ways, w h i c h I want
a b o u t which want
to give the reader the information which w h i c h I owe o w e him
h i m byb y telling
t e l l i n g him
him
how this book has come into being.
My first close contact with the
t h e facts
f a c t s of p o w e r I owe
o f power o w e to t o the
the
study of history, to which I have been
b e e n driven f r o m my
d r i v e n from m y boyhood
b o y h o o d on
on
by an unquenchable desire. I read
r e a d historical
h i s t o r i c a l works whatever I
w o r k s whatever
could get a hold of. Beginning with
w i t h the t h e school
s c h o o l books,
b o o k s , I thenthen

xxxv i xxxv i i
 _
immersed myself especially into the portrayals of national his¬
tory. Later I sought to obtain a sweeping view of world connec-
tions by reading works on universal history, and I found my deep¬
est satisfaction in the masterpieces which depict the history of
the great world-dominating peoples such as the Romans and the
Engl ish as well as the great historical peaks such as the Ren-
aissance and the great catastrophes of the revolutions, espe-
cially the French Revolution.
Still more than through the study of distant times and peo¬
ples I obtained a grip of things through observing present-day
political events. I was still a youngster when Austria obtained
its ’’constitution,” yet I was already impressionable enough to be
able to share the exalted mood of the circle to which I belonged
through my family. From then on I witnessed the whole transfor-
mation through which the liberal idea in Austria first vigorously
blossomed out but subsequently decaved nationally and socially.
I could not decide to take part in political life. I had to grow
old to recognize as the reason for it that the narrowness of
party matters did not appeal to me. As an attentive observer I
was able to follow developments all the more impartially. I also
paid close attention to political conditions outside Austria in
which my interest was gradually aroused and the key to whose
understanding I obtained from the experiences which I owed to
close observation at home.
I was led by my own work from the historical and political
foci of interest into the area of economics. I habilitated in
this science, and as a teacher and writer I devoted to it a long
and active life. Yet it wasn’t the historical and political
relationships of the economy which at first drew my attention,
rather I was completely absorbed by its theoretical study. For I
first had to gain clarity about the nature of economic events
before I could decide to turn to their historical and political
relationships. After having gained some order in my thoughts
pertaining to economic theory I noticed that a further obstacle
of thought separated me from the historical and political rela¬
tionships of the economy. Economic action is social action, and
in order to be able to see clearly in economic matters one must
first have gained clarity about the general nature of social
action. What the classical individualistic school taught about
this could not satisfy me, and what the modern opponents of the
classicists taught from the viewpoint of an organic view could no
more do so. This led me to thinking through the social connec-
tions independently, and in doing so I for the first time encoun¬
tered the topic of power. From now on I expanded my economic
lectures and writings in the direction of social interpreta¬
tion. When shortly before the World War I finished my Theory of
Social Economy [published in translation as Social Economics
Ed.] I had reached the point where I could give it a minimal sort
- to the problems of society, but these now appeared to me in won-
of social foundation. In addition, I took advantage of a series
of special occasions for papers with a sociological content. My
Prague Chancellor’s Address of 1901 about ’’The Social Powers,”
the lectures about ’’Law and Power" I presented in the Salzburg
University lectures series of 1909, an essay about Spencer’s
"Great-Man Theory” which I published in 1908 under the title
"Arma virumque cano” on the occasion of the celebration of the
founding of Vienna’s "Schottengymnasium" these indicate the
directions of my work. The growing intensity of the political
battle in Austria motivated me to write a series of books and
xxxv i i i
articles about Austrian constitutional matters and the conditions
in Bohemia.
Then all of a sudden the World War turned my thoughts in a
new direction. I had long apprehended its outbreak,
outbreak , but still
couldn ’ t get myself to believe in it,
it , as one cannot believe what
one is unable to comprehend and now in its incomprehensible
magnitude it had become a reality. In incomprehensible magnitude
the culture peoples of Europe, although shaken to the very depths
of their emotions, proceeded to act with unbroken determina¬
determina ¬
tion. Since the inconceivability of war had become reality,
reality ,
there remained nothing to be done except doing one’sone ’s utmost in
order to stand one’s ground. All the participating peoples did
their utmost, miracles of strength and heroism were performed.
performed .
I, too, endeavored to do justice to my patriotic duty. duty. I had
always taken the position of those who claimed that Austria would
have to be created if history had not already created it,
it , and now
that its existence had become jeopardized,
jeopardized , I contributed,
contributed , with
firmest conviction and according to mv strength , my part to its
my strength,
survival. With this in mind, I expressed my views about
speeches.
Austria’s relationship to the war in a few speeches. I found
more ample opportunities in the Upper Chamber to which I was
called and especially as a member of the government to which I
belonged to the very end under Austria’s emperor.
Austria ’s last emperor.
The inconceivability of the World War was followed by the
inconceivability of inner decay. Now the time for action was
heard . How could this all have
over, and the heart made itself heard.
happened? Had life not lost all of its meaning?
meaning ? Had the labors
of historical work lasting for centuries and had the unprece-unprece ¬
dented sacrifices of war really been rendered completely in
vain? These were the questions crying out for an answer.answer. In a
small book, Austria’s End, and in several essays about the revo- revo¬
answer. In an article,
lutions I attempted to give a first answer. article , "The
"The
Guilt for Peace,” I formulated the accusation which I had to
raise against the dictated peace. In addition,
addition, I conceived the
plan for an extensive publication about the World War and the
lapses of the conclusion of peace and was busily engaged in the
preliminary studies for this. Out of these beginnings arose The
'
Law of Power. My verdict about the World War shifted ever more
the more my preparations led me to view it in the perspective of
world history. Isn’t the World War a piece of world history, and
must one not 'know its moving forces before he may dare talk about
it? So I asked myself, and as I now inquired into the causes
having brought about the World War, I was gradually and ever more
deeply led back into the contexts of the centuries,
centuries, and from
millenia. In this pursuit the
these into the contexts of the millenia.
ideas reemerged which, even before the World War, War , I had devoted
drously intensified outlines. From the dazzling flame of the war
won-
I had shared in experiencing, new light was reflected on the
history.
past, and I came to know the present as the mentor of history.
Of the powers of the past we will never be able to comprehend
those which have been overcome historically; e.g., we will never
historically ; e.g.,
be able to comprehend the mind which has sunk an Egyptian royal
tomb beneath the colossus of a pyramid.
pyramid . We no longer have a
measure for the distance which elevated the Pharaoh over the
thousands of slaves who had to drudge for him,
him , but from the past
those episodes, continuing to have their effect on the slice of
history we presently experience, may well come alive.
alive. The fact
xxxix
 Miiii m
that the World War and upheaval reawakened in the peoples ener¬
gies of which we no longer had a vivid idea has placed within the
clear range of our understanding the long periods of the past
when these same forces were at work. In this way I have learned
to sympathize with the power movements which through the centu¬
ries and millenia of history have extended down to our time and
of which it may well be said that they will extend beyond our
time yet.
Thus the ideas had fallen into place to which I wanted to
give expression in this book. The order in which I present them
to the reader in no way reflects the sequence in which they
occurred to me. In its various components the book developed in
my mind simultaneously; its principal ideas suggested themselves
to me without my initially becoming conscious of their interrela-
t ionships. I had an experience like that of the mountain hiker
who before himself sees the peaks separated from each other above
the flowing fog until the fog dissipates and he realizes that
they ar*e the crowning glory of a widespread massif. I have done
what I could to establish the connecting foundations. In this,
too, my goal was different from Nietzsche’s, who with the rhap¬
sodic buoyancy of the poet stays aloft in superhuman heights,
completely immersed in gazing at the luminous figures which
enrapture him, but mustering only sneering contempt for the dark¬
ness below. I was content only after I had gained the impression
to be able to see the phenomenon of power cleanly as a whole and
in its social setting down to its very depths. I believe to be
able to assume that I have not neglected any of the essential-
elements, though I must fear that I have not succeeded in joining
together in fluent narrative the various parts which only little
by little I could see as a unified whole. Some of them had long
been completed and even published before I gained clarity about
the work as a whole, e.g., the sections about leader and masses,
about the psychology of power, about the historical work of
force, about modern dictatorships. Their leading ideas have been
incorporated in this book without change. On the other hand, I
now have expressed myself differently about the social work of
art than I did in an essay published in 1920, where I conceded a
stronger effect to art as a unifying force for peace than I was
able to accord to it in retrospect. Here and there, in spite of
all the efforts expended, connecting transitions may still be
missing. Yet I hope that this deficiency has the advantage of
enabling the reader to see that it was not my plan to derive from
initially fixed premises the conclusions at which I arrived, nor
conversely to construct with hindsight the theoretical and
historical support for preconceived conclusions. I haven’t tried
to prove or logically entwine anything, but only to render
descriptively what after strenuous reflection I saw as a compact
whole whose dimensions, to be sure, are so vast that only the
most concentrated reflection reveals the underlying unity.
I must confess that with respect to one point I have obsti¬
nately stuck to a preconceived notion. I have written the book
with a sense of unconditional acceptance of life. He who no
longer believes in life should keep quiet on the sidelines or
should consul t a psvchi atr ist. It doesn’t make sense for him
with his doubts and despair to alarm the public which follows its
life instinct and will ride roughshod over all those who would
rob it of this instinct or diminish it. This does not imply that
one should share the blind optimism with which the masses live
xl
only for the day. He who has eyes to see also has the duty to
see and to look out for the dangers which threaten the happiness
of life. History tells of catastrophes which were worse yet than
the World War*, and mankind would long have perished if over this
life. I seek my place , and I
it had lost the courage to face life.
seek readers for this book, among those who want to remain
upright. I ask them to follow me as I pursue the currents which
so far have guided the lifeboat of mankind through the pressings
of historv and in spite of th e most dreadful losses and damages
have still brought it closer to a lofty goal.
goal. It is far from me
to assume that the catastrophe of the World War will not be fol¬
fol ¬
lowed by additional ones; on the contrary,
contrary , I hold that we must
prepare to meet new trials and tribulations,
tribulations , but I hold all the
more that we must also be prepared to remain upright in our mind.
mind .
I have no more ardent desire than this:
this: that this book
contribute something to filling the hearts with the confidence
that it be mankind’s lot to land in the haven of peace at long
last. But in doing so I must fear that I will tell neither of
the two parties of peace and war just what they want to hear.
hear. As
far as the cause is concerned, I choose sides with the peace
party, but as far as the persons are concerned with whom I am
inclined to go along, I find in the ranks of the peace party only
few excellent men whom to follow I consider as an honor; honor ; the
preponderant majority of the peace seekers are tired and. feeble
peace. Within the culture peo¬
and will ruin the high cause of peace. peo ¬
ples the prime movers, except for those few excellent men,
men , aÿe
are to
some extent still to be found in the ranks of the party of war, war ,
or they will again rally under the flag if the fatherland should
call them. I can say with full conviction that on my part I do
not view with hostility those resolute men who are driven into Into
—
battle by their patriotic sentiment -- I yield to their bravery
and their spirit of sacrifice. I see in the millions who gave
their lives in the World War heroic martyrs of the historical
work of mankind. May the heroic spirit with which they met their
death in order to discharge the duty imposed on them also inspire
those who undertake to fight for the peace!
peace! I always had them in
book . The latter
the forefront of my mind while working at this book.
is dedicated to their memory!
F . Wieser
F.
Vienna, in January 1926
xli
 PART 1
GENERAL STRUCTURE OF POWER AND SOCIETY

I. External and Internal Power

1. The Law of Small Numbers as the Innermost Problem of Power

Until the eighteenth century almost all the peoples of mod¬

mod ¬
ern Europe willingly submitted to the law given to them bv a
small number of aristocratic families or even bv
by a princely auto¬
auto ¬

crat. The one or the few reigned over the many — the Law of
uncontested. It was not anv dif
Small Numbers was practically uncontested. dif¬ ¬

ferent during Antiquity. In the Orient almost everywhere the Law

of Small Numbers was heightened to despotism,
despotism , and in the case of
almost all peoples the enslaved masses obeyed the commands of
their rulers. Although the Greeks and Romans were free during
certain periods of their history, it is precisely through them
that the Law of Small Numbers came to be fulfilled all the more
dominions. The small number of
inexorably in their spreading dominions.
Romans imposed the law on a world.
The Law of Small Numbers is the strangest problem which
history has given us to resolve. It shares the fate of all great
problems in not having been viewed as a problem at all for a very
long time. Through millenia people took it it. so much for granted
to bow to the inescapable Law of Small Numbers that they com com¬¬
pletely failed to ask themselves how it could be that the small
multitude. When at long last
number held the upper hand over the multitude.
vogue , it was embraced
the idea of popular sovereignty came into vogue,
with such abandon that the question of why it had not always been
operative was overlooked in the finst place.
fi^st place . ’’The
’’The populace has
slept, but now it is awake, and henceforth power will be wielded
by the many” this was the formula presented by the orators of
opinion.
the day and accepted contentedly by public opinion.

-
Though originally proclaimed by middle-class thinkers , the
middle class thinkers,
idea of popular sovereignty gained greater importance for the
proletarian thinkers since onlv they felt themselves to be the
true representati ves of the masses.. Nevertheless it would be in
vain to expect being enlightened bv them about the meaning of the
Law of Small Numbers, for they were of course particularly anx¬ anx ¬
ious to prevent the emergence of any doubts concerning whether
power. The impres-
the populace alone was called upon to wield power. impres ¬

sive investigations into power relationships they undertook were

oriented to this aim. An example of such an investigation , in
the spirit of Realpoli tik attuned to the present , was the speech
present,
"On Constitutional Matters1’ with which Lassalle launched his
political agitation and which he might as well have entitled " On
”0n
the Nature of Power." Another example,
example , geared to the historical
evolution of power, is Marx’s doctrine of the materialistic con¬con ¬
ception of history. But neither the variety nor the brilliance
of such writings must be permitted to make us oblivious of the
fact that there remains in them an unexplained residual which
power.
relates to the verv core of the problem of power.
At the beginning of his speech Lassalle calls the Ying
K'ing of
Prussia one powers.
of the real powers. He thereby touches on the
 _ i
problem of Small Numbers, but he glosses over it without giving
it any further thought. Instead, he dwells all the more closely
upon the real power of the army. While referring to Prussia1 s
written constitution as "the sheet of paper,” he designates the
cannons as "those verv important constitutional foundations,” by
which he means an essential piece of real power. He violentlv
inveighs against democracy for having permitted in 1848 a futile
and time-consuming debate over a constitution instead of getting
hold of the cannons, which would have been easy to do. But was
it really so easy in Prussia at that time to seize the cannons?
One couldnft have done this without further ado, for one would
first have had to cope with the gunners who at that time were
favoÿablv inclined toward the King. For the populace the oppor-
tunity to seize the cannons came only 70 years later, when after
the collapse the Prussian King had ceased to be a real power.
When the prince governs by aÿmsthe governs by dint of an internal
concept of force. In regard to the inner experiences of human
beings, the masses in their pronouncements are not lay persons
persons;;
by virtue of having participated, they are chief witnesses.
witnesses. The
strictest social scientist will have to let stand the concept of
power. Not only that, but he will first have to exhaust its
meaning before he can turn to the phenomenon of power , whose
power,
scope and content usage will reveal to him.
him .
As is true for all original words referring to human rela¬ rela ¬
tions, the world power also has an opalescent and confusing
wealth of meanings. It is understandable that Max Weber calls
the concept of power amorphous. How astonish] nglv much is being
astonishingly
said about external and internal power
power,, and of what a diversity
of bearers is it being said! The bearers of external power are
j for the most part persons, either single or in groups groups,, such as
J the prince, the noble families, the common people and their par par¬ ¬

power which he wields over the bearers of armsÿJand this internal ties, and the nation. Internal power only rarely refers to a
power is the key to his external power position. Lassalle did particular person, as, for example, , when one ascribes power to
not try at all to enlighten us about this key relationship. He the founder of a great religion or to the church . As a rule,
church. rule ,
thus did not explain to us the nature of power; he didn’t even go internal power is viewed as impersonal and anonymous,
anonymous , as some¬
some ¬

so far as to pose the innermost problem of power.
Marx, too, in his materialistic conception of history did
not make it this far. We will concur with his view that in the
centuries following the settlement of the land, landed property
was a decisive property, and we will also go along with his view
that in the era of rapid industrial development ownership of
capital became decisive. But we can’t follow him anv more in his
contention that in the first-named period prince, nobility, and
clergv had to be powerful because thev controlled the real estate
and that later entrepreneurs had to wield power because they
owned the capital.
which he did not try
He would first have had to make clear
— how it could happen that the decisive—
ownership of land and capital was not always in the hands of the
masses. What did secure to the small number the key position of
power which enabled them to dispose of the vital property? This
is what matters.
2. The Linguistic Concept of Power
Lassalle and Marx, just like the philosophers of the middle-
class liberation movement in their own time, could not get close
thing in existence which can not be attributed to specific indi¬ indi ¬
viduals. So it is with legal or ethical power power,, or with Ideas
ideas,
. ,
currents, and movements to which one ascribes power.
power. We must not
be puzzled by this impersonal mode of statement,
statement , for all these
anonymous types of power always have their personal bearers bearers..
Could legal or ethical power endure without persons with legal
and ethical sentiments? In order for ideas to have power power,, there
must alwavs be people in motion who are avidly devoted to them. them.
However, with all these anonymous powers the number of those
bearing them is too large to be sized up, up , and the share of power
represented by any one of the many individuals is so small that
he can not be viewed as a wielder of power
power.. Therefore
Therefore,, in those
instances where one has to deal with anonymous powers one
abstracts from their personal bearers,
bearers , referring instead to the
bearers. The same meton
inner forces effectuating power as its bearers. meton-¬
ymv is also applied to the external powers,
powers, as,
as, for example
example,, in
referring to the power of arms or wealth,
wealth , neither of which has
inherent power, of course, but which are merelymerelv power resources
or tools through which their personal bearers exercise power. power.
Finally, when linguistic usage allows the phrase that somebody or
something is a power, as when the state is said to be a power, power , a
great power, or a world power, such a phrase concerns only the
form of the statement, leaving its substance unchangedunchanged.
'

. The
to the problem of power because they didn’t have a clear concept state _is_ a power because by its nature it has power .
power.
of power. They all were under the spell of common usage, accord-
ing to which the idea of external power prevails, especially how For all power phenomena in linguistic
nf' .s c usage Spinoza1
pmoza s o con-
struction holds true without exception and most ^ exactly:
uj

this is acquired through numerical superiority , arms or exactly: he

_
wealth. Yet thev could have been better informed bv usage, for Cdefines power as command over the human mind
become nature’s powers when their effects,
mind.. Nature
Nature’s
’ s forces
when one goes to the bottom of the word "power” , he finds effects , through terror or
enclosed in it the most profound meaning of the phenomenon of magic, fill our minds with fear or admiration.
admiration. The power won by
power, which includes internal power. The inestimable advantage a friend over another, or by a lover over the loved one, one , works
which every social science has over the natural sciences is that
for the former the correctly interpreted usage is the infallible
guide to the very depth of a phenomenon. An observation of
nature incorporated in the vernacular is a lay observation, out¬
moded by the progress of natural science. Therefore the method¬
—
through the medium of the mind. By the same token,
—
token , social power
the object of our investigation -- means command over the
jninds of the members of society. In the case of internal power,
this connection with the mind, with feeling and volition
clear from the start: legal and ethical power;
power ,
volition,, is
power ; power of faith
faith,,
°f knowledge, of ideas and of intellectual movements
ically trained research scientist is well advised when he avoids of all-
all
kinds; and no differently the power
brooding over the meanings of words in the vernacular over which
the sun continues to rise and to set. Ernst Mach, the first-
power* of manners and customs
these are all founded on impressions affecting the mind.
mind. But is
- -
rate, method-oriented physicist, even wants to rule out the the same not also true for every development of external power?power?

2 3
 M
does not seem to people erects on the backs of millions of new subjects
In its most immediate meaning external power external means of to last presupposes among the victorious peoplesubjects, , if it is
purport anything other than command over thewealth. All. these a
rior internal power which forms the hard core of theunion of supe-
supe ¬
power, over the masses, the arms, or the or another and broad, external aggregate of power of the subjected state. The
state.
resources of power, however, are destined one way
the people at whom they are together by fear and terror, presupposes peoples,
peoples , held
in the final analysis to subjugate thus to give con- of power of a victor nation united by itsthe Internal
internal aggregate
aimed, or to make them somehow dependent, and feeling. The
ethnic feeling.
trol over minds. The masses are to be impressed by the over- internal power binding together the victorious people
weapons are to give mind quite raw, but it nevertheless exists. is still
whelming number of power resources; exists. As soon as solidarity in
spreading fear and terror; wealth is to do it by its the victor nation ceases to exist,
exist , the internal aggregate of
control by
on the competitor power falls apart, and along with it the external
prospective enjoyment, and by exerting pressure who may be given or built upon it also breaks up. power aggregate
whose sales it threatens or on the worker
is always com¬
refused the means to work. Thus, external power to control minds, The raw interna] power with which
mand over external means of power with a view
power is command over the minds via their career in the course of time willvictorious peoples begin
or more aptly put: external become more refined in
I the availability of external means of power. Therefore, external its use if these peoples have a talent for permanent
rule. Bat¬
power is entirely of the same kind as internal power,
from which tle experience tells them that they will add to and rule. Rat ¬

it is distinguished only by the means it employs. their victories if with unbroken soldier spirit theyconsolidate
the orders of the successful leaders. submit to
leaders. It may
ing noble families that they will be advisedalso tell the lead¬ lead ¬

to submit to the
strong warrior prince who heaps victory upon victory.
R• External and Internal Power Aggregates chances are that an enlightened princely regime
victory. Ultimately
Nor must we be puzzled by the firmness of emphasis
given by the external power aggregate of the subjects withalso penetrates
linguistic usage to external power. When one talks of power and binds them together by turning the subjects internal power
power, he always Thus originated the real power of the king in citizens.
into citizens.
without specifically qualifying it as internal power pure and simple: Lassalle speaks. Externally, vis-a-vis Prussia of which
means external power. External power is - vis the foreign state,
state , it was
superiority is superior external power; the wielder of power, the based on the fear of arms; internally,
internally , vis-a-vis
vis-a- vis the populace,
as a matter of awe and confidence, as stated so fittingly in populace, on
powerful, is he who disposes of external power; Bismarck's
Bismarck ’s Thoughts
fact, external power frequently is designated as nothing short of and Recollections. The "Rocher
Rocher de bronce" of which the
the decisive power, as in "might before right." Doesn't usage Hohenzollern boasted was like the rock on bronce"
which Christ built the
thereby unambiguously bear witness in favor of external recog¬
power? church, an aggregate of internal power.
power. It was less firm than
consideration, we can't help the ecclesiastic structure, which still
Still, taking
latter is
everything

referred to
into
nizing that usage also admits of internal power
— as genuine power.
the power of conscience, the innermost power there
When — whenever the
the poet invokes
is; he doesn't
of the Prussian king vanished as soon asstands
felt disposed to offer respect to and have
supreme commander who had failed during the
today. The power
today.
the populace no longer
confidence in the
War.
World War.
speak parabolieally: Shakespeare presents to us Richard III in
his mind. That
the reality of the desperation which overwhelms is sufficiently 4. The Task of Historiography
usage assigns priority to external power perceived by the
explained by the fact that its means can be that the
senses, being most clearly evident to observation, andmanifestly Historiography got started by narrating the victories and
defeats of one's own people, and subsequently
effects of its decisions, victories and defeats, are also of foreign
incontestable. The masses bow to them in mute resignation, and peoples of whom there was knowledge,,
In contrast, inter¬ by telling about the rise and fall ofand in connection with that
even the brave heart may be shaken by them. the’
*
the states and the kings,
kings ,
its almost impercep¬ generals and statesmen, who had
nal power more often than not, especially in blows and often wins these events. History thus conceivedbeen the peoples'
peoples ’ leaders in
tible first stirrings, works only with soft hardly enter into public striking of the external powers, namely,
is the history of the most
its victories so gradually that they namely, the war powers and state
made by external power powers. Later more attention was also
consciousness. After all, the decisions without exception sup- opment as the importance of the devoted to economic devel¬
devel¬

which are registered by the senses are may operate in the back¬ war and the prosperity of the stateeconomic forces for victory
victory- in
ported by internal powers, although they recognition. To be
gained recognition.
ground and be removed from the observation of the or masses, reveal¬ sure, one did not advance far enough
ing themselves to the glance of the great leader later to the clearly the historical development of the toeconomic
be able to discern
powers and to
retrospective eve of the scientific investigator. It has become connect it firmly with the history of the state. state. One subse-
subse¬

a favorite custom today to say mentalitythat the nimble politician knows quently also delved into the realm of the internal powers,
powers, being
how to accomodate the specific of his opponent and to compelled to include in the exposition church power
as an antago-
antago
the imponderables. At nist of state power. In the historic narrative, ¬

praise the statesman who can also sense narrative , the partici¬
partici ¬
always matters is the mentality and the pating masses remain in the
bottom, however, what
the effect on the mind light being shed on the great background for the most part,
part , all
imponderables, for what always counts isoverwhelming. The final
leaders. The study and portrayal
of their characters was a taskleaders.
which can not be gauged even when it is powers
which became a predilection for
artistically inclined historiographers.
bearers of external powers are always some key internal historiographers.
access to the possession of the former.
which open up assured
The external power machinery of the state which a victorious

4 5
 telling conviction bumps against another one which does not want to be
It has not been long yet since they began to tire of turning converted , a battle of spirits breaks out,out , and if
about waÿs, princely warriors, and commanders-in-chief, cannot be conducted with intellectual arms — for such a fight
more and more to the evolution of civilization
either by integrating it into the state history
and culture,
of external
May the
arguments to conquer the conviction of the heart
minds tend to fight it out with martial and —
— — there are no
the inflamed
events or else by giving a separate account of it.
of
other external
instruments of power*. Ideas whose whole bent is toward profound
author be permitted to express briefly his view that in spite to peace eventually lead to murderous war if they encounter con-
this change in emphasis, historiography still has not advanced con ¬
flicting ideas. The apostles installed
Installed by Jesus Christ set
grasping its task fully. Precisely what is most important about to proclaim with fiery tongues the glad tiding of external ... out
the internal powers historiography has not told us yet. Inwithin
lieu peace
it would not. for mankind. Strengthened by the force of faith,faith , the Christians
of the old military-political state history
defied the arms of their persecutors which could strike
its scope, be able to tell us more about internal power thanarts,
what only
fine their bodies, not also their souls.
souls. But this very indomitable
we otherwise get to read in historical works about the so far has drive had the inescapable consequence that one did not want
religion, poetry, and science. Such historiography leave in peace others who persevered in unbelief or fell to
about the extent to which the internal into
not informed us at all system. The superstition. He who opposes a doctrine embraced by
powers contribute to the building up of the social their serving the bottom of their heart makes them doubtful in their others from
social impact of science and art is not limited to which is man’s most sacred possession, faith ,
faith,
they also strengthen life, and this is possession , and such a person is
as ornaments of our life, morality. therefore considered the most dangerous of all adversaries.
done even more by the internal powers of faith and is why the fervor of the religious idea led to adversaries . This
Whereas the external powers build up the external power aggre¬ the Albigensian Wars and of the Inquisition.
Inquisition.
the atrocities of
gates, the internal powers are the key to building single up the inter¬ The Protestants
support were no less obstinate in their faith than the Catholic
nal power aggregates, which provide the strongest- as com- and therefore after the Reformation the embittered antagonism Church ,
Church,
for any society. Historiography must not view its task evolving between the old and the new churches,
churches, all proclaiming peace,
pleted until it has succeeded in telling us how height the peace , was
through vented in the Thirty Years’ War, viewed now as the world
social structure has gradually reached its present the 17th century. The modern taste foÿ for* liberty likes to accuse
war of
the interaction of external and internal powers. the church for its proneness to violence.
violence. But has not the modern
liberation movement, bent upon erecting the realm of
At any rate, historiography does itself an injustice if it itself ended in the determination to use force? reason ,
altogether decides to stop reporting on battles and victories, that realm of reason was the guillotine,
force? The residual of
guillotine , the civil war,
even when thereby civilized nations managed to fend off the deva¬ war , and the
To describe the long series of external wars until the Napoleonic era
stating attacks of their barbaric adversaries. nations were swept on account of the expansive force ofinto which
Persian Waÿs has not been only of parochial interest to the Greek the idea
of liberty. The whole epoch of modern culture,
narrator, for these wars marked one of the great turning points culture , because it is
filled with new ideas, is also filled with ideological
in the millenial struggle between the peoples of the west and the . If
succeeds in maintaining modern scientific thought had been perfected into wars a great
east. If a people destined for culture Weltanschauung , capable of stirring the masses as well,
its independence in a 1 if e-and-death struggle, such a success
is well , it would
inevitably have had to lead to ideological war. war. Ethical ideas
of greater significance from a cul tural-histor ical than a war- have not yet become sufficiently detached from
historical perspective. The victory against Attila in the that they would independently intervene in religous ideas so
Catalonian fields gave a short reprieve to the declining Roman history.
human history.
Instead, economic ideas continue to arouse the economic struggle
culture and at least averted from it the worst of the destructive which, even where it is waged only with economic resources , does
powers. The victory achieved by Charles Martell at Tours and not claim fewer victims than does fighting with resources,
Poitiers against the Arab invaders from Spain assured an indepen- arms. And how
arms.
Victory often, indeed, has the conflict of economic interests
dent future to the evolving culture of the Occident. the very battle of arms, and how dangerously is it still provoked
against the Turks outside the walls of Vienna was the turn for ening future existence! threat¬
threat ¬

the later recovery of the lost southeastern Europe by the

strengthened Occident. Alexander, Scipio, and Caesar had to Yet the ultimum remedium of the external powers
long duration of
secure through conquest the extended reach and which
without the latter bring about a definitive decision in the realm of the does not
internal
the prevailing culture of Antiquity, powers: no idea can be shot down on the battlefield
could not have become the base of modern culture. Thefor Roman — unless
the the persons and peoples who are its protagonists are being
Empire built on the sword was the necessary prerequisite pletely exterminated. The Thirtv Years’ com¬
com ¬

Roman church, which means for the crucial spread of Christianity. Years ’ War did not alter the
proprietary status of the conflicting faiths.
faiths. What the sword
failed to accomplish, however, was wrought by the new
The size of the sway exerted on the minds of men by the idea of
enlightenment, which gravely impaired both religious parties the
external powers can also be seen in the fact that the internal by
the defection of the believers. The realm of reason erected by
powers cannot help but make use of them as a last resort, as the Enlightenment was removed by the dictatorship of Napoleon,
ultimum remedium. The internal powers are possessed by an expan¬ whose Caesarean rule was defeated by the Holy Alliance. Napoleon ,
sionary drive no less strong than is true for the power drive of Alliance. Stronger
still than the armies of the Alliance was the
a conquering people or a war dynasty. Every passionate convic¬ inherent in the educational movement. democratic idea
movement. Amos Comenius,
tion is accompanied by an urge to communicate itself to others the elementary school who during the Thirty Comenius, founder of
with a view to converting them: ”0f what the heart is full, the Years' War was
Years’
driven away from home and homeland, made more durable
driving
mouth runneth over,” as the saying goes. As soon as a tracks in

6 7
if m
front , was sealed by the demoralization of the people on the
history than did Wallenstein or Gustavus Adolphus. In the course front , which was followed by the debacle in the field home
of history the share contributed to the evolution perhaps of social and the
and the complete inner collapse.
structure by the internal powers keeps growing,
day will come when the ultimum remedium of external power needs
internal powers, As in the case of all wars fought over ideas,
ideas , so also in
no longer to be resorted to because the historiography be that of the World War the victory of arms,
arms , however overwhelming
,
becalmed have reached an equilibrium. Can it may appear, will not bring the final decision.
complete if it neglects one or the other of the constructive decision. Already today,
today ,
and in the victor nations as well,
well , public opinion has become
powers? uncertain, and even there one suffers from the
dictated peace is no real peace. Who knows whether fact that the
even there it
will finally be recognized that guilt for the peace,
5. External and Internal Powers During the World War peace , whose terms
could have been assessed in plenty of time but which
become a real peace after all, is far worse can not
The World War, too, was not only a war of conflicting inter¬
It was fought not the war, which had been feared by all while than the guilt for
ests but at the same time a true war of ideas. all by surprise. nevertheless it took
only for great practical advantages but also for dynamic ideas
which lift human spirits and make people willing to sacrifice. ideas Could it be that the civilized nations
The World War was kindled by the opposition of national of an inner stirring which will bring the are no longer capable
which had gained in tension as a result of the powerbreathless advance all? In India Gandhi with his idea of nonviolent
peace longed for by
of the national economies. National cultural and economic national resis¬
resis
power, both internal powers, borne in peace and through oriented to
peace, felt the urge to resolve their antagonisms utterly ener¬
were
war,
tance has launched the hitherto
ments
— —
apart from the religious move¬
most magnificent attempt at mobilizing internal
He has achieved successes
r expected by nobody;
power.
nobody ; he has united
¬

move ¬

because all big and small civilized nations
the
gized by them. Only as a war of ideas was it possible for have
World War to assume its huge dimensions. No dynast could from
demanded such boundless sacrifices of property and of lives in their
a civilized nation as was done by the nations themselvesimpose on
agitated frames of mind. Napoleon, too, was able to found the
the French the burdens of his wars only because he
already existing armies of the Revolution which were still filled
with the expansive drive of the idea of liberty and because he
Hindus and Moslems; he evidenced admirable
calling his movement to a halt when he feared self-discipline
self- discipline in
to turn violent; and he wrought the miracle that it was about
of exacting obedience
from the masses when he told them to stop;stop and finally he was
able to compel respect from the English ;government
first treated him with disdain. It remains to be which had
will succeed in winning over the overwhelming majorityseen whether he
to his idea and in holding them together till permanent of Indians
tory. It remains to be seen whether nonviolent vic¬
vic¬

was able to intoxicate the French nation with the idea of world patible with the Indian temperament, can resistance,
resistance , com¬
also be wrested from the
com¬

domination. more adamant will of the European masses.

masses. Certainly,
the impact already achieved by the Indian Certainly, however,
however,
To all appearances, the Entente owed its victory only to its inner movements of higher sublimeness, movement proves that
sublimeness, such as swept over the
superiority in the external resources of power, to the numerical earth in the times of Buddha, Zoroaster,
Zoroaster, and Christ , can still
superiority of its fighters, arms, and other materiel, and espe¬ become a reality today rather than merely beingChrist,
cially of essential consumer goods. On closer inspection it can relegated to the
memory of history buffs or to the dreams of visionaries.
be seen that here, as always, ideas provided the support for the visionaries.
war devices and that the soundness of these ideas proved decisive
in the end. Through the wooing force of nationalism the Entente 6. Realpolitik and the Politics of Ideas
was able to enlist for the war a number of nations which at first
had kept aloof. In particular, the wooing power of the demo¬ The great practicioners of Realpolitik who
cratic idea evoked by the Entente enabled it to gain the decisive politics at the beginning and the end of the dominated world
help of the United States whose masses could not have been Napoleon and Bismarck, both contemptuously 19th
19 th century,
century ,
rejected the ideol¬
stirred up by their capitalistic leaders in any other way. ogies of their time. However, nothing ideol ¬
be more absurd than
holding the view that Napoleon triumphedwould
only
Just as in the case of the Russians the socialistic idea battalions and Bismarck only through blood through
and iron.
his strong
undermined the front-line, this later also happened with the rejecting the ideologies, they clearly recognizediron. While
Central Powers. Additionally, the Austro-Hungarian nationality the potent
ideas of their time and utilized them for their policy-making.
mix was demoralized by the subversive impact of nationalism. If Every great Realpolitik is always also -
policy making.
the will to win the war had remained on the part of all popula¬ it simultaneously works with arms and aother
politics of ideas,
ideas , for
tion strata of the Central Powers as resolute to the end as it power as well as with the internal means of external
had been initially, they would perhaps have been able to fend off No statesman could be called great powers mankind.
which govern mankind.
who did not also assimilate
the numerical superiority, however great, to an extent sufficient for his own purposes the pregnant ideas of his time.
time.
to insist on a peace of self-preservation. However, the misery
of war had became almost unbearable for the citizens of the Cen¬ Ideologies emerged as book ideas,
ideas, as mere brain ideas so to
tral Powers afflicted by the hunger blockade, and in momentuous speak, such as are generated by the spirit
spirit of opposition rebel-
blindness the top leaders failed to draw from this fact, in good ling against the pressure of the inherited rebel ¬
time the military and political consequences. It thus happened powers, while still
powers,
being alien to life because its conceptions
that the victory, which the Entente was unable to win on the war are formed from

8 9
i
_
imagined ideals. The ideologies of the French Revolution were the king. At the same time his clear
than the clear-sightedness
no doubt that in order to achieve his -goals,
sightedness left him with
the fictions of man as a purely rational being rather quite strip goals, he had to spare the
live ideas of the real-world Frenchman, who couldn't were rich feelings of the vanquished South Germans and
away his historical environment. These construed ideas the anti¬
Austrians,
Austrians, since he
was determined to end his own life if he did not
enough to give firm support to the resistance against succeed in per-
per ¬

the courage for suading the king to enter into a just peace with
quated historical powers and to instill in men adapted thereby managed that King Francis Joseph took a Austria. He
Austria.
new goals. However, they were still too little to real¬
into permanent systems. the French War, and later he attained the still neutral stand in
transformed of securing for Germany through the Dual Alliance its success
ity to permit their being greater
awakening the
After the first happy intoxication of revolutionary thinking ically appointed ally. histor¬
histor
His fatal mistake was his inability at
¬

French nation was thrown into a tragic conflict: social persons the conclusion of the peace with France to resist the
and social action would not join together. Level-headed the Prussian generals who craved a piece of the urging of
kept to themselves because they could not make destiny up their minds French national
leadership of remained soil with a view to securing an initial military advantage
about what approaches to take, and next war, which by this very attitude they provoked. In the
in
who treasured above all the high-sounding word provoked.
with the deluded order to make
and who had to resort to the extremes of terrorofinthe masses were This violation of the national idea had to be paid
the imposed directions prevail which the minds proper man not dearly during the World War. In the age of the for
f o^
was the national idea,
idea , no

___
no longer willing to follow. Napoleon great nation will renounce its unimpaired self-preservation.
only through force to bring revolutionary excesses to an end, but -
self preservation.
the movement National self-assertion pushes the minds into aggregates
at the same time to salvage the sound aspirations of those wishes which, thanks to the incessant working of of power
by practicing Realpolitik in bringing to fruition attraction, give these minds unity time and molecular forces of
that were realizable. With unfailing self-assurance he recog¬ for a short or long time they may have been again , even though
he gave
nized the vigorous yearnings of the French populace,the torn
incursions of superior external power. Thanks to theapart by the
French
code
— administration
bearing his
its
name
permanent
as well as
system,
exuding
clearly reflects the sense of justice of the French people.
he

gave to the French nation its unity and to the concept of is

his
created
spirit
—
civil
which
nation
He
of their national feeling, the Italians and the
standing all their defects, have triumphed over Poles,
which were contemplating the sharing of their
persistance
Poles, notwith-
notwith
the big powers
¬

its shape. How aptly he

onstrated most vividly by
understood the
ne unaersuuou
the small book
r I-GUUU character
uic French

founded by him , in which French society after all will

on the
“
uuai
•
Legion of
" the storms of
‘
.
TT
_

cling as
—
dem-
Honor nation ?
ancestral terri-
tories. Will not the drive for national self-preservation
-
terri ¬
self preservation also
confirm itself in the case of the German nation?

hi story

_____
still

____
recognizes itself and to which it
7. Force and Power

___
long as there are Frenchmen. In Germany he won over those favor-
ing the idea of regional sovereignty which he invigorated at his
the
Every power has a force as its base.
base. Conscious awareness of
expense of the empire idea. That he could hold fast to the effects of force stimulates feeling and
Italian conquest ... he owed to his understanding of the Italian volition: added to
volition:
the effects which force has exerted so far according
idea to which he gave the first political expression.
national .uxc,
iiamma. uÿal law, is its effect on to its nat-
nat
¬

His undoing was the indomitable drive for power, making him
not the mind, on account of which power is
Caesar of France but pointing him to the attributed to the bearer of the force.
force. It is one thing to per-
content with being the ’ ~J ceive the natural effects of force; per
¬

of becoming the emperor of the world. ! Blinded

‘
; it is another to sense the
unattainable goal of all the dimensions of power exerted by it on the mind.
mind. The ballistics
by his good fortune muo, he stirred up the resistance expert mathematically compares the
the strong bat-
historical ideas of the old Europe until finallystrength, not so impact power of missiles or the range of cannons, only
elevation,
elevation velocity,
velocity , and
taliorys turned against him. They excelled in
does the effect on the mind come into play,cannons;; in battle
-- overcome numerical
to the general. The engineer assesses the, effect

------
---
he *

had often enough play which is what matters

superiority
the French, —
much by sheer number
exhausted
>

their minds', and even

_7
by
his
endless“

generals
wars,
lost
......
but by the national spirit which fired them,v”'"’
turned
*ÿ

their
away_
faith in
from
*
him.
while
him in according to the horse power equivalent produced byof itwater
in the market, as evidenced by price,
power
, but only
it,
, does the effect on the mind
of demand come into play, which is what
neur. Not only the external natural forcesmatters to the entrepre¬
entrepre ¬

Revolu¬
Just as Napoleon rejected the ideology of the French ideology but also the personal
contemptuously rejected the democratic forces used in the economy have to be judged by their external
tion, so Bismarck to the performance. The entrepreneur, rationally
of 1848, sensing correctly that the latter did not conform the the output of the worker with that calculating,
calculating , compares
of the machine,
way of thinking of the masses of the Prussian people and of of machine , and in the
socialistic state of the future this is not something
German nation. But was he not just the same the consummator ted either. The same is true for all personal forces of to be omit¬
omit
¬

the ideas of the Church of Paul? He found the suitable

means, whatever
to carry kind which are put to action for a practical purpose. One must
searched for in vain by the parliament of educated men, purpose.
always examine the effect of these forces as means
through these ideas. He saw clearly that in order to accomplish only after they have so proved themselves comes to an end,
end , and
the unification of Germany it was also necessary to resort of
to the impression on
had to surround the forces the mind which surrounds them with power.
the aura of power.
external resources of power which
resistance embedded in history. He knew that these needed power In the case of those
resources were given to him by the traditions of the Prussian impact on consciousness, asinner forces which have an immediate
when reasoning is expected to bring
government and the Prussian people, and he also knew that the insight or ethical force is expected to purify the
Prussian militiaman would loyally heed the call to arms issued by act by which they come into play is already will , the very
will,
accompanied by

10
11
 K*
emotions, although here, too, force and power must, as a matter
of principle, be distinguished clearly from each other. Here,
too, force always has its technique. What is logic if not the
technique of the intellect?
The sociologist who undertakes to demonstrate the ways of
power must know the forces which in society are transformed into
power. While he has to take them as a point of departure, he
must not set himself the task of delineating the law according to
e
which the forces act nor does he want to fall back on their
origins and the law of their evolution. Such a farflung task
would surpass his faculties, and the readers' absorptive capacity
would also not be equal to it. He has to leave it to the engi-
neers to point out the sequence in which human beings have uti-
lized the forces of nature in their work, and to the philosophers
and moralists to explain the gradual development of their moral
and intellectual energies. He himself has enough to do trying to
recognize the principle of power into which force is being trans-
formed when its effects set the minds into motion. The Law of
Small Numbers indicates that the effects of force emanating from
the many will, as power, be credited to only a few. For example,
the victorious general acquires his power not only through his
own performance but always through that of his soldiers as well,
just as the successful entrepreneur obtains his power partly
through the performance of his workers. There is still a number
of other laws which relate to the transformation of social forces
into power. If it is to solve the problems posed by these laws,
the theory of power must fulfill a task as difficult as it is
important.
12
II. Of the Origin and Growth of Power and Power Associations
1. The Kinship Associations
State and society are often called extensions of the family,
family ,
and the family is viewed as the nucleus of society.
society. Thinking
this idea through leads to the conclusion that the families,families ,
which stand side by side in state and society,
society , are being held
together by the same forces and powers as bind together the
single family in itself. This is not the case, however. The
case , however.
family as such is tied together by the feeling of love emanating
from consanguinity, whereas in state and society,
society , aside from
strong bonds of lovalty, no less strong sentiments of indiffer¬
indiffer ¬
ence and hostility are evident; the latter are not only toler¬ toler ¬
ated, but at times are nurtured, encouraged, demanded. Cer-
encouraged , and demanded. Cer ¬
tainly, the family is not free from strife and hate:hate: the bible
begins its narrative of the human events following the expulsion
from the paradise with the fratricide committed by Cain on
Abel. But whereas fratricide within the familv is viewed as an
execrable crime, when committed during wars it is a duty enforced
_
bv state and society and is celebrated as an act of heroism.
Even if all of humankind were of the same blood — something
still to be proved
heroism .
it would therefore not be permissible to
trace the origin of social power to the blood instinct of the
family. In state and society still other elements play an impor¬
impor ¬
tant part. State and society are not simple extensions of the
family, the family is not the social cell.
cell . In an age of patri¬
patri ¬
archs one might be contented with such a view which reduces all
power to the authority of the father of the family,
family , venerated by
the kinship group as its natural head.
head . In an era of power strug¬
strug ¬
gles such as the present, one does not know what to make of this
view any more, not to mention that it also fails to provide an
struggles.
understand ing for the historical power struggles.
Still our explanation must take as a point of departure that
temporally the family is the prerequisite for all large social
associations. Historically it appeared first,
first , preparing the
ground in which the sprouts could take root whose growth led to
the formation of society. In the beginnings of human existence
there was no other force which could have created bonds among
human beings than the instinctive force of blood which mutually
attracts males and females during the years of sexual maturation,
maturation ,
which unites parents with the children which spring from their
union, and which still ties together children and children's children ’ s
children who are conscious of their common origin.
origin. In a period
of development in which higher-level
level associations had not been
formed yet, the kinship association had to assume certain common
tasks outside the family circle which life's
life ’ s necessities imperi¬
imperi ¬
ously demanded. It thereby evolved into a combat association and
an economic association. In addition,
addition , customs,
customs, morality,
morality , and law
experienced their first development in the kinship association.
association.
As is true for any other organ which is heavily used,used , the family
under these circumstances was developed excessively,
excessively , hypertro-
hypertro -
Phicallv, so to speak. The bonds of consanguinity,
consanguinity , stimulated
most_ strongly bv the necessities of joint action, action , became a
uniting force far beyond the narrow circle of the family, family , and
Played a role in very remote kinship relations where later gener-gener ¬
could no longer be aware of their existence.
existence. The horde,horde ,
tribe, clan, etc. were aware of consanguinity , stimulated among
n
 by their smell and post guardian bees which fend off alien
that thereby bees
cousins many times removed. It cannot be denied trying to sneak in and "curry favor"
favor" in order to steal honey.
honey.
they became capable of forming work associations which penetrated Human kinship associations grow still more estranged when they
deeply the functions later taken over by the newly formed higher- live far from each other and adapt to local conditions.
conditions. Although
level associations. But when the latter had finally been estab¬ there remains for the time being the tie of a common
lished, they turned out to be so much more capable of performing to of many a custom, each association will continue tolanguage
develop
and
in
the relevant functions that kinship associations had to yield function its own way, and each will jealously guard its idiosyncrasiesIn .
them. From here on the family regressed to its naturalbeen for¬
Religious traditions exert their unifying influence for the
rela¬
rela
and scope, just as a house which in troubled times into had tively longest time. With the Greeks the peace of god
¬

tified into a defensive castle was converted back a simple the big games dedicated to the gods, dominated
to guaran¬ gods , occasions which brought
dwelling place as soon as the state was in a position family has
together the members of all tribes, , which otherwise fought each
tee public safety. In the well-developed state living the
which it other incessantly to the point where,
where , under leadership of the
become again the instrument for purely personal principal city-states of Athens and Sparta,
Sparta , in the Peloponnesian
in the service of marital community
had been in the beginning, The feel¬
War hostility grew and nearly degenerated into a war of exter¬
exter
and thus procreation and of the education of children.
¬
mination. While being intimately wedded internally by molecular
ing of love of the family is now being reserved for the sphere of forces of attraction, externally kinship associations are
public sphere it does not suffice and must placed
domestic life. In the strictly ori¬
in hostile opposition to each other by molecular forces of repul-
repul
make room for other sentiments, which in part are si on.
¬

ented to defense and combat, but which

peace of the community
— must broadly aim— when oriented to the
at the public weal. Confronted with the instinct for self-preservation,
self preservation
each of the split-off kinship associations-seeks to hold, by which
its own ,
Although the female heart is almost closed to the sentiments the instinct of kinship association fails.
fails. The reproductive
demanded by the public life, the love with which a mother enve¬ had
instinct results in ever more throngs of kin groups being sent
lops her children is not lost to the public interest. He who to out , but the more prolific it becomes,
becomes , the more the original
the good fortune of an unblemished youth will be better able as unity falls apart. But already within the kinship
resist the passionate temptations which as a man he encounters formations have occurred which tend to overcome the associations
instinct of
a participant in public affairs. Just as the sunlight ofbreaks love
self-preservation of the kinship group and, and , submerging their
through every rupture in the cloud cover, so the light antagonisms, to push ahead with, and complete,
complete, large-scale
large-scale social
warmed his heart since early childhood penetrates the development.
which has
opening for Little by little within the kinship associations
dark and cold of the world where ever there is an there aÿise cooperative groupings for warfare,
warfare, economic activity ,
Peace and civilization would have progressed still more and other purposes, comprising no longer all the blood activity,
it.
slowly
— and maybe would not have advanced at all
sentiment of love derived from one’s parental
kept alive everywhere. To be sure, however, the social
home had— if the
not been
system
and deriving their organizational structure no longer relatives
kinship order. A number of young people rally around the
ually victorious leader when he takes off for plunder orhabit¬
from the
habit ¬
makes such manifold demands that its development has to depend
on quest. It is not a priority based on blood which gives con¬ con
¬

still other, harsher elements. position of preeminence, but he becomes army him a
commander or duke
thanks to success achieved with arms.
arms. The young people,
people , joining
his exodus, do not do so qua relatives but qua followers,followers , and
2. The Work Associations (or Task Forces) when he puts them under iron discipline,
discipline, he legitimizes this act
by the war objectives he seeks to attain.
attain. As success follows
What causes prevent the kinship associations from expanding success, the wooing power of the task force becomes so great
from within into large social groupings? Let us first state the that, either peacefully or violently,
violently , it
It bridges the gap sepa¬
fact before proceeding to the explanation. Given the pressures rating the old kinship groups from each other. sepa¬

split other. From this point

of propagation and augmentation, the resulting surpluses associa¬
off from time to time. They combine into independent distance,
tions in the process of searching, close by or at some
for hunting grounds, pastures, or arable lands. This is, in
principle, the same process as is found with the bee population
where swarms from time to time leave the parental hive, forming
new populations under queens of their own. The instinctive
attachment of the incremental population to the kinship associa¬
tion in which there is no longer room for them is very quickly
overcome by the drive for self-reliance. Instrumental here is
the decisive fact that the human race depends for its food
requirements on much more ample space than do the bees whose
swarms return quite near to where they flew out, getting their
food in the same blossoms area. The wandering swarm of humans,
find
once it has split off, has to venture quite far afield to popu¬
its subsistence base. It is well known that even those bee
lations whose hives stand close together in the same house become
estranged and hostile to each other. They differ from each other
on the road is clear for the formation of society.
society. The family,
family ,
creation of the blood instinct, remains behind.
behind. Higher orders of
collectivity rise above it which pure instinct cannot create any
more because thev presuppose concentrated , goal-oriented
though being a raw kind of violence at first,
becomes elevated to the heights of civilization
goal - oriented force --
first , it gradually —
culture.
Whereas in a kinship association the animal natureandof culture. man is
preeminent, in the broad expanse of society he becomes a full
person, though at first exhibiting all the marks of savageness.
Animal states are mer'e kinship associations because animals are
barred from socially rising above their blood ties. Only slight
traces of this may perhaps be observed here ties. or there,
there , as for
example in slave-keeping ant states.
But isn’t it so that the blood instinct asserts inself in
human social ties even after societies have been fully devel-
devel
¬
oped? One is inclined to assume so for the nation state.
state. Isn ’t

14 15
it the creation of national blood? Does not the community of the World War, the Hohenzollern dynasty resisted all , even
blood give it its instinctive strength? One only has to pursue most aggravating, storms of fate. Its firm controlall, braved
the
everv
origin of the nation states to convince himself that the misfortune and time and again secured success for itself,
the
of blood itself , thereby
opposite is true. Without exception they were creations gaining seemingly indestructible dominion over the minds. minds. The
mixtures. All tribes of pure blood have disintegrated and joined World War fiasco was so devastating,
devastating , so destructive of human
Of
others as soon as they entered into the big sweep of history. and
lives, however, that the power collapsed all at once.
the Teutons we don't know at all if they ever formed a unit,
the Germans have only gradually coalesced into a unit, one which Is it possible as well to derive internal power, power , ethical
was never complete and from which big fragments have broken away power in particular, from success? Must not an upright person
with blood of a different loathe to "go by success" and thus to give homage to one ruler be
in time. Almost all parts have mingled
origin and different tongue. The present-day German people, today and to another one tomorrow? That one gauges one's one ’ s exter-
exter
viewed both as a people and a state, historically was the result nal strength by the degree of success achieved appears to be
¬

of blood mixture, and the same is true for all big nations. They prudent and unobjectionable, for how else could it be
instinct but higher-order reasonably
all are not mere creations of the blood assessed than by its effect? We will always feel the powers
that
work associations which have overcome the kinship association are useful to us to be beneficial aids for our affairs,
affairs , to be
arrangements. powers of liberation, while perceiving those which hamper and

3. The Origin of Power in Success

ently? —
crush us as powers of coercion — how could we react
There is nothing immoral in this , the sternest judge
would have to approve. But might one take a different
differ¬
differ ¬

the internal powers, might they be judged without payingtack with

heed to
The compelling force of the work association originates in their successes? Why do we rate them as highly?
highly? Surely only
the success attained by its actions. An important sentence! the It because they promise the highest, most lasting,
lasting , and most gladsome
explains why the work association endures and grows while successes! The person who "goes by success"
success makes himself con-
kinship association stands still and vanishes. The kinship asso¬ temptible by sacrificing his convictions to” con ¬

in itself from mere external

cess. The saying that power is conditioned on success takes away suc-
suc¬
ciation has the great advantage of having embodiedwith a national
the start a readiness for joint action, along nothing of the grandeur and dignity of the internal powers
order of the family which always has its head. This is why only a matter of interpreting this statement to the powers; ; it's
it ’s
effect that
chronologically it is the first to be called upon; without it it relates to genuine and lasting success.
success. The validity of the
history would have no beginning. But in view of the narrowness internal powers is not diminished, let alone suspended,
suspended , by also
of the circle of persons to which it remains confined it cannot appraising them by their effects. On the contrary,
contrary ,
get beyond a relatively modest state of development, and conse¬ theirs because in the long run they prove to be the the future is
powers assur-
assur ¬
quently it would not, taken by itself, assure the continuance of ing the most comprehensive and reliable effects.
effects.
history. To form a pure work association the masses are not
ready to begin with because they do not know each other, and when The compelling force of success binds people also cases
they know each other they do not rally because they mistrust each where the blood instinct failed, it also binds people in of dif-
dif ¬
other. This is why the first formations of work associations ferent blood. A work association with success on its side need
remain confined to the small circle comprised by the kinship not fear that its members will split off.
off. Rather,
Rather , it will con¬
con ¬
association. But just as soon as visible success has been won, tinue drawing new members as long as it remains successful,
its magic force transforms the minds, and the more it grows and
becomes consolidated, the larger the number of people it affects
and the more firmly it commits sentiment and volition to its
voli-
its growing numbers even may
—though this need
ther augment its strength to succeed.
succeed .
successful, and
the case, it is true for the most powerful forces not still
—
The ‘Roman
‘Roman
formed by the confluence of three different tribes
—
always be
fur-
fur ¬
people was
course. On the other hand, failure repels sentiment and master .
whose history
tion. Through success and failure history acts as man’s was preserved for a long time in certain traditions,
traditions
in certain cultural institutions. Nevertheless, , especially
of instruction, a master holding out the highest rewards and Nevertheless, the witnessing
punishing with whips and scorpions. In the long run success strengths of success combined the blood of the three tribes to a
attributable to united strength gains domination over the minds; unit inseparable in war and peace. By the joint accomplishments
guided by success, the masses in the end cannot help moving in of its external victories and its internal development the
Roman
emotional conformity at every step, like the drilled troops. In people became a historical unit.
this manner power associations, and power, are created.
The compelling force of success is being sensed by persons
Successes come and go, and it thus appears that power is most distinctly in relation to the external powers of
placed upon a tottering foundation if it truly originates in
..
which, as is of course well known, linguistic usage as coercion
well as
and must
success. Isn't there indeed enough vacillating power, well? common imagination regard as powers pure and simple.
simple. Indeed ,
not the theory of power explain the latter's origin as It however, the internal powers, too, derive
would be folly to assume that power is destroyed just as soon as from success, and they give direction totheir compelling force
human
success fails to come for a change. Only weak persons bowdefy to volition no less imperiously than do the harshest sentiment
external
and
pow-
pow
fate without resistance; the strong and determined ones will ers. They supplement the latter or turn against them , but always ¬

it because they sense an inner strength to regain success, and their mutual relationship is conditioned by success.
success.
therefore the world will be theirs in the end. The confidence in
their strength is rewarded by the duration of their power. Up to
16 17
4. Coercive Powers and Liberation Powers
forms
The following survey presents in due brevity the main
principal
of coercive and liberation powers, and therebv also the
forms of the communities or associations which are held together
by one or the other of these powers.
Raw external force gives rise to the most severe of coercive
associations, the forced associations of the tvpe which barbaric
victorious people brought into being as a consequence of their
arms success. As long as their sentiments and volition have not
them-
been completely obliterated, the vanquished will try to ridpeoples
Weak
selves of despotism by uprisings or defections.
under despotism will end up losing completely their capacity for
self-determination, lapsing into the worst kind of dependence,
including unadulterated servitude.
Even the state of a free people, as were the Romans is in
itself a coercive association. Whether one likes it or not, one
belongs to the state into which he is born, and one must do his
duty in it. While this is true for everv state, even the freest
one, that people may legitimately call itself free which has no
sovereign to look up to, but bows to the necessities of existence
of its own free choice. Common distress calls upon a people
completely surrounded by enemies to apply its joint forces to the
preservation of independence. Every true Quirite (full citizen)
felt an inner drive to go to battle for the state, and he also
demanded the same from every other. When everyone expects from
everyone else to perform the duties of a citizen, there arises
out of mutual social pressure a coercive association. Through
harmony of feelings among the members it is held together still
The community of faith, the ethical community,
communitv , and every
cultural community are held together by inner constraint,
moral obligation, by the pressure of conscience,
constraint , by
conscience , of the love of
truth, by the craving for beauty, and by any other strong inner
urge. In these communities, too, ffellow
ellow-travelers
-travelers can always be
found, whole groups of people who declare themselves for the
spirit of the day, anxiously trying to display the attitude which
is prescribed to the ’’full person”
voice. While
person" by his inner voice.
fellow-travelers find the success they are after in the general
applause which the attitude they imitate is being accorded,
accorded , for
the genuine persons it lies in the inner satisfaction and the
natural self -confidence which they attain.
attain.
They cannot help
obeying their conscience and render truth its honor.
honor. Perhaps
they do so only after hard inner struggles,
struggles , but after finally
having overcome these obstacles, their
firm. -
their nature becomes calm and
Undoubtedly the majority of even genuine persons are
strongly influenced by the example of a great leader.
leader. Without
his direction they could not find their wav,
way , but even so they
follow him only because of an inner reaction and because of an
appeal to a soul force whose commands they cannot escape any
longer. Undoubtedly the majority of even genuine persons are
encouraged in their course by the fact that they find themselves
in the companv of a great or overwhelming majoritv
majority headed in the
same direction. The masses always find their convictions
strengthened by the perception that they are not alone but belong
to a large community. In addition to their inner constraint and
reinforcing it, people also sense a certain external (social)
(
compulsion, which can be escaped less readily inasmuch as social
)
judgment will strike hard those who err against the social
communal
commands. In the case of the worst transgressions the offenders
are ostracized,, they are proscribed by the verdict of a social
*

more inviolably than the forced association shackles its subjects vehme,* just as is done by the state and the church.
to the victors, more inviolablv as well as more effectively church. Neverthe-
less, the communities held together by inner forces are not Neverthe ¬

because evervbody marshals total determination with a view to cive but free communities, for on the deepest level they arecoer¬ coer¬

serving the common cause. In the same way, the feeling of soli-
darity, wherever it is alive, through social pressure ties the
companions to a firm association, broadened and reinforced by
success. Even lukewarm and weak companions go along, notwith-
standing the fact that they may sense as unpleasant and oppres¬
sive that they have to give up their personal comforts and to
together by an inner drive. They would never have arisen held and
would not be kept intact if they hadn’t
hadn ’t been awakened and kept
alive by a call sounding from the innermost where no command
other than that of one’s own conviction counts.counts. The duties
demanded by these communities are joyfully accepted,
accepted , by the gen¬
gen¬

sacrifice for the common cause which they still don’t have quite
it
at heart. They are fellow-travelers who ”go by success” whilewill
can be had, but who will keep aloof and sooner or later
defect when success fails to come for a change. The ardent and
deterred by
determined companions, however, are not so easilystoutheartedly
uine persons who constitute their strong core, core , as self-
self-
fulfillment, as decisions of their free will.
will. For this kind of
sentiment it does not matter at all whether the sensation of free
will is only a flattering appearance which cancels the rigor of
the law of causation, or whether moral constraint owes its irre
sistible foÿce to the very circumstance that in it what is irre¬
¬

failure, for they believe in their cause and best

expect victory in the future. Where the bonds of companionship in human nature has free reign.
prove durable, the coercive association based on sentiment will There are various communities of interest,
assume, by and by, the refined form of a legal entity, receiving interest , created and held
together by the recognition of the practical usefulness of
its rules through legal coercion. Where one encounters obstacles
demanding a maximum of strength, social coercion coupled with
despair escalate into terror, raging not only against the exter¬
nal enemy but even more recklessly against those own companions
ing one’s own strength
example.
— join¬
join
by itself almost insignificant — with
that of others. The economic community is the most significant
An individual magnifies his success extraordinari
—
extraordinarily
ly
¬

who show stubbornness or are being distrusted. As long as the

when he finds the right spot for his work in an economy governed
bv the division of labor.
states are fighting each other the sacrifices each state must The economy,
economy , such as it has developed
demand from its citizens are so great that even in a free peo¬
ple’s state coercion may become oppressive. The same is true for
the classes at the height of the class struggle.
*The word comes from
court or tribunal.
.
vehmgericht , roughly secret nonofficial

18
1Q
 _ t'ia

energy of the people, has shaped. . There are always only rela¬
rela ¬
tively few who do not have the stamina to measure up to the type,
type ,
on the basis of private property ownership, by its freer arrange¬ and their failures stand as a warning example for others.
others. The
ments is clearly set off from the type of coercive community of big majority conform fairly closely to the type;
type ; their legally
which the state is the most striking example. The economy is not accorded freedom generally manifests itself in only very smali
small
characterized by joint action, it does not proceed by central deviations, above or below, which they permit themselves.
themselves. Even
command, individuals are under the constraints of law and order personal egotism is usually circumscribed by society,
society , and only
only to the extent that they must stay within certain nontrans- very few are bold enough to pursue their personal advantage
gressible barriers. But within these limits they may move freely beyond the bounds of typical behavior
behavior..
according to their discretion, they are free to make their deci-
sions in accordance with their self-interest. The economy dis¬ Even into the sphere of private life social powers
tinguishes itself from inner-directed communities
illustrated by the ethical community — — most vividly
by the fact that interest
is guided by rational considerations, which do not have the rigor
intrude. Private life is not isolated life
life. It won’t do to say of Robinson, —
Robinson , as long as he Is
inhabitant of his island, that he Is
it is social
is the sole
is the owneÿ
ownen of private prop¬ prop ¬
of inner convictions. It must be asked whether the economy, erty. Not only is private life always embedded in social life, life ,
since it follows neither a social nor a specifically inner com- but in addition it is always more or less oriented to it, it , except
pulsion is indeed a true community rather than a loose associa- that it is reserved to the beneficiary to determine the magnitude
tion of individuals who meet, and part again, without any commit- of the influence to be accorded to the social environment and, and , in
In
ment. To be sure, in the case of the older economic orders, the particular, to ward off disturbing foreign incursions.
incursions. My pri¬ pri ¬
village cooperative and the guild, the landlords and the town vate rights permit me to dispose of my property at the exclusion
authorities , and the mercant il ist ic governments have, with anx¬ of others, but they also give me the opportunity to enter into
ious concern, issued the most diverse decrees, but later the dispositions. I would be much the
relations with others in my dispositions.
classical writers prevailed with their own doctrines because all poorer if I didn’t have this possibility.
possibility. All monetary assets at
these coercive rules violated the true nature of the economy my disposal would be without value
value,, and even the bulk of real
which was said to demand free mobility of individuals within the property values could no longer be fully exploited.
exploited. Just as do
general bounds of law and morality. But as one looks more private rights, so all of private life is socially conditioned,
conditioned ,
closely into classical teachings he recognizes that even where
individuals enjoy legal and ethical liberty of action, they are
subject to imperative social forces which are rooted in the com¬
and even in the most personal sector of private life
family life
— the individual cannot set himself completelv
from social forces. The saying, "my
— domestic
completely apart
my house Is castle ," is only
is my castle,"
petition of supply and demand. If one goes to the very bottom of intended to convey the idea that in his home everyone has control
things, he recognizes that it is not just competition which cre¬ over access by strangers and that even the state has to protect, protect ,
ates the social forces showing the economizing individual his and to a certain extent respect itself,
itself , such domestic author¬author ¬

path . In the vast expanse of the national economy every single ity. AH the same, every sensible person has a lively interest
person, even the strongest individual, would be lost if he had to in making his domestic arrangements in conformance with the out¬ out¬

depend entirely on himself. A strong individual favored by good
fortune succeeds in rising to become a leader among the holders
of power to whom he entrusted himself. A weaker or unfavorably
situated individual, in order to break out of his inner empti-
ness , seeks the company of powers within the masses of society,
and if he does not make the connection, he will fall prey to
hostile powers who exploit his strength for their own purposes.
Already when choosing an occupation serving as a starting point
for his activitv an individual is not the master of his deci-
standing models set up by society, , and he knows quite well that
he will expose himself to societal reprimand if he decides to
deviate notably from customary prescriptions and especially the
prescriptions of his own class and stratum.
stratum. With peoples of
advanced civilization we encounter a surprising uniformity in all
the details of domestic life: structure and operation are
totally governed by certain rules , and from morning to evening
every hour fits into a firm timetable.
timetable. While social rules
already govern domestic life, they do so even more when individ¬ individ ¬

sions. In the main his path is determined by the force of his uals go out on the street and into
Into public circulation even while
particular circumstances and of his environment, and again it is minding only to their private affairs in the process. The
only the strongest and by fate most favored individuals who man¬ clothes one wears when mixing with other people,people , the movements
age to assert themselves unaided. The masses follow tradition, one may be permitted in doing so, the facial mien, mien , the way one
which in numerous cases doesn’t leave an individual any choice of
his own and in others most severely limits their choice. The old
raises his voice and its volume --—
all these have to be exactly
tailored to the social mores for fear of standing out and chal¬ chal ¬
law, not capable of individual distinctions yet, but everywhere lenging the public. Although it may not seem so at first, first , this
naively reflecting the typical conditions, in the rigid caste social command also emanates from success,
success , for even a foolish fad
system did as much as tie the son to the occupation of his may in its uniformity still yield a notable social success
father. Only modern law has opened up free occupational choice, because the prescribed uniformity of behavior reduces fric- fric ¬
though legal freedom doesn’t mean, as it often does otherwise, t ions. While military troops or some other social organization
real independence. The latter by and large will benefit only the designed to perform some overall task are geared to uniform
relatively few; the masses continue in their effective restraint action and while the community of interests of an economy is
upon occupational choice. And in the exercise of his occupation oriented to complementary action, individuals in their private
the individual businessman is far from free to determine on his activities are oriented in parallel order,
order , so to speak,
speak , so pri¬pri ¬
own the degree to which he will pursue his own advantage; rather vate actions emerge as if they were socially directed and per¬ per ¬
he has to conform to the type which general competition, based on formed.
the technical and social experiences of the time and on the
21
 The drive toward social orientation even in one's private
hardly a
affairs is deeply embedded in human nature. There is
social power which asserts itself more absolutely than the power
of custom to which people submit almost without exception, not
only the multitude of average persons but also people who usually
stand aside; not only persons of refined culture but also the
clumsy and arrogant ones; not only the stupid, but also the
One might almost start questioning whether the people
wise.
accidentally jumbled together on the street, in the theater, and
in the public means of transportation might not thereby lose
their private personality and with the constant change of persons
might coalesce to public bodies. Our language refers to the
masses which are in such an intermediate state between private
and social beings as the "Publikum" (public), a felicitous
expression which is suggestive of "Oeffentlichkeit" (public) but
does not bring out the connotation quite as emphatically as would
"Oeffentlichkeit." Well, this public, while being subject to
social forces, is at the same time a strong social power in its
own right. For all public presentations — from those by poets,
actors, and sculptors all the way to the supply by sellers —
at least as far
success is determined by the favor of the public, which, however,
as proximate and external success is concerned
quite often represents the decisive success where no higher val¬
ues are involved.
About the specifics of the psychologv of power — i.e., the
psychic emotions which permit power to gain and keep a hold over
the human mind
— much more remains to be said, but it is prefer¬
able to leave these matters aside for the time being. As a first
approach we were interested only in deriving the big manifesta¬
tions of power from the common source of social success and in
refuting the view, as widely held as it is erroneous, that there
are no other compelling powers than the power of external
force. Everybody who would understand the ways of power in the
past and present must leave such a view behind. He who doesn't
remains a bloody layman in social matters. He shares the myopia
of anarchistic dreamers for whom the ideal of liberty is a state
of complete lawlessness. They view it as a condition where indi¬
viduals do not make any mutual contacts other than those created
or dissolved by their contractual will, where therefore every
clubs, like
service' function of the state could be taken over isby free
those for sport or conviviality, which everybody to join
or to leave. This would deprive society of all structural solid-
ity; it would disintegrate into its personal atoms and be
deprived of the firm ties needed for the achievement of its suc¬
that,
cesses. However, care has been taken that it won't come to asso-
for the driving force generated by the success of the work
ciations will also create the necessary commitments of the minda
with every people capable of work benefitting society as
whole. The weaker members are bound by coercive powers, but the
strong ones find in liberation powers the necessary support. A
healthy people will recognize soon that the defeat of the coer¬
cive powers weighing it down is only the first step toward free¬
dom and that, if freedom is really to prevail, the second step,
the growth of the liberation powers, must follow. The social
commands emanating from these powers must elicit the sameforce. obe¬
dience as was previously done by the threat of external
True liberty is not personal license but a painfully achieved
social condition. Gottfried Keller, a true democrat at heart
derided those of his Swiss compatriots who vaunted themselves to
22
be genuine republicans by the fact alone that they didn't
didn ’t have to
obey a king. How much more cause for ridicule would he have
found in the new republics being erected almost overnight in a
whole group of European states but lacking the support of strong
liberation powers!
Just as does the state , every work association requires
supportive liberation powers in order to be truly free.
free. Had
economy already become truly free by the mere institution of the
the
liberal system and the removal of all.
all traditional regulations?
regulations?
Isn't it rather so that capitalistic coercive powers have taken
the place of state coercion wherever the class composed of
craftsmen, proletarians, and small farmers was too weak to small
be an
inhibiting factor?
5• Primitive Peoples and Civilized Peoples
There is an almost incalculable profusion of coercive and
liberation powers, of war and peace powers,
powers , of powers affecting
public and powers affecting private life,
life, which give a social
orientation to sentiment and volition of individuals in social-
ever’v
every
developed society. In the tightly knit
knit kinship associations with
which history began, these powers are
^e hardly in existence.
existence. The
instinct of consanguinity had to take their place and to condi¬
tion the minds for communal works. Nevertheless we must not
underestimate the forces marshaled by human beings at the
of their historical achievements. This is especially truestart
condi¬
those tribes which later evolve into racially superior peoples.
In the blood of "high born" primitive peoples all aptitudes
cultural achievement were abundantly present in a seminal
for
peoples.
for
state. Although they, too, had primitive beginnings,
beginnings, it would be
a gross error if one tried to apply to them the standards of
those tribes which, neglected by nature,
nature, have remained primitive
to this day. The immense magnitude of their achievements is
portrayed only very inadequately in the Robinson Crusoe story
which one is inclined to draw upon to illustrate the beginning of
social life. What those primitive peoples had to do they had to
get done without the aids which Robinson brought with
island. Robinson managed to get by so well on the island to his
him
he already embodied significant experiences of domestic because educa¬
educa ¬
tion, and also because the cleverly calculating author allows him
to leave his stranded ship and get on shore with just the amount
of supplies and tools needed to scrape through.
through. We had best
imagine the ancestors of racially superior peoples as
by folk-tale, namely, as giants who dare the gods described to fight
them. The civilized peoples hardly stand above their ancestors,
ancestors ,
but rather below them, judged by their natural pent-up
their inner resources. The refined human being of -modern
pent up energy and
civili¬
civili ¬
zation would no longer be capable of their achievements;
achievements ; he would
be ignominiously defeated because his natural talents,
talents, notwith¬
notwith ¬
standing all their development, have become badly stunted and
have degenerated. If, on the other hand, hand , it
bring a wilding of superior blood lineage into awere possible to
civilized coun¬
coun ¬
try, he would develop his talents quickly and eagerly.
eagerly. The Vik-Vik ¬
ings, who occupied the Normandy, were in no time able to occupy
the top ranks of European knighthood in the arts of both war and
Peace. What a civilized people is ahead in is the -
capi -
culture capi-
which it owes to the work of previous generations.
generations. Such
Possession makes it rich even though it may have little strength
23
 BUS

left for its augmentation. It has every reason to admire the

vigor of both body and mind which its doughty ancestors marshaled
to defy the savageness of life. It has no less reason to admire
the mental powers enabling these people to find the paths leading
from savagery to a civilized life. The founder of the worldwide
Krupp enterprise has said that the most difficult task was
gathering up the first one thousand dollars. Did not our ances-
tors also face the most difficult job in working up the ’’first
thousand units of cultural accomplishments”? It made good sense
to the ancients to attribute the invention of the plow to the
gods, for in depth and efficacy it has not been bested by any one
of the most brilliant inventions of which the present generation
prides itself.
6. Formation of States and Initiation of Culture as Fundamental
Social Achievements
Withal it required strenuous exertions through millenia to
bring to fruition even the most promising talents of a people.
The name ’’evolution,” preferably applied to this process, can
easily mislead, for we have before us not a single development,
such as we perceive with a tree which, growing up under favorable
conditions, puts on one annual ring after another. The develop¬
ment is also much more varied in forms than that of the butterfly
into which the caterpillar via the pupa stage is being trans-
formed . The progress of every people is always most strongly
conditioned by the restraints which it encounters and which chal¬
lenge its strength. Collective achievements are provided their
strongest impetus by the need to overcome the obstacles faced
from one stage to the next.
As long as living together is confined to the narrow circle
of kinship associations, progress is confined to within narrow
limits. Everybody is living the same monotonous life, and the
undeveloped, and in addition one is unable to scale the barrier
which even short distances present.. The environmental obstacles
are still too difficult to cope with.
with.
driving stimulus has its origin in the propensity to use
force , inherent in man. Man in his historical origins was a
violent being, and had to be in order to stand his ground in the
struggle with an untamed nature. The drive to use force,
force , sup¬
sup¬
pressed within the kinship associations,
associations , finds its way to the
tribe that has wandered off and has become alien,
alien , and especially
__ -
to tribes of foreign blood. Occasions for fights are ever pres-
ent, to be a stranger means to be! an enemy - this is true for
pres ¬
civilized man, and why should it not also hold for uncivilized
man! Given the general scarcitv of things,
things , interests clash
hard. There is urgent necessitv to defend emphatically the
claims believed to be owned on hunting grounds and in fisheries ,
pastures and cultivated lands catt le and other scarce things.
cattle things.
Still much more important for peace of mind is to protect liberty
and life, one’s own and those of close kin, kin , against continual
threats. Woman is that objective of combat which does the most
to stir up the passion of men. Carnal lust,lust , mistrust,
mistrust , fear,
fear , and
pugnacity are inexhaustible in arousing the fighting instinct. instinct.
In an unending sequence of defense and attack,attack , of victory and
defeat, the strongest tribes eventually assert themselves,
themselves , little
by little subjugating their weaker neighbors.
neighbors. Great empires
spring up and disappear. Finally, victors endowed with a maximum
of external and internal strength succeed in establishing endur¬
endur ¬
ing reigns, fixed states are being set up up,, tribes and peoples
grow up. Thanks to victory after victory,
victory , over the remnants of
the old kinship associations extensive coercive associations have
arisen. Now the talents which in the original narrowness of
space lacked nourishment find a soil conducive to prolific devel¬
devel ¬

division of labor is limited essentially to domestic matters

opment. The tension caused by a 1
help calling up the highest efforts,
life - -
ife-and-death
and death struggle cannot
efforts , the triumph of victory

____
because outside almost everybody is doing the same kind of bringing these to full fruition. The people grown powerful then
thing. They all are hunters, fishermen, or herdsmen. Even the becomes conscious of its pent-up wants;
wants ; it reimburses itself from
chieftain and his close leadership associates are placed only a the possessions of the subjects and augments its wealth by having
little above the rest; at bottom they are all of the same crude the latter work for it. The drive to augment the size of the
nature. Gradations in rank mean practically no variations in population is no longer diverted abroad by internal destitution,
style of life. The high born and the low born take the same destitution ,
and population growth implies greater strength.
national strength.
meals at the same tables except that the first occupies the Released from all servile chores, oriented solely to doing battle
place of honor. For talents which transcend the traditional way which elevates its sense of dominance
dominance,, the victorious people
of doing things there is hardly an opportunity to be used. It inclines to and gains the leisure for more refined activities.
may be that the talents of a given blood are almost the same to activities.
The emerging victor-nation type of culture,
culture , which first takes
begin with; in any case, given the general scarcity of things, pleasure in the display of outward splendor,
splendor , soon turns to inner
there is a lack of means to advance them. One is engrossed in
securing the tribal existence and the bare necessities of life.
pursuits in the case of racially superior peoples. peoples. Mental
One does not get beyond that, however. Developmental forces,
desires awaken which stimulate the intellect
intellect.
childlike superstition is being illuminated,
. The darkness of a
illuminated , the liberated mind
lacking a stimulus from the outside, remain dormant. begins to follow its inclination to search for interpretations of
the accumulated experiences. The path from narrow into wider
Nor is there fruitful intercourse with the groups which from perspectives is also the path from darkness to light;
light ; joined with
time to time migrate away from the main tribe. Barter trade, the Jthe work leading to formation of states Is is the work involved in
first means to unite alien tribes, still lacks the prerequisite the establishment of civilization. In the historical beginnings
of the division of labor, for the split-off groups continue doing all other collective accomplishments are greatly overshadowed by
pretty much the same thing as are done by the parent tribe. these two. They serve as the training ground for the great
Neither here nor there exists the knowledge necessary to exploit social forces which are transformed into the ruling powers of the
the strange treasures of the earth. Lacking even more are the <?ay- Warriors and priests, or, as theythev were called later,
later , spir¬
spir ¬
prerequisites for an exchange of ideas. All minds are equally itual and secular greats, nobility and clergy,
clergy , become the rulers
in this epoch. “

24
o c:
 -
Each of the following epochs is distinguished by specific
collective accomplishments, provoked and made possible by the
need and the vigor of the times. Historiography in a grand style
will delimit the recognized epochs according to the collective
works characteristic of each. Every epoch gauges the greatness
of its leaders by the success attained by the latter in promoting
contemporary deeds. Talents which under different circumstances
would have remained barren pour out all their riches when their
hour has come. What social forces are available are being forced
into serving the leaders of the time, oÿ are avidly volunteered
for such service. Uplifted by the social successes associated
with their name, the new leaders join the ranks of the existing
rulers, while the power of the formerly mighty pales ever more.
7. The Two Main Trends of Social Growth
Two trends may be noted within social growth. One is a
society becomes ever
tendency toward increasing stratification:
more rich in hierarchical gradations, and the distances between
the highest and lowest ranks become ever greater because the
newly created material and spiritual values tend to accumulate
with the rulers at first, while the lower strata have a smaller
share in progress or may even be plundered and suppressed. The
light of emerging culture first shines on the peaks of society,
its depths remain in the dark for the time being, and for many
peoples this will never change. Is there perhaps already a civi-
lized nation today whose historically suppressed classes have
again been lifted up to a level worthy of human beings? At any
rate every robust people displays such a tendency. This is the
second one of the perceived growth trends, namely, the trend
toward upward mobility of classes, to use the name given itÿby an
ingenious thinker in reference to modern conditions. Robust
peoples are of such healthy disposition that the lower strata are
capable of resisting the pressure from above, thus not completely
succumbing to it but, however late and slowly, appropriating the
newly created values, material and spiritual, of the upper clas-
ses as the lower strata become aware of these values. The judi-
cious ruler is of course himself aware of his own interest in
augmenting the vigor of the people to utilize it better; for the
rest, the enlightened ruler always has a strong affinity for the
populace. Although through long epochs of history the masses may
have no share in public power, peace and the flourishing of arts
and crafts at least provide an opportunity for them to further
their private achievements through social interaction. Quietly
and with unflagging effort peasant strength has been applied,
wherever possible, to the clearing of forests and the cultivation
of the soil, while industrious inhabitants of towns have filled
and enriched these entities. In the present epoch, the face of
the earth is being technically transformed by the alertness of
industrial workers , both those in command and those in subor-
dinate positions. All these quietly evolving and ascending col-
lective forces have in due time been transformed into social
power or they will do so, acting as a resistance first but even¬
tually also sharing leadership roles. Thereby the foundation is
laid for a new epoch of history.
oA
8. The Economic Achievement of Society,
Society , the Error of the Materi-
Materi -
alistic Concept of History
Not until the present time has economic activity entered
into the front ranks of collective achievements.
achievements. For a very long
time goods production remained a private matter*
matter because it was
spatially fixed. Distance was the most potent obstacle to the
development of collective economic activity,
activity , not only because the
goods produced didn't pay for the cost of laborious transports,
transports ,
but at least as much, if not more, because the productive factors
were not sufficiently mobile. It was not possible to procure the
manpower where it was needed, .and the accumulation of savings was
still too slender to make them available far and wide. wide. The
materialistic concept of history teaches that from the very
beginning economic activity was the most general human concern
and therefore always had to be a leading concern of society. society.
This is a misunderstanding. What is most generally done is not
per se also a collective accomplishment,
accomplishment , at least not a collec¬
collec¬
association.
tive deed in the decisive sense of a work association. What
jointly. As long as neigh-
everybody does, must not also be done jointly. neigh
bors cultivate their fields next to each other, such cultivation
¬
of the soil remains a private matter. . It receives its collective
touch only by virtue of the fact that everybody learns from
everybody else, but this parallel procedure is
Is not enough to
character. Moreover,
nullify its essentially private character. Moreover , the inter¬
inter¬
locking nature of the division of labor as it occurs when private
business operations have evolved sufficiently far does not by
and businessman remains independent, , of course. —
itself deprive these of their essential nature — every producer
course. Only the large-
scale enterprise gives rise to genuine work associations.
large -
associations. Per¬
Per
¬
haps the further development of the large enterprise will pave
the way for an economy-wide work association,
association , as demanded by
socialists. That will be decided by success;
success ; for the time being
one is not this far along anywhere. Nevertheless,
Nevertheless, nowadays eco¬
eco¬
nomic activity is felt to be a joint endeavor inasmuch as it
arouses a sense of solidarity of additional groups,
groups , and since
economic activity leads to the accumulation of extraordinary
riches, it is understandable if the economv
economy begins to translate
its strength into social power.
In one direction, economic interests from the very beginning
have exercised momentous social influence:
influence: from the very start
they were one of the roots of the social struggle.
struggle. From the
beginning there was a struggle for property ownership,
ownership , and one of
much graver worker. This was
consequences for the freedom of the worker.
later, when personal freedom of workers was finally sanctioned by
law in the civilized nations, replaced by the struggle for free
access to jobs. Political battles turned,
turned , and still turn,
turn ,
largely around economic interests, and the same holds true for
civil and external wars. Perhaps the World War would not have
broken out if to the national fears and touchiness which are
blamed for its outbreak there had not been added economic greedi¬
greedi
¬
ness and anxieties.
Certainly, economic interests are not the sole interests
motivating combat. It will not do, as suggested by the material¬
material ¬
isticÿ conception of history, to characterize the battles sur¬
sur ¬
rounding the establishment of states as essentially economic in
nature , and it is even less admissible to deduce the establish-
establish ¬
interests. To top it
ment of states as such from purely economic interests.
27
off, in the establishment of cultural realms, economic criteria
have no place whatsoever.
9. The Historic Growth Periods and the Personal Stages of Life
The succession of works undertaken by society, the succes-
sion of stages in stratification over which social accomplish¬
ments extend, stretches the process of historic growth over long
periods of time.
brings about in
Every collective accomplishment requires and
each of its stages a well-adjusted apparatus of
power. Constructing such apparatuses of power will take its due
time, particularly since it always must overcome the resistance
of those organizations of power which had to be of service in the
preceding accomplishment and in turn will strive to survive
beyond its own contribution. If there are several collective
works to be accomplished at the same time which will happen
the more often the more ample the available forces have become
the organizations of power will have to balance out each other,
--
and in this they may succeed only after extended struggles. The
long-lasting conflict between state and church, which filled the
centuries from the Middle Ages into the Modern Era, originated in
the clash of power organizations which within the orbit of the
Romanic and Germanic peoples had been formed for the two goals of
state formation and cultural development. Church and state had
grown strong through successes, and both did their utmost to
become the dominant power.
The talents of every people are limited, and in the long run
therefore even the vital energies of even the most 'gifted and
best-off people may become exhausted. Then development will
stand still, and since in the context of peoples stagnation means
staying behind, the people remaining behind will perhaps fall
prey to other, more aleÿt peoples. China illustrates this. But
standing still may also be due to causes other than the complete
exhaustion of a people's vital strength; it may be grounded in
the disproportion of internal power positions, as when an upper
class which has grown too powerful holds down the as yet not
fully developed forces of the lower classes, while itself no
longer being capable of new progress because of exhaustion.
Growth of social forces and stratification of social powers are
two phenomena which must be rigorously distinguished. Usually
one pays attention only to the first of these developments. It
is more accessible to us because it has its analogy in the growth
of personal strength. The second, however, deserves the atten-
tion of the social scientist in much higher degree, because in it
originate the most peculiar and obscure social problems. The
tree in a forest grows up differently than the isolated tree.
The former is adversely affected by neighboring trees and perhaps
will atrophy if it is too weak. It must strive heavenward lest
it be deprived of air and light. While being prevented from
forming a rich, expansive crown, it does enjoy more protection
against the danger of windfall. Similarly, being fitted into the
hierarchy of power (power struggle) of society sometimes promotes
and sometimes retards the growth of particular social groups.
The superposition of a higher power may protectively promote the
growth of the lower social strata, but it may also arrest and
destroy it. Any change in social stratification will therefore
always have an impact on the growth of forces: it may increase
28
the pressure exerted on the layers below,
below , but it may also liber¬
liber ¬
ate suppressed forces. The subjected farmers were so oppres¬
oppres ¬
sively dominated that the old fount of peasant vitality,
vitality , the
historic source of the' vigor of a people,
people, stood in danger of
drying out. The act of liberation of the farmers,
farmers, initiated by
the princely governments and consummated by the revolutions,
revolutions, has
cleared again for the peasantry
—
and thus to the nation — the
path of its natural development. The proletariat expects the
.
same results from its own liberation.
—
Just as an individual power structure crumbles under the
pressure of failure, or collapses when the forces fail which gave
it initial impetus, or when it is defeated by a stronger poweÿ,
power ,
so also the complete social disintegration may be rooted in the
two facts of internal erosion of strength and superposition of a
higher power. The exploitative dominating powers which sin
against the great forces of the people must always lead to gen¬
gen ¬
eral decay. The social apex must tumble down when the supporting
layers cave in. The proud master races which account for the
history of old Asia have retrogressed in terms of population
size, possessions, and culture to the levels achieved in early
history. It mu
epochs and do no longer count in the making of history. st
must
be admitted that a goodly share of their strength was sapped by
atrocious wars, but in all cases the superposition of power has
decline.
contributed a great deal to the decline.
Decay of a people is not tantamount to its complete destruc¬
destruc ¬
tion yet. The complete downfall. of a people is, is , at any rate,
rate , a
rarity. Strictly speaking, this is made possible only by a war
of extermination, and such a war in its full meaning consumes
only the kind of people who, like the Goths in Italy and the
Vandals in Africa, are only dispersed in a thin upper layer and
who defend their dictatorial rule with barbarian valor down to
the last man. Such exceptional cases apart,
apart , no people suffers
bodily death. Nor should it be viewed as spiritual death when a
people ends its separate existence by intermarrying with
others. The fall of the Roman Empire did not entail the destruc¬
destruc ¬
tion of the whole Roman population, no more than the subjection
of the Saxons in England by the Normans meant the ruin of the
Saxons as a people. Although in either case the vanquished lost
their identity as a people and ceased to be independent,
independent , having
to suffer the superposition of a foreign power, power, just as the
Saxons in England after fusion with the Normans remained a vital
element of the English people, so did the population of the Roman
Empire which, after fusing with the Germanic victors,
victors, was even
able to force its own language upon them and in addition was able
to salvage for the subsequent epoch a sizable remainder of its
culture, which probably has been considerably underrated by the
older branch of historiography. This transmission of language
and culture, as it was imparted by the falling Roman Empire to
the rising Empires of the Barbarians,
Barbarians, had still much more sub¬ sub¬
stance than the cultural process of the Renaissance.
Renaissance. The latter
meant a mere transfer of ideas. The Humanists refined their
Latin by immersing themselves into Cicero,
Cicero , and the sculptors and
architects learned from the newly excavated Roman models.
models. On the
other hand, the downfall of the Roman Empire,
Empire, however large the
loss of human lives associated with it,
it , left a body of inhabit-
inhabit ¬
ants more numerous than that of the immigrant victors.victors. This
residual population was active as personal carriers of the old
cultural forces of society and bv the superiority of their cul-
ture could exert influence even though they had lost their exter¬
nal position of power. Besides, by having the church and the
papacy on their side, they even found access to the ruling powers
of the time.
The view of historic growth presented here does not coincide
with the traditional view. It is customary to derive the law of
social growth from personal growth and thus to distinguish in
society the same three stages of youth, manhood, and old age as
is done in personal life. In doing so, one adheres to the same
anthropomorphic concept of social life by which one otherwise,
too, tries to approach an understanding of its complex structures
under the simpler and more familiar image of the personal acts in
life. Thus, for example, one conceives of the acts through which
social activity is being determined as social acts of volition,
which are assumed to occur entirely in the manner of personal
acts of volition, with only this difference that they are exe-
cuted by thousands or by millions of people instead of by a
single individual. Indeed, the formation of social will
subject that will be taken up in greater detail elsewhere
- a
occurs in such a manner that the will of the majority of partici¬
pants is either eliminated outright or else is being confined to
such subordinate assistance as would never suffice to explain a
personal act of volition. Similarly, much and perhaps most of
personal growth does not pass over into social growth. Old age
with its vanishing strength gradually withdraws from social
activities. By and large, only manhood is socially active. All
of the personal growth of youth remains socially inoperative;
rather than advancing society, it only gets youth to the point
where it can become socially involved. Growth of youth assumes
importance for social growth only if in the new circumstances
under which it matures it will become disposed to launch new
movements. In the main however, youth first of all catches up
with the preceding social development. Just as the human embryo,
following the fundamental law of ontogenesis repeats the forms
in which the evolution of the genus from the most simple living
organism to man has taken place, so the youthful mind in its
growth repeats the configurations which the human mind had to
undergo historically. The boy first lives playfully, then he
takes merciless pleasure in the wild cruelties of the Indian,
later his mind turns to heroic adventures, and responding to
certain stresses in his development he indulges the fervor of
faith, then he chases after highfaluting ideals, until in a
majority of cases the minds of the grown-ups at long last land
soberly in the harbor of economic prudence. Social growth, how¬
ever, is not at all the mirror image of personal growth, because
even in manhood only a portion of the personal energies is called
into the service of society, the remainder being reserved for
private living.
The portion called upon to partake in social deeds is
divided into two closely interwoven processes, namely, the devel¬
opment of energies through exercise and their transformation into
social power. There is no analogy whatever for this second proc-
ess in personal life, and even the first undergoes a strange
shift in its social dimension because, as we know, it occurs by
layers or stepwise, a process for which there is no analogy in
personal growth either. No developing people grows uniformly in
all of its strata. The top classes may already have become
on
with unspent vigor or else are being prematurely -
___
effete while the middle and lower classes are still on the rise
restrained or
they retrogress. A developing people will always show different
ages for its different classes, inasmuch as the stages of
sonal life may be applicable at all to social conditions.
per¬
per ¬
conditions. One
may think of a whole people as belonging to the same age group
only with respect to the very first stages of development and
perhaps also the ones of final perfection,
perfection , if these should be
attained at all. The periods of maturity of knighthood and of
the middle classes are widely apart
t in the case of the peoples of
the Occident, and maturity for the proletariat cannot even be
envisaged as yet anywhere. Needless to say,
say , thanks to the gen¬
eral social coherence every stage is always being influenced by
gen ¬
the character of the others, and consequently a class having
already come to a standstill may receive new impulses from
ahead. Therefore the history of
another class which is forging ahead.
every people gives evidence of the phenomenon of recurring
puberty , unknown in the sphere of personal growth,
may believe Goethe -
growth, or — if we
occuring only with exceptionally strong
personages.
Just how did one come to equate the stages of growth of
peoples with those of personal life? Surely , this was not done
life ? Surely,
without some justification. Although a historical view reveals
many similarities between peoples and the human personality,
personality ,
these nevertheless do not suffice to warrant a full transfer of
the idea of growth to the evolution of peoples.
peoples. Above all,
all, the
maturing of peoples is quite comparable to the maturing of per¬
sons even though it occurs over incomparably longer periods of
per ¬
time. Like every individual, every people is endowed with cer¬
tain talents which little by little blossom and come to fruition
cer ¬
exhausted. Peoples whose talents
until eventually they must be exhausted.
predestine them to make history, but who haven't
haven ’ t quite become a
real part of it yet, undoubtedly create the impression of youth¬
youth ¬
fulness which manifests itself with men and even spry old people
through the refreshing feeling of restrained strength.
strength. In con ¬
trast we are aware of other peoples who lack every talent con-
making history and who early in their development show the marks
for
of wilted old age. Similarly, there are cases of social decay
where even young people show no signs of yearning and hope.
hope.
However, not every people encounters such a decay.
decay.
Just
people which continues to renew itself in fresh generations does
as a
not suffer physical death, a strong people also does not sustain
that lapse of strength which precedes death.
death. To exhaust its
strength means f or a people nothing else but to develop its tal¬
ents fully so that its development comes to a standstill.
tal ¬
standstill. In
order for social forces in the true sense to decay,
decay, quite special
causes would have to be at work. Such a fate threatens espe¬
cially the higher classes, who burn themselves out in the exces¬
espe ¬
sive strains of wars which they are called upon to fight or in
exces ¬
mental exertions to which they devote themselves passionately,
passionately , or
who degenerate in wanton extravagances;
extravagances; the masses are threatened
by this fate when they are held down in dire poverty and slav¬
ery. Where, however, below the stratum of the wilting elite the
slav ¬
masses stay thoroughly healthy, their rise will lead the people
into new manhood and even renewed youth.
youth. For most of the peoples
of Antiquity we have only received, , through the historiographer,
a description of the conditions surrounding the elite
historiographer,
which con-
con ¬
vevs the impression of decay as the end of a historical epoch. epoch .
While it is true that the history of the upper classes by and
O1

large codetermines that of the masses, it does not in any way
give it its final shape. When the ruling class has become
exhausted, the realms which were only held together by its
strength will collapse and the masses will be drawn into the
fall and subjected to endless suffering. Nevertheless, the vital-
energy of the masses will enable them to bestow new growth and
rich content to historv in centuries to follow. Time and again
we have to recall that the development of peoples occurs in
stages, as far as its various strata are concerned. The histori-
ographer will never measure up to his task if he attempts to por¬
tray the development of a people in analogy to personal develop-
ment. He must with utmost attention follow the turns bv which
the ruling classes gain power, the masses are held down bv the
pressure of the strata above them, and occasionally the masses,
after they have grown strong enough, in a breakthrough bring
their collected strength to new fruition.
With the peoples of Antiquity, cultural developments may be
viewed as an undivided whole inasmuch as its bearers constituted
a single cultural stratum. The culture of the Athenians was
manifested by a thin layer of full citizens resting on top of the
half citizens and the unfree. In the case of modern peoples the
cultured class nowhere is sharply set apart from the rest of the
people in legal or real terms. It is therefore inadmissible to
portray cultural history as well as the general history of modern
peoples in the same unbroken swing as that of Antiquity. Its
multiformity cannot be reduced to the simple outline of personal
development. In order to enter into the feeling of fervor which
comes out in German music and lyric poetry one must be able to
understand the piety and the peace by which the home of a plain
German citizen is distinguished from the superficial doings of
the courts and of nobility. But in doing so one must not over-
look the prehistory during which the prince and the knights were
the energetic protagonists and models for the people. In this
manner one period and class after another supplies the traits
that mark the character of the people.
We on our part will definitely orient our investigations to
the social viewpoint. We certainly canTt afford to overlook
personal aspects, but we may include these only to the extent
that they represent the necessary foundation of social relation¬
ships. We will therefore take them into account only when the
personal forces are capable of exerting a social effect. We will
not believe that the historical development can be fully compre¬
hended from the strivings for personal growth, but we will always
be alert also to include in our thinking the external circum-
stances which open up or block out the social paths to the
unfolding forces of inner man. When for early times we see brute
force as decisive, we must not explain its prevalence simply by
the immaturity of youthful peoples, but we will deduce it above
all from the harshness of the obstacles which have to be overcome
at first. If for later times we witness the even more profuse
unfolding of soft internal powers, then again we will not attri¬
bute these simply to the gain in maturity of the people or possi¬
bly to its exhaustion on account of old age, but we will take
into account the immense help derived from the attainment of
external peace and wealth for the expression of the long pent-up,
more tender emotions and for the complete relaxation of the
expectant minds. We always will also have to consider the after¬
effects which consolidated power entails. As long as such
entrenched power does not meet with new counterf orces or does not
counterforces
experience a crumbling away or decay of its own strength , it has
an advantage permitting it to continue to hold its own. own. When
strong new forces gain ascendancy,
ascendancy , it will eventually have to
yield to these, but nevertheless it may have served them as a
first step, and such service comes plainly to the fore when the
power is transformed from within to conform to the new circum¬ circum ¬
stances. In both cases the new power is based on the successes
of the old. Although the two trends may cross and get entangled,
entangled ,
the eye of the social scientist will still discern the general
-
line of development. His balanced judgment ascertains that the
brute force making possible the creation of the state was a pre¬ pre ¬
requisite for creating the popular setting for the liberation
powers. Political passion never thinks further ahead or back, back , it
sticks to the present, and perhaps it has to be so if the tasks
accomplished . The progressive parties
of the present are to be accomplished.
of the present raise the bold leaders of the struggle for freedom
on the shield and turn derisively and irately against the rul- rul ¬
ers. They do it for good reasons when the hour of freedom has
really arrived, but for equally good reasons at that time in the
past when the task of creation of the state necessitated the use
of brute force did the best men flock to the courts of the vic¬ vic ¬
tor i ous princes with a view to serving them. In part they have
probably done so for the sake of outward success,
success , but the genuine
ones among them did it out of conviction,
conviction , endeavoring to contrib¬
contrib ¬
ute to the tasks and progress of the times. times. Perhaps one or
another even had an eye for recognizing that further progress had
to be the path to freedom. Unstinted recognition,
recognition , however,
however , is
also due to those men who had nothing else in mind but to do
their share of the work of the times,
times , without giving any thought
to the fact that such work later would change,
change , and would have to
change.
Healthy peoples have the strength to come to a good end
through all the twists of development if only a kind fate accom¬
accom ¬
panies their strength. Weak and ill-fated
ill - fated peoples break down,
down ,
unable to muster the counterforce to overcome the predominance of
the old powers or to stem the incursions of strong peoples.
peoples.
10. The Utilitarian Principle in Society
These considerations make it evident that power,
power , although it
originates in social success and grows with it,
it , nevertheless does
not at once guarantee the greatest social utility.
utility. In social
development the utilitarian principle — the principle of the
highest social good --is being realized only under certain con- con ¬
ditions which are so structured that they obtain only for peoples
of greatest strength and tenacity and that even for* for these suc¬
suc ¬
steps. Social success is
cessful development can occur only in steps.
every success within society, even one attained by a single group
at the expense of the masses. The Law of Small Numbers is based
on the social success of small groups,
groups , but the social success of
small groups can be magnified to full-fledged
full- fledged social success if
the new strength, which first was formed by the small group in
its own interest, is removed from its control and placed at the
disposal of society as a whole. First the prince unifies the
advantage. But as soon as the peo¬
people and uses them to his advantage. peo ¬
ple, blessed by the law and order of the princely state, state , have
recovered from the wounds inflicted on them by the struggle for
33
order, they will-- if they still have enough buoyancy-- get rid
of the princely leader who has become troublesome and expensive
and in the pursuit of development will turn to new tasks under
new foremen. They will have to find out whether they will be
better off with the new leader. Even for the most advanced peo-
pies the golden age of peaceful general welfare still lies far in
the future. The goal of highest social utility has not yet been
reached anywhere, and there is grave doubt whether it is already
possible today to discern the line of development leading to that
goal.
34
III. Basic Form of the Constitution of Society:
Leader and Masses
Society:
1. Leadership as a Result of Mass Technique
constitution.
Every social organization needs and has its constitution.
Every state needed and had its constitution long before there
carefully phrased, and solemnly sworn to.
also the church, the army, the economy,
—
were constitutions in the modern sense — amply deliberated, deliberated ,
to. Not only the state but
economy , and every other free
association of people down to the mere social clubs needs and has
its constitution, whether* it be one of stated legal rules or
merely a constitution in fact. The judicial system is the
explicitly arranged classification of powers for an association
--
of people. The actual constitution is the organization — one of
forces. At bottom the constitution of society
—
superord ina t i on , subordination, or equality — of social powers
adhered to in fact, as based on the given distribution of social
societv represents the
given state of forces and powers in the same way in which the
human frame of mind is the state in which his mental forces are
found. The more closely the legally described order approaches
the actual order, the closer to life and hence the more effective
will the legal constitution be. A constitution,
constitution, however artfully
put together, which in no wav accords with real life is indeed, indeed ,
as Lassalle has said, only a piece of paper.pape^. England,
England , which of
all the European states has the constitution most closely reflec¬reflec¬
tive of real life, has also the most informal one. one.
All constitutions are merely variants of an ever recurring
basic form. Their substance always concerns the division of
power between leader and masses. In social life leaders and
masses have their certain functions which,
which , while they may become
effective in widely differing degrees,
degrees , must always
alwavs be jointly
active. If an association is to be able to act it must have both
organs. Direct democracy in its most extreme form is not viable,
viable ,
for a big multitude can never exercise direct leadership,
leadership , it is
represents!ion. What coop-
always in need of a special organ of representation coop ¬
eration between leader and masses means for social success is
clearly understood today by the proletariat,
proletariat , which recognizes the
value of organizing. What does it mean,
mean , to organize?
organize? Nothing
Nothings
but that a multitude arranges itself under leaders who enjoy its
confidence. The leaders provide goal and plan for the movement,
movement ,
weight .
the masses give the latter its weight. *
When a sociologist today talks about the phenomenon of the
masses he usually takes as his point of departure the psychology
of the masses, where the latter for the most part come off rather
unfavorably. Scientific investigation in this connection tends
to focus on the most spectacular, stormy,
stormy , and most degenerate
mass movements, and it also tends to stay within the political
realm where the masses today are most conspicuous.
conspicuous. We wish to
take a more general point of departure for our investigation.
investigation.
The necessity of leadership does not rest at all,
all, or at
least not in the first place, on the inadequacy of the average
person who together with other average persons forms the
masses. While a parliament brings together the men who in elec-
elec ¬
tions asserted themselves as leaders of the masses,
masses , those same
35
men, when assembled in parliament, are in turn in need of leader¬
ship. Not mass psychology but mass technique, above all, compels people, and in terms of mass technique it canrt
the supply of leadership. Even the most capable persons, if they can't be otherwise at
all. The U.S. would never get done with electing its President
happen to be assembled en masse, could not act unless leaders if the many millions of individual voters selected their Presi¬
stood up on their behalf. The means of communication which are dent in the same way
Presi ¬

used by individuals to achieve integration and to find the path

to joint action are not applicable to a great multitude. The
contract is the suitable form of association between two persons
or a similarly small number, but there can not be a contractual
relationship between millions of persons. The thinkers who start
with a social compact or treaty have failed to understand the
nature of mass technique. They have fallen prey to that error
which is at the root of all social thought namely, to treat man
as a member of the multitude the same way in which he appears to
us in his personal life. Not only does the individual receive
d i f f erent impulses from the environment of the masses, but he
also has to use different means to relate to them than those he
is used to in personal intercourse.
a bridegroom selects his bride . The elec-
bride. elec ¬
tion proper, namely, the choosing from among a number of candi-
dates, takes place in the conventions of the big parties
candi ¬
--
smaller parties have no say here at all
—
and here again the
intimate circles of the most influential men who are in charge at
the convention settle the issue. While the act taking place on
official election day is a party vote pure and simple,
simple , it is as
such nevertheless decisive because this determines the relative
weight of the votes cast for the different parties . But this
parties.
decisive act must be preceded by the selection of the candidate
on whom the voters who declare themselves for the party have to
concentrate their vote, and such a selection can be achieved only
leaders.
within the narrow circle of the leaders.

When two persons are inclined to enter into a contract, each Just as it does for an election,
election , mass technique for every
social action of whatever nature demands a leader.
leader. Leadership
has to consider his own intentions and then has to tell the other
what he wants. In a people comprising millions a general
exchange of conversation is altogether precluded, but even in an
does not have its origin
— or at least not primarily
inertia or indifference of the masses —in the
masses,, however much the latter
may contribute in certain cases, but is inevitably preordained by
assembly of thousands or hundreds only it is out of the question
for everybody to speak if the meeting is to come to an end. The
the technique of mass communication.. A congeries of armed and
big majority has to sit still
"Sitzung" — as already suggested by the word
and remain silent while only the spokesmen talk.
Listening may be quite conducive to renouncing independent
brave men will turn into a useful fighting force only after these
people have subordinated themselves to a leader
leader.. The technique
of combat absolutely demands the commanding person of the leader,
leader ,
just as the old-style assault party demanded the flag , which was
reflection. One follows the speaker on the paths deemed promis-
ing by him in order to attain his desired objectives. But mounted. In
carried in front when a charge was mounted. r the same way,
way ,
because one still does not want to act entirely without thought, top.
every type of social action demands leadership at the top.
a committee is chosen for deliberation, which under certain cir¬
cumstances mav deem it feasible to create a subcommittee, which 2. The Nature of Leadership
in turn may shift the task of intensive deliberation to a set of
reporters. A decision is finally arrived at in such a way that a Linguistic usage prefers to reserve the label "
reporter or an adversary makes a motion which is then approved or "leader'’
leader" for
the great men of history. For theoretical purposes,
purposes , however,
however , we
disapproved by subcommittee, committee, and assembly. Decisions need a word for the position of leadership,
which are binding on an entire people come about without a big leadership , however it may be
majority of the peoplers representatives having to do anything
filled. Of course this is not to say that theoretically it makes
no difference how it is filled, but the label must be assigned to
more than say yes or no. How ill-considered and formless a pri¬ all persons who in a guiding capacity stand above the masses.
vate contract would be called if one party confined itself to the

__
Everyone who leads into good or evil must be regarded as a
modest role which mass technique assigns to the majority repre- leader even a destroying Attila or the due-date
sentat i ves! tor. Also we must not limit the label's
-
due date bill collec-
collec ¬
label ’s use to military or
political leaders, to princes, army commanders,
commanders , statesmen or
An especially informative insight into the technique of mass party heads, but it applies equally to religious leaders and
action is provided by the case of a political election, which is leaders in the arts and sciences, in short to all who in any
by no means as simple an act as the electors, and unfortunately
also the lawmakers, happen to think. Even the word choice is
completely misleading, for the elector does not elect. That is,
realm of social activity lead the way
within a restricted realm — even if perhaps only
teachers , masters,
as teachers, pioneers , /
masters , pioneers,
he does not himself select, which after all is the most essential
protagonists , and foremen. The leader can exert influence not \/
only by means of the strict order, the command or the instruc-
instruc
aspect of everv election, but only gives his yes or no to the tion, but also via a proposal or offer_ finding approval with the
¬

names of the candidates who have been selected by the leadership
of the political parties. The elector chooses the party for
And where, as is often the
which he wants to cast his vote.
case , the choice of party is predetermined from the start by his
own interests, he does not elect at all but confines himself to
declaring for his own party by casting his ballot. The President
of the United States, who is supposed to be elected by the pop¬
masses, or via the judgment he renders,
renders , or a doctrine winning him
pupils or disciples, or “his advice which is followed,
followed , or a suc-
suc ¬
cessful model which is imitated, or via any other exemplary
activity , though this may be at first only a premonition and
_
aspiration. To be a leader in this theoretical sense means noth-
ing but to be first in matters of common concern. _ noth
concern. The social /
¬

ulace in order to give him as much authority as possible vis-'k-
vis Congress, in the true sense is still not chosen by the
26
j
function of the leader is to walk in front , that of the mass is ’
following. Hundreds or thousands or even millions cannot become
part of a homogeneous movement other than when guided by the
example of success evidenced in the person of the leader.
leader.
27
3. The Forms of Leadership
The highest form of leadership is the one where the leader
is called upon by the paramount strength which he bestows upon
his lofty undertakings. We will call it authoritarian leader-
ship, and such a leader great leader we might possibly also
call him the born leader. The great leader is the personal
leader in the truest sense of the word: he does not trace'dTTs
charge from anybody else, he is leader through and through on his
own authorityÿ -success has proved him to be the best, his title
is one of purest historical selection. When a public call goes
out to him he does not thereby receive his charge in the first
place, but rather he is being recognized as proven best by his
success, a person whom the rest follow willingly when he strides
ahead. Once in a while the great leader asserts himself readily
and by common, enthusiastic consent, as when, like the victorious
commander-in-chief, he has conspicuous, breathtaking success on
his side. In other cases he encounters passionate rejection
because he demands introspection and a fresh start coming from
the bottom of the human heart, and his teachings will perhaps win
through only when he has given testimonv for them by his own
death. As the corpse of Cid Campeador was carried at the head of
his followers in battle, so it may happen that the thought of the
great spiritual leader will continue to guide the soul protec¬
tively and edifyingly into a distant future.
All in all, we only rarely encounter in the course of his¬
tory the great leader who overwhelms the minds by the superhuman
dimensions of his feat. Nevertheless, his figure lends itself
best to opening our eyes for the essence of leadership, for his
is the ideal case which demonstrates this essence most purely and
distinctly. In his person we become most clearly aware of the
function of taking the lead and of selection by success; in the
other forms of leadership, which cover the huge majority of all
real-world cases, the two elements are being more or less
obscured.
This happens above all with despotic leadership, a leader¬
ship form which is most prominent in the beginnings of historic
times. The victorious ruler who crushes and disposes his adver-
sary is "the first" in the multitude. Though his superiority is
evident his conduct may hardly be equaled with leading the way
designed to generate a following. The despot does not want to
advance the weal of his subjects, he would rather restrain them
with a view to undermining their will to resist. In addition,
the victory of brute force by which the despot acts on the minds
of the subjects is such a crude form of selection that it hardly
deserves such a distinguished label. Traces of true leadership
may be perceived only when the despot rallies the masses in order
to have them fight and work for himself. When despotic leader¬
ship thus turns into lordly leadership, the function of leading
the way is performed more efficaciously; compliance with the
commands imposed by the lord on his subjects is already genuine
following. The despot who wants to hold his own as an organizing
lord is no longer selected through mere force but at the same
time must stand out through certain cultural traits. The peak of
lordly leadership is the princely leadership, as exhibited by
European noblemen from the Middle Ages until the age of enlight¬
ened absolutism. The princely leadership type retained of the
compulsion associated with despotic leadership just enough to be
38
able to increase the emphasis of the internal authority which it
had gained by the success of its foresighted leadership.
leadership. T..l_
This
type of leadership through all of history has been one of the
most effective.
In smaller social groupings, such as the guilds,guilds, from the
very beginnings the leader is chosen by his fellows through elec¬ elec
¬
tion. In such a rather narrow circle of fellows who know each
course.
other this form is logical, of course. say , the
Needless to say,
right choice always implies selection of the most suitable person
as well. The fellow called upon to serve through an election
must already before have been enhanced by the criterion of suc¬ suc
¬
cess. To be sure, it can be hardly avoided that the outcome of
the election will also be influenced by the interests and con- con¬
nections of the powerful' members of the group.
group. The degree of
authority wielded by the chosen leader vis-a-vis
vis - a -vis the fellows who
elected him will as a rule be much smaller than that of the des¬
des¬
potic leader. The elected leader will not find it easy to pre¬ pre¬
vail against the public opinion of his constituency.
constituency. Normally he
will be bound by this opinion, although at least in the details
of execution he still has to lead the way,
way , on pain of soon losing
his authority. In large groups as well,
well , and especially in a
commonwealth, with increasing liberty the cooperative selection
of the leader has become more and more usual.
usual. The choice of the
people’s representatives and deputies in a democracy is nothing
but the cooperative choice of the leader on a large scale. scale.
Admittedly, the foÿm of cooperative leadership cannot be carried
over to a great people in such a pure form as one is inclined to
think nowadays. In the absense of a proposal by a well-informed
well- informed
authority, the election from among a big multitude would always
become splintered. For as we have already shown,
shown , an election is
a social act, and as every other such act it requires the exer¬
cise of leadership. It is a gross error to think that election
exer¬
—
day is the day of judgment when a free populace,
populace , from the com¬ com¬
manding heights of its sovereignty, pronounces its judgment about
its leaders. The masses belonging to the parties always receive
the slogans that guide them on election day from the leaders. leaders.
The latter know very well that the outcome of the election
depends a good deal on which leadership is in charge of the elec¬ elec- —-
tion, or
the election. To play this instrument of mass technique
as simple as is assumed by the simple man in
—
as a characteristic expression goes — has to "make”
In his credulity,
" make "
is not
credulity, which
—
the educated man in matters political. --
it must unfortunately be added - normally also characterizes
political. The election instrument
must be most highly refined if the votes drawn from the ballot
box are really to designate the best from among the people.people. Not
..
only must the instrument be highly perfected but,but , and this is far
more important, so must be the players themselves,
themselves , who have to
handle it with expertise. In order that leadership succession
through election really achieves its objective of selecting the
best from among the people, it must already have been preceded by
a historical selection of earlier leaders.
leaders. In none of the young
met.
democracies has this prerequisite been met.
In the long run and under the appropriate circumstances,
circumstances , the
personal-author i tarian
as well as the cooperative leadership are,
are
transformed into historical leadership.
leadership. Since the latter can be^
comprehended only in the context of the historic attainments of
power, their portrayal will have to wait until later.
later.
rs

There is still another form of leadership, practically not
noted at all by theory and yet of highest efficacy and next to
indispensable for a thriving society. It is that form which
asserts itself in a free society. Or should a free society be
able to accomplish its mighty feats without leadership? Can one
imagine that the growth of a free economy, the progress in the
division of labor and of monetary transactions could come about
without leadership? Or that the marvel of language, that art and
science , that law and ethics, that even social mores could have
developed without leadership? To be sure, within the realm of a
free society it is never necessary to make collective decisions
calling for united leadership at the top such as is necessary for
decision-making in the army or civilian government. Leadership
in the free society must be less formal and more relaxed, yet it
must not be absent, because it is needed wherever the masses have
to act as a collective body for which they would be positively
unfit without leadership. It cannot be doubted that the tasks to
-•be met in a free society require collective action. The innumer-
able individuals who meet in their habitual comings and goings
must, in order to be able to meet, adhere to similar or to
repeat an expression already used before to—parallel con¬
duct. For the division of labor between agriculture and handi¬
crafts, or between the various crafts, the individual economic
units must act complementar ily , and it is similar in aÿt and
science, in law and ethics. Such a parallel or complementary
conduct is also called for by the need for understanding among
the millions , and such understanding cannot come about without
leadership. We find at work here a quite peculiar, " impersonal"
— type of leadership, on which to throw scientific light is much
more difficult than is the case of purely personal leadership.
The example of language, in whose construction both forms of
leadership act jointly, perhaps provides the best opportunity for
comparing their effect vis-a-vis each other.
Participating in the development of every culture language
were great intellectual leaders, of powerful expression, masters
whose words penetrated all the nooks and crannies cTf the popu-
lace. Dante’s "Divine Comedy" has enriched the Italian literary
language and Luther’s translation of the bible has decisively
influenced German as a written language. It is clear, however,
that even the vigor of the linguistically most proficient poets
and prophets has not formed the national languages all by
itself. Their work, in turn, was based on a vernacular language,
and even after they had done their work, the national languages
continued to develop. In addition to the great prophets, before
as well as after them, we also become aware of smaller and
smallest prophets who played a leading role in language formation
\
--the sober officialese has contributed its part as has business
and life on the street. How often it is that the vocabulary
—. is enriched by some kind of brilliant, witty, or earthy, but apt
phrase, due to the momentary inspiration of a man on the street
and gradually finding its way from the circle of a few nearby
listeners into general usage! Such detail work in language for¬
mation goes on incessantly, without preservation of the names of
those who play a leading role in this process. In addition to
the great, well-known, and already mentioned leaders, whose names
enter into the history books, changing leaders also participate,
• each one only with a very small contribution but collectively
having an inestimable effect. In contrast to the figures of
well-known leadership, we may call these leaders
because their names do not reach out into the broad public.
public. Just
as they do vis-a-vis the great leaders,
leaders , the masses also follow
these small, anonymous leaders, avidly gathering up the felici¬
felici
tous names and phrases coined by the latter and incorporating
¬
them into linguistic usage.
The "popular
"popular song,"
song ," whose author
remains unknown, clearly explains to us how even
an anonymous
leader wins disciples in the populace for the task of language
enrichment. The populace as such does not compose,
compose , it cannot
create a song. Only the individual with suitable talent can do
so, but some others who lack sufficient talent to deserve being
called poets occasionallv in a lucky hour may also hit the right
note. Without their names becoming known or being preserved,
their song is picked up by the pleased populace and,
vocabulary, is being preserved for posterity.
preserved ,
and , added to the
— —
posterity.
In just the same way do anonymous leaders have their share
in the creation of money. Craving to do better for themselves in
exchange transactions pursued for the sake of utility than is
possible under the cumbersome form of barter,
barter , resourceful heads
have searched for a more convenient means of exchange.
exchange. When the
mass of the populace was induced to imitate them because of the
success they achieved in small-scale,
scale, individual transactions,
transactions , by
and by the smooth pieces of metallic coins were ground out which
by mass use became generally accepted as means of exchange and
subsequently were given technical and legal sanction by the
state.
Of course, even anonymous leadership is fundamentally per-
sonal, save that the leadership individuals take turns.
per-
turns. It is a
changing and dispersed leadership, now one,
one, then another,
another, having N
a bright idea which becomes imitated.
imitated. The anonymous leader,
course , does not create a big thing either,
being limited to a single element,
leader, of
either, his contribution
, to an improvement here or
there. It is therefore understandable that his person is being
neglected.
'
His work finds a broad following and is being
selected, but the person as such is not being selected and
remains in the dark.
In the sphere of private life anonymous leadership predomi-
nates. It fits well into the small-scale
small-scale relationships found
here , yet is enough to induce imitation of the kind of exemplary
model which makes possible a parallel or complementary behavior
in wider circles of the population. However,
However , when in the private
sector rather large social units come into play we find there,
too, distinct personal leadership.
there ,
Every economic enterprise
calls for firm personal leadership, and in large-scale
large-scale firms with
hundreds or thousands of white- and blue-collar
blue-collar workers the per¬
per¬
son of the leader stands out in bold relief.
relief. The entrepreneur in
a large enterprise must be a well rounded personality in order to
gain his successes, and many such modern industrialists are
counted in the front rank of social leaders.
leaders. Not only does the
fate of the many persons directly employed by their firms depend
on their decisions, but by the impulses emanating from them they
influence both the direction and speed of economic development as
a whole, and perhaps of the country’s
well
— country ’ s political development as
even worldwide effects emanate from them.
them. Legally the
leadership potential of the entrepreneur is limited to mere pri-
pri
—
¬
vate effects. The persons with whom he has to deal — the sup-
pliers, customers, and the salaried and wage employees - can
sup¬
only be bound by contracts in whose conclusion they confront-
him
anonymous 41
with equal legal capacity. Legally he has no authority of com¬
mand over them. Factually, however*, he joins in his person large
and sometimes overwhelming power. In effect he has coercive
power, not only vis-a-vis those persons with whom he enters into
contracts but also those --perhaps much more numerous but never
met by him
— whom he displaces in the market or otherwise,
directly or indirectly, harms in their economic circumstances.
His power* is so great that, wherever he can wield it without
restraints, it would permit him as a despotic leader to do vio¬
lence to the economy as in the old times a well-armed knight and
his horsemen could do from his fortified castle. Even with the
restraints imposed upon them by government protection of workers
and by unions, the large-scale capitalistic enterprises and espe¬
cially the combines aÿe in a position to exercise public power in
the form of pursuing their private rights. The unusual strength
of the personalities who are selected as leaders under the stim¬
ulus of extremely rigorous competition contributes more than a
little to this. During the pauses of industrial development,
which still occur from time to time in our otherwise restless
present, one may gain the impression, though, that a captain of
industry or magnate of finance, once they have acquired their
wealth, are able to stifle competition from even the most tal¬
What the assistant means to the leader has been aptly expressed
by one of the most successful economic leaders of the U.S., U.S.,
Carnegie, when he said that if he were given the choice of losing
his capital or his coworkers, he would unhesitatingly opt for the
loss of his capital, for he felt certain that he would be able to
regain his capital if he could retain his coworker staff. staff.
Princely politics, sharply cognizant of its interest in maintain¬
maintain ¬
ing power, has striven to fill as many positions as possible in
the hierarchy of leadership
done
— — not only in the state,
state , but also in
the church, the municipalities, and wherever else it could be
by princely appointment; where this did not quite work,
work ,
as in the case of intellectual leadership,
leadership , it strove to gain
influence on leadership figures by the bestowal of honor and
titles and by similar means. Democracy,
Democracy , on its part,
occupy the position of highest leadership,
part , strives to
leadership , as well as those of
lower rank through election, wherever feasible.
feasible. The parties,
parties,
which have such a great say in democracies,
democracies , are assured of an
augmentation of their power when electoral victory brings them
not only representation in the legislature and the top executive
positions, but directly or indirectly opens up for their rela¬rela ¬

ented persons by the weight of their own finances, being in a tives additional governmental offices.
offices. In addition,
addition , they attempt
position to transfer through inheritance title to their sons and by dint of their strong organization to gain control over other
grandsons the status achieved by them through the avenue of per- social affairs as well.
sonal selection. When, however, following such pauses the devel-
opment of the national and the world economies resumes its The subordinate leaders form the layer of transition between
breathless pace, the men of clever brains and strong nerves will the supreme leader and the masses. As viewed by the latter,
latter , they
again rise to the commanding heights through victory in the com¬ are part of the leadership group because they support the activi¬
activi ¬

petitive struggle. An ample number of gigantic American enter¬ ties of the top leader. The latter,
latter , on the other hand,
hand , views
prises existing today are owned by men who have risen from the them as belonging to the masses because they follow his direc¬direc ¬

ranks.
The forms of leadership described here do not do full jus¬
tice to their wealth in the real world. We have described only
models in their pure form, while in reality leadership forms are
tions. They are the first among the followers and promote the
following by the masses through staying in closer touch with them
than is possible for the distant top leader.
leader. Leaders in the
lowest ranks embody much of the true feelings of the masses,
masses , to
whom they stand as close as does, say , the noncommissioned offi-
offi
cer to the rank and file. The foremen in the factory are techni-
¬

quite mixed. As the mental constitution of an individual cannot techni

cally assistants of management, but their class identification
¬

be completely traced back to the pure forms which scientific often gives them a close tie with the work force whom they typ¬
interpretation attempts to sketch, this is also true for the ically lead in the fight for economic betterment.
typ ¬

constitution of society. Nor are the articles of written consti¬ betterment.

tutions a perfect fit for the world of reality; they, too, still
contain all kinds of typical phrases which reveal their true 5. Leadership Strata (Leading
value only through the ways in which they are interpreted by the Leadership Class)
People,
People , Leadership Status,
Status , and
forces and powers that be. The same democratic formula which
means for England with its much better balancethe of forces, a
strong power of government, in Germany after revolution Apart from the various leadership persons, we must also
denoted inner strife, and in the Russia of the Bolsheviks the focus attention on the phenomenon of leadership strata as we
reign of terror. encounter them in the guise of leading peoples,
peoples, leadership sta¬
sta ¬
tus, and leadership class. The Romans were a leadership people,
people ,
nobility and clergy have leadership status,
status, and the group of the
propertied and educated constitutes a leadership class.
class. A cruel
4. The Hierarchy of Leadership
leadership people gaining ruling power through naked force will
In order to be assured of success, leadership requires sup- hardly be able to remain in power for long,
long , and at best will not
port of the supreme leader by subordinate helpers. In the army,
the state, or the church there is need to establish a formal
hierarchy of leadership in order to provide for effective leader-
ship of the masses. The supreme leader is always keen on select-
ing his helpers himself especially his closest aides. The apos-
___
.great history.
_
get beyond a barbarian rule to one conducive to development.
development. On
the other hand, the realm of a racially superior people will last
and prosper unless it runs into some particular calamity.
calamity. The
.leading peoples of superior stock have been the bearers of all
Leadership status groups and leadership classes
1..

in later epochs to a major extent descended from the stock of

ties could be instated with full authority by Christ only, and by
the same token their disciples could only be appointed by them.
42
.leadership peoples. Not only are the top leaders selected from
the leadership strata but the latter have also enjoyed the
power and often the right as well, to staff all the other
)i o
 imitation of Christ; following contents itself with obeying
commandments which the founder of the religion deemed to those
appropriate, considering the weakness of the human flesh. be
which attach far-
governmental and social leadership positions toexample, commonplace person who affects the gestures of the flesh. The
reaching influence and advantage. Thus, for the class man makes a fool of himself. illustrious
the rise of the prole¬ Even merely complying
of the propertied and educated prior togovernment service, where commands addressed to the masses exceeds the strength ofwith the
a great
tariat had a claim to the positions in many people. On the bottom of every society is
rather important decisions reside, and alsothe to the occupancy of of a dead mass, constituting the refuse of history. found the dregs
especially of important leader¬ history. Next to the
the liberal professions and strongest and most dregs is that stratum of the masses which
remains almost entirely
ship positions of the entrepreneur. Only the
fortunate members of the lower social strata mayand
ing their way up to
reserved to it.
... the level of the elite
succeed in work-
the positions
The most capable minds of the unpropertied
masses or of the subjugated peoples resent as that
slight and at the same time as a public evil
a painful personal
the preferred
—____ passive, being suited to blind following
> speaking, following

with whose lofty heights it can't be in

tutes the ballast for the movements oftouch
special danger because it reinforces every
of absurdity and always tends to tip over.
and , strictly
only and,
its close surroundings rather than the leader
all. It consti-
at all. consti
society and presents a
movement to the point
¬

not dis¬ over. Only the reflective ,

positions calling for highly responsible leadership are reserved for searching type of following is true following.
following. It is by far not
tributed in proportion to individual talents but are as widespread as is assumed by the impetuous democrat
leadership strata. The latter thereby find who fancies
those born into the in both know¬
that the whole people share his zeal,
zeal, an error which is mainly
the desired sinecures for their members, lacking circumstances, responsible for the many setbacks of the
movement.
democratic movement.

__
ledge and character. It all depends on the given will or The highest degree of following is active following , which
however, whether the personal injustice of the system demands of the masses a certain independence offollowing,
will not be compensated by the service to societysuperiorwhich the lead¬ capacity to adapt to the given circumstances. conduct and the
ing class as a whole renders by virtue of its
talent, circumstances. Determination and
unflagging effort are required in order to
historical selection, and received education. man for active following. The trained and train even a qualified
race kind represented by Caesar's veterans or tested soldier of the
Napoleon s old guard
Napoleon’s
To a certain and sometimes very high degree the strong while renders a distinguished performance when he obeys ’the
the weak individual,
His active following in physical terms alone of
and class also protects and elevates the leader. order
conversely the weak race and class also weighs down the strong already an unusual feat, but it is so also in spiritual is
individual. As long as the Oulrites as a people were up to the terms. To jump up from the cover of the trench and to follow and moral
, in Rome the uncouth barbarian, however well he may have the
mark
any office, and in a modern leader into the fire of the enemy is an act of will which
been endowed by nature, was unfit for requires a complete man. If the masses accomplish it
state the uneducated person even fails to it meet the formal only because, and to the extent in which, it,, this is
which , they are
requirements that go with a given office. Also
on how much the leading class
sonal selection. Such a class
is itself
always
anxious
can really
to
always depends
maintain per-
stay
only as long as it insists on placing its strong individuals
at the top
in
each other, convinced that such conduct is demanded in
from everybody else and that nobody must stay behindbywho
touch with

not being put to shame in front of his comrades. Every values

everybody .

active following by the masses must be borne by spiritualtruly

—
—
front, and success couldn't have lifted it to its majestic height
in the first place if it hadn't been blessed with a wealthwant
strong individuals. If it is smart, the leading class will from
of moral forces
— how else could a sense for law and ethics,
culture, and a strong sense of liberty endure with ethics, true
the populace!
and

to admit to its ranks the special talents who strive upwards

below. The church has done so in its propitious periods,
enlightened princely governments have done likewise, even the
nobility itself has done so occasionally, and the educated class
replenishes itself automatically from the talents which succeed
in rising up from below. As soon as the leadership stratum
“ its superiority based on its talents and experience, while still
wanting to maintain its social position by referring to its
inherited and well established rights, conditions are favorable
7. The Functions of Leader and Masses
We have identified the social function of the leader as
loses walking in front, that of the masses as following.
following. This general
finding stands in need of some specification.
specification.
Sociology, such as it has developed to the present,
present , has only
lack given an entirely inadequate account of the functions performed

-
for an eventual rise of the lower classes. But whenendthese
the strength for such a movement, it will mean the
,sort of a people because leader and masses have equally failed.
for this by leader and masses in society
leader and masses have not by far —
been — all, the phenomena of
after all,
may say that all in all they have beensufficiently
understood
grasped . One
grasped.
only in their
most striking manifestations and not in their substance.
substance
tenets of mass psychology deal in the main with the .
The
6. The Following by the Masses criminal
pathological masses agitated by revolutionary ideas and having and
for the first time become conscious of
As to the masses, matters seem to be more simple, yet even sure yet how to wield it. These mental their power,
power , but not being
conditions of the masses,
here the alert observer encounters a greater variety of forms partly nothing less than morbid but in any case not normal, masses ,
than he is at first inclined to assume. In the most simple
of
being analyzed quite capably by the science of mass normal, are
following stops at mere imitation: the model of the anony¬ psychology ,
psychology,
cases but this does not teach us anything
mous leader is being emulated by his environment and subsequently
great healthy segments of the masses. As to about the function of the
by a wider circle as well. However, the achievements of a the leaders,
leaders, usually only
leader are too stupendous to be imitated by the common man, and
the latter doesn't even try. Following Christ isn't meant
to be A5
 most eminent figures are being given attention. Carlyle Spencer is undoubtedly correct in depicting a genius as
the
talks about heroes, Emerson of the representative men, Nietzsche dependent also on historic antecedents and the collaboration of
of the superman, Spencer of the great man. More so than the his people and his time. He overlooks,
overlooks , however,
however, that in order to
other social thinkers who have focused on the relationship remedy the plight of the times which keeps society under tension
between leader and masses, Nietzsche and Spencer began their something new must be created which at first stands out so pecu-
pecu ¬
investigations with a bias — amounting to pleadings rather than
inquiries, in Nietzsche’s case in praise of superman, in
Spencer’s for preservation of liberty for the masses. While
liarly against what went before that it does not appear as its
historic sequel but as its neutralization.
neutralization. This new element,
originating in the mysterious darkness of a great soul,
element ,
soul, could
Nietzsche exaggerat ingly idealizes the figure of superman, originate only there. Convinced though we may be that the
Spencer notwithstanding all his reservations views the populace strength pervading the great soul also has its origins in pre¬ pre ¬

as in a state of advanced maturity. In realitymuch both leader and vious states of society, we are still not able to say how it
masses are for the most part endowed with more modest emerged from its causes. Here there is something really new for
strength than is taken for granted by Nietzsche and Spencer; our human eye, not merely an old force which is changed into new
their accomplishments are therefore much more limited. Nietzsche forms according to rules which we might be able somehow to antic¬
antic ¬

and Spencer stopped short at that idealizing portrayal which is
an indispensable aid for research in the humanities because it
points the way to the complex and more-diff icult-to-interpret
figures of the real world, but they didn’t themselves take this
additional step. Linking up with their presentation, we will try
to do so.
ipate, let alone to master. Time and again,
again, from the unlimited
space of the mind the spark of genius was bound to light up, up ,
ignited by the titanic power of a Prometheus,
Prometheus , to point the way
for further evolution by the light of a new thought,
thought , the touch of
a new perception, the courage for new deeds.
deeds . Viewed
manner, the constructive work of history breaks up into ainseries
this
of advances each of which is presumed to be based on the accom¬
plishment of a great leader. Without the great men there accom
¬

Nietzsche sees in the great man the incorporation of life in

— the true sense. The masses governed by herd instinct are merely
the stuff from which the great man shapes his works. He needs
the masses as his antithesis, his threat, his state of war, with-
out which he cannot maintain his high position and observe the
be no development; they are the driving forces for humanity’s
would
humanity ’s
growth; without them the people would not be the people nor would
the world be the world.

necessary distance. Spencer, however, teaches us that the
’’great-man theory” is at best partially true. This means limit-
ing its application to earlier societies bent upon destroying or
subjugating each other, in which case the capable leader is said
to be correctly viewed as all-important, although even here the
number and the qualities of his entourage must not be lost sight
of. But he further teaches us that as soon as war ceases being
the job of the whole male population, there appear
urging, without the thought of a king or lawgiver — —
without
new institu¬
tions, new deeds, new ideas, views, and customs, whose evolution
In one cardinal point Spencer is evidently quite wrong.
wrong. The
personality of the leader is all important not only in the first
brutal and destructive battles, but remains so always;
always what is
more its importance grows along with the tasks of ; culture. culture.
Rather could the devastating battles of the primeval hordes and
tribes have come to their aimless end without the all-important
all- important
leader than that the tasks of a scientific age,
age , of an age with
ethical standards, could have been accomplished without an out¬
standing leader. The tunnel leading from the darkness of uncul¬
tured life to the light was excavated where the rock stratum was
out
¬

uncul
¬

cannot be understood even if one were to read himself blind over softest and offered the least resistance,
resistance , in the struggle of
the biographies of all great rulers. He teaches us that society violence against weakness. Only in progressing further does the
must form the great man before the latter can reshape society, courage grow for tackling ever harder rocks,rocks , and increasingly
such that all those changes which he has directly originated have difficult therefore must become the task of the leader who over-
over
¬

their main causes in the generations from which he descends. comes resistances with the diamond auger of the mind. mind . Filled
This means that in no way could Aristotle have as parents a with the natural science spirit of his time, time , Spencer took up
father or mother with facial angles of 50 degrees or a Beethoven above all those social themes which could be more easily analyzed
have descended from a tribe of cannibals who prepare for a feast
by natural science methods the
of human flesh by engaging in some kind of rhythmic howling; that to follow an unchanging law of movements
progress. 7
progress.
of the masses who seem
He believed he could
Shakespeare could not have written his dramas without the full¬ not find a law describing the paths of the genius,genius, and conse-
conse
¬

ness of life surrounding him in England, without the language quently it mattered to him to belittle the big man as much as
which hundreds of generations had developed and enriched through Possible and to eliminate him from the
___• context of
history , wher-
history, wher
use; that the strategic genius of Moltke could not have triumphed ever feasible. Therefore he left almost nothing of the image of¬
in the absence of a nation of 40 million placing at his disposal the great man, Napoleon appearing to him as hardly more than a
men of burly shape, strong character, obedient nature, and capa¬ robber-chief.
ble of carrying out orders intelligently. Spencer thus teaches
us that an explanation of social phenomena which dwells on the Indispensable as is the performance of the leader in front
great man has no more rationality than would somebody who dwells the achievements of society, no less so is the following by
the masses. If the leader is viewed as the sower casting out the
on the effusive effects of a trace of gunpowder without mention- seed the masses may be viewed as the ground
ing the ignited charge, the bomb, the cannon, and that quite In rocky places it withers but in rich arable it.
which absorbs it.
enormous range of devices by which the charge, bomb, cannon, as forth fruit a thousandfold. The strength of thesoil it brings
well as the grain of powder, have been produced.
Cannot give society its law, but it is his mission leader alone
to issue the
Gaii to follow him. In doing so, , he first attracts his
46 47
 leadership staff. Stirred up by the secondary leaders, the most
alert group of the masses answers the call of the leader by What is being said here about the masses applies only to
along until even¬
active following. By and by the others will go even the healthy elements of the populace, being of the same stock as the the
tually the group of blind followers starts moving and following leaders and having remained racially pure in the course of his¬
dead mass falls in line. The generality of such his ¬

compelling character, which tory. The pride of the leaders tends to regard
bestows upon the social command its even this group
case of the as inferior. In reality this is not true at all
we have been able to recognize so distinctly in thegranting them group, absorbed by its daily toil and lagging from because this
general acceptance of money. By either denying or a historical
the final analysis themselves perspective, has not yet fully developed its value system;
system ; for
their following, the masses in this very reason, however, its energy is not spent as yet.
decide the fate of the leaders. It is the massesBywho
pronounce yet. As
leaders. the test of soon as its time has come, the healthy masses of the people
the judgment of world history over theamong elevate new strata to leadership positions, will
success , the masses select some from the leaders. While positions , and these will take
certainly cannot explain in words the place of the exhausted historical leaders.
leaders. On the other
the simple man on the street hand, however, the democratic mind which takes at
the concept of leadership, and while he is even less
able to full value
- judge leaders in words,
them by arranging his acts
he still
in
contributes
accord with
extent appropriate to his circumstances.assessing
to
this
the verdict
concept,
It is stupidity to try
to
the performance
over
the
those elements of the masses of inferior or deteriorated
mixture goes astray. This group,
, which has given
racial
"masses" a contemptible ring, does not take any positivethe word
the history of the populace; rathe*-',
rather , it is
part in
to deny to the masses the function of tional, an impediment and a danger — it is completely dysfunc¬
dysfunc
of the leader. For a humanity which has proved capable
nizing with awe the superhuman figure of Christ there is no human
of recog¬
to judge. One only
chaos. — rabble and the
the rabble
¬

dimension which it should not be prepared belong the apostles and Every strong people is confident that at the
must always recall that to the masses right leader will be born to it. The religions right time the
disciples and the whole leadership hierarchy. Anything which teach , and the
teach,
against devout members of the populace believe,
believe , that God's
ultimately fails the test of evaluation by the masses is God ’ s finger will
human nature or transcends human strength. elevate the great leader, if need be. .
too, has for a long time concurred with Scientific historiography,
historiography,
view. Spencer still
this view. still
seen had to argue with a renowned English historian of his
What the masses mean to the leaders can be most easilyorient wrote history with this slant. time
The modern scientific spirit
who
by the behavior of the leaders themselves. Many of them
of the multi¬ rejects, along with all other miracles,
miracles, also this one. one. It is
themselves from the very beginning to the attitude satisfy the popular rather inclined, as we saw in Spencer's
Spencer ’s case,
tude and only seek for the ways and means to go great men, thereby to preserve the logical case, to disavow the
their own way, by

--
currents. Even the strong minds which first ical development. In the most recent history consistency of histor¬
histor ¬
indignantly turning away from people who cling to the habitual, of religion there
is no reluctance to express doubt whether the greatest
turn back to the masses as
taken by the leaders as
soon as
confirmation
they

desired success. The leader demands that the path

for
believe
their proper course, avidly craving for followers, who then the
having
to have found
achieved
found by him
are leaders
— —
a Zoroaster, Buddha, or Christ — have ever lived.
One attempts to deduce their doctrines from the way of
of their times. Yet what would be gained by this?
religious
lived.
thinking
this ? Though Christ
course, also lies the social be denied, there are still his words, , expressed in imposing sim¬
become the common path; therein, of plicity, as only a peerless mind could formulate them, sim¬

many
service by which he advances the common interest. But how How if one wanted to forget about Christ s words, them , and even
recognition! words ,
leaders never tire of clamouring for public
empty left who cannot be disowned. Alexander the there is still Paul
many of them debase themselves downright by yearning for too historical criticism has to let stand in any Great and Caesar,
Caesar ,
approbation and mistake it for true recognition! How often in case,
case , and doing
" this raises the question of what would have been the
such cases superman becomes human , all too human! Even
those course of
in words are being world history if Alexander's vigor had been exhausted
leaders who scorn the insipid ovation couched
hardly wait for being if the conspirators' dagger or a Gallic sword had sooner and
consumed by that nobler ambition which can Only the truly great Caesar earlier. Isn't the great man in history, carried off
history, admitting his
perpetuated by the deeds of the multitude. thinking is entirely existence as one has to, a mere accident which invalidates
minds are above such weakness. Their logical consistency of development? To answer this the
absorbed by their works, and they are so sure of their way
that question one
must find the right attitude. We, too,
too , must not pass it by.
they find equilibrium in themselves. by.

The decline of the leadership class of a people is a

grave
new 8. The Great Man
social misfortune. It takes new strong impulses to elevate Not every
leadership groups during a new period of history. yet For one, let it be said that the great man by no means is
people has had the strength to rise to a middle-class culture always irreplaceable; by no means is he always
after having passed through periods of courtly and clerical- who will never return. How often has it not the one and only
knightly culture. But for a new social class to be able to
rise, been
sound in their deepest nature. In ideas, as soon as they were embedded in the trend of that great
times ,
the times,
the masses must have remained vitality were stated simultaneously by several
these depths of human nature the spring of a people's
discoveries of Leibnitz and Newton arethinkers!
thinkers! The mathematical
flows. The masses are the fountain of youth, the energy reserve. peo¬
a well-known
Gan take for granted that even if Columbus example. We
well -known example.
for its future. Once peasant strength has been sapped, the had died prematurely ,
historical role.
America would not have remained und iscovered.
undiscovered It cannot be
ple has forever finished playing its doubted that from among the bold seafarers,
seafarers , who after his death
48
further pursued his discovery, there would also have been found
4Q
the man who in his place could have translated into action the
of Rome in those days were not lacking
l a c k i n g in
even the very great leader is to a large
types
r u l e r types.
i n ruler
e x t e n t the
l a r g e extent t h e exponent
learly ,
Clearly,
C
e x p o n e n t of
.
of
idea of Copernicus. Wherever we see a series of great research- his people and of his time. In any c a s e , however,
a n y case, h o w e v e r , from
f r o m the
t h e time
time
ers at work who sequentially build up a science, we can be sure he begins to shape history, further
f u r t h e r developments
d e v e l o p m e n t s are
a r e rigorously
rigorously
that the later ones, continuing the work of their predecessors, consistent. The people maintains intact i n t a c t as as m much
u c h of
o f his
h i s personal
personal
would themselves have performed that work if only it had not achievements as it is able to in the t h e long r u n , given
l o n g run, g i v e n itsi t s own

___
already been performed. nature and characteristics.
This first thought leads to a second. It is in the nature By the example of Bismarck and a n d the t h e German
G e r m a n peoplep e o p l e the t h e rela¬rela¬
of every strong people that it is endowed with great men, risingas in tionship between the great man and a n d the the m a s s e s becomes
masses b e c o m e s vividly vividly
the case of every mountain range there are still the peaks clear. Without Bismarck's political
p o l i t i c a l genius g e n i u s the t h e German
G e r m a n Empire Empire
above the crest. There has never been a people whose members perhaps would not have been established
e s t a b l i s h e d so s o soon s o o n and a n d on o n such
such
were equally, or nearly equally, endowed by nature. The observed strong foundation. He depicted himself h i m s e l f merely m e r e l y as a s the t h e helmsman
helmsman
character of the populace is the average of widely dispersed who without the backing of the national
n a t i o n a l currentc u r r e n t would w o u l d have h a v e accom¬accom¬
aptitudes. The degree of dispersion varies between different plished nothing, and the strength of o f thist h i s national
n a t i o n a l currentc u r r e n t was
w a s so
so
peoples. The Romans were more uniformly endowed than the Greeks, great and gaining so rapidly that sooner s o o n e r or o r later
l a t e r another
a n o t h e r helms¬ helms¬
and in Mommsen's judgment, until Caesar they had no statesman and man would have been found' who would w o u l d have h a v e led l e d the p e o p l e to
t h e people t o thethe
even no commander-in-chief of the stature of a true genius, but envisaged empire, though perhaps less s k i l l f u l l y . Compared
l e s s skillfully. C o m p a r e d with with
this lack was compensated by the proficiency of their masses. In Englishmen, Frenchmen, and Italians,
I t a l i a n s , the t h e political
p o l i t i c a l immaturity
i m m a t u r i t y of of
Rome, year after year one could count in all probability on find- the Germans with respect to head and l i m b s , leader
a n d limbs, l e a d e r and and m a s s e s , is
masses, is
ing the two consuls who knew how to lead the legions according to so great that the inexplicable personal p e r s o n a l residual
r e s i d u a l in i n Bismarck's
B i s m a r c k
the traditional rules of the art of war, and throughout the cen¬ case is considerably greater than it i t is i s forf o r the g r e a t political
t h e great political
’s
turies the legions displayed the same victorious strength. For leaders of those other nations. In P r u s s i a , the
I n Prussia, t h e German
G e r m a n state s t a t e of of
that matter, every people has a greater amount of leadership Is
strongest political organization, Bismarck B i s m a r c k was w a s the t h e first f i r s t since since
talent in those lines in which its masses are quite gifted.right Frederick the Great who was again capable c a p a b l e of o f conducting
c o n d u c t i n g world world
it amazing if this people is given the right leader at the politics. He knew his people too t o o well w e l l not n o t to t o be b e filledf i l l e d with with
time in those undertakings in which, above all, it tries to make grave concern as to whether the realm r e a l m set s e t up u p bby y him h i m wouldw o u l d be be
a go? The general tension during the time of search cannot help durable. His saying, "I have lifted l i f t e d the t h e German
German p people
e o p l e into i n t o the the
arousing persons with particularly sensitive leadership tal- saddle , it must figure out itself how h o w to r i d e , " sounds
t o ride," s o u n d s like like a
ents. They are being urged and uplifted by a sizable number of premonition of impending collapse. It I t wouldw o u l d haveh a v e takent a k e n a second second
less talented but equally ambitious companions. Their inner Bismarck to prevent the World War or o r to t o prepare
p r e p a r e for f o r it i t politi¬
politi¬
concentration as well as the external application of their cally in such a way as to make m military
i l i t a r y victory
v i c t o r y a foregone f o r e g o n e con¬ con¬
strengths are being intensified to the maximum possible by the clusion. This second Bismarck did not n o t exist.
exist The .
T h e historic
h i s t o r i c acci¬ acci ¬
passionate zeal with which their leadership performance is dent of Germany availing itself of o f a statesmans t a t e s m a n qualified
q u a l i f i e d for for
expected and received. Their appearance on the scene and their world leadership did not occur twicet w i c e withinw i t h i n such s u c h a short s h o r t span s p a n of of
work are no chance occurrence. They are the logical reflection time. At the beginning of the War, W a r , the E n t e n t e , too,
t h e Entente, t o o , availed
availed
of their environment, on which they manage to bestow a higher itself of intermediate-rate statesmen
s t a t e s m e n only, o n l y , but
personal expression, however.
To be sure, it is not possible to interpret completely in
training
mature state ——
especially in England,, Europe's
was so superior to that
tral Powers that victory could have
t h a t of
h a v e been
o f Germany
b e e n snatched
b u t their
E u r o p e ' s historically
t h e i r political

G e r m a n y and
political
h i s t o r i c a l l y most
a n d the t h e Cen¬
most
Cen ¬
s n a t c h e d away a w a y from f r o m it it
this manner the historical feat of Alexander or Caesar, or only through a top military performance
p e r f o r m a n c e by b y the t h e Central
C e n t r a l Powers. P o w e r s.
Shakespeare's "Hamlet" and Goethe's "Faust," not to mention at While capable of such during certain c e r t a i n phases p h a s e s of o f the t h e War, W a r , they they
all the greatest of all soul leaders, the prophets. There could not sustain it in the long run. r u n . The T h e German
G e r m a n people p e o p l e lost, lost ,
remains an inexplicable personal residual - no doubt about and had to lose the World War of the t h e 20th2 0 t h century
c e n t u r y for f o r the t h e same same
that. But this inexplicable residual is by no means identical reason they lost the Thirty Years' War W a r of o f thet h e 117th 7 century
t h century. . That
T hat
with the totality of the great leadership figures. It concerns war, having started as a religious
r e l i g i o u s civil c i v i l war w a r within Germany ,
w i t h i n Germany,
only that part of their stature which towers above that of the became, through meddling of first the D a n e s , then
t h e Danes t h e n the S w e d e s , and
t h e Swedes, and
leader next in line who would have taken on their domestic or at last the French, not to m mention
e n t i o n also a l s o the the M a g y a r s , more
Magyars, m o r e and
and
f ore i gn worldly works if these hadn't already been performed. If more an external war. It kept going g o i n g on o n anda n d on o n evene v e n aftera f t e r the the
Caeser had not existed, Pompeius the Great or one of his vigorous emperor had made peace with the majority m a j o r i t y of o f the t h e Protestant
Protestant
sons or one of the other Romans striving for control would have estates. In this external war emperor
e m p e r o r and a n d realm
r e a l m succumbed
s u c c u m b e d to t o thethe
performed the tasks which had to be done historically in order to statecraft of Oxenstierna and Richelieu
R i c h e l i e u who w h o afterafter W a l l
Wallensteine n s t e i n'' s
make fit for monarchic rule a state which in light of its geo¬ fall did not confront a leader who w h o would w o u l d have h a v e been been a m atch.
match.
graphic extension and the heterogeneity of its constituent parts Then, as now, the German people came,, or o r have
h a v e come,c o m e , to t o grave
g r a v e harm harm
could not have survived any longer with its old urban-cooperative as a most logical consequence of their t h e i r political
p o l i t i c a l immaturity.
immaturity . Of
Of
constitution. Perhaps somebody else than Caesar would not would have Bismarck's legacy the German people
p e o p l e has
was able to sustain permanently according
h a s retained
r e t a i n e d as a s much m u c h as a s it it
brought to the work the same bold design, and perhaps it a c c o r d i n g to t o the t h e historically
historically
have required several starts before Caesarean will wouldstrug¬ have strength.
determined proportion of its strength. Will
W i l l history's
h i s t o r y ' s logical logical
made its way to domination, but nevertheless it would have consistency again hold good in that t h a t it it w will r i s e anew
i l l rise a n e w on o n the the
gled through, because it had to. Given such figures as Marcus
Antonius, Augustus, and Tiberius, we can see that the generations
51
 '“.S'ÿo Oak\*'A-> V* lÿ1 WCs.
sH .
All the private tasks depend for their execution primarily
basis of enhanced inner resources with respect to which it has upon individuals. The successful evolution of such endeavors
never been wanting in great leaders? therefore depends upon the universal proficiency of the masses.
masses.
For the rest, aren't the origins of the inner strength of a
people equally mysterious as is the "inexplicable personal resid-
As in the case of the superhuman
— In the main, leadership does not go beyond the anonymous type.
,
type.
" Since anonymous leaders emerge from the masses in continual suc¬
cession, they are most intimately connected with the masses
suc ¬
masses,, and
ual" which we touched upon? the indispensible prerequisite for their proficiency is the all¬
leader, we again cannot for the masses of a people grasp the law -around proficiency of the masses. . The anonymous leaders are
all -
which determines their rise from the depths of being as well as
the target of their strength. We have to be content if we suc-
ceed in demonstrating the logical consistency of historical evo-
lution, once leader and masses with their respective strengths
have appeared on the scene.
— bound to receive their impulses from their own private under-
takings which they conduct as do all the others
under
, except that in
others,
moments of inspiration they hit upon one method or another for
making their previous practices more successful here or there
there.
Under their steady leadership, followed by the masses as a whole,
.
whole ,
-

general conditions are bound to improve greatly in the long run ,

short. By and by a new terrain can
although imperceptibly in the short.
9. Fundamentals of the Development of the Constitutional System be consolidated which lends itself to the preparation for radical
change. Within the rural domestic household crafts developed,
developed ,
A people's constitutional system, too, is logically deter- and within the craft guilds the ground was laid for the develop
—mined as soon as the forces
as historical training —based on natural aptitude as well
are given which are marshalled by both
-leaders and masses in undertaking the historical tasks prescribed
—
* enterprise. To be sure
ment of the large-scale enterprise.
develop-
sure,, more sweeping
changes require open leadership, but the latter can still operate
within the private sector, as demonstrated by the great entrepre
-

__
Always these forces arrange themselves entrepre¬ ¬

for them by the times. neurs who are grounded in the private sector although they may

_—
according to the law of supreme power or of success. reach across into the public sector as well.
well.
At all times society has been directed to undertake two Every religious community, every ethical community,
community , and
types of work. One type, the collective works, requires that the
"unified masses" join together to pursue the common endeavor
every other community held 'together
together by internal bonds need as a
firm foundation widespread mass participation under anonymous —
— under undivided leadership. The other type, the special or pri-
vate works, at first glance appears to have as its subject the
individuals qua individuals, but on closer inspection we also see
participation by the masses, "dispersed masses," under anonymous
. - leadership setting their own rules for parallel or complementary
—.action. The subject of collective endeavors are the masses
leadership. If thoroughgoing change is to occur
occur,, great authori¬
ground.
tative leaders must rise above this ground.
authori
The total accom-
plishments of the coercive and unit associations are alwavs
¬

united under designated leaders and governed by uniform powers,
whereas the subject of private endeavors are the dispersed masses
under anonymous leadership and governed by anonymous powers. Not
only the public" system but the private one as well has its con¬
stitution or, more accurately put, its constitutions since, here
— -as there, special constitutions demanded by the specific tasks of
the various spheres apply to all the constituent spheres of
social action. The political constitution is only one of several
interlocking public constitutions and , just so, the economic
constitution is only one of several interlocking private consti-
tutlons. Societv's total constitution is only the result of the
meshing of all public and private constitutional matters.
_
The
lawyer looking at the political constitution as a self-contained
fact is never able to understand it thoroughly. Its balance, its
focal point, are always determined by society's total constitu¬
tion. Political rights and duties are the manifestation of
forces and obstacles which have their support in the religious
and the other public constitutions, and also in the economic as
well as the other private constitutions.
How leaders and masses share power is not determined by the
personality of the supreme leader alone. It always depends much
on the contemporary tasks which devolve upon the leader and allow
him sometimes more, sometimes less influence, but it depends
quite especially on the composition of the leadership strata and
the strata representing the masses of the people, as well as the
tension existing between these two.
accom ¬
always based
on open personal leadership, with leading individuals emerging
process.
from the leadership strata in the process.
In periods when states are founded and culture begins
begins,
, the
open, personal type of leadership assumes its most rigorous
forms. Leadership by coercion and domination is called upon ,
supreme authoritarian leaders rise,, a ruling stratum of warriors
masses. It depends on the natu-
and priests is formed above the masses. natu ¬
ral aptitudes and the historical training of the ruling classes
and probably on external circumstances as well whether they will
preserve for themselves their cooperative cohstitution or in turn
will submit to princes and princely families under whose leader
leader¬¬
ship they may yet better be able to meet their collective inter
inter¬¬
ests. The Roman peasants in their battles with the neighbors ,
motivated originally by defense rather than offense,
make do with the leadership of the Patrician families,
_
neighbors,
offense , were able to
families , who in
king. After having fended
turn neither needed nor tolerated a king.
off Hannibal's attack, under the impression of the battle of
annihilation at Cannae, which seemed to raise the threat of the
destruction of the state, the Roman kings envisaged the higher
goal of extending their world supremacy until it had become fully
consolidated. From this point on, service by the leaders,
leaders , which
had been rendered according to old tradition,
tradition , could no longer
politics. Strong per
suffice for the changeable tasks of world politics. per¬
¬
sonal leaders were needed, of the caliber of a Scipio, Marius,
Scipio , a Marius,
a Sulla, a Pompeius, to weather the dangerous crises of the state
which had to be faced in succession until ruling power went to
Julius Caesar as the strongest leader and hence passed on to the
Julian dynasty, and thence to further dynasts and dynasties.
dynasties.
During the entire period of battles surrounding the founding of

52 53
 IV. Psychology of Power
Power
the state the military constitution was the frame for the state
constitution. This is true not only for the despotism of the 1. The Mass Mind
barbarian victor, but equally for the Roman state in its prosper¬
ous times and ditto for the heyday of the Germanic-Roman In its greatest intensifications
i n t e n s i f i c a t i o n s, social
s o c i a l power h a s an
p o w e r has a n ele¬
ele ¬

states. A last characteristic symptom of this is found at pres¬ ment of the superhuman and not infrequently
i n f r e q u e n t l y even
e v e n something
s o m e t h i n g inhu¬
inhu ¬
ent in the fact that even the monarch of the civilized European man. It is therefore understandable t h a t manv
u n d e r s t a n d a b l e that m a n y of t h e historiog-
o f the historiog ¬

states wears the military uniform, thought to be that garment raphers, political scientists, philosophers
p h i l o s o p h e r s of l a w , economists
o f law, e c o n o m i s t s,
which most faithfully designates his position. and sociologists who had to deal with w i t h phenomena
p h e n o m e n a of o f power
p o w e r have
have
sought its origin in some sort of objective
o b j e c t i v e elements
e l e m e n t s outside
o u t s i d e the
the
Under the pressure of the military constitution the old sphere of personal being. He who does t h i s , however,
d o e s this, h o w e v e r , commits
commits a
peasant vigor of all the softer peoples gradually disappears, and twofold error: he confines himself
h i m s e l f to t o thet h e realm
r e a l m of o f external
external
ev6n that of the tougher ones threatens to fade. On the other power, using external means; and, in a d d i t i o n , he
i n addition, h e confuses
c o n f u s e s the
the
hand, in the more secure system of states new forces rise up: phenomena of power with the means of p o w e r . The
o f power. T h e possibility
p o s s i b i l i t y of
of
after the force of a purified faith, the economic force of the using external means of power in ways w a y s which
w h i c h militate against against
middle classes and the force of the educated classes, and in human sentiment lies in the nature of t h e means
o f the m e a n s of p o w e r , whereas
o f power, whereas
alliance with them, peasant strength rallies and recovers anew. decisions concerning the particular uses u s e s tot o which
w h i c h these
t h e s e means
m e a n s are
are
In the capitalist economy the strength of the worker proletariat a n a l y s i s , in
put originate, in the final analysis i n thet h e character
c h a r a c t e r of o f the
the
then concentrates and becomes organized. At first the new strata ruler. In the case of the internal
_
make themselves felt only as agents of effective resistance to
the old powers. Later on the strongest among them rise them-
i n t e r n a l powers
doubt that they have their origin in the
p o w e r s there
t h e human
t h e r e cannot
m i n d.
h u m a n mind.
c a n n o t be b e any
any

selves into the ranks of the elite, and in the end the proletar¬ For philosophers of the Stendhal
S t e n d h a l or o r Nietzsche v a r i e t y , who
N i e t z s c h e variety, who
ian class advances its claim to leadership and, if it cannot be perceive the masses as governed by the h e r d instinct only,
t h e herd o n l y , it was was
helped, to dictatorship. After the church authorities had to reasonable to trace the superhuman quality q u a l i t y of o f power b a c k to
p o w e r back to a
come to terms with the power vested in modern education and cul¬ superman, and in the process they may m a y have v i e w e d it
h a v e viewed i t as
a s a signs i g n of
of
ture, princes and nobility also had to yield to the democratizing special greatness if the latter as a s a monsterm o n s t e r overstepped
o v e r s t e p p e d the
the
trend of the times as it was brought into the constitutional realm of the human. Such an interpretation,
i n t e r p r e t a t i o n , however,
h o w e v e r , apparently
apparently
system by the intellectual and economic achievements of the mid¬ won't do for the great majority of cases, c a s e s , forf o r supermen
s u p e r m e n and
a n d mon¬
mon ¬

dle class and the proletariat. They either have to accommodate sters of the kind represented by Caesar Borgia B o r g i a are a r e exceptional
exceptional
themselves , or else they will be removed by revolutionary men. By the way, Caesar Borgia certainly
c e r t a i n l y didd i d notn o t have t h e stat-
h a v e the stat ¬
force. The constitution of combat with its monarchic-feudal apex ure which Stendhal would have us believe. b e l i e v e. He H e wasw a s a true t r u e son
s o n of
of
is changed into the democracy of the middle class and the prole- his time, one of the many and perhaps
perhaps t h e most
the m o s t unscrupulous
u n s c r u p u l o u s among
among
tariat which given its capitalistic and cooperative aims the Condottieri who given the Italian I t a l i a n circumstances
c i r c u m s t a n c e s of o f that
that
fits into the frame of the economic constitution. time, were faced with the temptation
t e m p t a t i o n and a n d hadh a d thet h e resources
r e s o u r c e s to
to
h e m s e l v e s. What
erect a princely throne for tthemselves. W h a t he h e wrought
w r o u g h t heh e did
did
Through the centuries and millenia of human history down to with the help of the historical powers s u c h as
p o w e r s such as t h e contemporary
the contemporary
the present the antagonisms of personal leaders, leadership Italian soil generated. He was by no n o means
m e a n s the
t h e sole
s o l e perpetrator
perpetrator
strata, and masses have had a fundamental imprint on the struc¬ of his deeds and misdeeds; the historicalh i s t o r i c a l environment
e n v i r o n m e n t provided
provided
ture of social life. Always the attainments of the times assign him with the aims, means, accomplices,
a c c o m p l i c e s , and
a n d — so s o to s p e a k -- the
t o speak the
to the players their characteristic roles, which they fill in the challenge for committing them. Only
O n l y the e x c e p t i o n a l l y great
t h e exceptionally great
measure of their strength, the latter in turn being based on religious leaders, solitary peaks in h i s t o r y , activate
i n history, a c t i v a t e forces
forces
their endowments and historical education. truly their own, but even their achievements w o u l d amount
a c h i e v e m e n t s would a m o u n t to
to
little without the masses because the t h e latter
l a t t e r must
m u s t first
f i r s t identify
identify
with these achievements before they can c a n become r e a l.
t r u l y real.
b e c o m e truly
Even of those philosophers who w h o recognized
r e c o g n i z e d that
t h a t thet h e masses
had their personal share in the experience
e x p e r i e n c e of p o w e r , many
o f power, m a n y could
could
not bring themselves to tracing it all a l l thet h e way b a c k to
w a y back t o single
single
persons, to individuals. Individuals
I n d i v i d u a l s seem
s e e m too w e a k to
t o o weak t o bear
b e a r the
the
superhuman, superpersonal quality of o f power w h i c h at
p o w e r which t i m e s is
a t times is
intensified to an anti-individual quality.
q u a l i t y. This T h i s readily
r e a d i l y explains
explains
why one inclines to postulate the masses m a s s e s,! the p e o p l e as
t h e people whole,
a s a whole,
.as the collective subject of power. Doing D o i n g this
t h i s implies t h a t one
i m p l i e s that one
cannot help using the concept of a mass m a s s mind, m i n d.
p e o p l e's mind.
m i n d , a people's
There is great temptation to use such s u c h resounding w o r d s. Everv
r e s o u n d i n g words. Every
orator or writer with imagination and a n d linguistic c o m m a n d can
l i n g u i s t i c command can
count on being effective if he knows k n o w s the p l a c e to
r i g h t place
t h e right t o useuse
them. Oswald Spengler, who wants to b r i n g out
t o bring t h e overwhelming
o u t the overwhelming
Quality of the ideas of culture, will
w i l l avail o f poetic
h i m s e l f of
a v a i l himself poetic

54 55
liberty and refer to the mind of the populace from which flow
such ideas. Romain Rolland will refer to the mass mind when he
wants to bring out the pressure exerted upon even the nobler
spirits by the commonly held ideas. He who uses such language
and remains aware of the figurative meaning of such phrases
attains a strong and permissible effect. But what an aberration
it is to turn poetic liberty into serious theory and --as it has
happened not only unconsciously but in full consciousness to
view the mass or popular mind, instead of as a harmony of indi¬
vidual minds, as a special entity in itself which has its own
life over and above the minds of individuals! And what an even
grosser aberration to construe as has also happened —a body
to accompany this mind floating on some lofty heights! When con¬
fronted with such aberrations one must firmly emphasize that the
habitat of the mind is in individuals and remains there even in
conjunction with all collective relationships. In truth there is
no popular mind and no popular will. One may go further and
assert that, strictly speaking there is no public opinion as
such, no general legal conception held jointly by the people, no
ethical sentiment of the masses as such. All these phrases which
suggest themselves automatically, and which are as misleading as
they are typical, are only meant to say that the minds, wills,
opinions, convictions, sentiments are pointing in the same direc¬
tion , if not for all citizens at least f or a decisive ma jority ,
or perhaps only for a minority which, however, has control over
the minds of the others.
How individuals of a multitude become synchronized has
become plain in our investigation concerning the origin and the
growth of power. It is success which leads individuals to keep
in step with one another. It is thus also clear that the single
individual, being pointed in the same direction as the many,
feels being under the spell of a higher power, stronger than he
is; he can't easily grasp that he himself takes part in its for¬
mation. Even if he should at first hold this view he will later
reject it under the overwhelming pressure of the environment.
Thus arises the feeling expressed by Mephistopheles in the crush
of the T!Walpurgisnacht" in these words: "You believe to shove,
and you are shoved." But by whom else is the individual being
shoved than by the others who are pushing along with him, but
every one of whom likewise feels being pushed from the outside?
It is the mind of the many tuned to the same pitch which starts a
multitude of human beings into motion. In every multitude, ele¬
ments which are individually different and incompatible with the
movement of the whole are being held down and ground off. To
this extent the movement is supra-individual and even anti¬
individual, but this does not make it impersonal. The force
activating it can have no other origin than the persons who are
joined together in a collective. Every true and strong social
power must have been experienced in common in the minds of the
participating individuals. The state does not function without
the upright character of the citizens who lend weight to its
decisions; nor the army without the bravery of the warriors and
the active pressure generated by their number; nor the church
without the devoutness of the believers; nor the law without the
convictions of those with rights and those with duties. In order
to be operative, ideas must be alive in the brains of the leading
classes of the time, and the social movements or currents must go
through their hearts.
56
Whatever we mav observe in terms of supra-individual
supra- individual or even
anti-individual effects of social power,
power , scientific thinking must
be traced back to its personal origin,
origin , or scientific thinking
will have failed in its task.
2. The Psychology of Power of the Masses
power , the exper¬
Vis-a-vis the firmly established external power, exper ¬
only. Perhaps the
ience of power by the masses is a passive one only.
strongest individuals will feel impulses to resist,
resist , or will actu¬
actu ¬
ally resist when they are expressly challenged or the occasion
appears particularly propitious. The majority of the weak,
weak , how-
how ¬
ever, sinks into dull resignation. . In the long run the herd
instinct breaks through, everyone submits to the status quo,
quo , and
the masses as a whole give in to the same sentiment of subordina¬
subordina ¬
tion.
Internal power arouses in the masses the urge for ready
emulation. In this connection the individual obeys not only his
own instinct, but his behavior is also determined by the contact
he has with the attitude of his environment and that of the
masses in their entirety. The experience of power is intensified
by the fact that the individual submitting to power thereby
enhances the effective weight of internal power in society:
society: he
rulers , albeit with a minimal share
joins the ranks of the social rulers,
of power.
The power experience of the masses is greatly augmented in
substance in those frequent instances where external and internal
power operate jointly. The soldier's’ s experience of power repre-
repre ¬
this.
sents an especially illuminating example of this.
The miracle occurs in every good military unit that the
peaceful mama's boy who loathes combat and the spilling of blood
is transformed into a trained warrior who faces the arms of the
enemy with calm deliberation and rushes towards them with reso¬ reso¬
lute courage. To effect this transformation,
transformation , fear of the sanc-
sanc¬
tions of military discipline is not enough; f ear , the passive
enough ; fear,
obedience. The trans-
experience of power, merely generates dull obedience. trans¬
formation is not brought about even when the recruit,
recruit , gripped by
"battle stage-fright," under the irresistible spell of his envi¬envi ¬
ronment is swept along in the assault;
assault ; such is only the herd
experience of power, which can turn quite readily into panic. panic.
The transformation begins when the soldier understands the pur¬ pur¬
pose of discipline without which there cannot be any lasting suc-suc¬
cess. As soon as the fighting forces have been even sufficiently
trained, not only the superior but every single soldier demands
of every other one that he do his duty without any reservation;
reservation ;
by the same token, every single soldier is governed by the idea
likewise. A brave heart
that all the others expect him to do likewise.
responds to this expectation with a mighty surge of the sense of
honor , and even the fainthearted cannot evade the dictate of
honor. Now the order of a superior who is trusted bv by the rank
and file will meet with readv mental acceptance,
acceptance , for no man could
bear the thought of lagging behind the others when worse comes to
worst. The transformation is complete when military honor is
victory. In
enhanced by soldierly pride enjoving the triumph of victory.
the success of victory the soldier experiences the exaltation of
Matchless strength which reasserts itself through all the
57
terrors. Such a flush of strength he has never before come close
to, and from such heights he looks down upon the Philistines with
contempt. This experience of strength is at the same time an
experience of power because it has an overwhelming emotional
impact on the individual. Just as everyone who was a participant
had a share in the mustered strength, he also has a share in
power, having been elevated by it and brought under its spell.
Military honor and soldierly pride converge to a soldier-like
stance, which implies soldierly duty. The thousands or millions
filled with this spirit through the medium of their will trans¬
form the leader’s order into their own action and thereby combine
into a unit from which emanate very strong effects.
In all cases in which individual will as experienced by the
masses is woven into the social fabric of power, the mental proc¬
ess occurs in the same sequence: first recognition of the neces¬
sity of going together, then the mutual demand for and expecta¬
tion of going together
— all this based on instinctual drives
next the arousal of a sense of being honor-bound to meet this
expectation, on the part of both the strong and the weak com¬
--
rades, then the perception of success and the pÿide of the expe¬
rience of strength which is enjoyed as an experience of power and
reinforces the drive, finally being sublimated into a sense of
social duty. The more internalized the experience, the more
binding the sense of duty. The honor and pride experienced by
robbers
— likewise manifestations of man’s social nature
not go beyond the sentiments of the duty of comradeship; citi¬
zenship honor and pride and public spirit appeal to the con¬
do
science; law and ethics are deeply rooted in conscience, though
honor and pride are also present; the honor garb of integrity
shall remain immaculate, and the upright man shall be permitted
to feel the pride of having performed a difficult duty without
being thought of as a Pharisee. Only the resolute scoundrel and
villain is defiant enough to rebel as one against all. The
masses of the people are softer, they yield to the pressure of
the common will. They do not only yield to it passively but
follow this will actively and enjoy the experience of power which
the victory of right over wrong entails, and the formation of
their inner stature follows the general rule. Although there is
probably nobody who never violates the prohibition of his con¬
science in the face of temptation, the experience of internal
power flowing from victory over temptation, which in the great
majority of cases will repeat itself, will appeal to the con¬
science and strengthen it time and again. To be sure, the number
of people who do not require any outside assistance in order to
remain inwardly upright is none too great. The far-reaching
decline of law and morality after the World War and revolution
has shown with appalling clearness how little moral fortitude
many individuals possessed who heretofore were honorable in every
respect. The shaken authority of courts, police, and church; the
rise in temptations caused by distress; and the bad example of
success enjoyed by unscrupulous persons who rose to the top in
defiance of law and morality have deflected many weaker souls
from the path of devotion to duty or made them derelict in their
pursuit. It is comforting to observe that while the world
resounds with the noise of the lawbreakers the quiet ones around
continue to heed their conscience without fail. They understand
one another without having to say much, they unswervingly pre¬
serve the image of society as it should be and continue to trans¬
late it into deeds through the medium of their will. The warmth
58
of their experience of internal power keeps
keeps alive the germs of a
better future.
The experience of power associated with faith is the most
spiritual of all. In the souls armed with strong faith,
faith, honor
and pride carry little weight; as the apostle says,
says , their glory
is the testimony of their conscience in innocence and humility of
’
heart. They stand ready to maintain their faith against the
might of the entire world, martyrdom is the most sublime form of
power experience for them, and through it they gladly give testi¬
testi ¬
mony for a transcendent power with which they feel inwardly at
’
one. Their experience of power is yet more pure and rich by bv far
honor.
than that of the soldier on the field of honor.
To submit to a greater whole and thereby at the same time to
—
sense its successes as one’s own experience of power — this for
the masses is the content of the psychology of power as mani-
mani
fested in thousands of forms.
¬
3. The Teachings of the Psychology of Power of the Masses
The problem of the psychology of power such as we have just
encountered it is somewhat related to the tenets of psvchologv
psychology of
the masses as developed by Tarde, Sighele,
Sighele , Le Bon, others.
Bon , and others.
As one pursues the actions of the masses and traces them to their
psychic impulses, as done by the writers of this orientation,
orientation , one
cannot help encountering the phenomenon of power under whose
spell the masses act. In the analyses of psvchologv
psychology of the
masses, as done with perspicacity and acumen,
acumen , one finds all soÿts
sorts
of things which cast light on the phenomenon of power.
power. However,
However ,
the teachings are not designed for a genuine analysis of this
phenomenon, and in addition one needs to be clear about the fact
that the concept of the masses in these teachings is not inter¬ inter ¬
preted in the way we do, namely, as the opposite of the leader.leader.
Considered as masses in that view is any multitude,
multitude , any rather
large numberÿ of people who in a given case are affected by the
same mental impressions. The leaders aÿe here, at least
are included here,
all the lower-ranked anonymous leaders who area ^ e not even further
distinguished, but also nearly all the higher-ranked leaders,
higher - ranked leaders,
with the sole exception of the exceptionally great who clearly
stand out against the masses.
The theorv of the psychology of the masses first described
the mass psychoses and thence in the main the power experience of
the masses of our time, when they have just gained control but
don’t feel quite suÿe of their ground yet.yet. Le Bon’s
Bon ’s much-read
much - read
book about the psychology of the masses gives a brilliant and
vivid introduction into the ideas of this bodv thought . The
body of thought.
critical look of the skeptic mercilessly reveals the weaknesses
of democracy. The value of the new teachings lies in this veÿy very
inexorable urge for truth, for empirical earnestness.
earnestness. Hence its
effectiveness and the applicability to it of the saying,saying ,
’Blessed are those who do not utter empty words,
words , for they will be
understood.” The new theory signifies honest reflection on the
democratic cliche, but at the same time it It also connotes,
connotes, in its
Scientific thought about social action,
action , the turn from words to
Tacts. It will admit only experience,
experience , seeking it at the
source. It recognizes as the source of social action — an
insight which did not exist before in all its clarity — the
59
whowhoas members
as
wouldeach
would
individualswhowhoare .joined
psycheof ofindividuals
psyche
members of of
thethe
individual
eachindividual
scenesof ofthethelife
scenes
thanthe
than theindividuals
life
therecome
of of
multitude
multitude
acting
acting
thethemasses
together in the

alone.
it recognizes
masses and
now behave quite differently than
Even in the most turbulent
no other actors
themselves but under the impact of public
individualsthemselves,
comeintointoplay with these individuals motives
_
the revolutionary present. It has staked out its field of obser¬
vation too narrowly. We have to
whole sweep of history, we have to
extend it so as to cover the
expand modern mass psychology
into a full-fledged psychology of power which would describe,
above all, the healthy power experience of masses not debilitated
by psychoses, unsteadiness, and fluctuations.
excitementthere
excitement
action
for action
for which
which in in private
private life are hardly, or not at all, con-
spicuous. The
spicuous. The same
same individual
individual who in private life endeavors to The firmly led and becalmed masses are not flexible,
them without restraint when as a but
bridle
bridle hishisurges
urges mavmay give
give in to conservative. Le Bon occasionally admits that in their character
memberof ofthe
member masseshe hehas gained an awareness of public
themasses the masses are really conservative. If he, like other teachers
power .
power.The most
The level-headedpersons, once as a constituent part
mostlevel-headed of mass psychology, views the flexibility and continuous vacil¬
of ofthethemasses
masses they
they havebecome exposed to especially strong
have lation of the masses as their decisive characteristic, the reason
appeals ,maymayreveal
appeals, reveal propensitiesof which they had not ever
propensities rests partly in the fact that the subjects for observations
pathologicaland perhaps even perverse
conscious ,pathological
beenconscious, in the main the Gallic people of whom Caesar already observed
were
beforebeen
before
ones
ones which
which, , under
under thethe impact
impact of mass suggestion, spread conta¬ that they are "novarum rerum cupidi." Above all, the explanation
giouslyandandareare
giously discharged
discharged in criminal and other mass psycho- must be sought in the fact that the masses were observed
.
sesses. In Infurther pursuitof its ideas, the theory of mass psy-
furtherpursuit the period of revolutions when, without firm leadership,during
they
chology
chology claims
claims that
that as as members
members of the masses individuals are more yielded without resistance to the moods of changing circum-
excitable
excitable ,thatthat thethe instinctive
instinctive urges become prominent while stances. In ordinary times the masses perform their difficult
intellectualdemands
intellectual demands recede
recede. Even the refined man, distancing life tasks with unflagging industry year after year, and they
himself personal
himselfin inhishispersonal circle
circle from everything crude or shallow, remain so firmly fixed on their range of vision that they
saidto togo go
is issaid along
along withthe masses when he is caught up with a
with sober, narrow-minded, and intolerant. Conservative in allbecome
crowdin inthethe public equally gullible as the rest and
motleycrowd public, ters, they are especially so in their attachment to mat¬
motley traditional
equally
equally inclinedto to
inclined vacillate
vacillate from one extreme to the other. types of leadership. Persevering and loyal this is their
truest nature.
Thesetenets
These tenets LeLeBonBon and his followers have empirically cor-
roboratedby bya awhole
roborated seriesof choice and well-presented exam-
wholeseries What the theory of mass psychology says about the licen¬
neverthelesswe wemust not be content with them. Apart
ples ,butbutnevertheless
pies, tiousness of the individual in the masses is true, moreover,
of mass psychology leaves private for the masses lacking in firm leadership. The calm masses only
from
from
life
the
life
thethefactfact
entirely
entirely
withinthetherealm
within
thatthe
that
—aside
aside —a
theory
thetheory
point
a to which we will return
— even
publiclife it clings almost exclusively to
realmof ofpublic
exceptionallystriking
theexceptionally strikingphenomena of mass existence, though
under the influence of traditional powers which bind all of
members. These powers fail as soon as the masses have begun
waver , and the personal urges, previously reined in by
are
their
to
theseare are in ina a minority
minority and make no difference in the regular now break free. But can they break free completely? them, can
these No, this
course things. The
courseof ofthings. masseswhich it observes are the patho-
Themasses they cannot do, for as long as the masses act as
otherwiseagitated or disturbed elements, such, they are a
logicallyexcited
logically excitedor orotherwise unit imposing the law on its members, and when
agitated, they
while
while it itpays
pays no no attention
attention at all to the calm masses being firmly impose the sternest law possible. Le Bon makes very fitting
embeddedin inthe hands
embedded the hands of oftheir leaders. It deals particularly remarks about how during the great revolution the
withthe
with theweak unsteadily
weakandandunsteadily led masses as we so often confront committing the most grievous acts of licentiousness,masses, when
were guided
themin ina a
them revolutionary
revolutionary periodand especially on the occasion of
period by a sense of having to perform a public
in the case of the September murders the mob felt He relates that
. Bon's mass psychology is at bottom duty.
decisive
decisive turns
turns of offate.
fate Le
psychology moderndemocratic crowds, flushed with a sense
of ofmodern called upon to
act as judge, and in awareness of this feeling diligent
thethepsychology
powerbutbutnotnotquite
of ofpower havinglearned yet how to use it. These
quitehaving taken lest somebody misappropriate the belongings of the care was
peopleindeed
people indeedareareguided guidedmore by instinct than by reason and victims. Licentiousness off one's own bat is not permitted executed
moreby bysuggestion than by resolute will. One by an
understanding ,more
understanding, individual member of the masses, but all the worse is an outbreak
hardlyastray
goeshardly
goes declaringthat the modern theory describes
astrayin indeclaring of licentiousness by the masses as a
experience that it describes the mass sentiment usurps the office of the judge because whole. The rabble which
power a herdexperience,
poweras asa herd no judge is present who
excitedcrowd
whichin inan anexcited
which crowdspreads with uncanny infectiousness, could act as such assumes of his duties only that most
overreachesitself, itself ,andandthen again begins to have doubts about terrible
one of retribution; for the rest it indulges the wanton lusts
overreaches of
itself.The
itself. periodof of
Theperiod revolutionsbroad though it is, neverthe¬
revolutions, an extravagant experience of power. Leadership, necessary to
lessis is
less only a
only rupture
a rupture in inthe very long run of historical devel¬ maintain unity, falls to the wildest day-dreamers, and
opment, extendedperiods of a relatively quiet and in
, precededby byextended
opment preceded herd instinct becomes subservient to the basest animal the human
instinct
any
any casemore
case more steady
steady development
development and perhaps to be followed again of human nature, even in the case of persons
.
such In
such.
by by In these
these other
other periods of development the power exper- have been judged good-natured. "Chasms deeperwhothan
otherwise might
hell yawn in
masses ,nownowgrown sure of their successes, rises
ienceof ofthethemasses,
ience the mind of man," as the poem goes.
abovethe
above themeremereherd experience because during these centuries
herdexperience,
millenia
andandmillenia thethe masses
masses arearedominated by stern and harsh, perhaps There is a need to add several clarifying comments to what
brutal,butbutallallthe
brutal, samesuccessful and thus firm leaders. The
thesame the theory of mass psychology affirms about the attribute of
teachingsdon't
newnewteachings tellus anything about the psychology of
don ’ ttell credulity. Credulous, in the sense that they are amused by
these
these times
times, ,
andand therefore
therefore the theory may be said to have made everything offered to them, the masses are only when they want to
only
only promising
a apromising startby bydescribing the spectacular phenomena of
start be amused while not otherwise pursuing a distinct interest.

60 61
 only what they want .
un J. os Likewise the assertion that intellectual
latter , the masses believe
Where they do the latter,
_
submerged in the masses is not confirmed elements are
because it suits such interests as they may have. To in the healthy life of
society; in fact, the masses are lifted up by
to believe ready to believe the most improb- the leader whose
be sure ,, in this case they are find a motive for the attitude
ideas they join in thinking through. It is precisely
the success
able things if in them they can of joining forces in society which gives a special
suggested by their interests.
interests What the masses cannot believe intellectual elements in human life.
impetus to the
interests, this either Education is a social
because it hinders the pursuit of their vehemently rejected in accomplishment going on, now in steady and
calm work, now in a
leaves the masses completely cold or is rushing current. The latter happens when new
In this respect the calmest and ideas, after long
case it should be urged on them. them
from the most unstable gestation, suddenly capture the minds where through
most conservative masses do not differ is a desired means of auto- ience of power they become dominant and their new the exper¬
61an is happily
ones.
ones. This sort of gullibility as does being felt. Now the idea acquires an
one goes mad about his moods. Just instinctive element, some¬
suggestion by which to believe in themselves, thing of a force, beyond the individual, generated by the social
individual, the masses also
each individual, need vigor with which the minds push each other
they need the legend of their own excellence hatefulness. Other-
and triumph as they for the ahead. More so than
depravity and truth-seeking individual thinker, the new idea for soci¬
need the legend of the enemy's
enemy ' ety in its excited state of mind is animated by
wise they would be incapable of that heroic
exertion of all their delusion full of captivating splendor, full of a desire; it is _a
strength demanded by the struggle for power. In the struggle for tations. excessive expec¬
no people incapable of such exertion would be able to
existence folk-history which would not have
hold its own.own. There is no
devotion of the citizens
something to tell about the ultimate 4. The Individualism of Private Life
they brought to bear on the great crises of the state. The
which to stay on
peoples , the ones striving most passionatelyfaith
strongest peoples, those The theory of mass psychologv is also
top , aim most vehemently at nourishing with avid supposition that the phenomenon of the mistaken in its pre¬
top, aroused. As soon as masses cannot be
motivations needed to keep their passions of the masses, such private life, that here the individual stands found in
necessary, , the experienced judges of the life midst, immediately go There is no such thing as an "individual for "for himself."
as able leaders are bound to have in their
the latter hungers to not be viable. Even in the privacy of his homehimself;" it would
populace what
about supplying to the very well that they won't have to be of his work every person is exposed to and the seclusion
believe , and they

effective it will be.

know
choosy in the fare to be delivered.
be. The
delivered
English
The coarser it is, the more
populace,
most say
being the one among
in the shaping of
powers
— the influence of social
of anonymous powers, as we called them;
wants to measure up to the judgment of others
is well aware, follow a person everywhere.
even here one
whose eyes, as one
Likewise here one
the peoples of Europe which is given propa- also wants to learn from the successes of the
decisions, is most strongly exposed to the
governmental decisions, happen has perceived even when one goes about his others, eagerly
. Only after what is supposed to business at some distance
ganda of its leaders.
leaders
storms, and the from each other. The essential characteristic
actually happened the God Aeolus recalls the of the life of the
masses, that one acts in harmony with each other,
again. Now the time has come for the sensible men is found in
waves ebb away again. not get a hearing private circles as much as in public
to make themselves heard again
again, ones who did
begun to become doubtful ference in degree. In private life onelife, there is only a dif¬
is not so tightly pressed
tumult,
during the general tumult , who may have against the others so that one can
unceremoniously shoved aside.
about themselves or who had beenexhortations, an upright people
move with some more independ¬
ence. In public life one is physically
Exposed to their rebuke and their that, to use Mephisto's words, one must so close to each other
begins to see the error of its ways, and even though, that
better what can still be
remaining conservative even here
victory has to be surrendered.
surrendered —
improved
improved,
And
provided,
not too much of the fruits of
when the turn has come for
equal credulity again prac¬
—
starts to make shoved.
This has to do with the fact
has to provide for himself, has that
shove and is being

in private life everybody

fight , the popular
the next fight, mind with
hesitate, should whereas in public life one has to to perform his special task,
arrange the joint affairs, to
tices the same passionate abandon and does not friend, to invert perform a joint task. As we
know, however, the special achieve¬
it be called upon to turn against yesterday's ments of private life are not isolated, but
his just recently vaunted assets to as many ominous vices. likewise the achievements of society. in their own way are
strong people who in his special tasks held within the Not only is the individual
That ’s part and parcel of the tenacity of the
That's confines of the powers of
wants to assert itself in the world. law and morality, leaving
to move freely, but withinhim only a certain space within which
too , that in the life of the masses the
assertion, too,
The assertion, f ree. There are this space, too, he is not entirely
instinctive elements stand out calls for clarifying qualifica¬ may the social model; probably few households which completely flout
. Only those
tion.
tion elements of instinct come to the fore which the it and anxiously most of them accommodate themselves closely to
avoid evoking the criticism of the others.
force, and they are raised to
become part of a strong joint
which are Personal energy manifests itself mostly only in the degree of
consciousness. On the other hand, instinctsto personal
level of consciousness. independence by which the general norms
in the nature of human carnal desires remain confined sonal circumstances. are adapted to the per¬
sure , inasmuch as they are of general impor¬ Of the legal freedom
where , to be sure,
life where, Remains for the majority of people practicallyofonly action there
life , they will exert far-reaching effects.
tance in personal life, freedom of choice with respect to the modalities by a certain
Hunger and love always retain their widespread effects in the fulfill the common norms. Rather than strictly separatingwhich they
mechanism , but as factors of social power they are into
social mechanism,
over¬ one
shadowed by other driving forces which forge the big masses

62 63
 1 is true in the fullest sense only for the strongest of these
rest , egotism in the case of the great
major¬
individual from the rest, for themselves in such a way entrepreneurs, i.e. for those who are leading
the multitude of
ity of people moves them to provide entrepreneurs. All the others, however
"one"
one provides for himself. For the self-reliant an appear¬
as do most of the others, others , as " ance they may give themselves externally, still
of people in their private affairs the "psychol¬ derive their
great multitude if strength for the most part from contemporary
ogy of one" one ” [as in: one does,
[as in: does , or one does not, Tr.] applies, aroused a great many others of their kind currents, which have
already used on another occasion. The with whom they walk
I may repeat an expression if possible, as their joint course. As Marx has noted correctly,
average person strives to behave in everything, person recognizes him¬ neur is the creature of his time: he must aspire the entrepre¬
behaves. The ego feeling,
feeling , by which a companions do, otherwise they will disregard him as his own
one behaves. others, in the
self in his innermost
is being influenced by
being given a direction which is no
as being

unnoted — distinct
which
from
is
case of all the weaker persons but compelling social powers, thus
the
the
great majority

longer purely personal.

— back. Who as entrepreneur dares to tread new paths
entrepreneurial energy above the average and
with his companions. must
and push him
must have
fight it out

Consciousness has untold points through which social influences Entrepreneurs like to interpret their business
can penetrate it and which guide it, to its very depths, into the motivation

cated individual is
tracks. The ego feeling of the
well- worn tracks.
socially well-worn
not satisfied unless it finds
socially edu¬
itself at one
In instances of full
which is nothing but the psychology of power
they are active not so much for their own — by saying that
sake but that of the
general interest. They like to depict themselves
with society in all principal respects. the individual and ends society, as public benefactors. as organs of
They vaunt themselves of the
education , egotism emanates from
social education, demand for extent to which they multiply social energies,
society.
in society. Turned into social egotism, it will ask for himself and provide new jobs for many people. Althoughcreate new output,
as one may, and should, they need not be
itself just only as much accused of hypocrisy, it is hardly wrong to assume
according to social tradition tradition. . these men without the incentive provided by that most of
personal power would hardly have become so the experience of
clearly feels
This proposition holds not only where one where one believes affairs, although it must be conceded that susceptible to social
bound by social considerations but especially their strength on the vast expanse of society the urge to exercise
to rely entirely on himself.
himself Where the mass man, the exerted on them a
to have is least an charm of its own. It is, at any rate, the
person, feels entirely in his element, he
average person, product of his experience of power which turns them lure of the personal
individual for himself"
""individual himself" and all the more the
of tion of coercion on their collaborators indifferent to the imposi¬
formed him. Individualism and competitors and the
environment and his time which have
the average persons
— — this is really
individual, nothing really personal,
nothing individual,
people. Home and
these people. school have
a
ground
misnomer, for practically

being
down
has remained with
what was original
truly aware of it,
associated large sacrifice demanded of them.

5. The Psychology of Power of the Leaders

and special and have, have, without their
through superior pressure -- met at most by the resistance
-- complete submission. Having become of a
headstrong child —
legally independent, — compelled
independent , they continue rendering the sacrifice
independently reached decision-making.
decision Anxiously, in every sit¬
like circumstances.
of
Like the economic leaders, all leaders in public
stand out above the average and thus have life must
some special individual
quality, though this does not always mean that
vidualists as well. By no means do the leadersthey must be indi¬
uation they act as one generally acts under example to enable them exploiting their power for their own personal gain.always aspire to
They always need the prop of the general the most advantageous, small is the number of those whose egotism By no means
to make up their minds about what may be most clever course of benefits other groups

__
_ economical , most efficient,
most economical,
of society,
private-
private-sector
sector law,
law ,
efficient
action. The masses of average persons
action.
society , who may without hesitation be given
without running
and

the
are synchronized members
risk
their own
of society being
The
in society, their party, their class,
religious leaders give of themselves
weal. When the leader seeks to utilize
or the state, and the great
unstintingly for the public
fit, he must be sure not to do so in such
gain for himself an
power for his own bene¬
a crude fashion as to
economic advantage.
atoms , as claimed by the enemies of individualism.
torn into atoms, their circum¬ ambition is a motivation which almost always To satisfy personal
they enjoy under plays a role and not
modest experience of power which the traditional order. The
rarely supplants all other motivations. With
stances suffices to keep them within would never have been chal- will often be hard to tell whether it pushes thelust for power it
classical doctrine of individualism because he feels more qualified strong man ahead
lenged if it had confined itself to postulating freedom of motion for social accomplishments than
all the rest around him, or because
for the masses of ordinary human beings who were never capable of he can't bear the thought of
letting somebody else take a more preeminent
socially.
socially . To be sure
sure, it would never have been con- case, the urge to give free rein to his strength position. In any
abusing it
hadn ’ t had
tr i ved if it hadn't
trived to ask for something more. suppressed by the strong leader. can be hardly
are so upright that, following Nevertheless, only few leaders
In private economic life, life individualism in the true sense called free spirits; most leaders Nietzsche's word, they may be
only asserted itself in the leading entrepreneurs. The precipi¬ the same time under the spell who want to exercise power are
tate development of production techniques and the market mecha- of historical currents of
Power. Only the most exquisite leadership
nism for clear-sighted
clear - sighted and strong-willed
strong men opened up possibil- energies to the powerless beginnings of new types devote their
which they have availed themselves with determi- historical movements,
ities of gain of acted as free n°t to say to the troubled and
downtrodden. The typical leader
nation and often recklessly.
recklessly . They have not only
iLoes along with the manifestation
but in an individualistic manner, aimed at their own of power, whether historically
consolidated or only emerging , because
individuals power alone can give him
well- being and the enjoyment of their own will. Even the latter
well-being

64 65
 craved by his soul. This their specialty they are far superior to the common man, but the
the heady experience of leadership, as

liiiiEillilllililliili illlllllrui*llrffiiirl*1 iglii'1i

lifilt ii{
of power inhabiting the latter, being of more balanced disposition, is in overall
is a typical feature of the psychology
more than a match for them. They suffer from hypertrophy terms
majority of leaders. of
certain organs, and notwithstanding all their education, they
His leadership function
masses to follow him
the wavs and means conducive
to walk ahead and induce the
—
the typical leader performs by indicating
to attainment of the goals suggested
— often only manage to become a virtuoso of their instrument. Both
groups manage to maintain their authority and power by means of
the success achieved by the masses under their leadership. But
it is not always the right kind of success, it is not always
of the people. The typical leader
by the drives and aspirations
is a servant in the pursuit of the historic objectives of the success in the objective — which is easily lost sight of
often merely success in the means. A military leader who but —is
masses. nothing beyond being an able leader
-- —and most of them are only
rli;ili , n,,lllgffilllllfi{illlll1t
with relatively just that knows how to win victory on the battlefield,
Able to rise above the horizon of the masses dominating leader
but he
does not know how to exploit it for peace, and the populace is
greatest independence will be the strong and deprived of the most valuable fruits of victory unless
of his power and will not let resistance intimidate a kind
who is sure fate bestows upon it by way of compensation the able statesman¬
him. A Bismarck, as counselor of a king in an unimpeachable like leader.
recalcitrant citizenry to do their
position, could force the iron as power
military duty when he saw a need for blood and The narrowness of the leader becomes all the more
resources needed to forge the national state. After victory he for the masses as with it goes an intensified sense of
dangerous
to contradicting the king and honor.
had enough personal stature dare
to impose on the Leadership honor is ambition, craving for honor.
the army commanders themselves when they wanted
Finally, after needs this enhanced feeling because his function The leader
calls for
enemy peace terms which he deemed detrimental. saturated, he could increased effort and enjoins on him increased
sacrifices and
having recognized that the German people was dangers. Since the toll of officers on the
maintaining its peaceful alle¬ battlefield is always
apply all his masterly skills to conflicting sentiments of
greater than that of the rank and file, the leader needs as a
giance to the empire, notwithstanding compensation the prospect of gaining a larger
war. To be sure, in a dynastic realmdynasties the outcome may also be
are historically He who conspicuously strides ahead will be givenmeasure of honor.
different, for even though the strong
of their repre¬ others; he will be decorated with the victor's honor before all
laurel although
selected, this is not true for every single onedemocratic system clearly the masses contribute to the victory. What a temptation
sentatives and not for all their advisers. The it is to increase the sacrifices of the masses
screened through a in order
has the advantage that all its leaders must be
nowhere of sify the leadership experience of honor! The greater to inten¬
although this process is temptation
certain process of selection, as to guarantee consists in elevating the power of the leader to the power
such a nature, nor could it ever be so arranged, crop from among the peo¬ ruler. The lust for power is yet a much greater of the
threat for the
that at all times only the cream of the masses than is mere leadership ambition.
leadership. The democratic leaders, in In its greatest over¬
ple will be elevated to for the most part doing that lust craves power for its own sake. Every victory is
order to rise to the top and stay there, have to give birth to a new victory, while the prospects
to yield to the moods of the masses. move They have to go with the the very objective of victory, become ever for peace,
currents of the time and therefore to where these are more remote. Domi¬
neering takes pleasure in the sacrifices which the
strongest avoiding the more quiet waters. render to those striving for the summit of power. masses must
experience of a Napoleon is heightened The power
The very great leaders excepted, it may be said of leaders he rides across the battlefield and sees when, following victory,
the aspirations of the masses of the dead and the wounded. Napoleon it covered by the bodies
in general that they aid and abet
instead of mitigating them. The great religious leaders always
new forces, but master of warfare, but his highly giftedwasimperial
not only a stupendous
draw from the whole of human nature. They awaken
mental equilibrium. history's most impressive, permitted him to grasp nature, one of
at the same time also attempt to restore the most manifold and demanding tasks. Yet his and to master
Other leaders, however, the leaders of they ways and means, may be was so consuming that all the energies which he lust for power
divided into two groups which, though may differ in many ter were to be subordinated was able to mus¬
to
other respects, have the common effect of disturbing the equilib¬
leadership which he thought he would be ablethe one goal, world domination,
to win by the sword. The psy¬
rium. One group is endowed with a kind of general as chology of power of the
direction him had led the masses Jacobinian terrorist rulers, who before
E:F,,'

talent . They are flexible enough to turn in every

they are gifted in speech and stirred up by the revolution, is less
need or interest demand; above all,
they have the
transparent than Napoleon's. With them lust for power
writing; they are the loudest callers in battle; suitable for
of duty, both raised to a and sense
peak, were indistinguishably coupled.
apt word for everything; they coin the daily slogans mouth, for pre¬
They were the ardent servants of a fanatic belief for whose
rapid circulation and, in passing from mouth to demands they were willing to sacrifice
today, but themselves; only their
tending agreement of views. The masses applaud them
successors feigned a sense of duty which they did not possess
5OO,

tomorrow they may be ridiculed. In anystage case, they are needed, more. any
being the indispensable players on the
The other group, by far more effective and
of public affairs.
valuable, consists of
and who in
e*cepted
in contrast to Napoleon, they were
—
channel the immense and newly
— the one Danton
narrow-minded individuals without the capacity to
men who are especially gifted in some particular waythey
life inititate progress. While are the unconscious of their potential.unleashed popular energies still
But the very fact that they
the many domains of confined themselves to
foremen for the masses, so to speak, each of them necessarily
ehabled them to exercise the new idea of popular sovereignty
cro

In leadership as to the ways and means

must also be viewed as limited in his own particular way.

66 67
 until the historic resistance against this idea was broken. iney and in the process become aware of their mutual dependence as

*tt
HlI
*; ^ -

;; i I ; i I ;
*gri6e?xsI
iil[
agrs s+;i;*
iEFF-]*;I'
frsreB$B"t'5 !E3FqrI*in"1
by the
were even more afflictedmasses themselves,fever of the general revolution- well as of the discrepancy of their interests.
and while they enjoyed
ary psychosis than the of power more avidly yet
the thrills of an unbridled experience

l'i:f-e
expect from one day to the

Ia;il;r
they had to

ltti;i
than all the others did, 6. The Sacrificium Voluntatis in the Power

I
Experience
of the frightening power which they
next to be delivered
__ —
__
this was the way
fl' E, itE $ -ilI ie*xE*.^ i;PF''
devouring his own children The picture of Kronos devouring his own children

g
wielded. Kronos revolution, and a more apt comparison illustrates
to characterize the French in the stark case of the Jacobinian terrorist rulers the supra-
hardly have been chosen. The drive for power did not let individual and anti-individual aspects of the drive for power.
could
up until it ended in self-destruction. Something supra-individual and perhaps anti-individual,
however,
leaders are is found in every instance of belonging to an association of

:*
='l*[*'$'*s; s- [H: *
*.,

Sharing the experience of power of the great ;

xFoE
power and is, therefore, though sometimes only
___
ilil*
of their immediate environment. in very small
persons degree, an essential element of the psychology of power.

*HgE
always the privileged ar Just as
notable fighters
Beyond that are included the groups of the more
E$E:a;g$H[.*;rC:

a person who crowds together with others in order to remove

success, also the subordinate lead¬ through joint pressure a physical obstruction must
and helpers needed for their
:
masses as well as the camp-followers; a unimpeded use of his limbs, so in a social group, renounce the
al;ili;

across the
fi

ers dispersed
mixed group starting with the great dignitaries
of the state and belongs to the masses or stands out as a leader, he whether one
- r gs ii t ; ,8,_eg

church and the potentates

officers and functionaries,
of capital
all the
through
way
confidence, Pretorians and Janizaries, little business
the best and the
to
worst
nobility and clergy,
the lowliest men of
people and
representatives of ,f;[fi.ru
sacrifice his own personality
— must partly
perhaps even a sacrifice in
terms of great exertion and dangers, at the very least a
fice of independence of his will. In favorable circumstances
is compensated for this sacrificium voluntatis
sacri¬
one
lackeys, not to forget
*;

leader in maintaining his by becoming part

;sh;F

the female sex. They all assist the and parcel of a strong collective force
power, which is their power. One must understand this in order cesses, and since in a prospering societywhich wins greater suc¬
a
;; r;[;;:Iro*

one prince or else a very small the favorable case is

to appreciate the fact that the common , in most of such instances the sacrifice
gHg:3

flqiiqf

persons the law to the millions. In will not have

number of privileged
addition, however, one must not
democratic sentiment of today
give
is
overlook
no longer able
something
to grasp
which the
that — —
been rendered in vain.
In privatelife the sacrificium voluntatis is reflected in I
E

dynastic leader could in a very genuine sense the inconvenience and the burden of social obligations
the successful such as
fi*;*s

become popular. To the democratic sentiment of today the dynas¬ are owed to relatives, neighbors, co-workers, and
q ' ; a 6 ; ;:g;i
" ;1ff;nx$c:i[,["FpE*

the expression the social

tic sentiment of bygone days appears downright aaslack of this and
iE:r-g

class. It is being felt in especially grievous manner in

g
q$sg;i 3sqIqir$![iHr[f;irIr

While there was never expenditures necessarily associated with one's the
of base submissiveness.
g
: gsFr.rf €g"rIr.Fexg irr:$iil

one merely has to glance over to Asia or Africa put in order to col¬ defrayed by the members of moderate means as rank which must be
-F

lect evidence for it, one must also be ablehis to oneself into with particular acuteness the renunciation of well. One feels
pet propensities !
of the citizen loyally devoted to prince, depicting which must be sacrificed to the need for making
the shoes .
ou g'- I; q *.-r=9;6;'-Ff ,

a living.
f

triumphs, obliged
i-;;#;

leader in joint victories and

iqiEt*

the latter as the

qipfii;

sentiment of loyalty. Even when a In the sphere of full public life, when the masses are
to him by the ennobling virile on the throne being
weak and degenerate son followed his able father compressed very tightly, the necessity
upright citizens could continue in their devotion,
which now iously is imperative. It is not enough of going together harmon¬
for each to arrange him¬
for by the time, sanctioned by tra¬ self behind the other with wide spaces between
served an institution called by any other them, but one must
dition, and for the time being not replaceable form closed units. Success categorically demands collective
'

sgse.
g=*$

order. The populace first had to go through a

power experience action, and therefore even the most independent
"-
i t3E

of its own before it was ready to escape the historic dynastic itself to the collective will. Individuals do notmind subjects
x

experience want to stay

leadership. Or else it had to encounter the bitter apart from each other, but
^

will spontaneously arrange themselves in

that all the sacrifices of devotion rendered to the princely rank and file, all of them rendering
H
r

end in the experience of disaster felt sacrifice of their own will. Honor, consciously the strongly
had been in vain and came to an pride, duty overwhelm
and impotence. the individuals, so they joyously sacrifice
*

themselves for the

sg
\ Il;;33e
-qg+[ii

general experience of power,

which each of them shares in sens¬
$
sfl.?

upon the
u

The lordly will responds to the masses looking ing; joyously though not painlessly, for it is not possible with¬
ruler with fear or awe, depending upon personality and historical out pains to wrench from the instinct
g qe
,*,Fi;

lgiHi

situation, with cruelty, harshness, insolence, condescension

and Maximum of renunciation. The individual of self-preservation a
the masses does not
benevolence, or with a sense of duty steeped in princely nobil¬ cease feeling qua individual when he bows in
s

the general public; he only stops feeling to the strong power of

iqie

a
ity. The joint experience of power bestows upon the companionsdefense individualistically in
sense of unity so that they will assist each other in the the sense of his personal advantage.
B

of the Every person becomes the

or improvement of their shared position. On the side line active agent of the collective
B
=

lords, that experience leads them to stick to the same in. Purposeful actions by means of hiswill which he translates into
(,llood Cf

IA
F)
cilS I o
Ct

o
;.lP IIF o
o
X
0)
oo

I'x

will, for whose sake he parts

l*.,o

it
rejection or in leniency, and on the other side of the masses
o$l;loocr

with his possessions, incurs great effort

5H

nr
..

clol r<
Ilp,

@lollPlo
oql 0)tslI lcr

o< '16llo
-5o @, Oll"

—
(,l lo F-
'lo
F ,IH
H.l.lx

(n P'l'lo

$tr, lx

and extreme danger, and

instills the same sense of faithful service or of obstinate does not hesitate
—
It

"Jl(,l
tol
I
I
I
II
5l

*19

if this
Preservation and sacrifice hishasowntolife.
be
HHI

gov- to renounce his self-

refusal. As this is true for the relationship between the
ol
''l

n
Fb
o

Cr

{l
Ots. o
5
It
@
o

3"' .
a 5l p(n
F!

The instinct of self-

(Ul 'f

with appropriate adjust- Preservation

I

applies
ct P.l

eP.

erning and the governed, it also

C, cr

consciously submits to the social drive for power,

Oq

crO
po

ments to all circumstances where leader and masses go together tlle individual
5-
cf
Cr

will acting in
o
U
P.

a
:.f
F
o

pJ
cf

H
p
H

the guise of supra-individual

68 69
demands. In doing its utmost, more than any external compulsion

l;. r, 5
l@- +
O

IY: v'

15{"1
always keeps a

I PP

19i-
healthy individual upright,

lr ;
lt,'n^
lPg;.

lod-.
could wrest from it this will becomes anti-individualistic to notwithstanding all

l; cr
the errors to which he may

ldo

t;o
otherwise be prey. In society this

l:'r
lctO

IOJP
l^-E
the point of self-destruction.

lnr

t+
unerring quality of instinct
instinct of self-preservation, is lost as soon as a

I
The sense of honor rooted in leadership imposes on the lead¬ along with the sacrificeperson’s

Fi)

o
own will, is totally subordinated

0q:
O1gc o
of his

0:
F.o

o5

'-o
oo
- \|"-o

o-
?it
to the collective drive for
p '5
ers in still greater degree the sacrificium voluntatis. They, power. As the many unite their wills
@
Fto"I

O
or
>

above all, are duty-bound to shoulder devoted work, and in the and sacrifice their inde¬

Ct
tl

p)
pendence, they experience a

o d

3 d
I
face of danger they must be the first to give themselves to the This imparts to power diminution of control over

Cr
will.

(A

o
e
'o.]
not only a supra-individualtheir

c
ofi
0)^
rs\
op

(lr
common cause. anti-individual, but under certain and
social character which, in complete conditions also an anti-
cess, may lead all the way to social reversal of the law of suc-
7. The Personal Instinct of Self-Preservation and the Drive to self-annihilation.
--:

Maintain Power We will have to pursue this

thought in detail later on.
This insight gives us the key for understanding not only the
d?

SBliri_H F;3: =,s'-:

-

3 3-lf 9,'" $'3'' .,E*,TgI

ra;'[ilr
Hqilg s; Ir: iisr-e:
l;sassfEH3frgEEsl
gH[:silfi+]3tF:sx;
5(, ^ l'=

behavior of the individual in the public arena but also of the

<
5 (D PO 5
.gB 3 3'5 5 3 SE $6 5D .'o
ts0)

whole community itself. By virtue of the fact that each individ¬

EIe;qFE rtE pIqs.:

lq!3Ea'E:
ual is committed in his will to act in harmony with the others
d{..O

the whole collective body is tied together, but this very soli¬
F'

darity gives it added impetus and staying power. This insight is

P.o.PoE 3 5 "
r'0rK

very ancient, older than all scientific sociology. For a long

O<

time it has been incorporated in the allegory of the rods which,

rFf;F"1;;!

supple when taken by themselves, become inflexible and firm when

O-'O
P
cro

tied together in a sheaf. But it is grasped in its full meaning

only when one considers that the bond, once it exists, cannot be
€

undone so easily. A social group, once it has been formed into a

O' 5
<ro(,L.ctO<
. tr :yl.-cro

unit by the sacrificium voluntatis of its members, cannot easily

be jolted by the sacrifices which it demands of them. Once suc¬
cess has induced leader and masses to go together, failure will
not automatically induce separation in spite of the losses caused
fi
.rO

by it.
P.

The pertinacity of a people can last to the very end. Pre¬

nK Pl

o crE o -i

-ic ooo;.
r 55^ 6
':'< :Y o Y

oD
<o*

H9F!
o<
o >l 5 r
*\u

cisely the strongest peoples have often and for a long time --
xo o
O 5o P'

o
5 F.B C'
lct ct{ O O

fi^5rs so
P.O O o

xctt'O11
O +5

some of them forever worn themselves out over the sacrifices

ts O crFb

'- o o

trl'i::(u
,55-
ooy

which they took upon themselves in order to complete their his¬

<

Xo
;rc

toric course. The strong people is still more inflexible than

tg C^

the strong man: the latter, after all, finds resolving to turn
|uIi[[rlF
lo
l'

l6
[[8. Eii;Htm[il i[][l

back at least somewhat easier once he has recognized that the

ili:[;gA

*ill lilirtli'*iiirr

sacrifices demanded by the battle will bleed him to death. While

the individual is bound only by this personal passion, the thou¬
sands or millions making up a people are also bound by the mutual
pressure exerted by one upon another, they are bound by the gen¬
eral sacrificium voluntatis. Their attitudes are adapted to the
historic condition in which they rose to power, and they do not
esH s ffiar;ili

possess the inner equilibrium which would enable them to get used
;-TE

to a new attitude easily. The technique of the masses works

slowly and at times fails entirely. To the very end one cannot
get oneself to stop relying on the power which hitherto has
always brought success, which was strengthened by success, and
H

from which one can no longer extricate himself even when failure
r ;l

plainly flies into the face of it.

We have thus penetrated to the innermost mystery of the
psychology of power. Personal strength, by aligning itself with
€ ;H

the strength of a multitude of like-minded individuals, is being

enhanced way beyond its inherent potential. Alongside it, there
:

m(

5(

is a strengthening of the feeling of power, though at the same

(t)

Cr
Ct

FrJ
ct
o
o

F o
rp

time strength in no small degree is being deprived of its perÿ.

lo r.
cf

P
td{
l0r o

oq

g)
15E

loo
l@

sonal roots. In personal life the instinct of self-preservation

lP

(t
o
lo

0)
lo

70
71
 the DIR crowd and who aspire to rising some distance above
The Division of the Powers in State
and Society companions. their

; ;;ir lsililllliiliiiiE i1{1;i'ffil1iiliilHlliiilili*l \1 I

V. Anonymous leadership

s
E:
persons favorable opportunities of offers even modestly talented
this kind, and another oppor-

ri
i:lililrlil*i];i:ii;[rqdii; ri
tunity offers itself through service
1 . The Competition of the Powers in leadership staffs which
the principal leaders must recruit wherever
comprehensive social

___
one might tasks must be performed. If one takes into purview
every nation there are always numerous
in all the lead-
*;iiifi'fliil'l[ffili.lu1{ilil;
associations alongside each other, ership staffs of society, a comprehensive gamut of hierarchical
almost say innumerable for joint action, and levels of power and rank unfolds itself, around
everywhere uniting leaders and the masses of power fueled by ambition, the drive for power, and the which fights are
weaves the bond
in each of these associations success Most conspicuous are the desire to domi¬
coherence. neer. Between the associations themselves
which gives them internal totality of the citi¬ tles for power and rank break out than do even more fiery bat¬
large aggregates of power comprising the local associations of given association. between members of a
One pokes fun at the importance
zens: the state association, the other and rigor
collectives, the church association, the
national association, given by a small town to classifying
which are the carriers of particularly But in doing so, it only follows the sameitsdeep
inhabitants by rank.
instincts of human
and in addition those But then there nature which at the beginnings of history through
sweeping power, such as the military association. serving the barriers of
of all the organizations cast placed rigid fetters on the social
is still left the varied number interests, from the top-notch which led to many bloody clashes betweenstatus of millions and
the most heterogeneous special classes and peoples.
intellectual all the way toobserver's the purely material and sociable The ruler trying to take into account everybody
attention least are those wields power has to institute for this purpose ain the state who
ones. Bound to attract society the
which, being anonymously governed in order to measure rank by royal special service
associations of a free
through anonymous powers, lack a firm organization: noblest of life's goals because theycourt. This for many is the
take such rank as a symptom,
and acting may well call them. Every asso¬ as an authoritative recognition of their
"anonymous associations," as we total power position in
which through success is society. While arbitration of the fight for
ciation has its special constitution for and which accordingly already requires unceasing efforts, the fight external rank
adapted to the actions which are called and masses. Thus there continues incessantly. for power itself
Only the developed nation has brought
divides the competences between leader supremacy lies with the matters to the point where this struggle
emerge leadership associations, where it is found with the
between citizens is, as
a rule, carried out with peaceful means, though
leaders, and mass associations, where from time to time
the leadership associations are, in addi- it may even here still conjure up civil
masses. Included among and Between states themselves the jealousy of power war and revolution.
models of violence, the authoritarian has never ceased
tion to the older are the cooperative- to provoke wars, and in it must of course
manorial ones; among the mass associations be found the ultimate
kinds are rarely found cause of the World War.
democratic and the anonymous ones. Both most variegated transi-
in pure form; usually one encounters the
tional and mixed forms.
*

2. Public Order Powers. Welfare Powers.*

:- i;' e,;i,i:-iiillliil

and Culture Pn,.,ÿ

Everybody always belongs simultaneously to a large series of
;.g;Alj;If
?HBr33 ;r3;tiF-E's=,srFio

i:Ei';'lrl;tiiliil

to a large series of social powers. To There are associations, and thus powers,
associations and thus important relationships, every individ¬ lished in the first place to further which are estab¬
the interests of the rulers
touch upon only the most has in his capacity of citizen of and in the course of development
serve the general interest to
ual who has become independent guarantee a smooth pattern of
the nation, member of a province, or citizen of a town or village public order associations
living together. We will call them
to meet many responsibilities, among which the duties connected and public order powers, respec¬
alone already oblige him tively. Aside from them there are
with compulsory military service must meet as national citi¬ the still much more numerous
associations and powers through which it
strictly. Other responsibilities he is possible to obtain
group, and particular direct life goods or life values. Included
zen, as member of his church, class, social him in his personal power, the education power, the economic here are the faith
:la.*g-*i=i

occupation. Since the social powers bind power. We will designate power, and the ethical
oo+o." ^,y--:"-'€

well, he must obey, both as a producer and a consumer, such powers as welfare powers.*
life as or female sex the ied in every power, however, are elements of publicEmbod-
power, becausewelfare
market; as a member of the male
the laws of the abstracting from evervthing welfare power needs and provides for in its order
code of male or female honor; and, con-
human beings
else, as a human being vis-a-vis other realm of the social pow-
he must heed stitution the suitable delimitation
powers. Within the Masses. As seen most clearly by theof example
competences of leaders and
the general ethical of the church, the
ers polythe ism obtains; many big and small gods rule side by special order of these

side , and every one of us must bend his knees

in front of numer- stances even be elevated competences may under favorable circum¬
to general social recognition, in which
case the welfare power becomes
ous altars. Conversely, we can see that every

--
a public order power as well.
uaillil

of a church association creates its own life values, therebypublic order power in turn
;rr33r;

Just as the priests and believersleader acting as a welfare power.

*ir:::il

Thus the two types .

5Oca

every other kind of association and masses endeavor . ,

of power, which we must differentiate by
do , in Also acting upon the their
to enhance its power as much as possible.
for the job, is their personal
leaders, in addition to their zeal with that of the
see their own power growing
'J C0 dp

ambition, for they

65_
o(,3000

sizable number of A literal translation of

association. Even the masses always contain ain the darkness of w°uld be meaningless "Lebensm’achte" ("life powers")
at best and misleading at worst.
persons who do not want to vanish completely -- (Tr.)
73
72
ultimate objectives, interlock again this as far as their concomitant I subsequently defeated Its victors
—
one of the strangest histor¬

:'il*;!,si il?ii :itti 1i i*iiHllil iiii;;llliiIi[;ij;1rl lil

iiitil;ilil1:;illiil";i;
l;lilli;illEi lill
ical processes providing much food for thought and opportunity
E: $'5
effects are concerned. We will see more clearly as we now . to
of the various principal cases which learn
proceed to the description
belong to both types. Every genuine public order power contributes
plishments of civilization, which complement those to
_
the accom-
emerges rrom nisuor-y is
from history
The first public order power which beings have banded securing civilian peace with its vast possibilitiesof culture by
immemorial human of communi¬
j
the arms power. From times themselves against cation and mutual understanding. Only in the pacified
together to carry arms in order to defend under foreign rule, of the states created through war was safe ground interior
,[s}3:f [fi€ 51siliL33$

subjection by a hostile power, subordinationascendancy for them¬

victory tural tasks. If the Jewish people, after having lostwon for cul¬
their state
and if possible to gain through
selves. Thex' subjugated rparty stands
_

highly valued of life's. goods to the victorious ——

in danger of losing the most
one: liberty,
...
and having become dispersed across the nations, was still
become a major economic power, this was possible only byable to
nations having taken upon themselves the exertions and the other

-----
and
ana cnini,
child, -ÿzz'z
and even one's
ami
honor,, all kinds of possessions, wife
wire tles necessitated by the maintenance of state security. bat¬
on the other hand, expects to enrich him¬ The
own life. The victor, enemy. This explains why consummate political public order power must be an authority over
self by the goods and the values of the a compact territory which can become active everywhere
of power, through which one hopes
’ to determine the within its
the means right. The realm without a loss of strength.
victory, became supreme life desiderata in their own no less the
weapon as well as the other requisites of battle, and
highest gen-
personal feats and virtues of war, acquire high and
n.:[:;x',I rilili*i

the original or 3- The Power Endowments of the Nations

eral esteem. We
WP have to confront them with
—
~“"'1 oofoom.
those sought for their own sake and which
direct life values
fill life and view them as
— indirect or derived life values. A people can become great only if it is
talented for all
crucial public order powers and culture powers and
s

They are indispensable to guarantee the possessionobjectives. In

of those othe*’ in its histor¬
sr:{f;

ical development has advanced them all. In

goods needed for the enjoyment of life's ultimate every nation cannot be any doubt, however, that certainthis connection there
them one anticipates life's aims, and therefore endowed for and strive to attain the first kindpeoples are better
of powers, others
always includes them in its wealth estimates. for the second kind. Sparta was a paramount military
predominantly ical public order power, but perhaps was also, among and polit¬
The law power is a public order power of utilization of
lil;;iliE

all histor¬
llilililH
Fa ? FEEiLr*rlHl[ ;[3AgIrI

and ically outstanding public order powers, the

internal force. It safeguards the possession one which was least
life goods and life values
zens' sense of
legally established
justice into
possessions
for one by incorporating the citi¬
firm rules, but also by protecting
against trespasses by third per¬
— effective as a culture power. Athens was so
public order power that it could vie with Sparta
and in addition it was so lavishly endowed as
that with the values created by it it could
outstanding as a
for hegemony,
a culture power
sons. The public order powerbyofjudges law, too, through the legal fill the history of
Antiquity and could bring Rome, the world victor,
institutions and the work done and other legal experts, the superiority of Greek culture, which for to acknowledge
everywhere
creates new indirect high civilization. considered
life values, which are merely took over. About the Greek people as the most part it
as characteristic of a haps be said that the world never has seen a whole it may per¬
will see such ever again; modern culture still the like of it nor
i "r:: i'-n:a:;::

polit-
Finally, a third important public order power is the lives off the
ilEl
ili

must complement the Greek spirit. The Romans were a public

ical power of a community. Every communityrelationships between and equally strong in military, law order power without peer
arms power by a civilian power. The mutual must be regu¬ respects; their historical legacy, too ,formation, and political
all the organs of sovereignty and of administration
iliilillr

effect down to the present. continues to exert its

brought into a hierarchical system. In that,
lated, they must be creating public
system,
[itlffiii

the political order merges into the legal In the course of millenia
s

seeing to it that
law. But, in addition, its tasks also include been founded through arms powerstill other universal empires have
all the duties of the sovereign and the of administration are prop¬ and political power. Most have
disappeared without leaving any traces of their
n*

erly performed. Statecraft is the art the successful use of other than vestiges of the impressive one-time grandeur
political power. In the admiration accorded to the great states- which their rulers wanted to immortalize architectural monuments in
ii* ' i6

man .is contained a recognition of his accomplishments as national power. if one recalls the image of their
They are part and parcel of the great values of ically the view suggestsall the past lordly splendor, automat¬
life goals.
y

itself that fighting power fades away

civilization. and that only culture power
lasts. For the types oT Attila and

—
lI

faith power, education power,

Tamerlane this is true, indeed,
The loftiest welfare powers destruction; but it is not true as their victories have wrought
*i i[+fri=i;

—
become culture powers to the extent that for the victories of the Roman
irailil

and ethical power People. In spite of all excesses

they manage to ennoble the forces of life. Purified faith power, Romans were by and large a true public in particular instances, the
power are culture pow¬
:;;Ir3*

refined ethical power, improved education of order power for the entire
Mediterranean basin, although they did not
, :;"
3;

power Christianity in the manage either to unite

ers of the first order. The faith developed into a public order aTl the subjected peoples into a well rounded ethnic group or
age of ecclesiastical predominance maintain their realm forever against the assaults of the barbar¬ to
F6 E&

the
power of such strength that it could dare doing battle with
weapon¬ ians. The accomplishments of the civilization created by them
The 151(1 not perish
secular power and for a long time remain victorious. Empire and with their realm. The Roman highways
less church overcame and survived the Roman had been

74 75
 v-Mjuorv ror the
I auuj-cvc
Entente. If
that even unattended they couldDilapi¬ serve no means assured of world hegemony,nevertheless England is by
reason is that the
built to such perfection Entente could not consummate the fight the

li llilll?llllllll
and armies for a thousand years. against the mighty foe
the migrating peoples they had existed in the first place, began under England's leadership, but had to invoke
dation of roads, wherefinally fallen into disrepair for lack of party, a tertius gaudens, the U.S. of North the help of a third
after they had offshoots its saved strength stepped into action after America, which with
The Latin language sent its rich through

___
even elementary care. and beyond that remained a had become exhausted. In his nature the the two adversaries
into the Romanic languages,
language of education for Central and respects displays in greater measure thoseAnglo-American in many
millenium or longer the as well as modern legal science appear to make England qualified for beingcharacteristics which
Western Europe. The medieval law, to find in it the firm foun¬ order power. the leading public
For all that he is still considerably
acquired its basics from Roman further
of its own legal system. The idea of removed from art and not fully interested
dation for the structure life again in the Franconian and German the English mind clearly excels. Besides,even in science where
the Roman Empire came to sense, however, the Catholic soil, thanks to its ample natural the U.S. on its own
Empires. In the most far-reaching culture power and the polit-
heir of both the est economic power. Whether, givenresources,
all
is assured of high-
church became the
city of Rome, which the first fied to assume world leadership will, this, the U.S. is quali-
ical power of Ancient Rome. The capital through its arms, could until after it will leave its historic however, not be decided
time around had become the world to the faith power of the behind and will under similar circumstancesisolation permanently
do so a second time because it added entire epoch.
attending the use of
arms and as a culture power have proved itself.
church the ruling tradition of an
the Roman people But let us leave aside for now the major
The English people very closely resembles world relationships
llll**illllilllililll'
pursuit of world domination is concerned. It like- and stay again within the bounds of national
history.
as far as the ..... ,power, ..
, as well as legal and
apuouuc for arms
me aptitude
wise combines the capable of" playing a superior role ‘

political power, and is thus powers. The fact that in the The Ruling Powers and the Drive for
in the rivalry of the public order
which it has taken
Continental wars in fight with "alien swords" part it has for quite a
and tends to hold
Power " '
-
- - the Maximum, the Dominant

while now begun to power until the seriousness of the Among the numerous or countless powers of every
back its own national arms it as well, is no testimony against weaker ones like to lean upon other powers. nation the
contest demands recourseIt to is a testimony for its politicalto the
apti- and find it in a symbiosis particularly They need protection
its military prowess. by knowing how to use, powers, to which in turn they bring with the strong ruling
tude, which it shows precisely additional strength. The
greatest extent possible, the fighting power of allies and sub¬ strong powers, growing conscious of their strength, want to
it not be added as an essential charac¬ become independent and engage in battle
jected peoples. Should the other powers which
type
teristic of the Roman-Englisbendowment that both peoples are lacking they encounter. Far from simply
get control over their adversary, offering resistance, they try to
such as other great civi¬
in the fullness of artisticthe case of the English people it is They defeat the weak one and go allif this is somehow possible.
lized nations possess? In over the strong one as well. All theoutgreat in order to win victory
especially striking that it is wanting in creative talent for the public order powers
modern artistic perception finds its most and all general culture powers jealous
art of music in which probably no accident that want to be considered as ruling powers, of their self-assertion
unique and profound expression. It is peoples come off victo¬ their expressions, able to command only. not restrained in any of
we don't see the musically most talented reason Every power which feels
“
for supremacy. Isn't the called upon to be the dominating one
rious in the decisive battles introverted to be able to turn the maximum. The strong power knows has in itself the drive for
for it that they are all too much be necessary if they were to gives us the proof for the of no self-restraint. It L_
their strength outward, as would god can only be balanced correctness of Goethe's dictum that a
power?
assert themselves as the dominant public order expect that a force will
by another god, that it is absurd to
restrain
held in check by another force. Foritself, rather * it can only be
In the case of the German people theNorth elements of power are this reason the public order
ilitiiliiiiiiitii
iliilliil1il*gl

German and South power wants to be an

peculiarly mixed. The contrast between
public order
exclusive territorial power, tolerating
within its borders no foreign
German character is grounded in the contrast between
extend its borders. For the same meddling and seeking to further
culture power. The fight for supremacy between Prussia reason the faith power in its
power and Sparta and Athens, was core is intolerantly aiming
and Austria, like the fight between
specific public order power. By its would be true of knowledge at general recognition, and. the same
power if only it were sufficiently
the
decided in favor ofPrussia-Germany strong for this purpose. The
appeared to be on the way to
victory over France Europe. During the Permit the aspiring ruling powerdrive for the maximum does not
becoming the hegemonic power of Continental as the leading public nated all powers within to rest until it has subordi-
competed
World War England and Prussia camps. It is a verdict of world Unless its inner resourcesreach, until it has become omnipotent.
order powers of the two opposing England emerged from the War as
thr ough external crumble-ÿ away, it can be arrested only
resistance. Therefore, as between ruling powers
historic significance thatorder power. If only the originally which collide, fighting will at first always decide the outcome,
Europe's victorious public Prussia-Germany would have won and only after competition
applied arms power had mattered, with each other without a decisive
the victory for the Central Powers thanks to its superior mili¬ success for either side is
ich in the end may turn one ready for peaceful accommodation,
tary training. By virtue of its clear political superiority,
also brought to
'j'-
ikely to band together when into _symbiosis. Old powers are most
however, which in addition to its economic power England was able to
they are threatened by aspiring new
arms power of its allies,
it the superior
77
76
 strong enough any more to kingship permitted the continuation of a
ones , against which none would feel

I
sizable complex of feu¬

=i
; ;:i;iirFlilaliililililli lliiiffillfiillifiillil il
dal privileges which survived until the Revolution.

E$
fight by itself. reason that the church also remained a strong power.It stands to

?it;liiillirigirlillilirti ?glllllil,lF3iiiiilllitifl
must not be imagined as culture powers of most diverse origin were flourishing, Moreover,
The coalition of the ruling powers

iiliiii
tsbs3d5-FF;:i*l;I*SgLe;gllii and at
alone total merger. As long as each is all times a few competences of the public order power had still
one of full harmony, let social task, it must maintain the been reserved for the local corporations.
specific
confronted by its own appropriate mission. On Hence substantial
to that specific sections of national life were beyond encroachment
special constitution do for each one to insist on absolute of all kings who, more rightfully by the most
the other hand, it will not quite this case even with the best inten¬
than any of his prede¬
cessors, could say of himself that he was the
complete independence, for in state.
unavoidable; always one of the
tions repeated frictions would be a certain pre-eminence. We may
powers must of course maintain dominant power. But it is not 5. Supportive Powers (The Fundamental Civil Rights)

$=ii-;;{laliErutitff
call this privileged power the
simply placed above the others, it is only pre-eminent, the first
autonomy , not the apex of a com¬ The autonomous public order powers and
among many powers with partial would be able to act as
the welfare and cul¬
ture powers at work in addition to the dominant
prehensive hierarchy within which it The sentence, "Caesar non the special function performed within their powe’", aside from
final arbiter for every decision. domain, render a
for the whole range of social general service to society, namely,
supra grammaticos ," holds true undertaking forms encroachment of the dominant power. offering resistance to the
tasks. As is true for languages,
every social During the time of eccle¬
within. The dominant power will have to yield siastical supremacy it was primarily the state, and during the
its own rules from
to the other powers'
—
provided that they are tolerated
autonomy within their jurisdiction
only the privilege of regulating the
and
border
will claim
areas
— for
at all
itself
where it col¬
time of state supremacy primarily the
upon to perform this service, which is church, which were called
the social constitution as a whole. Asof highest importance for
the pressure exerted by
lides with the others. It will insist that no otheritpower will
the roof of a dome demands the
the substructure of the supportingresistance of the abutments and
intrude upon its "reserved circles," but at the same time wall if the building is to
}lil;i

the "ancestral ground" of the remain intact, so the pressing

have to keep its hands off the
others In addition, it enjoys
emerging powers will at first, and over
lect around it. It thereby enjoys
advantage of potential growth.
'u-iliiigiiitl[is
inherent advantage that newly ingly strong counterpowers anddominant power demands correspond¬
. to the extent feasible, col-
supporting powers if the social
body is to remain healthy and vigorous.
all the other powers the the autonomous ruling powers, while the The counterpowers are
especially the anonymous powers of a freesupporting powers include
must have been made into upright persons bysociety. The citizens
their moral sensibil¬
its arms power was ities and sense of justice, by their

From the beginning the state through

rEriEfHfEilititsIr;'iifiHri

Its sway expanded strength, in order to be able to defend education and economic
qualified for occupying the dominant position. the realm of their home
it succeeded in building up, in addition to and their income, their personal
and private life, against the
the more the better power as well. Grown to cultural dominant state power or church power.
arms power, legal and political superiority rights, having been an inventory pieceThe constitutional civil
able to add to its
stature, the state was finally cultural powers or to since the memorable Declaration of of every constitution
further by learning how to attract certain predominance, too, in by supporting anonymous powers, Human Rights, must be covered
nurture them within itself. Ecclesiastical or else their constitutional
its heyday did not rest on faith power
alone. The church was at proclamation remains an empty
word.
of legal power, polit¬ become the dominant power, nor could Never has ethical power
the same time the principal administrator time, which were supported role: it is too inward-oriented it grow to play such a
the
ical power, and culture power
example
of
of the church makes it evident zation demanded by the dominant to permit the kind of organi¬
power.
by the faith power. The as unrestricted fancying not to have to reckon with it would Still the politician
power
that it would be wrong to view dominant superposition. Like the error, because it is the strongest of all commit the gravest
predominance, as all-encompassing Lodged in the human conscience, it supporting powers.
ls;*[:

power was and is not omnipotent,

church, the state as dominant so. In the state ell personal actions to the goal urgingly and warningly orients
notwithstanding all the efforts to make it tyranny, an duty. of performance
Through it, above all, the individual of one's social
ir; ;'rs:Falt*;;.;;H

was, not even in times of most oppressive matures into a

there never emerged from his battles with the social being; through it, above all,
onmipotent despot. Louis XIV together. society is therefore held
no means had he thereby become
"Fronde" as absolute king, but byeverything. Victory over the
an autocrat over everybody and All the
"Fronde" assured the royalty oi legal exclusive control over arms of a people supporting powers which are peculiar to the masses
power, guaranteeing it supreme and political power as Creature we combine in the notion of
national character.
transformed the feudal lords into cour- of natural endowment and historical
fact to which
well. In addition, it
secure royal favor through every education, it
constitution of rights has to conform. is Ona
tiers , to whom it mattered more to its supportive capacity
the exercise of
: g [E:

in their manors depends the degree in which the

achi evements of a people may
court services than to enjoySatisfied with these successes the
social
be crowned by organized and dominant
their feudal prerogatives. Power*s. It is the lasting foundation of national history.
iE

high nobility
‘Name of the political movement of the French
against the absolute monarchy. (Tr.) -
t
l

78 79
 Separation of Powers. The fight between social powers is more

E 11fi111i111l1111ull111i1111*l;*l*li E
The Doctrine of the

n
6. than the fight of personal passions in the heart obstinate and acute
and ruling powers on the of an individ-
The contrast between the dominant other, gives the the- ual. Although the stirred-up passions rage against one another

p llillltllllllilll=*llffilliiHlllmll
supporting powers on the
hand, and the
one
ory of the separation of state powers its deeper meaning.
the absolute prince who united in
doctrine was aimed atjudicial,
and executive powers. The separa¬
son the legislative, powers was freedom of
meant to protect theoverwhelming
tion of these supreme being crushed by the
the people from the danger of prince declared his willingness to
princely power. If, then, awith the parliament, there had to be
share his legislative power
power if this declaration was in
behind the parliament a real mere
stipulation of the separation
fact to be carried out. The would not do the job vis-
of powers in a constitutional document power at his disposal. Such
a-vis a prince who had the dominant
indeed, where the dominant princely
real powers were present, strong, supporting people powers. In
power was confronted with
the century of the Enlightenment the citizens had at their dispo¬
power and economic power a wealth of
sal in the form of education the postulate of the separation of
such supporting powers, and
powers , which a century earlier would have remained an empty
sense in view of the actual distribution of
word , now made good where it is deserving of its
powers. In a democracy at least
of freedom as
name
are called for in the —
such special guarantees of the protection
absolute
true democracy is freedom.powers
state are no longer required, for
As far as that goes, the theory
has lost its former
meaning.
the separation of state democracy it will retain
Nevertheless, even in the most perfect scope from the state pow-
if we extend its
all of its importance formulated, to the social powers.
ers , for which it was firstto preserve the natural barriers of
Democracy , too, is expected
state power as marked by the historic
to abstain from encroachments upon
... the
successes of the state
autonomous social
alongside the state within the
which developed through success culture power. Under the scep-
and
powers
realms of public order power and power must less than ever
ter of freedom the dominant statepower, rather it now must all
supreme
become the all-controlling alongside itself all the other powers
in the heart of
This individuals as well
tally at one with himself and sooner ora sane person is fundamen-
his per—
balance. Society is not such a closed later will find his inner
separate powers which do not readily unit. It is governed by
tend to
the weaker ones yield to a symbiosis, whereas balance out. Only
one-sidedly follow their urge to preserve the stronger ones
power which inheres in
them because of the jsacrificium voluntatis
and the unwieldiness
of mass technique. In the strongest ones among
expansionary force is active which strives these powers an
of them has a tendency to be dominant and for the maximum. Each
submit the others to
itself in order to rise to omnipotence in the
end. Leadership
ambition coupled with deluded narrow-mindedness is what, above
all> generates this drive. In every
always stand out who would go farthestassociation of power those
tion goals, and in unsettled times the in achieving the associa¬
readily listened to by the multitude loudest spokesmen are most
and
fied for leadership. Only when their appear to be most quali¬
been punished by failure, do the leaders extravagant actions have
again the balancing forces of nature, and the masses evince
with
-- who can bring the contending powers into those taking the lead
of
of social powers is the upshot of hard
ous the calm supporting powers,
be found and the more durable it the
accord. The equilibrium
struggle. The more vigor-
sooner that equilibrium will
will be.
Of all social powers it is the
innermost ones which strive
most fervently for peaceful harmony.
extricated itself from the outward delusion A pure faith which has
of superstition ties
together in worldwide religions
to be sure, when the persuasions millions of persons
An ethical belief capable of forcing
sympathy would have to unite all feeling
— the worse,
of the world religions clash.
its way to the bottom of
indestructible alliance
the last to make it to the top
the external powers, and among
— human beings into an
but, surely, the innermost powers
in human history! First there are
ahead. The innermost powers must be these the most uncouth are
are

the more readily tolerate undertakings. Only if these powers are the most sheltered ones. The the last ones because they
which emerge from its social democratic craving for omnip- minds of men must first be
offer resistance to the overzealous delivered of the plight of human existence
be assured. receptive for the tender before they become
otence can the social equilibrium bring peace, but they needvibrations of the soul. These powers
from their germs. peace in the first place to grow
up
7. The Social Equilibrium
For the
Separation of powers is multiplication
of powers, and as but especiallytime being the ruling powers in nation_
in the world, confront each other and state,
'a ;J6 a
xa {
Ct
'" Ct

dC mc
.o

combined in
o0 Az
(./)

cr P.o ljr P
-q).J
gl
moo

lat lp.
(D^

desires
Cr I

variety of and equilibrium

between them is still far fromsharply
I ogl

for the divided,

aXX;

such is the apt expression substantial

o
i5
o^.

E(D
Em

50. -5c
UJ

For each of these desires, which a reached . finally being

human nature.
-l

C.

assistance.
0

provides social
J0l0loo:'

number of individuals share, it

separated
6":'foo<P'

<0)0)
<o
P. 1

the
"'o

Certainly , there may arise new conflicts between

(,

of
*r
n

'1
-Joog)p)_

conscience 8. -lhe__Concept
T<<: Ja l0)o

response in the
powers, rousing a very painful
rO
troo-

rr5
oa,rn

and of
-oOJaLN

Society
o15
(D UY

great
t<
;o.'J
5

Which of the
those at the mercy of these conflicts. bent
F-t
o
o.raf

€o
o<
tJ)

altars one has traditionally start

Ud

p)55.O o\' fO

small gods, in front of whose when Given

tully aware the fact of the separation of powers, we
P.

Td,A4.o x 5
'rJ

-J
$0)0)*J F.tstc

themselves
o;
oqttp)

gods
OOoooE ItA

these have to
T<

his knees, shall be served that none of the concepts of society be

D o
soOLIct

has the fight between state

G
'^.(Do':
-

fighting? How grave inner conflictsremain Q°unterpart the world of reality, whether we has its complete
{5
<D

loyal to their faiths society, or inEuropean

o:q
:-

,F5
f. 0q

talk
J

to society, or civic society, or about human

o'v

and church caused those anxious

i{

conflicts has the

'a/
U
0J

P.O
^.o
0- 5

(i{ 4.. -o)

'J

c-oo11
-F.

heated
OO

DJI
5i

as well as their fatherland! In what inner society. Everywhere deep and jagged even only
l-: 5
ct

to keep theif
ts
:?
Fl !,

fight for world power entangled all those

who want o®ality of living together. The rifts pervade the
J:
o; o
c

notion of society as a community

Jq

ts'c

0)i
^(

entity as well as humanity!

faith with the idea of national
Op

and as demanded by pure

cf(

f w
cf:

rlr
tr

Y'
tH

ethics, is truly alive in only a

souls; especially for the world at large
this idea is almost

80 81
 --------
Aside from a few enthusiasts, world citizens

;rr;;;:
totally useless.

;i;iTgl{?5:i Ii;ii:*;iE;i ir
E
I d : r , , ; ;* e: fr I + 1l - * t ; "
ig
jayo. , and
only on paper today they hardly exist VI. Legal Power and Legal Form

o - €;
always existed

[;;fre{ t;qfi i;ilti;; ::;i:l i;f: *;[iqii;;

have thinks of the United States of the

aTH?e{n
any longer on paper. Nobody States of Europe sounds like an

[ilfralti?
World, and to- most the United 1. The Power of Custom. the Drive for Knowledge and Beauty.
religions, taking human
Even the world and of the Moral Sense
unattainable postulate.
q
——
:
, haven't been able to
carry
through this
men point of departure,
society as their
idea. In truth none of them has
' ~ become a world
in uniting the hearts of
- The dominion of law first covered only the
narrow circle of

,,"--i'-
religion because no one has succeeded few of them were ready to
the blood associations. Here it supplemented through firm rules

;iiii
not a
men in the world as a whole, and As the continents, so the asso¬ the uniting feeling of love where the latter began to
in battle. Today the rule of law governs the state and become
fight off the others
ciations in which mankind grew up by
'.: in historic separation, down to
shaky-
with respect to a large its people
part of its social relations, and even
;

sundered seas of alienation and mis¬ in

*il;ag Iq ag ::ai;:aq

the present, have been the relationships of peoples to one another there are traces
;,I:irxi
has been bridged

;;il;i;j:
trust, or even hate. As a rule such separation the formation of international law. In order to understand of

*;;:*-?ET
-

lust for plunder of the conqueror, the audacity of the rule of law has spread so far and what how
only by the acumen of the
discoverer, or the business that eventually it will cover the totality ofexpectation exists
g

the adventuresome
profit-greedy merchant. All these people pursue only their per¬
mentioned one has to realize how it originated in the firsthuman relations,
place.
there remains
sonal interest, and next to thesemissionary who is to serve the
to be to be aware of not only how the rule of law differs from One has
religious zeal of the external coercion, but also in which respects it differs from that of
only the
*

is often only out to more closely related dimensions of customs, of the drive the
idea of humanity even though in reality he real terms, there is
expand the reach of his own church. In truth and beauty as well as of ethics. To put it for
;;*ii'i1
: lA:;ig
almost nothing left of the concept and of human society aside from for now: external coercion rests on a "you must",very succinctly
of tribes peoples which touch each must", truth and beauty on "I must", but law on custom on "one
q.F

the external coexistence mutual pressure. With- "I shall" in

other across the earth and are exposed to conjunction with "I may." The "I shall" and
together by an inner bond, they are pressed "I may" also apply
fi

out their being held within the realm of ethics, therefore law and
of living together to search for an equilibrium closely related. But although they are closely ethics are most
by the needs
rn

condition, which is usually found only in battle and whose center trating inquiry still shows that even they are related, a pene¬
part determined by force. separate in origin
of gravity is for the most and nature and hence in their effects as well.
a

together of human
"**jIis

If one wishes to understand the livingto dispense with a

"

Law is one of the broad foundations of

i
i

Ii'

beings, one will nevertheless not be able has to understand it completely in order to social order, and one
;E''

from all
iu[sa

comprehend the struc¬

concept of society which for the time being abstracts
a;l;:[*ii;iilE
;:

ture of society. We therefore will use

frictions and disturbances of living together. The sociologist clearly the drive for law in its rootsextreme care to separate
Fli

as much as related other drives. We will reserve for from the most closely
i;;iIi;;1

needs to use the method of abstraction (idealization)

r

he could not develop the formal later a discussion of

does the physicist, otherwise external coercion with its "you must."
iIi:;rII:f

If, for example, one wishes to understand the law

l3t;qa $.il*

laws of life.
and masses, he must first view
ili

of the relationship between leader Custom is very closely connected with law, as far
r;a

and disturbances, for which purpose he urgency of its commands as the

it free from all frictions is done to great is concerned.
needs the idealized concept of society. This customs for not few people are really The rules of manners and
the most urgent
of also gaining
lsesIs*

advantage as one is then placed in a position commands, the most proximate social
frictions and to which they seek to conform.
a,llr:

from the

——
clarity concerning the effects emanating Burning shame rises in the heart
disturbances of reality. The same is true for all laws of living less for that matter, in the heart of the vain woman
of the vain man
and no
We will develop these laws with the help of a formal they can tell by the scoffing of the as soon as
together.
rs

counterpart. surrounding company that

notion of society which does not have a pure factual they have somehow infringed on one of the
good form. For high many rules dictated by
society the observance of etiquette has the
special function of marking social rank, and he who lays claim
be included in a certain to
rank must be sure to master its form.
As in the case of law, manners
and customs also have a judge who
observes and avenges the
class there is the vehmicgommitted
court
offenses. For every social
of its members in which women
have long had voting representation and
reaching authority to pass the most severe which has the far-
Exclusion from sentence, namely,
toms and mannersthelack
respective social class.
the
Nevertheless, cus¬
deep inner impulse which characterizes
baw- However religiously the
to
--
to be representing
-sure
dictates of fashion may be adhered
the most superficial expressions of customs,
the big majority still do not participate
from

Oourt *Setr?ÿnaimeS roughly secret nonofficial

82 83
 *1 that they ought to gain knowledge and perception, they
and one does acquire it
conviction but only because all others do likewise, intuition or contemplation, though at times they

n3r';;;[;$li; r;t;iil;ilL
aS by

;:: i$ * ! irriEll iii : fgii[ I i iiE

ffi 111
g
Fr:€i f* sFT?3;eg;ii: IB][! i ss i:
at the same time, however, one is have to
not want to be conspicuous; strive passionately for clear intuition. On the other hand, by

ir 'u ]Yir
prepared to conduct oneself in the opposite people manner as soon as obeying the legal and ethical ’’shall” one performs a duty of
fashion changes. Of course, there are always as well who
monstrosities of
will* Often this is being discharged joyfully, without giving thein
are so addicted to fashion that they regard ofthehuman nature, but
tS compulsion: a mother does not force herself when caring for
every season as most genuine confessions her child, but her devoted love is rooted in the blood
at all of what human likewise, at the sight of foreign suffering svmpathy isinstinct;

ilii=li!
these are people who surely have no idea
stirred
are. Customs and manners obtain their up automatically in the sensitive heart and man gains
nature and true confession
hold on the mind through the generality of their
observance, through compassion. Although in all these cases it is knowledge
of ’’one must.” not neces¬
their validity resting on the social constraints sary that the will be called upon, very often one must first

n;*H ='
For all that, it is not the pure herd instinct, however, which suppressed egotistical desires in or*der to be able to live uphave
talks, if I act as "one" to
operates in them: if I talk as "one”
traveler, but
the duties prescribed by law and ethics. In either case the
acts, I don’t behave purely as a thoughtless fellow Besides, in a legal and ethical "shall" are clearly distinguished from
the
I want to avoid giving offense, ifunderstandingI can help it. egotistical "shall ,’’ which is marked out by external aspira-
which I feel is
;i r' s* l,[liI

great many cases I bow to an tions. The young man wanting to forge ahead sets goals for him¬
implicit in the general observance even though I may perhaps not self which transcend the ordinary and perhaps
strength. The "I shall" by which he whips himself also his own
t';
quite able to fathom it. At any rate, the fact of a general
be in which the up is derived
custom is in itself already a notable social success from a whetted appetite for success: one would not blame him
The "one must" of society is being less ambitious, and perhaps he must even be for
individual person has to acquiesce.voluntatis, of the sacrifice of taken to task
lin: t;gsra;s*;i

Iig ;*iIii;i

the expression of the sacrificium for attempting too much. The root of the "shall" governing law
independence, which the members of society render in the convic¬ and ethics goes deeper, it is embedded in the conscience. One is
tion that the collective exudes a power which no individual act¬ not looking for external success but for inner
ing alone could even remotely attain. The social constraint
of who does not conform to the precepts of law andfulfillment. He
"one must" is the counterpart of the experience of power which himself to social condemnation and, what is worse,ethics exposes
to the vexing
Belonging to
one enjoys by virtue of being a member of society. rebukes of his own conscience. The mental response to
[;q u = i"':- =;1o3.3 ].9..".'x 5 3l-ilE{ ; ; r*;

enhances the social weight which one tions of customs and manners is a touch of shame; errors infrac¬
high society, above all,
carries, and consequently those wishing to be included in must,"
it are nition and artistic perception lead the self-examining of cog¬
willing to submit to the stronger imperative of "one the accusation of inadequacy; to offenses against legal mind to
and eth-
thereby trying to set themselves off from the vulgar world. ical duties it responds with the typical sense of remorse.
H

In recognizing the true and the beautiful the "one must" The ethical "shall" has deeper roots still
d
-;ill;*i;;Et;tIi:
I

legal one. The latter may be satisfied by this or than does the
*i?l*1-:;*i*fg3*Xg3;:;A

rather, a certain "I must" becomes operative

does not apply;
i*'=-1.=" i i--e..5-65, f Bi
<o tr

ual who performs his legal duty perfunctorily, that individ-

{atEl: +*E;*]i:;=

I:i;;: {t i; aE!i;* s;;l itFi*[;;

which Luther spoke at

* 83$BHEtrqH,

here, that "here I stand iu, I cannot help it"

without inner
the Diet in Worms. Not everybody can hold this sentiment so commitment, and many a man may be regarded as impeccably right¬
The
3'g X e $ g"i; r-61'.'q' o

purely and firmly as a leader of Luther’s staturefront did. eous who does not have a trace of social justice.
and in An ethical
i;*';;

masses need for this purpose the leader who walks in act, however, to be worthy of the name, must always
addition even the going along of the surrounding crowd, but this with a deeply committed heart. He who performs it be performed
with the only for the
striding ahead by the leader and this going together indispen¬ sake of appearances is a plain hypocrite who
cannot claim any
others have always only the value of an aid, however merit for this act. A pure ethical sense will
sensing, accuse and condemn
sable it may be, for the personal act of recognizing and gained the
even those evil impulses of the soul which do not evolve into
because the individual on his own could never have deeds at all, and among these especially those
a3€3fi8r

But in order to really deterred by external restraints only. which were

insight or experienced the sensation. It is possible that eth-
sE',Fil{ x336E3FE$F;;[

possess such insight and feeling, one must have acquired them in ical judgment will condemn more severely
the end through personal experience. Those who have not gone wicked heart whose execution was frustrated the
by
evil design of a
mere
through the experience of scientific understanding or artistic the improper act originating in a warm heart gone accident than
perception do not really know and really enjoy, but byonly
think isn’t that the act as such wouldn’t also have to be astray. It
they do, and hence their opinions are knocked down the next ethical criteria! The hardened villain assessed by
They are fellow travelers who, while the act is in
progress, persists in his evil design without
change in the general atmosphere.
aar
#*u*i%

pity and does not

t;-

obeying the "one must." Such hangers-on are found in all move¬ rest until the mischief has been
"-:''9

ments, even the most genuine ones, and their number isnotoften the
before the tribunal of conscience consummated will pass less well
than the one who was not strong
confusingly large. But could a movement be genuine if enough to see it through.
*i [+d

adherents were motivated by a burning drive for

core of its
;["t
3;

knowledge and true perception? Because of

rhin d

for granted that the inner origin of an ethical duty it is taken

one does not have to wait until he is reminded
the to fulfill his duty.
s;;*r=;
!' o.-i

The "I must" of striving for truth and beauty provides the
i*

be helped; the child The weak person who can’t help himself must
H

transition to the "I shall" of law and ethics. Here as there is looked after by its mother while, and
same inner urge operates, being given the same social aids from Specially because, it is not conscious of all of its needs; the
EE=FE

;n g:

and fellow travelers. The peculiar characteristic of the r*ch person must give to the poor
pA;

leader
ealthv person has to provide for out
u[;

it addresses itself to the of his abundance; and the

legal and ethical "shall" is that the sufferer, the experienced
human will. The scholar and the artist do not tell themselves
84 85
 having their counter¬
one for the ignorant, without these duties The fact that law always refers to external

[]Fl;;i=lq+:sqg
lgs;-i
;;'s;tl{-ql-;:m;"=
aa;q;:;ilq: il35;
- " g' -,9 gF.; 'lE -.3

:a'a *l [+il=t r g*i

up to external coercion, from which the depths of behavior opens

rnariei;ilfqf,i;;
person who could demand his due.
P rHE3-;ilgBtrp;s:F3;
part in a claim by
The pure heart senses
the
the
so strongly that as a result
other
common
the
bond
will
of
does
humanity
not
general
sense
and its value
scheme
a sacrifice,
of things.
ior are barred, the whole realm of law. It must
ethical behav-
tainable whether the conceded scope for freedomalways be ascer-
of action has
but rather an urge to submit to take" the
"To give is more blissful than to this saying expresses
— been respected or violated, whether the assumed obligation
been met, and thus the possibility of coercion is opened has

lilx F:d[-;ta-l
the ethical ground rule. It is hardly admissible to enumerate Even where full performance cannot be enforced up.
one by one the duties stemming from this basic sentiment. The obligated person resolutely refuses to performeither
the act
because the
great ethics teacher spurns prescribing a code of ethics, he for him or because fulfillment has been made impossible intended
through
everything on this one command: "Love thy neighbor as lapse of time or for other external reasons, it is
bases for others is the sum usually possi¬
thyself." Se'lf-respect and equal respectappropriate, though, to
ble within the economic realm to make a monetary estimate of
the
total of all ethical teaching. It may be extent of the damage and to attach a monetary value to the indem¬
out just a few great commands while in all other matters nity which it is possible to sue for inasmuch as
spell how to apply to it funds for reim¬
conscience must decide in each individual case bursement are available. Thereby it is possible for rights
3.

the basic command of love. within the economic realm to be pursued to the end in value
e
s

li iii i I I illlilllllitl iiliilllltillilll lu even where direct coercion is impossible, and it is of course terms
H
well known that the economic realm, where performance
l;
l'
l?

is clearly
2. The Purpose in Law and the Sense of Justice determinable, provides the main substance of law.
Conditions are
less favorable in the area of penal law and within it
Law does not have the same deep action, inner origin which ethics in respect of the protection of personal rights. Onceespecially
world of and external rela¬ the per-
sonal protected interest whose endangerment was to be punishable
has. Law is meant for the
?:E Irii]erHF

tionships are therefore placed in the foreground. Law regulates has been destroyed, not even the most extreme
of persons wherever their actions may restore it, nor can it provide a replacement. coercion can
the reciprocal behavior
touch, whether they have to proceed jointly of their behavior
or whether their substantial difficulty for both the teacher and theThis creates a
lawgiver when
paths cross, yet the purely technical aspects they are to determine the size of the award of
punishment.
are left out of consideration in the process. Just as it is not any rate it is clear that the threat of
punishment,
At
for the technical aspects of the mate¬ the given case it has not been enough to prevent even if in
the task of law to provide the evil, can
is used in transactions, so it is not its still have the beneficial effect of
rial apparatus which aspects of the personal attempts at creating mischief. It is nipping in the bud other
task either to provide for the technical equally obvious that once
apparatus which is required, for example,legal for military troops or the evil has happened in spite of the threat of
order comes about must mete out such punishment lest there be doubt punishment, one
for any operating entity whatever. The materials and tools
only when human beings
are guided by their will according
in contrast
the
to
to their interests. It then
sphere of action for every
— — ousness of intent. about the seri-
HFiai illiliFa[:iqn:i;*ilaflgr

becomes necessary to delimit The state, as well as society, makes full use of
the oppor-
single participant or for every single group of participants in tunity to guarantee the fulfillment of legal
far as possible. With obligations through
order to eliminate frictions and fights as coercion. With this aim the state supplements the "you
legal order stipulates the authorized actions. the legal duty by the "you must" of legal shall" of
this intent the
Within the realm of freedom of action accorded to the individual ing courts and by adding to the substantivecoercion by establish¬
"Here it is up to law rules about jur¬
system declares:
or to the group, the legal interest, you may." One is permit¬ isdiction. Society intervenes to a very large extent through the
you to act according to your "one must" of social coercion. Obviously unlawful behavior
ted to use his property as he sees fit of provided that thereby he angers the majority of persons who become aware
does not encroach upon another sphere action which the law¬ vokes counter-measures. The social position of of it and pro¬
giver has earmarked to serve the interests freedom of other persons or of has committed a wrong which is felt by society the person who
public. Within the sphere of of action one compromised. He has to fear unpleasant judgments to be such is
the general persons and dispose of the and in the extreme case social ostracism, and encounters,
may enter into agreements with other which is painful enough
The legal duty only when it means exclusion from the circle of
claims arising out of these agreements. one's companions but
comes in second place; it is the necessarily shadow cast by the legal which may go so far as to bar him from society as a whole.
claimant calls for "I may.
claim. The "I may" of the
to "I must_
ta;it Iali:'
orl5l5lc

even reinforced There are enough people who are sufficiently righteous
not" for all outsiders, which
not." No other person may encroach
and if someone does so all the
may

same,
be
upon the
he
sphere
misappropriates
of my rights,
mv rights
but no more
— to accept the "you must" of the state and the
must" of society. Law in the form of "one —
I

and has to make compensation for the damage he thereby has caused they see it. Of such a kind is Nora'scoercion delimits law as
or

me. In numerous cases the claim of the entitled is directed sketched by Ibsen. He is beside himselfhusband, Dr. Helmer, as
o.oo € s, 3

on account of Nora's
i

against a specific person or a specified group of

persons from behavior because she is threatened by conviction
Here his claim is matched by a and public
opprobrium, but as soon as he learns that the threat is
whom he may demand performance. "you must" which makes the her, the case is disposed of, as far as he is gone for
positive obligation to perform, a performance but for any the legal rule which his wife has concerned. Whether
obligated person responsible not only for violated is good or bad,
damage arising from delay in rendering his legal
duty. whether her offense is ethically excusable, he is completely
unconcerned about. Ibsen's satirical portrayal
hits all the harder because Dr. Helmer himself ofis Dr. Helmer
a lawyer.
86 87
Perhaps the lawyer more so than other professionals
is inclined between action and its result must shape its content: as many

lIl[;at *lg*};;;:; iI i;'l; ;g

ii;! ; [;
r!;*;*i=rrr*i=;u; u; n
gXilii[€tE;sl E[rlF- ;F
types of phenomena, so many different rules of law. In
to lose sight of the content in stressing the form. addition
to the general civil law, special law will apply to the merchant,
Dr.
We for our part must not gloss over the question which the law
the miner, employees or other groups; they all need their spe¬
Helmer forgets to pose. We must not fancy to understand cific rules because they live in their own typical circum¬
as long as we do not know from where the legalworth rules derive their stances. The powerful in a nation, too, may succeed
of special if state and senting their case as deserving of special treatment, in repre¬
content. It must be a content deserve to be backed by enforcement but
a newly defined type it is imperative that the same rules within
society agree that the rules apply
power. without respect of persons. There is a modern trend of thinking
which views legal theory as a mere theory of the forms of law,

s;:P.=* rrxr:;rg*';*,
body of
It is indeed so. The rules formulated by a healthy their content
and it has developed this idea in a fruitful and ingenious man-
ner. But when it goes so far as to designate the purpose to be
law have their deep inner motivation. They receive
which they have achieved as something lying outside the law, it is nevertheless
from the meaning, from the purpose of the actions may be clearly mistaken. The purpose is the procreative element in law, and it
to regulate. The origin of law in practicality
recognized in the phenomenon of commonflourishes, law with which law belongs as closely to the legal structure as the system
belongs
We see how law based on usage with usage to its shell; substance of law and its shell could not
began.
supported by the success of purposive action. The fact that the unless the expanding force of something alive were enclosedgrow in
the purposes them.
interests of the powerful confer special stress upon an objection
which they pursue must not be viewed as providing
against this idea; it just so happens that the they powerful are the The highest social rule of reason is not per se a
rule of
first to determine success in society, and know before law. The enlightened egotist as such is not yet a man of
everyone else does how to provide effective legal protection for for even though he were willing to pass up momentary advantagelaw, if
their personal aims. such renunciation promised him a greater future advantage,
will still callously evade his duty in all instances where he he
is most
The origin of law in practicality and success believes to be able to outwit the sagacity of the law. Sagacity
EarslmHfeFF€€SEEEFFExHffi;g[

#[;'*$[ni;

case of property law or business law. speaks to the intellect, law must satisfy the sense of justice.
clearly evident in the the test The righteous person sees behind the various legal rules
Business law must, if it is to last, always have passed son the persons for whose benefit the rules were enacted,of rea-
of social success. The townsman and the farmer view private and he
property as sacred precisely because from times immemorial it had feels a moral obligation to accord such persons the same legal
been consecrated by success. Should one day. things change in respect as he demands for himself. Self-respect and
such a fashion that the technique and organization then
are no longer compatible with private property,
of enterprises
socialism
themselves as
the other person
— respect for
aren't these also the foundation of ethics,
though? If this is so, then the sense of justice is that
sentiment which refers to the content of laty, the rule ethical
Eifi:lt ilil:fl;rl'ti[;E

assert
gi[;ffi;ii

could claim success. Its institutions would of law

they have been tested by experience, and in the course case for
of time being the ethically perceived rule of reason.
they would come to be viewed as sacred, just as was the imply that one must always be clearly aware of theThis does not
ethical con-
property before the spread of the large enterprise. As tent of the rules of law when they are being applied.
private hardly a reason for doing so as long as the rules are One has
;i:;i liE;iiif;

of the
in business law, so in all areas of law the experience to various fluc¬ strictly
most expert counselors will, even though subject observed; it is enough to apply them as rules of reason, or even
tuations and disputes, ascertain the forms which give the
most merely to follow usage. Also, taken by itself the individual
apt expression to the purpose of life, as
epoch by every people. For public law cannot be developed
understood in every
with¬
rule of law may not reveal any ethical content at all
for example, of external rules of procedures.
adheres to the rule only by virtue of the fact that Such
— think,
content
aricne:B**i!

oriented to
out political wisdom, administrative law is clearly
practical purposes, and the rules of proof in adjective
whether formulated clumsily or elegantly
the one purpose: finding the truth. Penal law reason,
are always to serve
law
is probably that — — ception is characteristic of the legal system
belongs. The ethical perception of the law, however,
be vividly summoned when a person is tempted
ethical per¬
to which the rule
will always
to break the pre¬
area of law whose origins are most distant from as it was scribed rule. When confronted with the injunction, "Thou
urge for retribu¬ not kill," and with all other injunctions shall
created in response to angry outbursts of the
But hasn't penal law punishment, one feels distinctly that inbacked up by criminal
tion which was hardly aware of its objective.shaped according to the law is moral crime. But even in cases of these cases breaking
law in the course of its evolution also been
the requirements of practicality, or could it be that legal sci¬ doing
— — mere civil wrong¬
as when one denies a person the payment owed to him, or
aig

ence has wasted its efforts in inquiring accordingly? into the purposes of °ne demands improper things
from him, or one hides the evidence
for truth
punishment and in graduating the sentences everybody with a sense of justice
conscience that he has violated an ethical duty is told by his
The rule of law aiming at purposive results is a rulecan-
of the temptation to pursue his personal interest. by yielding to
F.

Conversely, if
Xl5 H

3 X ! F.." cP.
P

one marshals the strength to perform

'"

;-

obvious that legal wisdom

o;

Pr

. connection it is
uplifted by the realization of having an arduous legal duty he is
i ?o

reason In this
Y5a
-r

o (D
cr O O tD lo

e.o
h;
_.c-sHp-"_
F ca 0q dlo)
-lO

A solid
bc3-f<+o(u<
*@9r'"'H'

not be equated with wisdom in each particular case. won a moral victory.
+^
0] 0) clP5l5

\'v
ud0DoOlo

C
rn ru-

legal system demands firm general rules of law which must

be
o6lFli.og)
!)YtEI**ts.^

*crF,(,"5{
O. Fr

3
'l 5i=
^
,<<

of If law is to be as reli¬ In the majority of cases the ethically perceived rule of

o:

wisdom.
o

general rules
(,

on firm
;r v/ 5,

based law
5.t*:ac!.:

between persons or wÿ-th its demands

5lo
^:
=uoY

able as it purports to be, it cannot differ as falls more or less short of the measure postu-
(D P.

X-
cr"
dP

permanent connection
nT

as between today and tomorrow. The typical by the great ethical command of charity. Not even within
(u
O

{'
\
J

88 89
 families is this standard always quite met, although for the most

;T{s'qi'=' *l$ *t: i :;;: ;: I' u :;t

*:il:+if
i;: " i; ut';iliAli:i
-l o O r--o < vl .ri <.to l; do P{ C 3 -5 5

rr;la: r* :i : ;i;;l*;;
o)
face of the precept of charity, which in its full content of
part the love of parents for their children, and later the love
o;o,-r /'D
given the parents by their children in thankful restitution,
course transcends the average strength of man and means a target

law.
:E
provide what ethics demands over and above the narrow rule of
Those families in which the instinct of consanguinity is
to shoot for rather than a direct command. There is yet another
reason why it is wrong to say that personal inequality is funda¬
mentally at odds with the nature of law; law receives its char¬
1:
fully alive share the available goods to the end in the manner of
poetic justice. There always are numerous persons as well who acter not only from the persons it joins together but also from
the things it must regulate. It may, and indeed often does,
outside the circle of their relatives give as much as they can of
3

happen that collective success is best achieved when individuals

their possessions to the physically or spiritually indigent,

f-i;gf l;=i[;r:t';d3 =i1t;

h:itiEi*: i*s; i;3:gfi
joined together for action establish a hierarchical order of
without being legally forced to do so. The churches at all times ;r;J:ldi:;;isin
3f'g q 3 il:

unequal rights, graduated according to the shares contributed by

have been intermediaries for works of compassion, in monasteries them to the accomplishment of the social tasks to be realized.
countless individuals have spontaneously given the vow of pov¬ In this case the sense of justice readily accepts the inequality
erty, and in still many other ways the sharp edges of the legal of right and rank. It is positively wrong always to attribute
system have been ground off by the soothing order of love. the inequalities which are so numerous in the body of law to
Nevertheless, the experience of all times and all nations has superior force and external coercion; rather they are quite often
shown the durability of legal systems in which ethics holds in the logical creation of strength systematically organized.
only a restricted form, which for all that may yet be obstructed
SSEgg

by the slags of force preceding the rule of law in the early

evolution of mankind. The feeling of love which ties together
the majority of the people with one another is not strong enough
to soften the strict legal system into a harmonious ethical
::5li+iIi;a 4. The Fight for (the Observance of) Rights
;tsrrs=

When it is perceived ethically, the rule of reason gains the

order. In its fanciful beginnings the idea of socialism brought
..t-..6$'-$333
ca O S i i

heightened stature of an ethical power. Only the "you shall" of

forth all manner of attempts to organize society like one large
id ;i r ; i

family. These undertakings have failed without exception. As the conscience enhances the worth of the rule of reason to the
the rule of law is otherwise adapted to typical, conditions, it is
level which justifies summoning the political "you must" and the
also with respect to the degree of legal respect which it expects social "one must" for its enforcement. Even the "I may," by
which legal wisdom defines the various spheres of will, in every
the people to extend to it, being adjusted to the typically pre-
;;E

Could it also last if erected on a legal system in which right in its full meaning has not been
vailing degree of charity.
36

tfi

disfigured by force is elevated to "I shall." The old saying

different foundation? that nobody is hurt when somebody else uses his right doesn’t
tell enough; not only that I do not act unethically when I act
About the Inequality in Law within my permitted sphere, but society even expects that I make
cr
P

-
{
ct

3.
lu
-o
o

o
c
-d

ll
J

full use of my legal rights for the sphere of these rights is

measured by the typical experience of what can be accomplished,
As we look back today on times long past, their legal sys-
ii; il;;lt ;; I : ;iii;;:;si*:; r
;t i;g;t;ffi ;E iiirs;;; ; ;r;a$
ii':t3i irg
;1
;1; *;s; ;:g:r ;

and no claimant is supposed to fall short of such accomplish¬

terns appear to us as immoral. We can no longer turn our mind
5Ze P' O p: OO pJ O

ment. Since the "I may" does not really refer to the things to
1xo

back to the setting of restricted ethics which was common to

f.or 'JO 5H'O P'5 P'oq O < 9f

which I am entitled but to the persons who must respect my

iill1ii3;=E ITn i;: ::; i:;;

everybody at that time who as lord had command over slaves. To

a

deprive a fellow human being of libertv we rate as a_ crime rights, I do not act unethically vis-a-vis them either by insist¬
Later centuries, in turn, will not be able ing that they fulfill their duties. Within the framework of a
'fo'-'o5ts"1

against nature.
oo<Po'rprr:oo3

nonviolent law I even act ethically if I do not yield any of my

either to view our legal system as ethical any longer. The rank rights which I have to claim if I am to meet society’s expecta¬
inequality of legal rights with which our sentiments can put up tion of success. In this sense the fight for one’s rights is
will probably be perceived as a gross suppression of the poor. permissible and within proper limits even required. The ethical
Nevertheless, in a time to which slavery had been handed down by perception , reflected in a conscience-dictated duty to heed the
history and which could not imagine a situation without slavery, rights of others, at the same time gives me a claim to
the lord could not have felt, and did not have to feel, his right own rights, and I fight a worthy battle if I try todefend my
q=r;

to hold slaves to be unethical, just as today we do not perceive stop an

0J - or' -.tD c, <+D P.! < 5crdcr

the inequality of rights as unethical unless it is veÿy bad or

adversary who usurps my rights. The fight for one’s rights
loses its legitimacy when continued against an adversary only
iiis+ll; itti*

has been created or augmented by the use of brute force. The who
: b crO O r-O y;tdO -Jooo

view of coming generations means nothing as far as the ethical without his fault is no longer capable of performing. Such a
fight cannot be approved by an ethically perceptive person,
o{

perceptions of a given age are concerned, for the latter finds as ethical perception can no longer approve abstention from just
its yardstick for comparisons in the views held by the immedi¬ exercise of a right, or the accumulation of such a right in a
the
ately preceding generations. A body of law which is more lenient person to such a degree that it no longer permits being put
than the one by which the ancestors lived may be viewed by the socially valuable use.
to
sons as ethically acceptable. For the rest, the ruling law can
always claim for itself the strong argumentative force of exper¬
o- i6ri*rgrot
-tgg3.{at.:

as Owing to the fact that the rule of law is never derived from
ience; it exists and therefore can _be, it has been confirmed a single occurrence but always
1l;

possible by the reality of its being and by this alone is already from the typical general condi¬
tions, the fight for legal rights, waged
stronger than any purely contrived system which would first have at first only between
two individual persons, obtains higher social
to pass the test of experience. The rules of reason of the law significance. The
:;

they conduct is at the same time waged in the interest of

are too firmly grounded on success to disintegrate readily in the the companions, the party, the class. The public, therefore,
90
91
 side the national court and the itself is of course much too weak. It is not the state1 s better
vaits in suspense to see whose

;1lll; i['r
Ijllliiiiliiii1ll;ili:liiiiliiiiii;11til lr, ri *'lq1iillll
6 l[lffilglll
will take. As the excitement grows, the compan¬ trained police force which makes for greater security on the open
social judgment enter themselves into the fight about roads than in centuries past, it is the more civilized and peace-
ions, parties, and classes
a full-fledged ethical war, ful disposition of the citizens. Why is the regime in matters of
rights , which only thereby becomes rising above the individual
tfith a significant general interest taxation so much less perfect than it is in private law although
doubt that the freedom fight of the sup¬
interest. Who would fight! the penalties provided by the state for violation of tax laws are
pressed is an ethical And isn’t it so that the defenders much higher than those applying to private wrongdoing? The
Df the existing powers also have to look after an important legal answer cannot be in doubt: the tax provisions are not inter¬
idea? As the populace fightsthe a worthy battle when it defends its preted by the majority of citizens with the same sensitive under¬
inalienable rights, so does prince who observes the historic standing as the provisions of private law, tax morality being of
duties of his high calling.

_ course much lower than the morals governing private legal rela¬
tionships. The church in its awareness of human behavior there¬

11
l;
fore prudently refrains from condemning offenses against tax
5. internal and External Power of Law moralitv according to the same standard applied to offenses
against the moral code in private life. The average citizen
The internal power of law is stronger than the external deems permissible vis-a-vis the state, in spite of all its power,
;ia;iiliqriifl;l1rliiqllilffillilllll

liiiliitillliitiliiillltiiiilltllliiilil[11ffi
of the
one. Law receives its external power by the "you must" is indis¬
what he considers illicit vis-a-vis the most homely fellow-
state and the "one must" of society. State coercion citizen. With the companion, the business correspondent the
pensable when it is necessary to crush the will opposing only the client one deals continuously, they are personally known, one has
legal system, but the state’s means of coercion will suffice an appreciation for the experience of power which a frictionless
in a minority.
as long as the resisting citizens are merely abjectly cooperation with them brings, one wants to be esteemed by them in
Against a pronounced majority, unless it were submis¬ order to be assured of their concessions. For all these reasons
sive, the state could not prevail. Even against a strong minor- one feels so close to them that one not only depends on them for
itv it has to work with the instruments of the martial law which purely rational considerations but every person of not downright
cannot be used for the duration, and where state does not indelicate manners is automatically motivated to offer them legal
have social pressure and the force of conscience on its side, it respect and doesn’t wait until he is forced to meet his due obli¬
will not assert itself fully at all. As long as social pressure gations to them. The state, on the other hand, is an abstract
from the circles of the military, nobility and the students entity, not vivid to the common imagination and not speaking to
demand the duel, the duel will prevail although the state pun- human sentiment, an abstract entity alien to common knowledge and
ishes its practice as a crime. Just as little has the state all the more removed frm the conscience. Only through the pas¬
succeeded in keeping the bold Alpine people from poaching, which sionate excitement of people’s sentiments, as brought on perhaps
in their own circle yields them praise rather than disgrace. by a popular war, do the masses awaken to their duty vis-a-vis
Social pressure, on its part, is very effective where things are the state; then certainly they are prepared for the greatest
so plain that every resistance to its "one must" is immediately (volitional) sacrifices because at the same time they become
noted and brings on a balancing counter-effect. On a bridge with conscious of the experience of power which the continued viable
much traffic pedestrians and drivers of vehicles will in the main existence of the state means to it.
automatically keep to that side which usage prescribes they do;
the inexperienced or recalcitrant are more or less bluntly shown Public law has the peculiar characteristic that wherever the
the right way by those who meet on the bridge, and the police can opposing interests of large groups collide, the internal power of
afford to limit its strength to one or a few men because it has the law is of no avail. Every group fancies to have the law on
nothing to do but to take drastic steps in an emergency. Where its side and denies legitimacy to the opposite party. This is
things are not so plain, social pressure must, in addition, be the gate through which force is called into public life; because
supported by the ethical sense of justice. The sacrificium internal power is missing, external power must do its job, and
voluntatis must be rendered in the conscience itself, and the because the gods do not speak, the demons of the underworld aÿe
will in its very core must adjust itself to the ethical power in loosed. Hence the fights between the parties, the classes, the
which it wants to have a part. If all citizens were filled with churches, and above all the nations. Whereas within a particular
the sense of justice, no force whatever would be necessary alto¬ state force must be applied for the most part only to a small,
gether in order to uphold the legal system. Travelers who know defiant minority which refuse to obey the law, as between nations
the old interior China which has not yet been changed in its denying each other legal respect force must become the instrument
character by communication with Europeans tell us that in those to be used at a moment’s notice.
areas courts and administrative authorities are being much less
::Eeq 3" *T

drawn upon than in any country of European civilization. The

:Irila:i;
B';

thousand-year-old, stagnating Chinese civilization has developed 6. About the Necessity for a General Belief in Law
so many firm habits of living and has given so much external and
:

internal direction to the people as would not be possible in the If the power of law is recognized as a fundamentally ethi-
more agitated life of Europe, where state coercion, social cal , internal power having its roots in the conscience of the
pressure, and moral constraint must work together in order to individual, it is thereby not in the least denied the character
3'F;

guarantee the workability of the legal system. Where moral force °f a social power. Even in their innermost
endeavors humans look
is weaker, the regime of law is also imperfect because thereby for support in the form of social confirmation. As the yearning
social pressure is weakened as well and because the state by f or knowledge and for beauty need this support, so do also the
92 93
 religious and ethical yearning; in each case tasks have to be met decision against the charge of arbitrariness, needs the statute

-"-x liII[;
il;u-* ;i r; * - r*: ;ur;ae r [*

;i;f5
-'

['f,::sl
I
3;
which transcend the unaided strength of the individual. Truth is which spells out the general rule of law. The modern school of
fr*ee adjudication, which would give the judge full power to use

p;ii';ti;.s
not being falsified when I find it in association with others, discretion in accordance with the nature of the case, presupposes
but is thereby elucidated and strengthened. People are so much
alike that they do not begin to deny their nature when they fol¬
ili; [;; judges of the stature of the great Roman jurists who had in them
13*(;'3g5tg3

low the best who are striving ahead and in doing so lean on one the spirit of the lawgiver. Judges, being on average what they

rr;:i
another. When in association with others under the same circum¬ are must be placed on the firm foundation of the law.

g;illlilliilllilii FilH
stances I discover the same law, I need not disavow my sense of The lawgiver* s task is among the most significant and most
justice; on the contrary, I will have satisfied it better than if
H;f

I had gone my way alone. A generally held belief in law is its difficult leadership tasks in society. Social judgment has
always placed the gÿeat lawmaker in the forefront of leaders.
strongest test.
His importance is not diminished by the fact that the legal norms

ii[3:1f In;, *rars; rn;*;;r

which he has to formulate must be prepared by the nature and life
'*i;iHE:gi;;;g;;f $s1;u**: i =sEq*,rF,

But is there any kind of law which would fully pass this
"*

test? Are there really legal persuasions so generally held that of the people, for in any other field as well the great leader is
5 E (,slE P.{.P'?93(/)o 555 dq E f o Hr5 P'o dd(" P'd0,ocf

always prepared by the spirit of the people. The special task of

only a small minority not responsive to a sense of justice keeps
ru 1*[;i;;ff $; Irii ;gf [x ffi;i a{;

aloof? Do the majority of people really know the law according the lawgiver to derive firm rules from the worldly wisdom accum-
to which -they live? Every individual member of the masses knows ulated through experience requires a penetrating knowledge of
life, which must be paired with the highest acumen and the most
it only for his own limited sphere, and when he uses it he does finely attuned sense of justice, as reflected in an artistic
so by applying it in its traditonal forms, but without possessing linguistic instinct.
the degree of understanding we must insist on to justify using Nor is the importance of the lawgiver
While the masses may understand the reduced by the fact that he needs jurisprudence as an aid. Only
the term "persuasion.” by the scope and significance which jurisprudence has won with
essence and purpose of private law, which touches upon their most all strong peoples can we fully appreciate the significance of
immediate interest, do they not lack any kind of judgment in the legal form. The latter finds its outward expression in the
public affairs of which it is so hard to obtain a general view?
i;i:lr; i;;3l ils ili- '

solemnity surrounding the announcement of the law as well as the

Indeed, the expression "belief in law" says more than may be said functioning of the court.
of the individuals who make up the masses. The general belief in
r$i.rl3;;

law does not come about in such a way that all individuals in the As does the scholarly jurist, the lawgiver and the judge
multitude become fully persuaded; it comes about, as does every also like to cultivate the legal form for its own sake.
social decision in general: by the leaders walking in front and reception of Roman civil law provided by the jurists during the
The
the masses following. After all, even in legal matters one must epoch of Humanism and the Renaissance demonstrates the attraction
not expect more of the masses than what corresponds to their
F;;;

exerted at that time on the juridic spirit by the legal form.

nature; that is, in legal matters, too, it is incumbent upon the Taking part in the reception of English constitutional law during
masses only to confirm through appropriate following the policy the period of the revolutions were not only the yearnings of the
of the leaders. The social finding of law requires the leader- masses for freedom but also the sense for good form of the jur-
ship by those sensing and shaping the law and fighting for it. ists. In both cases the result was a well-formed body of law
When in legal matters we see the masses actively imitating the which nevertheless could not help being perceived as artificial
liri;sasi

behavior of the leaders, they contribute their due share to the

sr*-

formation of the belief in law. They will prove their active

because it lacked an organic connection with the natural soil of
the law, the creative sense of justice of the people. Such arti¬
involvement in ruling law by the degree of resistance they offer ficial law is still only halfway law and will mature into
when they are expected to live according to a different law which law only after its form has been adapted to the content which full
is repugnant to their sentiments. Where, however, we see the the
sls

masses accept with dull indifference the decisions announced by native sense of justice demands. One must have learned from the
pattern of the foreign law how to pour one’s own legal
those who just happen to dominate the rostrum of public life, to aspira¬
gii

speak'of social belief in law would be out of the question. The tions into the mould suitable for their contents.
lr;

masses will thus not champion a body of law which has so origi¬ Just as the legal profession when it is in rapid movement
nated, and such law will therefore not pass the decisive test. undertakes too much as a leader, there are other times when it
stands still and becomes derelict in its duty to point the way in
Form legal matters. These are the times of rigid, arid juridic
'4

7. The Importance of Legal law

cf

P
r-l

n
ro
o

p)
ts

0)
o
H

when jurisprudence and jurisdiction stick by the letter and

As an internal power law is also in need of the correspond¬ wither. A strong people will then seek to create its legal con-
o o
O P.o O X P

'E l

! j 6 o *.o
o p ( e'5 5

Fbo o
5 Hts.
p.<'! o p)

P.{ d O Hjct

..cDo ('oo o{

figurations in the informal way which

cr -0)FI(,P

ing external form since it is called upon to regulate the exter¬ was once peculiar to the
o e'p'5
H.
o f ::5a
cr5 '3 5dO

common
FlU ts@

P
oOOEP.

nal behavior of human beings. To a certain extent it is in need law.

X5ct'oe
p
HCoOdO

of coercive power, because otherwise one could not cope with the
;('qts
3,f;q

!:C o
om o

'nO5ct
o5rc

But even in the ideal case of general and Mastery of legal form yields its greatest advantage
opposing minority. anteeing untroubled evolution of the law, permitting by guar-
?.tc
Pr\y
!oo

O r

D;';

complete obediance to law, where no external coercion is required in wise

o

foresight
v

at all, complete legal power demands the legal form. Even the to transfer old law into new before it has turned from
cf
0)
g)

good
F
F

mind willing to comply with the law still needs the trained judge
sense to nonsense, from blessing to curse.
l
I

o' r.l
g tscrl
I

ol
o ^lEl
ol
o. @l
(, 5l

55.<l
"F'

O0)cr
Htl
-oP.l

who applies the general legal rule to the particular case which
B{5

@m
<o5

opr
@
8',€
rd

J^:l

may be in doubt. The judge, in turn, in order to protect his

^l

94 95
 of justice. True power of law is an internal power, it is a fol¬
Even a quite healthy people only after having fully matured

: 'P
<
< 5 5 O 3 d5 El

*:'B? " dE$

-
.o
o

H:J
o< o <
lowing from the heart which no longer requires coercion or else
attains the happy blend of legal justice and legal form, and

-16_E1=

: K !'*r€ n
4 50 t+O O ct
P'O (D g) O Jc+ only against a minority of lawless minds. True power of law is

{ L-.o e,0lu
-J P.O f.

- X "'!.p;.

13eiJ'r5.;
thereby full internal power of law, while its adolescence and

P.o o x: -'::

o
5 (Ia dPdo;
o crg i'i1A) to a active powen, and the king acknowledged as legitimate finds will¬
decline are filled with fights for external poweÿ. Even

:a:TooPoP
.r3oFc.d0)

ing souls to do his bidding. But for the despot no hand will

6' o ln
once in a while that, the peaceful

kt0n'-T5-
mature people it may happen
bestir itself unless forced to, and when his rule of force has

X P.^
oH

: -i {o
l-o dn
sequence of bodies of law is interrupted by the conflict of tor¬

"lr+--d
0q o
ended he is a helpless beggar pursued by hate.
menting forces, but internal peace is likely to be restored rela¬
Fts.O

tively quickly and the wounds of battle will justly heal.

!n
'o

Of the historically established tyrannies only those

acquired the full power of law which changed so drastically that
they won, through the blessings of civilization and culture the
Force

.'
8. Legal Form and Rule by
_rJ

v
t-

o
d
-.
3
n

f
minds of the masses which at first they dominated by the terror
of arms. On the long road to be traveled until the forced fol¬
The road to the power of law historically has led to a large

I i i I lilll
i;;;;q;:;;ti; iri;;: I3 ; :;1E I {}a;3r : i;ii;ir;I:g}
lri*;*{[rliglE rlrig ;;;]fla*,;;Iaiti;a[ii;4lFa:
lowing of the masses was transformed into a following giving
d;:i;[;tr;;;;:ir;Il:

extent through the power of coercion. The despot Afterwill always

E IeF3
'-o

having spontaneous legal recognition, the minds of the masses

feel the urge to be legitimated and exalted. had to
he wants to take the live through a variegated series of transitional sentiments until
knocked the lawful king off the throne,

—
-.r..o

to the rule by force came to be mentally accepted entirely as rule

latter's seat and be adorned by his crown. He does not want by law. The modern mind, which takes the state of freedom for
commands but he
content himself with the rule by force which he apparatus,
g

othei granted, is no longer quite able to imagine these public senti¬

wants to have behind him the whole formal legal ments, because to that mind it appears as impossible that a state
wise he doesn't believe to possess complete dominion over the
c'o

qi il I
IFHS*H*lE;

of slavery was not always perceived as unbearable coercion. But

minds. Therefore he neglects no detail of legal form. He has should this really have been the case through all the millenia
himself proclaimed by law as ruler, he installs judges and orders
o

when a large, and often the major, portion of the population

them to punish those who refuse to acknowledge him as a ruler.
F

the hearts lived by the laws of slavery? The lords to whom the slaves had
But does he thereby really acquire the power over law doesn't been awarded as property have through these long epochs regarded
*'o

which his lawful predecessor held? By no means. His their lordly privileges as affording complete control, not any
oblige the conscience of his subjects, and the sentences of his
I

different from property right in material goods which they

judges are viewed by the people as unjust coercion. The outward
'--s,oq

owned. As to the unfree, we must assume that they, too, had to

—
I iliii

legal form used by him is nothing but continued rule by force; become resigned to their lot which as rule they had no pros¬
following the armed war against the hostile army, he now conducts
the war with chains and gallows against the various adversaries
pect whatever to change
— to a degree that they still could get
some enjoyment out of life. For the milder cases of bondage, as
iif

who no longer dare to do battle in the field. He apprehends them

E'

it was borne by the rural vassals, this was certainly

when they refuse to render to him in public the homage he true.
Ordinarily, unless the rough arm of the lord or his representa¬
demands, and he pursues them into their very homes if he suspects
iE&E "-E
i: g;

tive just happened to interfere, the peasant could enjoy his

lqA sE gFe', ss33 isd

iilil

that there they will conspire against him. The law proclaimed by
physical vigor, attributable to the work he did, and in the
him is no legal precept but merely a coercive measure; the judge also the fruits of his labor almost as much as the freemanmain
=

appointed by him is not a judge but a readjuster. Just as the those times who by the prevailing circumstances was as a matter of
dragoons of Louis XIV could not convert the pious hearts of the of fact almost as firmly tied to the soil as was the bonded
;I;fn;;ir rii;;; l;: I li:

Huguenots, no more can coercion by the usurper stifle the feeling ser¬
i

vant as a matter of law. But the masses of the unfree, too, who
of loyalty toward the legitimate king.
[l I lii i i

were under a harsher regime still had to resign themselves to

their fate, if only in dull submission. The members
The despots of modern times are as avidly after the legal tribes whose instincts did not contain the yearning for of such
form as were those of past centuries and millenia. In the new freedom
perhaps felt better off in their dependence on a lord who pro¬
ii

states, which after the World War were established on the terri¬
3-orJP.; s;;'p6,^ *:p:'-3

vided for them to a certain degree than they would have felt if
tory of the Austro-Hungarian Empire, rule by force is unhesitat¬ left to their own resources. Did not all those sentiments
ingly passed off for legal form, and everybody is a traitor who include a certain recognition of the rights of the
struggles against the new despotism. There no ethnic minority, assume this to have been true at least during thoselord? We must
however large, may claim for itself the original national right when the minds of the long periods
1l

by
of self-determination which had been so solemnly proclaimed affairs, without acts of resistance except for a few
the victors themselves. Is the dictate breaking this original Personal eruptions. Where, however, slave uprisings brokeisolated
I

right to be able to create law? The dictator, of course, needs out or

Peasant revolts of the English or French kind in the 14th century
pE Bf E',A5.B $!

this very legal support so urgently that he cannot escape the 0r of the German
kind of peasant
self-deception to the effect that he be able to transform force
Was perhaps William the
that the sense of justice of the wars, we surely have clear proof
oppressed did not yield, and we
into law merely by calling it law. must assume that its resistance could not be broken even
lll

Norman also recognized by the Saxons in their hearts as king the

uprising was put down with cruel force. In the end, the when the
legitimate king because he defeated and slayed the Saxon the European peoples still mind of
Harold on the bloody field of Hastings? One royal successor considered all forms of bondage, even
its milder variants, as incompatible
i il

after the other had to act as a despot until finally the Normans did away with them. with their disposition and
and the Saxons had formed a sisterly union of English people and
i

along with their common language became linked by a common sense

96 97
 to a Even with peoples of very rich legal talent the
The sentiments of today's proletariat, legally free but the legal forms for the most part lags behind the art of shap¬

liifp piiIll*gillil;ii
rg'iE;r:i ; i; ;;;ii

i$i;iilEi; Iggiiri$igfii:sr;lfl[i iflgi ;ll[*g;[[tili

=r*ul:$; **
ing
large extent weighted down by dire poverty, are closely attuned
fs3; ffi { [r€ 35 development
of the content of law. Like any other art, this one, too, takes
to the sentiments of the unfree of times past. who They are also
of ethnic minorities feel short¬ its due time, of course. To the powerful in the country what
approached by the sentiments minorities matters, above all, is to obtain the sanction of legal
changed in their claims to self-determination. These as they their personal power, and therefore they at first form for
had put up with the lack of self-determination as long val- body of law for themselves only, alongside which the formulate a
were not sufficiently advanced to create their own cultural law of the
caught up in this respect, they perceive populace grows wild, so to speak. For all that, the powerful in
ues , but once they have the country know quite well, however, that they must couple with
the absence of self-determination as nearly unbearable coer¬ their own formal law a far-reaching tolerance for the uncon-
cion. Most painfully suffering under foreign sovereigntyandare a trolled growth of the law of the populace.
those peoples which earlier had enjoyed national freedom lost
culture of their own, but in the wake of fatal wars have
qtli;i;

19th century In the historic beginnings the law was tailored quite one-
their independence. The democratic movement of the from, a fair sidedly to the person of the ruler, but all the same
imparted new strengths to, and revived the demands surrounded
aE 3e

their political independ- by the exuberant growth of the actual powers to whom the
number of such peoples who along with had to give ruler
full scope. In the beautiful book by Erman-Ranke
ence also appeared to have already lost completely their cultural about Egypt this state of affairs has been most aptly portrayed
independence. in the chapter which describes the king and his court. We wish
to quote the pertinent passage verbatim. It reads as follows
Time and again new developing law is added to the old famil-
sr"
is[:;;['i;[;t[*;l
il]iI

iar law. At first it presents itself as an external custom,

without being pervaded as yet by the sentiment of an inner is imper¬
very The idea of the state, which through the legacy of
ative, characteristic of law. Perhaps the zeal to follow duty. The the Greeks and the Romans has become second nature with
active here, but it has not hardened yet into firm
rH' n ; gr; rl;;fi€g1a,*IFF;l;t

us, was as foreign to the peoples of the Old Orient as

combative, adventuresome young people who under the command of a it still is today for most Orientals. In the
iiFFu E s3 #q FE gfafE g IIqFlgg

:l:nl;!;

famous leader embark upon an expedition into foreign maintains, lands are
willing to submit to the harsh discipline which he
leading more by his spirit-stirring will and his mighty arm than
by carefully weighed directives. The instructions given to his
followers and obeyed by his eager people are emerging martial
law. Out of such directions, after they have been selected and
confirmed by success , have emerged the laws of war which leads
armies. If the expedition
recognition in the European
the notion prevailed, and often still prevails Orient
today,
that the entire state machinery works for the ruler's
sake only; that taxes are paid to fill his treasure-
house; that war is waged for his glory; and that for
his honor the big monuments are built.
All the
and all goods are his property, and even when he land
received lets
to others have a share in it, this is, strictly speaking,
-r:t-ilt

only in the nature of a loan which he can call at any

the establishment of states and the laws of war are surrounded by
and supplemented with laws of peace, this body of law receives
the consecration of people's law or full law. If, on the other
hand, the expedition does not proceed beyond the dimensions of
;;g r;{
time. The subjects, too, are his property, and he can
do with their lives as he pleases.
a
Of course, this is only the official view.

raid, its law becomes the law of a small group of individuals who In
Robber law can reality, here, too, things look quite different, and
like robbers live outside the universal law. the king, seemingly governing everything like a god ,
never become genuine law, though within its sphere it may hold
mostly has only little independence. Next to him are,
r* ;Fr;;;'

its own through fear and terror or may to the mind of a Karl Moor
=

a group of course, the old counselors who already served

even appear as pure law. Not only is it unlikely that inthat are father and who are used to being obeyed absolutely his
of lawless persons healthy moral drives will be found by
the army of scribes and clerks, and also next to him
necessary in order to elevate the companionable spirit to a per¬
ii'[*;;

stand the generals with their blindly obedient soldiers

severing sense of duty for the group, but robber law necessarily and the priests with their untrammeled power over the
places itself at variance with the entire legal system of a peo¬ lower classes. Settled in the various states, however,
ple. It can therefore not be true law, for true law must be are very affluent noble families who stand closer to
internally consistent as part of a general system which combines the population of their native place than does the
all the individual rules into a coherent whole. ruler living in the remote capital. With none of these
mighty ones must the king fall out. He must spare the
sensibility of the ministers, must open up innocuous
About the Art and the Development of the Formation of Law
G
ct
Cr

o
cr

9-
FJ
o
d

channels for the ambition of the generals, must guard

closely against his functionaires approaching the
The first legal forms were rigid-typical and may be compared
P
*b*o.:ouj o L*+)
ts.
-P. -

p n ij..,5 H
P. O"i u O

o ts.x
g

i
o

o.b<
l

nobility too closely, and above all must get along we11
Y ,i *': lJX
5.:t

Only
with the rigid-typical configurations of the earliest art.
dOU
A: r-oq
Hp.p.:1

b<
o ),1
q d-- o cr I

with the clergy.

5 Poq < crcr

Only if he can measure up

P g o H'P'P'

express
-o

to the
o PP'O (r5

learn how
little by little does the lawgiver
these demands, while knowing at the same time to all
P.(, 5 ts

p.i- o:'o.^

diverse legal configurations of life. In this regard the Roman

u.o Fo.F{

how to
53< 5
B
cf Ft 0c

g",--s^
ts.ts.tD O
cttF(,O6H

'o3;{

legislator was preceded by the Roman judge who was especially

balance off each of these factors against one
E o cr

does he have a chance for a long and another,

50 e
\y r D
.r
*.6:

qualified for the task of moulding the law because he was at the blessed
{J6E+
T

government.
d;,

same time the scientifically trained authority on the law.

(J

98 99
 is true for every time the factual chiefs of the state until they finally
What has been said here for Old Egypt

ttiru;[llai;tq:;[;
could success-

Bu rfi i[;'iarila:+iilii;l;iFiitfl['?;iI li sFIli**ffi;ffill;gii

3;l ;:; r [: ; tr rl*g tx A
ri: g lr ::;[g:[€ il*,illliil
the effective powers of law have not yet fully assert their claim to the royal
title.
and every nation
rsirEErgi;r;lsise where
in legal form. In tms sense we muomustu derance of legal form of great significance?Isn't this prepon¬
It assures
been fully articulated quoted phrase, "and the king is peaceful operation
of the law, while actual strength the
correctly interpret the much the necessary play. To be sure, a kingdom which all toostill has
absolute if he does as we wish," which has been attributed to the long has
It is not merely the witticism for lacked a strong representative must in the end
class.
conservative Junker usually taken, but collapse. The history of the Merowingians crumble away and
the accurate expression of presents an example.
which the words are admits that the royal law is the In a tragic way Louis XVI paid for the mistakes
an apt observation. The Junker He does not demand the sors. of his predeces¬
only formal law and shall remain so. go with his class along¬
explicit recognition of the rights that
he himself wishes to Economic liberalism, too,
side the absolute rights of the king which to take refuge behind them notions which opposition against emanated from the idealizing
the tutelage of mercantilistic
uphold in all their strength in orderto obtain the factual toler¬ governments had called forth. One
against the subjects. He is content assumptions about the individual being gloried in exaggerating
interests, and this the king
ation of the exercise of his power he in turn needs the fol¬ about the socially beneficial effects ofdestined for liberty and
on his part is glad to yield because to prevail against forms instituted by Mercantili sm were for competition. The legal
lowing of the Junkers , being too weak alone as forms of coercion, and their abolitionthe most part perceived
the whole body of the populace. main the economy should remain free from was demanded: in the
encroachments by the
About the Formation of Modern Constitutional
Law in Par- li _ state. in appropriate places economic
yielded great and greatest successes, liberty has, indeed,
but there were enough
10.
;; ;B ;i [riiil;iil';lilliqlilHfi ;Hi i$[g lils
i

places where it was misplaced, and

ticular of coercion gained the upper hand. in these places strong powers
Capitalistic power, which was
ir* tiiltilil*fii;
H[iHqlIrHi':n?Eri;riliIgifEii**ilifrHi

that its forms itself enhanced by the growth of large-scale

Modern constitutional law has the peculiarity replica of life, but could become excessive as soon as the economic structures,
very often do not try to give an immediate state gave it free play,
one forms of public life. This but the weaker strata of the population
are determined by the ideas
aspects of constitutional and thrown back inasmuch as they did not were severely oppressed
statement also applies to the economic find the remedy of self-
closely determined by the help. Then came the proletarian
law, whose orientation is almost more than by the actual suc¬ notions of the state in the economythinkers with their idealizing
ii

ideas about individualism and socialism extreme form of economic coercion. and demanded as legal form an
life is more n'arrowly circumscribed What a confusion has thereby
cess of these ideas. Private lend themselves more been injected into the modern legal system!
il["iFr;[*[rxtt:**=t;11siIre;Fr:

predictable, and its configurations There was the danger

and more expression. In contrast, the eye of that the power of law would lose its
readily to being given legal cess from which it is said to direct relationship to suc-
to survey public life in its vast have originated. Instead of suc-
the observer is hardly able Instead of imitating the real¬ cess represented by facts, what
expanse and impetuous momentum.
constitutional law readily adheres to the success which the i dea achieved inwasthesupposed to matter was the
ities of public life,
for power combined with chief has thereby already been visitedminds of men. Much mis-
workable ideas according to whichthegreed
t' ;:iri[;i:ir -riit ;[q:fi

worse still seems to loom ahead. Level-headedupon the peoples, and

idealizing thinking wish to see state structured. Thus the put to a severe test. thinking has been
first royal law was a replica of the notion of an ideal monarchy,
the king were allotted in the way the perfect
and the rights of
prince needed them to do
the more frequent case
power. So it could happen
his
know what to do with the superfluity
best.
they abused
that the
Weak
of
successors
their
them
weak
in
rights,
the
prince
didn't quite
or else
wantonness
was
of
dominated
his favorites and mis¬
— — The democratic movement of our time
the democratic form of the constitution
been the case earlier for its
presupposed the ideal king, the
in naive faith accepts
as idealizingly as had
absolutistic form. As the latter
ideal populace. One believes to haveformer takes for granted the
either by the creatures of his whims, persons of his environment who the infallible form of law by which thefound in universal suffrage
tresses, or else by the vigorous ple are promoted to best from among the peo¬
had the name and the
served him as indispensable aides.
those
He only
others enjoyed it to the test is not as simpleleadership. However, the selection of the
a matter as it seems. Only in
outward honors of power while the significance of legal historically tried democracies the older
full. Precisely such cases illustrate favorites always had meet the necessary prerequisite does the maturity of the people
form. For the all-powerful male or female
being covered by the legal form
young democracies are not so far for good elections, whereas the
along. We will have more to say
to stay in the background, not happened had to happen in about this later.
which was accepted by the people. What the outside didn't quite
the name of the king, and the masses on
find out at all in whose head its fates were decided; only the
took advantage of it. Even
insiders of the court knew this and ministers as Richelieu and
such energetic and statesmanlike
limelight. Their power would
Mazarin could not step into the limited themselves to assist-
have ended quickly if they had not being outwardly recog-
ing in its exercise but had also demanded
nized for its possession. In order to overthrow the Merowin-
gians, the Carolingian majordomos had to
excel for a long time as
i

100 101
 VII. The Culture Powers peoples of the Occident by showing how to

H
this world with that of the hereafter. Theunite

J
o
the notion of
became the leader of the faithful in the worldRoman church also
now, and particularly it became the leader of of the here and

Ict
The Communion of Faith

l-
lP.
1.

t5
lo,
o
a)

o
3
*l
o
a spiritual cul¬
ture. As later the Protestant
The culture powers enrich life
with internal values which urge cleaned the churches, so visionaries in their iconoclastic
spirit than the most mag¬ the
are more enchanting for the receptive however, doesn't farther-reaching sweep, had attemptedOriental
to
church, in a still
Their importance,
nificent external treasures. they adorn and crown life, but they slags of antique culture, and the Roman purify the world of the
that church in this respect
followed it to some extent; splendid treasures
rest merely on the fact of the highest order. To be pressure sure, human
also have binding forcebrought by the firm of were destroyed at that time. But as soon as theofchurch
antique culture
had given
beings must first be together to life in this world its due, it
powers until
force, and they must be educated by public order learning. Coping with the mysterious became the creator of new
they become receptive to the
binding force of culture powers; but metaphysical problem which
afflicted the mind of the believer served
they turn out to be the supe¬ to sharpen scholastic
once these have become operative,
shared with other people without losing
thought whose ponderousness was compensated
by its honesty and
rior powers. They can be
by joint possession,
which in its own way also turned to
any substance; nay, they are even enhanced from them. science. It was not arrogance whenthetheology
humanities and to natural
conflict, emanates called itself the
and thus peace, rather than whereas the univer¬ mistress of the serving sciences; it truly
Besides, they are constant in their nature: originated have for them. The religious feeling found its acted as a guidepost
world's great religions triumphant expression
sal empires in which the in great art. In the venerable dark
long since collapsed, the latter have
endured. gious art symbolized the devotion ofof the vaulted church reli-
faith. In the towering
height of the churches this art symbolized
has proved to be the
Among all great religions, Christianity no other one did: of faith. The hundreds of cathedrals the god-seeking zeal
It managed what found in town after town, are testimony reaching heavenwards, as
greatest binding force. it rose above secular to the ever-present
through its power to bind and to absolve us with the most
energy of faith, and the
dominion. The sway of the church provides
may attain in human are adorned testify to itstransfiguring pictures with which they
profusion. If it were permissible
power which faith to
impressive example of the neglected the study of measure the strength of life awareness of
minds. The historiographers have long
as the tic creations, the present would appear an epoch by its artis¬
as much attention to us as poor in vital
this power, but it deserves at least consciousness as compared to the era of the predominance of the
history of arms power. church .
almighty creator of heaven and
The belief in one single god, to him with fervor
If one adds what the church has done
for economic develop-
earth, unites the souls who devote themselves one church! The devout
ment as an administrator in matters of education, law nursing ,
into an unswerving communion. One god, and in still other ways, one obtains
way, and therefore the Christian hensive culture power such as there neverthe impression of a compre-
mind cannot think it any other perceived itself as the community was before and hasn't
church from its very beginning been since. The church wanted to be
of believers, and already in the first confession of its faith everything as well. No
leader for everybody and for
labeled itself catholic or general church. To it really applies
namely, that their
have had at its disposal, external power, whatever weapons it may
could be a match for the internal power
themselves,
what the Bolshevists claim for and disciples,
of the church, even
abstracting
message went out "to all." As did the apostles under its control. Vis-h-vis the from the wealth accumulating
out into the world in order to universal power of the church,
every external power could make itself
missonaries today still march In the times of yearning for power. While every prince felt only as a partial
spread the message of salvation. of Antiquity, this message tory, for the ecclesiasticalgave commands only within his terri¬
faith, as it filled mankind at the endmajority of people, by the power state borders were nonexist¬
was received wholeheartedlybybythe the ent. Rule by arms changed in incessant
strong minds no less than poor ones. The strong minds insufficient protection battles and provided
didn't just pretend to believe, they did believe they led the property from every side.against the dangers threatening life and
poor in mind, however raw their belief may church did: by pointing toWhat the state was unable to give, the
others to belief. The like it, but they followed with the
c°me. it opened up the prospect poetical justice in the life to
have been, didn't merely act Since the for the definitive victory of the
its comfort in belief.
their soul, which found everlastingly good, and it gave to the
faithful, notwithstanding all the evils
the wise and good God, along surrounding him, a feeling
almighty God is also into the soul. Since God of self-assurance in life, with
with faith the love of God is planted the love of God also
Unshakable goal of eternal bliss for the pious. the
has created man according to his own ethical law, containing all
image,
demands charity, which is the highest The hierarchy of church leadership
community of the believers is therefore Told Tor provided the firm scaf-
the other precepts. The ethical community of the public order on earth. For joint practice and
not just that, but at the same time it is an teaching
yided withasa demanded by the common faith, every village
was pro¬
life. the bishops, church and a pastor. The parsons were united
and the bishops under the pope, and under
impor¬
on earth had certainly less
The connection with lifeChristianity like Buddhism, Parable world organization was created which eclipsed thus an incom-
tance for the beginnings of
because,
world. But more and
g°J-itical
Te- thoughorganization. 1Therefore the church was every
it sought comfort in renunciation of this vitality of the fresh not without
SomiSant ower of the a hard eventually
struggle, to assert itself as the
more the church adapted itself to the time.
t_ It outgrew the states, it demarcated
102 103
 faith, and, confronted with penetrating
the boundaries between its power and
that of the state, and it
sphere it managed to
notion of miracle
— "faith's dearest
scientific judgment, the
Although the modern thinkers at first only child" — vanished.

liiilflllililElliEll;ffililillllliiillEllifillllilillllli
was so strong that even within the political aimed at the purifi¬
preserve its interests in the most emphatic manner. cation of faith, a much farther-reaching effect
tentionally. Scientific understanding and faith took place unin¬
After the power of the Roman church through a millenium had human nature which in the highest sense can be metmake demands on

liiiiii isrti ig1;li*ffiiilillllilillgiqgi1li

been renewed time and
and internal disruptions
again notwithstanding
afflicting
finally curtailed through the gradual
it now and
development
then
of the
—
the worst external
it was
entity — only by individuals of the most rugged
who is habituated to the bright light of reasoning
simultaneously
mental constitution. He
loses the capacity to see still in the mystic very quickly
of the state. The state monopolized large functional areas after faith. In addition, with the coarser mass of humanitydarkness of
the yearn-
internal order and the independent Tng for faith is weakened by the
it had managed to establish church education, lively interest devoted to mate¬
education of laymen, having sprung up alongside in lieu of spiritual coun¬
rial values in the face of phenomenal economic development.
faith has Thus
provided it with secular functionaries ceased being the predominant power over
the minds of
selors. In addition to its losses to state adminstration. the men. To a large extent the class-conscious proletariat has been
to social self-government large func¬ lost to the churches. The faith-keeping peasantry
church also had to abandon its care. This giving of their forms than their teachings. clings more to
tional areas previously entrusted to related to the religious While within the educated
class the number of the faithful is still somewhat
ground in state and society is closely
the communion of Protestant countries, there are only a few larger in
split caused by the Reformation. Since then the separate com¬ in the Catholic church
believers has been torn asunder, and none of who know how to reconcile knowledge and faith.
of the faithful could have the aura previously possessed
munities Adding them all up yielded
by the communion of all believers. members, but the influence Nevertheless, the social power
arithmetically the same number of even today must not be assessed too of the Christian churches
lightly. The statistical
less than had pre¬
resulting from the sum of the parts was farwhole. The Catholic number of those who profess their religions
in all civilized
viously been the influence of the undivided countries is still almost tantamount to the sum
of the popula¬
church had been superior to the within states, but now the state had an tion. To be sure, this number, like many others
its territory. The state field of statistics, must not be taken at derived from the
edge on the churches existing laying claim to determining statistician in this case, as in others, hasits face value. The
made the best of its superiority by
the creed of its subjects. Religion became a political matter: external, tangible characteristic as found to depend upon some
to tolerate
political wisdom was not inclined command, "cuius regio eius
an alien power membership; he is unable to find out somethingin official church
experience of faith. All the same it about the internal
within its boundaries. Through the his secular sover¬ must be admitted that even
religlo," the sovereign managed to augmentsovereignty over the
the fact of external religious profession
ing. As long as individuals, though having has its inner mean¬
eignty over the subjects by the religious turned indifferent in
The Protestant chief of state had a particularly the matter of faith, are nevertheless
believers. unable
tinue church membership, they thereby make to decide to discon¬
favorable position as head of thefeeling national church, but the Cath¬ known that belonging
help stronger when he permit- to the church still is of value to them.
olic chief as well couldn't as state church, which in in assuming One will not go wrong
ted the Catholic church to operate that it is not only the value of a convention
keeps them within the ranks of the which
return assisted him with its power. conviction. They can no longer really church but also a residue of
freedom believe, but perhaps with-
Only after a protracted development was political
countries the
out confessing it to themselves,
they would still like to
'
crowned with religious freedom. In a number of believe, if only they could, and as long as they harbor such a
maintained its preferred position vis-a-vis other feeling they find it impossible
state church
religious societies, but in purely democratic countries
religion tion of unbelief, which is a leaptointo
proceed to a formal declara¬
matter. no longer believe, however large their vacant space. Those who
was proclaimed to be a private thing which could unite them mutually number, do not have any¬
Overfatigue at the end of the long-drawn-out tolerance, religious wars a!T='!nst the church organization. and which they could pit
but the testimony of nearly two Against this, Christianity has
to the victory of
contributed in no small degree
was the doubt which was millenia on its side, and even today
has so many convicted adherents
contributory in still larger degree Whereas the mind can ignore this weighty fact. that only the most determined
fomented by the development of modern science.
only of areas which lay
upsurge of the state deprived the church won over to Protestantism For
beyond faith, and whereas the schism is almost people who simply confine themselves to
the peoples and nations which the Catholic church lost, religious nothing left for heart and imagination. the state there
doubt in the very area of faith has estranged millions of souls hearts are stirred up most deeply, as with birth, Whenever human
Protestant ones as well as the old heath, a spiritual speaker is usually heard, marriage, and
illili;}ff

from all churches , the new

Modern science through observation of nature Representative speaks, his
and when a state
Catholic one. ridding itself 0* '•te occasion. Truly, dry manner misses the solemn
learned to master its proven empirical method, the organization of faith power mood of
After the humanities existing organizations of all
the scholastic way which had become barren. spirit, scien¬ Even in is the one best versed in human insight.
had also come to orient themselves by the modern maid gave notice 0n the its most simple manifestations, the effect still exerted
tific perception ceased
the gauntlet to her.
serving
to the mistress of termination
theology.
of
With a clear
obedience,

revealed the childish superstition which was

eye
The
the
nay, it threw down
scientific
hidden
spirit
away i°
minds of the masses by the institution of the
the Catholic church with its chapels,
ceremonies, pomp, and grandeur
—
church
offices, —
hierar-
is fascinating. Even in

104 105
 illuminate these issues as the strongest source of
light gener¬
in most deeply, the power ated by human effort is unable to penetrate
countries where doubt hason settled believers but also on the half¬ universe. Though enriched by thousands the darkness of the
exerted by faith not only to the believing or wanting to believe), insights, which not only yield upon thousands of
believers (but still used
few doubters is impressive. elevate the mind and in aesthetic immeasurable benefits but also
terms provide purest enjoyment,
the superstitious, and even quite aof persons together in commu¬ mankind has still become impoverished by
groups
Even now faith binds large the conscience of their members. has lost a sense for the faith-supported science inasmuch as it
nities which exert power onstrong religious needs who separate remained scientifically inaccessible. meaning of life, which
There are people with very
and
themselves from the churchesspirits can seek god for themselves, but the
only be small. Having failed to reach its
number of these independent nevertheless become a power factor ultimate
of the
goals, science has
be a private matter, has created the modern type of education, first order. Science
When the state declares religion to religion the special which has become one of the pervasive socialknowledge education,
it withdraws from
this can only mean that cannot diminish the the saying that knowledge is power. At the present powers, bearing out
protection granted to it before, but this This dominion is still tific technique revolutionizes the state and time scien¬
hold which religion has on the hearts. society. Knowledge
has religion become a private education is nowadays the most important
evident everywhere. Nowhere so afar purely personal matter of indi¬ struggle, more important than property, thoughweapon in the life
matter in the sense that it be affairs. Therefore, one advantage of providing the less gifted with the latter has the
viduals, not further noticeable in public freedom and equal¬ acquire an education and, for that the means to
state, having conceded religious matter, to stand
even such a to the religious sphere than without a particular education. his ground
without education will always fallHowever,
ity, will give much more recognition today in the end property
Everywhere
to the purely private sphere of individuals. of the multitude of people will rise even in the absence of property apart, whereas the educated
religion is a public power by virtue and will eventually
which it keeps under its spell as well
as the authoritative air acquire property. The customary
division of society into a prop-
powerful state would ertied and a propertyless class was done by
by which it exerts this spell;
think twice before
of power in secular
disparaging
matters
even
it.
the
inviolable
the
Just
papacy
most

under
as
is
even after its loss
considered
international
by state
law, so
ti ons
— as language likes to do
class should at the same time be called
— choosing the designa-
nal characteristics. Given its fullaccording to striking exter¬
designation, the propertied
authorities as equal and the whole church parapher- tyless class should be designated as educated, and the proper-
every church building and even more inasmuch as it is still always belong to the propertied class uneducated. Numerous men
nalia are looked upon by the public,
capable of reverence, as untouchable and supra-personal. strongest in their class
- --
and these represent the
who have risen from dire poverty
exclusively by the force of their mind and who come to earn high
incomes and even accumulate large
their advancement to the fact that assets. The middle classes owe
they have become the principal
2. The Power of Knowledge representatives of knowledge
power, the middle-class education. Because knowledge is
thinking strove after was a firmly
The lofty goal scientific
supposed to replace the unprov- has had its heyday. Forrevolution was victorious and liberalism
grounded Weltanschauung which wasOne soon had the opportunity to power, however restricted the the
proletariat, too, knowledge became
able Weltanschauung of faith.
no way possible to convert the gained access. The proletariat scope of learning to which it
recognize, however, that it wasWeltanschauung
in
, which was bound to ent share of social power if it would never have gained its pres-
had not been directed by leaders
great masses to a scientific from the educated class and acquired
exceed their mental capacity. To be sure to have the populace on at least an elementary edu-
it have its church. At this point, cation. Without mandatory grade school the proletariat would not
one's side, one had to let which had existed hitherto was have acquired its press and could not have
the one communion of the faithful organized itself.
the two camps of the believers and of the knowledge-
ren£ into run it became apparent, however, that the The structure of knowledge power is
distinguished from that
able. In the long Weltanschauung couldn't be rejoiced in even of faith power in
essential respects. The communion of faith
dominion of the new announcement of the end of must be a great deal
by the camp of the knowledgeable.
natural
The
science, frightened the timid educated, for faith ismore initimate than the community of the
simple but knowledge has many dimen-
the world, as taught by
materialism, which seemed to gain the sions. At the same time the simple content
souls, while the turn to Only a few minds were much in the dark that of faith remains so
the god-seeking believers require
upper hand, repelled the sensitive. consensus
high-minded direction of lest they be diverted by doubts, a broad
staunch enough to heed Spinoza's and letting it go at cogni¬ unless it cares to address itself
whereas knowledge,
renouncing the demands of the heart was eventually and become fully to ulitmate issues, can grow
knowledge
tion as such. But the very urge forbend to the view "that we t,le ignorant secure. The knowledgeable person will refute
one had to and the erring by the strength of his
struck in its core when the believer, the existence evidence. For
cannot really know anything." Stern criticism definitely put the is a source of of the heterodox or of the unbeliever
final conclusion of scien¬ to fight. Faithannoyance, filling him with hate and inducing him
human mind in its place, following the. The human mind, so one incorporates an indomitable yearning for
tific wisdom, "Ignoramus, ignorabimus " essence bile knowledge is unity,
modestly had to admit, is
of phenomena, and it never
not capable
will be.
ultimate issues agitating the heart, the power
of penetrating
When confronted
of the
the
with the
mind comes
as unable t0
jIlizing experience built up from many points of departure
and reflection
—
tenal expansion. Only subsequently doesthrough —
slow growth and
the desire make itself
to nothing. Even with extreme exertion it remains
107
106
 class which derives its advantage in economic and social power
into the multifarious know¬
felt to bring organizational unity

cr"5 X p.
s. 1
from the fact that it retains its monopoly on education.

! Ct> P.

0J
.to - O
5
N
..
Ci

C vl0c
15 \J^cq
o

:t0) rlcr
P'o o o from the beginning demands

O a 6P
HFIJ

On
The constitution of faith that knowledge does not lose intellectual Granted

O d5'I
ledge. is set up as a repub¬
(D
municated to others, the approval it meets content

oo'-5
by being com¬

5.rrF)
of knowledge
dJq realm

5 <!
the

1Po
centralization, but

o0J
^""
o"1
ts..
ON
independent minds. with tends to secure

,5
union of

ire
lic of scholars, an unfettered it more firmly. Though it is given to people
PO

f-
0J
teaching others, the urge of the knowledgeableto take pleasure in

-
should the greatest minds they not to teach is still
In the realm of knowledge, quick

r;:!ir:; ;r*
I[il;ii11{1 lilIliilii11tffi11ilii;;11lliilll}1iii;';I
considerably weaker than the urge of the believer

{*i-, lli-lilililiiil
r:'iiii *r1i';sltriflialnigii$ s;iil:Fifffiiii:iiffii[, tells us that to convert, and
power? A review
also wield the greatest that they exert direct con-
the former is readily inhibited by the egotistical
reflection
do not, or at least not in the sensecomprehensive ideas which the that by diffusing knowledge one forgoes a power advantage.
In
trol over the masses. The general, conceive are of such an abstract
the circles of the haves it is often deplored
that the lowest
greatest minds, leading the way, absorbed by the masses.
strata of the population were not left in their traditional
state
:,'
directly
nature that they cannot be
intermediary minds who provide the connec¬
of ignorance, and one hears it said that knowledge
only leads the
There is a need for ideas to the particular masses astray, turning them into a danger to society. The true
tions by usefully applying the general reason, not openly admitted, for the lament is
path-breaking ideas require a to be better able to cope with the lesser power that one expects
g:*--;

domains of knowledge. All truly

a prolonged education until the to resist on the
number of intermediaries and Especially where part of the uneducated masses. To a certain
masses have been made ready to follow suit. joins the power of knowledge: one is pÿoud extent, haughtiness
applied to activities where it has to be combined cation and craves the continued enjoyment of of his superior edu¬
knowledge is __
with external resources, the scientific
teacher is being eclipsed this
a small part of the demands concerning education sentiment. Not
leaders who have to bring his is explained by
in the eyes of the masses by those could be Alexander's
this. The European knows quite well
;, F ri: iBFrl.n

work to final full fruition. Aristotle cational set-up that it was intended concerning the Chinese edu¬
to constitute a rampart in
-
himself be Alexander, and Aristotle's
teacher, but he couldn't currency only after the Greek
order to keep the masses away. In all honesty
the European must
teachings had their most widespread the minds in its
admit that his own educational institutions are not devoid of the

---
era was long past and the Roman church educated same desire. The common man can easily sense
basic ideas. Kant and Darwin have the egotism and the
schools according to his thinking, but the multitude does not
arrogance inducing the educated to place
himself above him, and
strongly influenced human Even he responds with a defiant hate which
know these men, it only knows their latest disciples. to widen the already existing hiatus on his part in turn tends
i rii-:lt Ii- ; ;:'1i?;eitlhliis;H rF:

'
Marx. who were concerned about the rights of the between the two classes.
Shakespeare, a supreme judge of human nature,
Rousseau and only through their also observed this
masses, attained influence on the massesto see the triumph of trait and brought it out. The scene in "Henry
VI" where the
did not live
active successors. Rousseau Only Robespierre,
revolting mob led by John Cade slays the
teacher because he can
democracy, nor Marx that of the proletariat. teach, and slays Lord Say because he even knows
of popular sovereignty, held sway over to-life portrayal. Latin, is a true-
through the formula demagogues influence the
France , as today mediocre proletarian
masses by using the great expressions which Marx had formu-
—
ii;;i[:iia; iiil :;ii;;ii;gi;i;

the electricity
Knowledge power let us clearly
lated. Volta and Ampere are the ancestors of underpinned by ethics in the same way as realize this is not
electrician, but is faith power. Whereas
industry. Today their names are used by every the law of faith implies the law of
no way from the returns and the ethics, knowledge per se is
they themselves benefitted in ideas. They had to
amoral, except that qua Weltanschauung it may aspire to the sum¬
the fruits of their
social power which were disseminating these ideas among the phys¬
mit of faith. Man does not acquire
a higher ethical stature by
content themselves with to be augmenting his knowledge about nature and
icists of their time. Production techniques first had practical ority of knowledge which distinguishes himself. The superi¬
the educated person does
technological progress and not make him kinder than he is by
refined through further of their ideas. nature; if anything it makes
experience to enable the practical application him haughty and cool. That a
Also, the capital funds needed for plant and equipment expendi¬
entrepreneurs within themselves to teach the Comenius
children
and a Pestalozzi had it
of the populace was not
and the organizing
tures had to be raised first, caused by an urge to
had first to obtain their training most and get started on their kindness which inspireddisplay knowledge, but by their loving¬
careers. The crucial gain and the extensive command over them to
would be most effective in bringingsearch for ways in which they
is in the advantageous position of instruction. to the unlearned the benefits
the masses is reaped by him who what others, and greater
of bringing to practical perfection
minds, had prepared intellectually. There remains to be mentioned a final
structurally separates faith characteristic which
the masses, power and knowledge power. Whereas
;,a;i-rurll

Knowledge never completely and deeply penetrates not pene-

faith power for its intimate communion requires
power which follows in its wake does organization , and builds a firm
and therefore the
trate all the way either. The time and the cost of acquiring
only the
an
most disciplines. knowledge power breaks up into
Each of the two classes, the
the multitude of its
educated as well as
education are more than the masses can afford; the uneducated, is held together
The multitude must spirit, but without being by its characteristic class
strongly talented overcome these obstacles. the power to resist organized into a firm association with
elementary education and finely
be satisfied with in economic circum- oh graded leadership hierarchy as
is true for the
implicit in it. So long as the masses live working for their daily
lurches. It is anonymous powers which
stances which absorb their strength in
of the edu¬
aHy. While the proletarians at least cement the classes inter-
managed to set up a com-
bread, the splitting of society into the two classes Id
pr>ehensive political organization
i*d

necessary consequence. and workers in the trades an

cated and the uneducated will be the educated
addition, one must reckon with the selfishness of the
108 109
 class everywhere Meister" Goethe reduced to writing moods which he shared
economic bargaining association, the educated with his

o0)
PT F'
i;0)o
5at^ l)
^"-
'ct P'

0) ""'

:J.;
P'<

o -
time. The Age of Revolution, during

o o
g)o
PO

\?

o; i
H*
lacks political concentration. impetuous urge for liberty the historicwhich in the wake of the

ci
P'
v
powers of the state dis¬
integrated, subsequently in the guise of the taunting
accusations
of an Ibsen, Strindberg, and their followers turned against

loo

15
lo
lFb
lJ3The Social Work of Art

I'J

lct
tD
l.-:

le'
Ir-
the

l{r
tx
lo
lo
'.!

3- conventional emotional values of society in order

tv

|
.

I
l
to renew its
conventional types from the depths of the soul. However,
compared with the
The statement, "art is power, cannot be
ii
in the

liiilal-aililltiiil!
:"a::*r
process it was all too often content to turn rigid
statement, "knowledge is power," as an power equivalent. Whereas the
il*lElilil3ll[iiilI terns into vulgar exuberance. Today's art behavior pat¬
13f;;'il

were followed by an
historic eras of arms power and faith researcher knows that
t Jo .+rC OpJ O D -'t

is not possible to speak of a historic in writing art history he must include contemporary
age of knowledge power, it ethnic history. history and
the great epochs of art Phidias
epoch of art power. Even during Michelangelo, Shakespeare and
and Praxiteles, Raffael and We are thereby excused from the duty to
Cervantes, Bach, Beethoven, and Mozart did
not rule over the discuss in detail
5;',d'3 q

their souls, nor is art the relationships between art and social
peoples, however mightily they influenced art of achievements,
music deserves to be gone into separately. Wethough the
superiority of the educated
the determining factor for the understanding, augments omit this if only it is the only modern must not
P * ee e 3 s; slig;i|1;;;a;:

by increasing man's magnificance of attainment the arts of art which matches in

classes.

—
Knowledge,
human command over nature and though not to a very high degree
over himself as well. The same is not true
for art, for it — Renaissance. In addition, however, we must Antiquity and of the
relationship between it and the life forms. clarify the special
'

expand the scope of man's dominion. No lesser man than Music also takes as
does not
3

to accompany, but it its point of departure certain life forms, but

Goethe declared that "the Muse knows howmost aptly what can be its work has the
r o o ol:.Oo.
3

special feature of giving expression to

doesn't know how to direct." This puts the enjoyment of life the
3.13

It accompanies life by more perfectly, the more it rises above the

said about the social achievement of art. the extent that they are life. Music takes over the rhythmical nature individual forms of
emphasizing its emotional values to dance, or the hunting or battle calls, as wellofasthe step and the
benefit it brings to
'3E

imagination. The the jubilating

accessible to the power of entirely our own and by its or painful outburst which joy and suffering involuntarily wrest
us consists in making these values from the human breast. All this elevates it
for them. All art
gl rc ctlr-le' o c

s! 313'
i
l
I
5-J (

enhancing our receptivity to the level of art,

a3ls$slld?i

breath
ril.9 ,l

enrapturing
Ese 3s -i*l!
833"'*.i1oF

as it does the sounds of nature reflected

= ^. i * '' <lo
ri,
931-'ICB.'
s's Ff :teffin
5'3 ",3 { 3l3l3. i

intensified unfolding of
{15

is renaissance, is rebirth of life, is

oT itself and oT forest and the magic of fire. It reaches in the movement in the
tr o ;''l o 5lH{o

life forms from the soul, which becomes aware its peak only when it
5 5
5 o d{ ol"'{

is derived from the welfare surmounts the individual life forms and gives its
the world of phenomena. Art power most profound
B-=."

i 3l

fashion, but because expression to feeling. As Schiller said

powers which it reproduces in an escorting "But the soul only utters Polyhymnia. in his well known verse,
^

plane, its own power radiates beyond " That music was the last
art unfolds them on a higher
-

For the poet of the arts to reach adulthood is explained

-
-'- -3'

of the soul.
them and warms the most central part is the most spiritual of all arts. All our by the fact that it
ci ci cr

3."'

the gift to express his own suffering pain internal forces are
to whom a god gave
**: f

become a melody." released and can grow only when the external
turns into elation: "Happiness and unhappiness their historic task so that the most profound ones have performed
parts of our being
life by fol- are no longer burdened with the
Imagination captures the emotional values of inhibited them before. Just asexternal pressures of life which
ellillliill
il ;! ;Elii*,i;
llilillffillli liillllllil

forms which surround us in nature or which Goethe's "Werther" could fully

lowing up the life not give himself up to the painful enjoyment
Bllc*?F331

beings themselves. Art does of his sensitiveness

have been created by human itself to the because combat was no longer the daily chore
merely reproduce the beautiful, it does not confine Rather it strives to time for full enjoyment of great music only of the man, so the
pleasing or even only the accommodating. which can be governed by reached a stage where they could afford to came when people had
capture everything oriented to feelings the profound utterances of their soul. listen undisturbed to
sacred and sublime through the Because
the power of imagination, from the even to the horrible, if sentiment was the first to struggle through, greatthe religious
dramatic to the tragically touching and with religious music. The less hampered music began
them to act, placed
only it portrays humans as nature compels its malice, base¬ richer the musical expression. the souls became, the
into an overpowering surrounding world with all
ness, stupidity, and foolishness pressing in on them.
The artist, although he does not direct life but
panies it, will only accom-
forms and,
Every era sees in the human being different life the leaders if henevertheless walk in the very front ranks with
al[silE*l*i]T

different ones also in is a great

through the medium of human feelings, sees tasks and of new movements in life, hisartist. How often he is the herald
social
nature because every era accomplishes different
of art is the echo of Perhaps before the philosopher, renown winning adherents to them!
r:i*l;'1qfi

;i;aia=illi

the poet is in touch with the new

evokes different feelings. The development great accumulations of sentiments of the masses, among the philosophers those will
the progress of history. At the
for power, (power)
time of
art was reflected in the lead who are kindred souls and
to the poet with respect to excitabil¬
power and fights majestic royal ity of feeling and power of imagination.
and the other
massive structures of the pyramids
manifested itself in heroic artist could never be effective at all if But the poet or the
buildings. In poetry, (power) art grew up with its
he proceeded all by
himself; he has to have on his side the leading thinkers and
epical poems. In the era of faith religious art figures, madonnas, Practitioners. The latter may well be
temples, mosques, and domes, with its god able to do their work
transfigurations. The com' without him and actually have often done so.
Jesus child figures, and its sacred
in the Netherlands took pleasure in an art Proclaimed its glory subsequently and saw -itsIn taskthese cases art
in keeping
fortable middle class "Wilhel® alive its power of imagination
In "Werther 's Suffering" and in for events of the past. New tasks
of coarse intimacy.
'

110 111
 always can be set for art only through new life works, which

(to o ts

f 5 ,
!o o I)
. (aoH<t,
overrefined, and Tolstoi could point

P'il

0:uo:
P.d< {

,{ o

D *Jf
develop in new life forms. Were human beings not given a growth out many manifestations

ocr
0)^
which would like to be taken as art

P. E)
potential in nfe, art along with life would come to a stand¬ but are not so any more. The

F
overrefined art of the educated

P5

t
still.
its ability to enhance human feeling which is
—
to nature
—
of the art of the populace,
which the masses are not yet soand
can nevertheless find the return
whose mirror it is supposed to be
— with the
lucky is thus the societyhelp

ljl;;l{-iia*t ill li *}ill li;lillll;1il;il

Art
il*ii*;5e' l;;il il li; ;u:|';lieq:gei;gf imii;il;rsis:;;*si*:li
g';;
in

l:;iilli:li:'; i1;lliralu=i;rit'* isiiniit;dsitIl;F:;i:

by
essential for art is more closely related to faith than is any kind of art. degraded that they have forfeited
o
ca

science with its cool detachment and orientation to order. High-

Hasn't German
voices of the peoples which Herder poetry renewed itself by the
rr 0J O { ts.r/J X0) Ho

level art immerses itself into its subject with a fervor the populace to have saved for collected? It is the merit of
approaching that of the believer. Scientific criticism, which sang in times of healthy the future the song which the poet

d::ii,;€5;gii
r t,;i i;iHi
kills faith, does not touch art, and therefore one often hears it deformed mind of the educatedvitality of the people, after the
OOOi)fJo)a.P":OOO
<1 r;f.oc+iDF.rroo
O3-5#rp.'JCp.|!rj<ts.(',

said that for modern man art replaces faith. Does art not spir- soil of the people it kept its hand long lost sight of it. In the
itually remove him completely from, and reconcile him with the had come again, it was nurtured roots fresh and, after its time
world, as faith does for the faithful? Among the listeners being to remain vital, must be to new growth. All art, if it is
edified by "Parsifal" many may experience the kind of feeling life forms it finds its deeply rooted in the populace in
But is the models. whose
affecting the pious person praying in church.
strength to face life brought home by the theatergoers of the
same kind as the one the faithful takes with him from church? 4. The Crisis of our Culture
The believer is told by his faith that in the world beyond there
is a judge who equalizes the injustices of life on earth and that In the battle between faith and
O I d:'r.dO

t'0)

he is above all harm of life if he uses his strength according to

0)oo5(DoSg)

occurred for the time being. knowledge an armistice has

the will of the supreme judge. For the rest he knows that he is not involved in the The leaders of the two sides are
not alone in his faith but that many go with him and that the occasional collisions, as exemplified by
Tennessee's "monkey trial"
ffi

community of the church shields him. The deeply religious person in which the relationship
evolutionary and religious doctrine
takes the feeling of strength conveyed to him by the community of was debated by public between
5-Jp.Ps3r+O

cutors and attorneys in front prose¬

O(rP'OB

believers as a guarantee of eternal life, and thereby life on and farmers. of an audience of petty bourgeois
It was an isolated skirmish
i,

this earth also becomes secure because it opens the gate to the while the big parties fought by irregulars
r'O 5 C)O O crE5dctcf
o50

hereafter. The bliss of faith is therefore sensed to be real. broke off the battle are biding their time. The scientist
in a tactical position in which it party
;iii; il;'

For example, the stage consecration ceremony in Parsifal can give assured of victory. It felt
to the most devoted listener the blissful assurance of faith only believed to have shown that all belief
-J 5 5c -Jpr 5oo

remains superstition and that

on condition that it is for him not a mere play but the artisti¬
cally exalting expression of reality. In the miracle of the Holy
to return to the mystery of
the light of scientific
the human mind would have no
_
faith once it had lifted itself desire
up to
Octi.Po.t

Grail he must experience the miracle of the Holy Communion he of faith to which peoplereasoning. It was believed that the age
must be a true believer. If it were not so, the high artistic by the age of had first surrendered had been overcome
enjoyment to which he devoted himself would be only like a pass¬ when the attemptknowledge once and for all. Nor did one falter
ing beautiful dream, to be followed by the disenchantment of the with the power of afailed to support a scientific Weltanschauung
Orlcrlp.JCJqL.olD!

cruel world of reality. Under the impact of Bach's passions and new faith. In turning away with
ldrC p'x- +rl#.lFr)O O

from all metaphysical indifference

i i : iF ;l;

cantatas, the believer will more intensely identify with his concerns, one found satisfaction
treatment of concrete scientific in the
faith , but not even the most sublime art could turn an unbeliever
o5 olJlo)0r

minor work but draws on problems, which after all is not

into a believer; at most it could for a short time simulate the mental strength
I cr*{P.lOl.r.rO

The churches on their part of the highest order.

felicity of faith. He who identifies art with faith does not which they had tried to lifted the prohibitions by means of
know what faith means. Grillparzer has said of religion that it they remove the restrain scientific work. Not only did
is the poetry of the unpoetical. Conversely, one might say of refute the blame ofbarriers to scientific work but, in order to
poetry, as well as of art in general, that it is the religion of a-vis scientifically being uncultured which compromised them vis-
IOO

trained minds, they themselves sought to

lJo

the irreligious.
E

appropriate the results

of scientific
took the further step of participatingprogress,,
l:lt

and ultimately
i:

Does art, like faith, perform its task for the people as a order to be able to in scientific work, in
whole, or does it perform it, like knowledge, essentially for the with faith. interpret its results in a way compatible
O {
< pr - o rD )t'l o -to c.J

educated only? Today many strata of the population are alto¬

O.fCO

ii; ji*:

gether alienated from art, and the educated guard their art At the time of the great
O -arDJOH
o 3 0J nO € o 0J -5 dus

treasures with anxious care lest they be destroyed by the barba¬ as if the ascent of science it had appeared
mtght of Christian churches maintained themselves by_ the sheer
rlllTilili

rous assault from the mob. While the aesthete demands art for
art's sake, Tolstoi at an advanced age rejected the art of the the minds.convention while having completely lost their hold
i* r:'

on
educated, allowing only art for the populace. Certainly Tolstoi again that At the end, however, it yet appeared to be possible
Al<ti

was wrong for the gruffness with which he disapproved of the art they held
most point vis-a-vis their ground with respect to a vital inner¬
of the educated. The life of the educated demanded, and still helpiegS_ Many which scientific
hearts turn back again reasoning appears to be
I;I
FJ*

demands, as does all life, an accompanying artistic expression, Expectation,

?

and to faith with yearning

and life was and still is so multifarious as to put artists to faith are the boldest ones among the minds hungry for
O5O,3

many different tasks. With all that it must be admitted, how¬ Succeed in highly optimistic today that a purified
faith will
l:

remanded bv awakening
1<

ever, that the art of the educated is in danger today of becoming in people's
the soul of man and hearts the affirmation of life
which science cannot provide.
112
113
 They hope for a complete purification
of faith in the sense that rules. For the rest ethics is given over to life's unrestrained

lillH1?1111'l*li:illl1li11l pllillli
-E[l{llli
it leaves to knowledge its rightful
which is
domain
inaccessible to
and withdraws to the
knowledge and must
movements, which in turn are stimulated by the
modern society and to which the widely differingforces acting in
innermost realm
remainthe province of faith. However,
his message of salvation could reconcile
since

battle between
hasn't come along yet, the has
the prophet who by
faith and knowledge
faith
suspended for
and knowledge,
the time being
very different goals
— leaders
a highly confused state of affairs assign
penal legislation can mitigate only with respect to the which
striking dangers and, by the way, with hardly
Additionally, in the view of sensible and
most
adequate means.
with losses on both sides, been concerned men, the
spiritual world dominion has remained unoccu- ethical foundations of culture have been severely
and the throne of brutal advance of the striving for affluence which,shaken by the
pied . has been promoted by miraculous economic development it is said,
ecclesiastical culture was undivided and its autocracy real culprit for the catastrophes of the World War andandthewas the
.llffiiitll'uIrE$[Tr,
The of culture. In real Revo¬
was not challenged by any alien principle
too
lution. One even hears the assertion that the Western world
hostile forces, and the passions Europe and America is hopelessly bogged down of
life there were plenty of
untamed to yield without resistancetheto church the precepts of culture. that salvation for the world can come only in selfishness and
from the unspoilt
existence of and its culture East.
Nevertheless, the of life. As
injected a conciliatory attitude into the fierceness
refuge and atonement in Art, the faithful companion in life, distinctly
the individual after a life of sin found the comforting feeling reflects the
the sanctuary of a monastery, society had crisis of our culture. If one were permitted to take the
of possessing in the form of the church an
institution of salva¬ achievements of architecture as the expression of the
to people for everything tive force of mankind, the verdict about the construc-
tion with the power of giving absolution all the more frivolously culture of our time
done wrong. While the scoundrel yielded would be disgraceful. Its dull mind is incapable of approaching
to the temptations of passion, the church
was still able to the greatness of ecclesiastical art in
strengthen the vacillating and to use its concentrated power in Middle Ages were vying with each other, which the peoples of the
or of merely reproducing
against evil. The contrast between modern culture and the well-rounded arrangement of the
the fight picturesque middle-class
church culture fundamentally derives from the fact that this sections of the town of earlier times or
concentrated conciliatory homogeneity has been lost. What modern But today's poetry, too, lacks the pure, of the cozy village.
it may have lost in clar- has characterized the great poetry of allidealistic trait which
culture may have gained in freedom, culture which we sense to be its must not be overlooked that in present-day times. Although it
ity. It is this confusion of poetry a strong and
present-day crisis. justified urge for truth seeks
strangely commingled with many other fulfillment, this urge is
For it freedom urges with repulsive and
I

Science has been least afflicted by this. vacuous overtones. In art, as in life, the aspirations of the
in wealth, as far as nothing more than its time are chaotically at cross purposes. The
has indeed resulted
s?**'

able to decide about its overcome, health only be restored, when culture crisis will only be
particular work is concerned. By being all paths open which lead to a unified whole. Couldn't the cultural has again become
most appropriate method, it finds And it may world perhaps be on the
understanding. Immense are its accomplishments! collected
way to such a goal? In particular,
couldn't the confusion of our
expectation that one day all the morality be a sign that the cultural
thereby harbor the whole, given that it world is about to seek its
insights may be organized into one unified accommodation to the expanded social relationships
can already be set in of the present
-rqi?:

today
has shied no effort to organize whatnot yet have to gain clarity time? Questions of this kind we will only try
being it does having given a sufficient account of to answer after
order. For the time the historical development.
insights are merged. Its
about the final destination where alltasks, and the rest may be
time is fully occupied with present At this time we want to state only that
for every people
reserved for the future. taken separately there is a point of concentration given by the
fact that all its cultural forces are combined into its national
It may not refer to the culture. Certainly, this alone does not
r Bsr,

Morality is in a sorrier state.

i:'lr'll1l11ll

to the present. The ethical law of general crisis. National suffice to overcome the
must do justice
future but
the Christian peoples, like all great ethical laws so far, had ture, for this would mean culture cannot be the apex of all cul-
been anchored in faith. Even today the teacher of religion in Moreover, in the national going without the culture of mankind.
as an official duty the and knowledge and the other cultures the conflicts between faith
school and in the pulpit is assigned doctrine suffice in the long confusing antagonisms of modern cul-
ture are of course far from being
teaching of ethics. But can ethical
run if it is based on a belief ethics from which such large groups in national cultures is rooted in theresolved. The staying power of
egotism of national conscious¬
.rOFr)OP' iHe

must rest on a foundation ness, which becomes pridefully aware

society have defected? Social
which is common to all members of society. Science is unable to attainments
— of the widespread
something that can be pointed to by everycultural
ilstiiii:

Not even the most devoted scientific to which the various culture nation
erect this foundation. either man has odds with one another, subordinate powers, much as they may be at
Hs.qss*3

can implant the ethical impulses because

efforts outset, or else they are not pres¬ Purpose. However little national themselves for the common
been endowed with them at the cultures in their present form
has set itself the task ®ay do to provide ultimate
ent at all. The modern ethical movement law of faith and to ”or gratification of the human striving
of detaching the law of ethics from
but so far
the
it has managed to win over upon culture, it is still necessary for social
them. They exert profound influence on the thought to dwell
develop it independently, ways of power at
only a small group. All things considered, ethical matters today J;J}epresent time, and it will
be necessary therefore to return to
OP<

ecclesiastical
1

are governed by a convention which originated with in the last part of this book .
114 1 15
 Decision-Making

I personal decision impossible for a single man to make

self; only social decision-making, where "the others" for bim-

I
VIII • Social issue, can bring about the event. decide the
General

li i
Individual and Collective Decision-Making in Like storming into enemy fire,

;i{ii:l' iiEii iiT;i:ii;;ii{{1ii{liiiiiiiiiiiit{i1{ E i

A.
cannot be made from the viewpoint of athe decision to wage war
single
ofjlt*" others" in Society social decision bv the totalitv of an aroused citizen; only the
people can bring
The Meaning
:

1. about the event. What is inconceivable from a personal

played a nasty trick and is called can become sociallv inescapable. Though perhaps hardlyviewpoint
When a gang of bovsa has it," everybody notice¬

:i ii ','i';llFi1 liili{liiiiiiilili;1l111lill{1illtli
ff;tq;+*ii;:ii'i;ii:sia'iaFi*qi6:li-

rule "nobody has done able in the individual case, there is something
to account for it, as This is not just a lame plicable , not to sav personally Inex¬
shifting the blame to "the others." hits the nail on its head. irrational , in every act, of social decision¬
making; that element can turn into a meaningful
.
excuse, as one usually thinks, but event only by the
cases for which the statement holds true, or fact of acting collectively.
Here is one of the that children speak the truth. Surely each of
almost holds true, in the trick, but the individual share is Even in the case of the great commanding 5
the boys had a sharecompared to that of the rest, and therefore the existence of "the others" comes into play.leaders of the mind 1
usually quite small Onlv rarely is there a commanding happens in a very special way which Here however, it 1
"the others" decide the issue. large it may ing height of the great leader
does not impair the command-
leader who towers as much above the group, however to have been but rather makes it more impres¬
his way. Hitler is said sive yet. When the great leader acts from his
be, that he can fully have school, and later he wanted to be so acts not only from a personal inclination heart and soul, he
leader in at the same time on
such a commanding
his strength turned out not behalf of a collective entity because hisbut i
again in German political life, but the heart is stretched to
to be great enough after all. In national political life encompassthe general. A Michelangelo or Beethoven
who satisfies
than in school,
a; 1lgi;l*;|;a= ii*i;i;;s ;;{;i:i;i;,'ji:

are considerably rarer still himself thereby also fulfills the highest
commanding leaders contrast artistic urge of the
and the German people has had none since Bismarck. In shaped by
national spirit. A prophet seeking a statement of faith which is 11
the average leader is partly to satisfy his inmost yearning thereby also meets
to the commanding leader, clearly recognize by the example of the mankind in search of God. the yearning of
"the others" as we1!. We ringleaders, if they are merely
When the
leader , socia] determination in the masses follow the great
gang trick how this happens. Thenot have hit upon the mean idea achieved, containing no irrational
purest sense has been
ordinary leaders, perhaps would tion, too, has something personally residue. But this determina¬ I
in the first place unless they
had wanted to assume an air of inexplicable, for it. reaches
importance in front of "the others." Nor would they have dared a height which the minds of the masses
as such cannot reach and 'J
to go through with the plan if thev had not perceived the oppor¬ which becomes accessible to them only because
their capacity to
fire. Perhaps at the moment feel has been raised much above normal
tunity to send "the others" into the yet occur to them at great leader and by the collective by the example of the
when they made their rash
all that it could be carried
proposal
out,
great many adults don't know either
half the deed once it has been proposed
it
for
didn't
they did
that
not know
an idea is
what a
already
decisively. In case it — — The great leader of the
act.
mind by perceiving himself at the
same time also perceives all the
has been proposed boldly enough, only the few discerning individ¬ stature and especially the massesothers,
need
whereas leaders nf
the others in
uals in the audience will be independent enough to call into perceive themselves. The activities of others happeningorder to
clearly
really be carried out. The multi¬ in front of their eyes rouse
doubt whether the design can themselves and may well best their own personality, their actions
become goal-oriented, their strength
tude will keep emerging doubts for grows. In the togetherness
the end do no longer statements which in of human beings feeling acts upon
each other in optimistic feeling, in mutual interaction
permit any backtracking and turn
matter. So it may
the
happen
rashly
that what
made proposition into
nobody really wants
stimuli are aroused, in the
formed and strengthened, andexchange of opinions conceptions are
in the end the wills are directed
«J
a serious "the others" want into common channels. Thus arises id
to do will be done by the who]e group because determination of wills of a great social decision-making as the
it done. number of persons which is
carried out !n a setting of mutual contacts.
As in the case of the boys' trick, the immediate moral sup-
attractiveness o£
":,;isr iififiii

port for every social action is provided by the This doesn't exhaust , however , the
Not only decision-making. The notion of totality of social
proceeding .jointly, of going together with "others." leader, f or our sentiments. To "the other" has a double meaning
following the
does the crowd give in to this lure when truly great leaders of the lonely person, feeling helpless and
but the leader
the mind
himself excepting the

—
senses it when he expects the masses to followleader
and the masses in turn sense it not
only vis-a-vis the
him,

it vis-a-vis
— weak , it means the
a hearty desire. Tojoyfully
ated with others, who feels
welcomed friend whom to join
the person, however, who is already one has
has become sure of himself, strong
associ-
by this association, and who
whom they follow, but every individual also senses "the other" is a different, kind of
the "others," who his feelings
with him and expect his co-following.
tell him
It could
will
never
follow
happen —
along
that -- grson. a stranger
from with mistrust who looks out for himself, whom one turns
because one fears he might diminish one's away
t3-i'";'g

soldier jumps up from the protective trench into Personalitv. Observation, therefore, own
an individual that, his together but also the going gainst shows us not only the going
the murderous fire of the enemy if he did not know feeling that bei ngs. It shows us that they are one another of human
addition, had the
leader was ahead of him and, in enemy fire is a ready to stick together with
their own kind, but when they are discouraged by
"others" will go with him. Storming smack into
mistrust and
;

117 1.
116
 I
against each other in these expressions are welcome devices to summarize with impres¬
fear, they part into hostile groups who are

ar;;;i*[+'+;|;;q lllii;r,r;: r1;r:;r:;i

ii;iii:i[:i;i;l |;i;i?l;li] ;'i;T:r;;ot
X f ; ii:q;;;i
i1i,
ij;ijr=;i
;;E ii$ti:i;r:
defense or offense. That force plays such a role in history can sive brevity a result which comes about when thousands and mil¬
be explained by this. One believes it necessary to defend one¬ lions of persons joined in social groupings meet with respect to
whom one mistrusts and fears. A their feelings, views, judgments, and decisions. The danger of
self in battle against the other offense, and misunderstandings is not negligible, however. The personifying
fight beginning with defense unexpectedly turns intothe same kind
form of statement suggests the supposition that social actions,

l;:t li:;;;
vis-a-vis the vanquished, who is not taken as of

i;*e
but viewed as a stranger to be looked down on or despised, the although occurring in extraordinarily enlarged
circumstances,
victor is not deterred by sympathy from proceeding to absolute still run off like personal actions in all essential respects.
only When one talks of public opinion the presumption is obvious that
annihilation. If the enemy's life is spared, this is done it is to be understood as the unanimous confession of all minds,
in order to exploit him pitilessly.
whereas often a large number of citizens, perhaps the majority,
Therefore, from the beginning social decision-making through
r has no part in it and many, perhaps most, of those who profess
l*+g:*=qli*

fight and coercion is part of social decision-making; in begin¬

fact it it, do so only with their lips, and perhaps only a few
orators or journalists urge it upon the public. When articulate
is by far the predominant kind of decision-making
nings of social life. Human beings at first feel like
at the
belonging i+_;:
lrit;+;*E one talks
of national spirit, the presumption suggests itself that it is to
i:q:gIiqa;$i3: E?;i;

to one another only when they are in small circles; the masses be understood as the uniform property of the nation as a whole,
are strangers to each other and hostile. If
this can
they are to be
occur only through
l:l:; *= whereas it may be representative of only a thin stratum which
covers up the masses vegetating apathetically. When one talks of
social units,
l+t=g

merged into larger

of society into large aggregates the will of a people one suspects that it is to be understood as
combat and victory. The growth
sprouts from the bitter root of coercion. __
the exact sum of the wills of the thousands or millions consti¬
tuting the people and that it absorbs all of these wills ;as fully
q"=l_ti

Following Aristotle's well known saying, we view man as a as a stream combines the water of all of its tributaries. But
i
*:*;r1:s{i;d51;

[r

it cor¬ such is not the case as a rule. When the so-called popular will
social being. A good point, except one must understand
s: d:

rectly. Human beings are called to being social. Without social is formed, the wills of thousands and millions of
individuals not
*i*il;

could not become full persons, and they need only unite and intensify but also rub
one another and intersect,
interaction they to put them inhibit and smother each other, shift and warp, as a rule causing
mutual support in order to awaken their energies and help they have immense losses of energy and far-reaching adulterations, or miss¬
to good use. However, as soon as through mutual strength,
I "ld
ii-l: :i

in mobilizing their inherent they ing, of goals.

somewhat succeeded calling for once, and in
have met their social
_ri

feel that they

who stand The ideologues to whose views must be attributed the mi
hostile spirit begin to refuse contact with others native drive to derstandings which confuse the modern constitutional system sun-
i';'ilr

outside their original associations. People's

{

imputed to the sovereign citizens the full impact of the have

.;i'll.q

associate with others is in its orginal tendency not yet strong

enough to make them willing to become completely engrossed with For them popular will was magnified individual will, still will.
more
the idea of an all- clearly and firmlv goal-oriented than the latter and
each other. Even on today's cultural level dream to which real¬
far superior
to it in weight and majesty. An error of fateful consequences!
embracing human society is only a beautiful Whereas the old-time constitutions, when one did not try to form
ity does not correspond. Even on today's level people are not
sepa¬ a distinct idea about the state, were adjusted
yet united into a great community of peace, but. they aresociety to the given eon-
olE
{orF
n lO
ctl Ci

ola

0)-5
o Bro
o".
lo

H.IP'
l.<

tJ
-ctlot.'

ditions and thus of course also to the given power

-o

each
rO

even within
1td

societies, and
.fd
ol

battle-ready
rated into like a glove fitting the hand, modern constitutions relationships
DJ
r

to erupt
there is still a residue of coercion which threatens are still are tailored
;'

X soc o
;
;
au a
t+cr .J
o
5 P.5 P. d

of "the others" to such a dimension that the immature peoples

into domestic war. The great multitude filling up the constitutions which they make are not capable of
o: '" .'l gj
O
o'1 0 5

-
HJO P'C

L^.P*rO.t

not viewed as brothers and fellow human beings. Much is achieved

o d d.

for themselves or
{5

OrrtaO

0raJ0J

O;rtDJ
cr<OO

have their political!v untrained leaders prepare

+d{

<iJ

their way, but

O+:+l
Sploo
dO

about freely and have

o ;'<

to move
5;o-:

if they are allowed for them. The

"t
.f O

constitutions do not fit them and therefore aggravate

:J-

enemies!
<:

and
A)

hcxw often they are seen as adversaries their decision-making. The doctors who attempt to cureorthe distort
o
I

stitutions when the latter fail to render the expected servicon¬ces

buo

rto not know as a rule where the evil is located.

<<

"d

2.
i-J
N)

Power and Purpose

O

If one wants to
O
'd

-i

see clearly he must resolve

p
o

o
)
{
.

to go to the bottom of things and to

Linguistic usage permits us to consider the social collec- observe closely, from the beginning and in all its important
=.
cr

3;'9 g3- ls;'t-

p.

';
s;""'-
1o
c
-

"'x cf+

or
oB-:.Ai

tives as units, whether they be joined together tightly Particulars, the process of social decision-making.
* q i:
H

-*"iggieHs.3.id
o Jo P'
o o O<
,.Jq i# nr C, O

and
3.o ? Ii fr

unit, so are the people

^ o:

loosely. The state is regarded as a

l_

j,'!'.J.'".1
nrii

To a certain degree we have already prepared

{

society
the church, or the profession, the class, the party, or
-.9,

ourselves for
o*+

this task in advance.

=

-'li1,,

a multitude of persons which As we go about it, teverything we have

.';,j'

public, or simply
n

as a whole, the
—
* 3 3.

,-

of collective names learned about, the

series
about psychology of relationship
s *9:d; o-*,{'

has come together in some place the between leader and the masses,
o 1o Jo o o Iu

j.='l
5 o
f
-P-*g€ 9. -q

could be continued on and on. Bv personifying social units, power, and the distribution of social powers
will stand us in good stead. As we summarize
le_';".ra
J o

permits to formulate everything relating to thein

these discussions, we still wish to connect themthewith
?

usage also
^.

results of
is51. o O crD

actions as if it concerned only a single person: one speaks of

*r

r. -j
P.'< r O

lust developed, namely, that in social an idea

the will of the state, the spirit of a people, the progress of
$_- J
55o^i9

decision-making "the
ethers" decide the issue. Whether individuals
t*l , "i'I
:5ou^do

law,
society, of public opinion, of the general conception of the
*'-^--

toUch with each other or whether they confrontgo together in

; ur5

i::';
i;:

personifying phrases
_n:

the series of these

q3

of national sentiment each other in

could also be prolonged much further. Correctly understood, all
:o
F
<
J

118 119
 endan¬
social decision-making is always others"
battle and exert force,

J;i; a;$s
r. ;ii
;*j;i_e=: ;;r.q
": l; i;q ,,?1, -
vent to his desires. Without this adaptation of will the major-

Hie;;g:t;= ;i*s*
.i' t3;;*
s"

!i^'
" 3. l: i-i i1 ;"-"ri ,, igl
of "the

:'r o I : o * ;l1i:?l.-.rsi:-:;i; i"-;-rrig;,it

gered to a certain degree. The intervention

r;'
itv itself, to which the minority yields
the clear relationship between end and
i: a'r;E ! +sit irti i +tfr;E q{i gfr [i
makes it unavoidable that decision-making its certainty, grated , and without it the minority would notwould not be inte-
come to an agree-
means, which gives personal "Sent either. The adjustment does indeed not always
becomes clouded. result of clear reflection and resolution; for the most occur as a
part one

;; :li;3'"i:'-g*r3.1;:";3 ;l'd;' "i-"

lr'-,
Not only automatically yields to the stimuli received from
too, is not downright purposive.

r::
Personal will,misdirected the environ-
often, by error or passion, it misses its ment. Nietzsche, who cannot desist from sneering at the masses,
that quite in existence and in motion and many others since his time speak of a human herd instinct.
target, but the means are already may still be sought out, or The characterization fits the cases of panic and others
i3 3a i:1:; -., i ji:; * 'r;-Ji3:i

lnF;At:l;rgit;:.*r ilr4s
targets

g;*i+
before targets are set. Such similar kind where the masses allow themselves to be carried of a

are sufficient onto themselves.

.;:r
the time being as the means
perhaps may not even be sought forOnly as the will matures are purely by the animal instinct of going together. away
This remains
active even though one no longer has any strength left
together by dint of reasoning or prac¬ to think
means and ends hitcheda mature man means and purposes are sensi¬ clearlv. If people in going together were guided
'_

tice. In the case of being simultaneously energy-determined and merely by the

fq
herd instinct social actions would be purposive only and
bly entwined, the will cisely to the extent that the purpose of the genus pre¬
purposive. manifests
lE

itself in instinct. To pass off the following by the

:.i{jBr
uJil"
masses only
;;: '*X" ig=,,i+B4d=:i";l-

J
energies are distrib- as a manifestation of the herd instinct is to grossly
In the life of peoples the effective misjudge
:il
;=s*r*.i-=

confusingly large number of persons, while differing their social function. The able man has good reasons for going
uted among a direction. Vie must not be surprised along with the others, and he is well aware
of
greatly in magnitude and
and controlled than only bv intuition. By their active following, them, though often
i;jix;

that usually they are far less concentrated whether arrived at

,;';'; ti q l;; ! -"9

Mature men we encounter every¬ by clear reasoning or being more grounded

in
of an individual. endorse the leader, giving him testimony thatfeelings, the masses
pio""I'zl. "te .=r' B+:.?;,i:

in the life
revealed only in rare
gt;: 5'3;ir
where, but mature peoples history has incompatible only too posive. By making an impression on the minds of his action is pur¬
instances. are therefore the others, the
i
Means and ends act of following by the able men has a power-determining
the life of peoples, the social will being generally effect
i:.{"

often in Since in soci¬ on these others.

still more determined by energy than by purpose.
minds in the form of power, we will
ety energy operates on the
:l

decisions are power- oriented rather than With respect to the so-called fellow
understand why social travelers so often
upon success which found with social movements, it may be conceded I
'i ;g:qA:.; BJ,i:'.'d'31 H:'=;:

'lE;;l:

power built
3,.T;i",H d"'.;ji

Certainly, is
purpose-oriented. the conclusion that power of cases they follow a kind of herd instinct. that in a number
is implicit in purpose, which leads to other, after all. Power- very easily yields to the pressure of power. The common man
and purpose aim more closely at each to expose himself to the blame, ridicule, He is disinclined
to some extent also be 1
determined will therefore must alwaysfully matured will it be which he suspects will come to him from "the and disapprobation
purposive but only when power has confronts them. In order not to attract others" when he 1
wholly determined by purpose. with general movements even when he does attention, he goes along
affected by their cause and cannot expect for not feel personally
an incongruity
In the case of forced social decision-making himself anv bene-
F:-i"TJ"=B

may be clearly perceived. Social fits from them. However, there are also
and purpose fellow travelers for
f d.'"oc^'

between power purposes of the better reasons. In every election the big parties
i=:?y,'i3

I=i=::* ;i;;mr

is geared to the
5i'aoD"

decision-making by coercion fellow travelers from the camps become heir to

5

pursue their
r3 O:3 O LJ.t

allowed to
E-'{

still lacking in organization bvofparty.

?.-t-;i:l

despot, the subjected masses not being weaker parties or from camps
his
own aims. The despot controls them and makes them serve thereby sacrifice their personal aims to a Such fellow travelers
':o-J5moJ
iXO{OOO

proportion to his power. Inasmuch as he certain, and sometimes

personal purposes in
I ul -;

-'-,

actions cease to be personally major, extent to the purposes of the party 1

exploits them for himself, their which they join. They
i3tsu,

have to tolerate that the party which they helped

)

purpose- ori ented and become power-determined. !

r-

does many things which they don't come to power

)

life aims of all have been completely mistaken, they approve of, but unless they
In the case of peaceful cooperation, the more respects than they would be nevertheless win through in
oi oiilie^ h

principle. When the

+; < : --

:.i

companions must count equally, as a general able to if they withdrew

o. ;:ilgti
o
O

minority must yield to entirely into their shell. They follow

=
o(;'-o,iiro

will of the
'it=1.;r

that power which happens

+';;';"y
.,o

aims of individuals clash, the to be closest to

l,:;::i
aD(oclJJ)lo"')t'D
Dif3

subjection is demanded,
1:r:,'ij

.--v

that of the majority. While here, too, because it therebythem, after all. Their will is power-determined
f

The minority gives in willingly becomes somewhat purposive.

it will be granted readily.
O:r/.crD
5-tstO(i5-'C

enjoy the enhanced power

o)-1.

z;'
*

and wishes to
recognizes
—
oD-.f

because it
cF Fr)(f

Above
^'

itself to a greater the fellow travelers are those

effects which it partakes of by subordinating numerous — and they are also
<

, but it
(
,
!

power-determined who while being too weak to offer open

T t, ua

minority is
o Jr
o o;
1 o ,1

whole. The decision of the resistance to

l^ i!at q
f,"

power’,
!a o

aim ig.
does not for this reason cease being purposive:
a lesser
simply nevertheless cannot resolve to ohey it either, but instead
p 5
o a
.t)

I
-o
a
.1

o T
o

J
a

a)
c
o

. let power have its way.

f

of power If one is left to his own

l;,

sacrficed to the higher aim tesources

ar

o
f,
o
o
":

J
c)

it
self against takes courage, which very few marshal, to set one-
The sacrificium voluntatis brought by only the assenting minority a general movement even if he is emotionally
very
,J

,+1tr

°tposed to it.
e H X 9li

<; - =;ta)
: l(J

sacrifice of wilt
lo
+10)
Ur D alu

t'
ol:

means the pthers of like mindOnly after making common cause with several
;^ - ola

no
-l+
I oa E,

is the most clear-cut but by

-ll'

incessantly and
rrillP.
-f 5
:"'o o o

DJ<O+ld

does reluctance balloon into resistance. Up

tr.:o'l<

Social harmony to that

&A<=ltJ

which a peaceful society demands.

V D..+l

^1
s< X.o
!v

'1 n

he]Ped. point one stands idly aside and lets happen what can't be
=Jd-lo
P.rOFl

of
in all respects demands the mutual adjustments of wills
P.p.<P.

-Lr -"-
!o
ts. vJ

Because social will is power-determined , all those must

'+e

to diverge if everybody gave

individuals which would have
or
<
f.

^
^
I

120
121
 a posi-
renounce social expression of their will who are not in breaking the strike, however much their proximate interest should

o
o

-o
-

o-.
oo
(D

L.n

+o

'5
;in
'-J
tion to add power to their aims. call for this. In

ro
all such cases the social decision, although

D
=p
o
!D
JI

vnt arrived at by external coercion, will still cease

If it were possible in the case of powers which allege to be tfetermined by personal aims because it" is power-de termi ned. be i n g

J"*3d i ;
;rilr*S

; : lisiui+q;i:;r;t;* :#;;;i i; ;;t*1;tt;: n.o;6 i9l.+; d; { ii;q::

J -3..

6o
g: r3; ;t;, i+ i;;?;i; i ; -;t: a l+:;i:,r:;;: 3,'ii."i-;_i6'=. ;n iT_9
1ar!i qi_:i i ;
;:.j*i i{-*ie*

i?ju ; :i.l|=;'l**j iqj*;;.;;:iig :i;;i".

to deduct all the fellow

i;r;
general will always

o-j - i.i: 1. -.,1 Eiqi.*

supported by the rrD rt
'JH
DO
dJ.HSJ€
O O 5 <:O

travelers and those who can’t get a hearing, as well as those who Like the masses, but even more so the leader must be
stand aside because of inertia and irresolution,
it would not ing to lay down his life for the common cause. In battle he will-
purpose-
li*!: !'_;' r ";Z must
rarely be found that the number of strong-willed, be the first to stake his life. He couldn’t be the leader in the
J J ul

smaller than the number of the rest pursuit of power if he were not setting an example in devotion,

E
oriented activists is much
Dd<
ar.D

who resign themselves to power. which is a constructive element of power.

:;

+:
The strong-willed, purpose-oriented participantswith mutual
must also The social will needs the reinforcement of power in order

d
3.33q3;;iil3P

In social life to
make some sacrifice of their will. attain its full potential and thus its goals. In the absence of
'J (+O

contacts there occurs a process of grinding off unique personal sii;: power it would not be able to overcome the inertia and irresolu¬
?
.r.r;J
)

hardly noticed in detail,

character istics.
the
This
whole
process
picture
will
may
be
have changed. The idiosyn¬ ;''-ii i ex i;' tion which nestle everywhere in society. It would lose
momentum in running into the edges and corners of a too much
"'ts.s

but in the end personal

off or
J!TOJOo.nl

edges of the individuals are polished nature, it wouldn’t even be able to pull along the willing
cratic corners and
j!i;f; *:iI' i=a3l-l::= .;jilij 1I-*? *l!1.3" ir ;-lre;

if one has to ones

even broken off; one becomes more uniform. Even
;1i;;* ii:;tl;;:;, *; j.:: $t ;;;l{ ;tlli ;g :l*ii;

and wouldn’t goad on the leaders ahead in the way necessary in

5.r

to the collective
i:l,l;
put up with certain inconveniences, one adapts order* to activate maximal strength. In addition, of
personality, as it were, because, all things considered, one must also overcome the resistance of the unwilling whocourse, it
t -J ? ):

have only
Flto

entirely
feels in the end better in doing so than in living their own interests at heart and ignore the social system. Will
j;ii ":[|i;t j; i

according to one’s own taste. One takes on the character of

the not reinforced by power is too weak for its social tasks, it is
)q O

f -.

social stratum, class, and nation powerless to achieve the personal aims assigned to it. The power
d

compatriots,
J)

neighborhood,
because presumably one thus gets along best with the
others and purpose has priority over the various personal purposes which it
i;;:Fi;[ii
;;t=
,-)

The
in the end may have become enhanced in his own personality. is to promote. Of course, it must not be confined to
:'q

becomes the itself;

uniform purpose is the general purpose, which thereby crystalized indeed, it must not neglect to promote the personal aims
for
power purpose. Only after one’s own type has become whose sake it exists in the first place. But if it can’t be
13 !.0J m 3 qlol:

type of an alien environ¬ helped, one or another of these aims must be unhesitatingly
;r*iF*

and one then encounters the different adjustments sac-

o5-19,D?lql>rq
€.f t':JJ>l{lP'

ment, does one refuse to make further because he now rificed to it in order that it may win through at least in major
senses the alien element to be inconsistent with his own person¬ respects.
The resolution of this inconsistency by getting groups
ality.
into contact which hitherto were separated amplifies the
realm of To be sure, the social will, being weighted power ,
power with frictionless orientation to purpose. loses the greater flexibility of the personal will. with
K_ish , and this may have, as will now be
__ It is
quence that it will miss the social aim asshown, the bad conse-
slug-
if

What has just been said is true not onlv of the masses but
t

well.
finds that the means cheated for the sake * of an end How often one
e:,[;

leaders as well. The very process of mutual sympathetic

ii-.E!;':i,iE:li:,1 =*qt

of the
O

Merely maintaining the end ! This also holds true for power will dominate
understanding itself demands its leaders.
example set bv strong men, while the purpose aligns itself as an independent aimasamong
a means. The power
) P.Jg.

good manners calls for the the purposes it

J5C5n

of traditional is called upon to serve, nay, it places itself

d.io-1

introduction of new customs and the bridging above them.

antagonisms requires leaders of particular strength.
the common 3. The Instinct of Self-Preservation of Power, and the
;t;

In manv cases the personal sacrifice rendered forexpect

{i;ieiili=':i;;;'t;
ii;;:,

advantage one can from Inversion and Self-Destruction of Power Social

cause will be greater than the
O

given power. In these cases decisions serving

acquiescing in the
'lJ

':ritt

in
personal aims give ground to power decisions. The citizen With no people, not eventhe most advanced one, do we find
F-b<'O

voluntary devotion sacrifices his own blood to the defense of his that the social powers are entirely harmoniously adjusted to the
F<.r,--J,ci

fatherland; he ignores his instinct of self-preservation and social purposes. Oiven the weight of the strongly developed
gives up his life because patriotic loyalty demands this of Powers, those purposes must suffer for whose protection
willing exist only weaker powers. Even if all dominant powers there
him. In order to maintain the power of his state he is
I:'+irii;r{_f

could not had been

tiqi'

to sacrifice himself, as he is aware that the statedare extinguished, power and purpose would still
J-J5(Dcts.Joor.P.oOooD

remain far from being

< JgO $a U A ifJi.i:ijq

martial enemy if it did not losing Perfectly balanced against one another. Social
hold its own against the the process. action is by no
the lives of a certain number of its citizens in fundamentally balanced according to a
uniform plan, as when
Similarly, workers who are filled with the cooperative spirit they
able and experienced man formulates his life goals in such a
subject themselves to the policies of the union even though as to allocate his resources to his purposes in harmony
Better workers subject their relative importance. with
severely damage their personal interests. Until now, social decision-making has
j

never and nowhere achieved the

H.tF.OO<J3Ol-

themselves to a wage system suitable to the average worker but degree of unity found in the realm
axe to
:ilit

prejudicing them; the well-off worker with no personal personal decisions. Never and nowhere has it therefore been
strike decision even though he evoted to the maximization of social welfare
grind subjects himself to the
voted against it; and even non-unionized workers subject them¬ e°isions have shaped personal survival andin growth.
the way personal
selves to the power of a sense of solidarity and do not dare a°tion, of course, does not occur at all in response to Social
oo
aa

clear
122 123
deliberation, but has developed from thedevised gradual coordination of
__

a.

o
o
o
great leaders who have a balanced view of

af
Cr
).

o
d
o
. It has not been from the top in and think about, the
energy and success highest social utility, totality of national aims. The epochs of
accordance witha governing principle of
with the experiences heydays of history during which militating their activity are the
but has grown from the bottom in accordance endeavors balance out,
supplementing each other and cross-fertilizing.
partial forces. The social
incurred with respect to the various
could be assigned to the leaden's mind is more narrowly focused than that ofAsthea rule the
power is not a homogeneous entity which of partial forces in ual citizen. The former is wholly addicted to individ¬
various purposes, but is always a profusion
and at best striv- trained for it, devoting his whole self to his purpose, being
motion side by side, grappling with each other
being able to do so com- postponing everything else. Thus it happens it, forgetting or
ing to balance each other, but without
The formation of leader is only soldier, only politician, onlythat so often the
pletely. Coordination is too slow a process. by the fact that feelings only artist. Therefore the leader, given the philosopher, or
each partial power is being restrained possesses in his special area, may become a socialsuperiority he
order to secure to the
first need the experience of successminds. Just as the various
in pletely devoted to his cause, using in its pursuit alldanger. Com¬
burgeoning power dominion over the he can muster, he threatens to rupture the unity the power
little, they crumble away of the social
powers gain strength only little bydoes not suffice at once to body, which in any case is only loosely
joined together.
only gradually. The first failure provide balance it is necessary that there are other To
only to diminish them; perhaps, 3 n leaders who
remove them or perhaps even redoubled efforts. Failures must become his complementary antagonists, and
the contrary, it provokes
to break the spell sense of the able citizen and of the same ultimately the common
repeat themselves and be lasting in order
minds. Every power, once it to select from among the leaders strugglingmasses is called upon
for power in such a
which existing powers exert over the
itself. Individuals subject way as to assure the pursuit of a
balanced line of life.
exists, has a tendency to perpetuate
that "the others" are
to it always have to face the possiblity they do not want to be
still under the spell of power, and since B. Public Opinion
put on their own, they also remain there under the spell. Among the
resigned to the given power first has to develop a 1. In General
minds also do no longer want to
mutual understanding that the others
begin to understand the drive for
have any part of it. We only power's self-preservation Among the social powers, public opinion
power completely when we recognize that place. It formulates the law for occupies a peculiar
Every partial power has in
drive belongs to its very nature. in operation even when govern social action. It receivesthose powers which immediately
itself this drive: it wants to continue the content of the law from
it is no longer quite able to
will remains _
power-determined
oriented to social purposes any
serve
even
its
w\ien
longer,
purposes. The social
it
and
shouldn't be quite
in the end it may
become useless or
the powers of action where these prove
this case it provides conservative fully successful, and in
powers by gathering the basic ideasreinforcement for the existing
of human experience into firm
statements which become society's common
"l

property. Where, on the

o.l

has
ol
<l

which
Tl
ol
I

will
ol
dl
I

!-l
;lrql

Jl
5 -1,

ol

take a struggle to overwhelm a

dl
I
(rl
orl
I
ol
orl
5 5l

r-l

other hand, the powers of action are at

;l

harmful. sentiment, it formulates new variance with public

which are better existing order and to prepare f orideas designed to dissolve the
a new one.
It cannot be overwhelmed unless new powers
i*g
.gCilg;r*;i

==;;3;i=l;i;
lffia{iir[;i;tili:ti;i=

adapted to the social aims gain the upper hand; however, given Not all persons participating in social
be accomplished so
the resistance of the old powers, this cannot must be so great that in
part in the formation of public opinion. action always have a
It is obvious that
quickly. The buoyancy of the new forces those with an opportunity to form public
overcoming the old powers they can convert themselves into opinion thereby obtain
n

must be an equilibrium between the drive of forces

great advantage over the
others, who are not able to give publica
=;

power. There expression to the rationale of

to. unfold and the drive of powers
sionally, old powers are so
to preserve themselves. Occa¬ public opinion become the their actions. ‘The creators of
deeply entrenched historically that carriers of their peculiar power.
Where the powers of action serve their personal
t;.ri*il

it is altogether impossible to shake them up, even when they have damaging those of the rest of society, they will interests, while
Incapable of producing new results. Exhausted peoples opinion as approving and interpret public
become development, being no longer able to strengthening the existing order. On
thenefore stagnate in their the other hand, where their
*rllr

powers. Only the vital peoples will twist public opinion in apersonal interest requires it, they
get beyond the bounds of the old
llB J ;: * H-+,t

drives which operate direction

succeed time and again in developing power order’. As long as male thinking shapescontrary to the existing
g;?s* iH

greater and greatest social welfare. On the the social ideas, this
in the direction of strong peoples and also will reinforce male supremacy. The advancement of women
other hand, this exposes precisely the Keuged by the degree to which can be
in the attempt to
llrI ii;i

parties to the grave danger that they succeed in winning over the
Public to adapting itself to female
ilril:t

the strong
death, for they do thein ng. modes of thinking and feei¬
preserve power they bleed themselves topower
utmost to maintain their
always brought them success
traditional
and in the end
which so far had
they may pay fojl
— — That partv which forms public opinion will be
-lli

with self-annihilation. In such a case the an influence able to exert

their power-obsession
ll:

and the power-oriented will battles on social decision-making which goes far
law of success is inverted, other resources of power. The French Revolution beyond its
highest purpose: social self-preservation. teen would not have
!+

o
o
.:
;t

the
Cr

Francevictorious
5

against
af

if it had not had public opinion on its

J

!
t

had previously side.

yet, the drive had plenty of peasant revolts and mob
As it does in the masses ,’ but more strongly purest,
a
P' c+

but it had been relatively easy for

5
3

Rare are the

a;;
rL0

o.i
0)i.

Oo

well. the kings to put them

(,O

as
a0

pa

operates in the leader °wn

O4

to maintain power with their military might. But

Cr

o
Ci

o
3
p)

now the king mobilized his

124
125
 in the face of the will thus be proved by its general success. Thus tested, the
soldiers in vain, as their files dissolved

iIi,.q;t,t-,. iE-; l
;a1;:a
i;}i1
opinion on which a consensus is formed attains power

i il:;ll:iig*3n* i'i;'fig,fili*i'}l;1iiiiiifi
r+X C -J C-|15 P'(D J.o P'o
public opinion, which favored the masses. In the over the
higher power of :iqH from the fact minds. Since family life, like economic life, touches everybody
period of liberalism the educated class benefitted
public opinion. It contrived the without exception, public opinion which
that in those days it dictated journalism for the general action is the general opinion. Notbecomes the basis for
new ideas, it had a monopoly in literature and
while representing its own late it
— perhaps only very few can do this
everybody can articu¬
--
dvr{0r

dissemination of these ideas, although the spokesman for all devoted to its tenor. Thus arise general legalbut everybody is

;[1i
a broader sense, convictions of
interests it also was, in of its predominance in binding force which are resisted at most by a

:irl*,: ::;ti::;1; {i;iiria:tri;ii-iil3{?,

of the remaining people. A good deal malevolent minor-
In the proportion in which social life becomes
O

emergence of the ity.

public opinion was lost with the independent be otherwise, yet it plex , the areas in which pervasive public views more corn-
proletariat. Fundamentally this couldn't expand. are formed
Er3!

class by the ways in which it Authoritarian leaders appear and lift the spirits by
must be pointed out that the middle
caouod

fi}i[
also helped the proletariat to acquire proclaiming a purified faith, preaching a higher
exercised its predominance ethics, or leave their mark as scientific investigatorsstandard of
arms. The liberal doctrine was pushed too far and
its intellectual
C qP'q

proving more than was necessary and thinkers as poets, or as artists. New and more
by its zealous protagonists, thinkers,
refined
are awakened in society, progress is made in the mastery of ,forces
The proletarian
useful for the middle class interests. used it for the benefit of of public welfare and especially in elevating aims means
lililf

detected this excess and in life. As

!) FIJP'o<

wide awake,

lr:f iii*F*i
the the multitude tests through its actions the
their class. The doctrine of the liberal economists to directions of the
d{

on labor provided the prole- leaders, in addition to the welfare powers the
effect that economic value rests grow to maturity; they also rest on the commandingculture powers
ctO P'O cf O

3:q;

the doctrine of the

tarian economists with the support forvalue. Similarly, the lic opinion. Here as there, public opinion is the force of pub¬
exploitation of workers and of surplus opinion tested
in the crucible of success and governs social action.
ili$

sovereignty, evoked by the middle-class pioneers It is the

idea of popular opinion confirmed by social action
D I'f.X

the princely power, was twisted by the prole¬ and raised to the level of
of progress against
masses for whom they persuasion.
n

tarian thinkers in favor of the great suggested to them to claim

spoke. Wasn't it strongly
;ir:io

thereby
The liberal Every clever prince reckons with public
ll;i;

up the people?
that it is these masses which make closes its identity in the welfare powers and opinion which dis¬
O! 0JrJ do
t Ooq P:tr3

the populace in the forefront had hardly an argument left culture powers, and
placing his political even the despot, by indulgently letting it have
against universal suffrage which threatened its way, knows
rJ.5no'Lo

q4

on the liberal inter¬ how to make himself well liked by the populace.
power. The liberal idea had gained an edge The small number
wouldn't be capable of imposing the law upon a vigorous
est. unless their will to power stopped short of the power populace
E{dear'i*J;it,ar:
;
:i;a;ii;;l:ai

embodied in
- ;;:i5:;;ri:r';F

the widely held views about life and culture.

gS*
iPplg)o":.-!P

This has something to do with the fact that nowadays the Machiavelli in his
public opinion to carry as much "Principe" establishes the rule for the prince to respect the
want
educated class doesn'tformerly

___
customs and the material interests of the citizens.
{ O

allowed to it. The intellectual

i'O O O:.

weight any more as it state has used its most drastic means of force in Often the
now mistrusts public opinion and carps at it wherever he does not against religious movements in their setting itself
in political life.
O SplrJ C o O.rct€g,F'<3-ts'c'r

especially
dominate it any more, and thus ened to reduce its own power. But as beginnings if they threat¬
Frrct€ Or3lq € p.-J C ()15

appeal to public soon

Given an educated public, one may no longerhave made clear to it would not be able to break the hold as it recognized that
opinion without further ado, but must first which these movements had
doing so. But over the minds, the state made peace
readers or listeners that one has good reasons for case. He who with them and joined them.
In the end every government which measured
it is not enough to do this in each individual it to be its duty to accept public opinion up to its tasks felt
x-

concerning social affairs must on

would be honest about thought
gain clarity first about the importance of fested itself in the life and culture powerswhich actively mani¬
as legally binding
general principles and through legislative acts to assign
i -s'lF!'!

no simple matter at all. In public to it a clearly defined

;s ;1*t

public opinion, which is thoroughly mixed. The role. Civil and penal codes were enacted,
opinion healthy and depraved instincts are of adulteration, and the state provided the
church with its own law, and when the Protestant
formed exposes it to the danger denominations
ie'Q;'uri

way it is set themselves apart from the Catholic

opinion as it is
this is especially true for political public olic states finally saw fit to let them mother church, the Cath¬
formed in times of mass movements. have their rights, after
having become convinced through hard battles
for the dominion of the religious creeds. that they were no
Public Opinion
N)

2. Healthy
.

Healthy public opinion emerges first where the close the

per- .The Public Opinion of Say-So
:.nH'
Je -.+"'! J

io l. I o: s sj'<* a o
-J 5
-o:.i O d io*rO]- d

B' j.i'';'. x:
*u e,o

93:.
I

involved. In
1l)

are
)o

sonal interests of those who form society

o
="-_*0,:j.o1<s5o+

At last public
Prc F-A, o
Pc.doi o pJ gJ
P'+)c)

the experiences in
oqr'o5

opinion also conquered the state itself.

affairs of the family or the economy, based on
+/,

was out of the question It

P':0J t tP.tsntiJ

which is appro¬ to explore and improve that

i:.ti<

felt
+1

make itself the advancing Enlightenment, seeking

'-. o)xoio=r.:

life that opinion will always

'56=-q3'--

Viewed from the

;' D 5 n +il
ctO r.e *^

priate to the given talents and circumstances. whose domain the most everything, would bypass the state into
<dtr<d O

<o

may be dubbed
r,-
{ "trJo O'i

lofty level of advanced development, this opinion important general interests had been
)+^f,,"Jrq

Placed. Wealth and education of the middle classes had grown

ii cr( o e

i:-v:od-5{o

the case of a
5..oi'-of

later generations, but in

'1 Jr'Q.r-

crude and detrimental by aPace so they

-l?
P. O O'J

-o*s.1

it allows
tutelage of thedidn't
N : -.:'

healthy people it will be healthy nevertheless, because need, nor want, to tolerate any longer the
u *.Q

€f,''ll

old powers which judged matters from their

for vitality and development. The most able as anonymous leaders
h -'J

i-<Eo

horizons of times past and above all were narrow

I9

it, and it
will set an example for the others who will imitate anxious to maintain
o
g
e

126 127
 done in order to show off in front of "the others" when
by the peasant and later the lat¬
their influence. The distress suffered population incited them, too, to
ter stopped coming to bathe and the jokers would be the only
the courage ones
the proletarian strata of the battle-cry, "bread and the consti¬ with to swim out into the seas. However, the enjoy¬
fighting the old powers. The ment of their triumph was short-lived, for with the passage
of
up during one of
tution," under which the Parisian suburbs rose of the
time the news about the shark danger came to be told in
such
the phases of the French Revolution, is characteristic certain and threateningly embroidered terms that the originators
masses demanded a new political of the rumor began to believe it themselves and also preferred to
entire modern mass movement. The
Much as the
order to protect their pressing life interests. stay on the firm land. So many others had seen the terrible
poverty may everywhere have contributed to the beasts, or they were able to tell of still others
pressure of mass
new political order it still was not anywhere in itself
was
deci-
vic-
had seen them. In such ways rumors get started andwho certainly
grow. They
sive. In the final analysis the middle-class
revolution are generated by the attempt to assume an air of importance
because it had public opinion on its side. The progress front of "the others," through news that must be exaggerated in
torious with the growing recog¬ in
of the proletarian movement is in keeping in order to create a sensation, being further blown up as they
has won public opinion. spread. Notwithstanding a high degree of incredibility,
nition which the democratic idea
becomes a certitude through the authority attributed to the news
pro¬
public opinion has
Since then, in middle-class circles Whereas the grand¬
nouncements of "the others," once they have come from the
mouths
turned against public opinion, so to speak. of a considerable number of people.
fathers in their youth were inspired
fathers and occasionally the
by Schiller's Marquis Posa
us freedom of thought," touched their
— whose
paper
words to King Philipp, "Give
heart-strings
about the —
psychology
their sons
of the
It is similar with opinions passing through the
The strongest argument in the public for the
view is always the reference to the many "others"
multitude.
correctness of a
read Le Bon's castigating that even intelli¬ who have
masses and amuse themselves by histhey assertion already stated it. The public let stand only
those views which
gent people turn into fools when are massed together. The can be readily accepted by "the others."
more resolute among the young people call for the strong hand to closer examination or presupposing special Truths in need of
knowledge are not
dreamers yearn for a return to quite suitable for circulation. This is why the
restore order, the soft-hearted can it do to daydream of to believe the truths spread yesterday even whenmasses continue
the ideal of Romanticism. But what good
circumstances
which are gone once and for all! The world today have changed considerably, whereas today's
past conditions To ride through the coun- secret of the few independent thinkers. novel truths are the
lives under the banner of the masses. Likewise the public
trvside in a stagecoach may be more idyllic,The but in times of mass prefers to let pass what meets general wishes
or needs or wide¬
transportation one must use the railroad. masses have their spread sentimentalities or other superficial
life and therefore must also obtain their not like to believe in the sternness of emotions. One does
share in political person realizes that happens that a catastrophe has frightenedreality unless it just
share in political thinking. Every sensible the hearts, in which
process they commit grave mistakes from which the entire case one likes to indulge in the crassest exaggerations.
in the the politically naive in the nature of this opinion formed in It is
public life suffers. One has left behind the masses, as soon as tion that it refuses to have anything to the process of circula¬
belief according to which the instinct of do with superior knowl¬
it is freed from external force, leads by Itself
to correct deci¬ edge, which is what individuals gain through
equally wrong to declare that this instinct experiences and to what they gear deliberation and
sions. But it is their actions. This hidden
One must know how to separate the genuine better knowledge, as Goethe calls it,
always goes astray.
from the spurious. Here theory can contribute
its share by show¬ himself; it doesn't get through the everyone has to keep for
misconceptions of opinion of the multitude prefers to minds of the masses. The
ing in the first place where today's political word which can circulate without attach itself to the mere
the masses have their origin. further ado, rather than to a
meaning which requires the careful
If we watch closely, we find the formation of which public opinion order to be understood. This explainsdocumentation of facts in
in our time affected by an element
left to
of misguidance
themselves without
is pres¬
firm guid¬
che in public of the empty ringing the dominance of the c 1 i
well-reasoned course of action could phrase, of words to which no -
ent whenever the masses are so lastingly effective. We to extravagant images be joined, while giving rise
ance, but which nowhere else becomes the development
and
orator who knows his public expectations, however. The public
encounter this element with particular force in also knows very well that it won't
of rumors, which by the way need not always to he looked upon as expres- tire of the cliche and that he frequently enough serve it
It has been known that the the slogans of the day which it can't
sions of public opinion. the most monstrous importance it takes pride feels to be important and whose
to give credence to
masses are inclined
its utterly senseless effects a Roman author the slogans evoke restrainstotheassess. The general applause which
rumors. Because of "Fama" as a frightening monster tor themselves because they have remarks of those who know better
in a much quoted passage depicted been led to believe that, in any

— misshapen, gigantic, and deprived of vision. In

of the level-headed man with the authorityfact
the latter may begin as a result of the
to
realm of the credible nothing appears rumor? According to a be
the absence
to deflate a rumor,
that within the
too far-fetched.
oas®> they
others, so
couldn't prevail against the collective opinion of
aH areas ofultimately they begin to have their own
social life one encounters conventional doubts.
repeated by the masses while no judicious
the

person believes
In
views which
sources which nourish the them, and one even runs into conventional
Where are the whose neighborhood 0<1Y must identify who cares to have access lies withJ which every-
well known story, in a seaside resort in liberty of spreading s'ich cases public opinion must to society. In all
sharks had been seen a few visitors took the up. This was is being expressed be defined as that opinion which
the news that in the resort itself sharks had shown in public. It is the opinion with
which one
1 29
128
 while contributing nothing to all. The first 100 pages of "Capital" approach the most diffi-
is successful as a public speaker

litl liar;I
s;i:ri+l;;i:;ilili,a:a*''*lsiii;F:;'lilg=i * ":i*i r; ,;;iE ii
lIi;i:fi i;g;i;
f 4irii[
a:,i:a:
*ri-*;l;[ig:;ii ;[gi[fr;gi[[fi[ii[i1li, E iiiig[[
social action , or possibly even jeopardizing it. cult of what has been written in economics. One must from
the success of
not taken seriously in the realm of beginning have sided with the proletariat to be able to follow the
Perhaps that this opinion is
action
erful that
this would be the
it inhibits or— best case
misdirects
but

person first has to prove himself successful bv

often it is so pow-
action, so that the able
fighting a win¬
tbe bold leaps necessary to develop here the foundations of the
tbeory of surplus value. An unprejudiced reader will have to
stop time and again lest he get hopelessly mixed up in the tangle
0f errors which confused Marx and which he hid before himself
ning battle against it.
with all the artifices of delivery. The ardent middle-class
reader has read Rousseau, the fervent proletarian has read Marx,
r*
F
the way the believer reads the bible. One has been edified by
4. Public Opinion in a Democracy the high-sounding words for the very reason that they could not
Since the democratic movement began toopinion mobilize the masses be fully comprehended. There remains the difference, though ,
'
I;ifii;i:rli:*il*tillglii'liffialiil;iill,,llt;fl*il;
qi?;a'*

life, this variety of public has spread in that the bible points to a mystical sphere, removed from demon-
for political any other areas of social strability by rigorous proof, whereas statements about
more in

:i]l$s;B
the political arena than society
opinion of the democratic masses be and economy condemn themselves when they can no longer be clearly
life. Not that the political form public opinion, the understood. Nevertheless, the democratic movement has brought to
their own untenable creation! To help
and things were no them hosts of partisans because they were written with the inter¬
masses always need and find their leaders,
different in the case of the democratic movement. The political ;ii;:l;; ests of the masses at heart. They won over the enthusiastic
s

of continued, minds who hoped under their guidance to be able to obtain an

opinion of the democratic multitude is the result commit the great¬ understanding of social connections, but they also won
insistent efforts by great leaders. One would
i*gi**l3

over a
great number of the remaining persons who were already satisfied
judging the minds of the inventors of the modern
est injustice in them of hav¬ with the professed aim even though they could not understand
ideas about state and society if one were to accuse
ii|;;;**i
ing simply shaped their ideas with a view to
giving them widest it. Without being structured to make them fit for circulation,
possible circulation. They were guided by the deepest convic¬ the words nevertheless, through the force of circumstances,
tt?***:sl*is'

did
tions, believing that in state and society matters must not get into circulation, generating that misunderstood public opin¬
but that they ion which clings to the word.
remain the way they had been shaped historically, Their contribution was
The great slogans of liberty,
popular sovereignty, full labor value, exploitation, and surplus
must be reconstructed from the bottom up.

___
great work of leaders. What courage and what value, however seriously they were meant by their originators,
the genuine and from the views have all been debased and become catch words in public
l{;ig#F;giili

breadth of mind were indeed needed to break loose an all-powerful used by demagogues for sure effect. How many decisions to opinion,
hallowed by firm tradition and, notwithstanding with unheard-of new may indeed have been sealed when these slogans were thrown strike
government, to combat them and replace them
ili'trii:

tics a meeting, whereupon the unanimous applause triggered out in

ideas! What these men have done in state and society as cri by them cut
aftereffects. Of off any further consideration and silenced the secret
and thought-provokers will have everlasting in judgment of individuals! If workers who had joined better
course, they have often erred, and erred grievously at times, and soci¬ asked themselves on their way home why they had done the applause
their formative ideas. They undertook to rebuild state so, they
quite often must not have been able to give
ety conceptually, and this was more than they could handle. by were, after all, tripped by the stumbling block anof answer. They
Every idea about public affairs always needs to be tested
xeli:i:i

which even earnest theorists find it most difficult "the others,"

success, but the innovators were not in a position to verify bare. to lay
As is true for social decision-making, public opinion,
case also illus¬
;[gi;f;

their ideas continually and in detail. Their of the pudding too, for the masses is not the fruit of
trated the relevance of the saying that the proof their rather it is jointly felt. Personal opinionclear deliberation,
is in the eating. They had to complete their systems in is being subordi¬
nated, if perhaps only reluctantly, to the sentiment
out. They therefore
'i;lBti:Igi;lf

minds leave it to post.eritv to trv them one has

shared the fate of all ideologues: they pursued their ideas to concerning the opinion of the others. To eradicate errors of
appreciat- public opinion requires the argument
the extremes of possible conceptual inferences without of failure, the only one to
[*3i':s

created. by the refractory facts of reality. In which the misled masses will bow.
ing the obstacles ter-
their view all evils from which the masses suffer should be
;iiilr;l

minated by getting rid of the historic powers to whom the masses Political public opinion
subject. They failed to recognize that these powers also whole series of doctrines whichat are
the present time contains a
taught by well-intentioned
were masses, merely leaders for the benefit of the masses and
$a;;slrFr;:3

had to perform their social functions and that the are eagerly absorbed by
dominating powers, didn't acquire the them before having passed the test of success,
by struggling free from the at I while not having
been conclusively refuted by failure either. Inasmuch
ability to fulfill these tasks better, or to fulfill them
==s:'n

the case, these doctrines as this is

great leaders had no intention are part of that confusing species of
all. For all that, the first
anything but
— Public opinion which one declares himself for in public but which
g iliislgli

whatever to flatter the masses as demagogues do

i;f;tq;

Rather they made the highest demands on the masses whose cannot become the basis for successful social action. The con-
that. didn't occur usion of public affairs existing in so many countries
e;3'sB

strength they couldn't help overrating greatly. It today

u®sts to a large extent
to them to adapt themselves to the stunted capacity ofAsabsorption one reads this on the fact that when states were
public opinion, which set up
of the Philistines or of the lowest social classes. ing > was went by the word but missed its mean-
Rousseau's "Contrat Social" or Marx's "Das Kapital," one is used as a guideline.
astonished to see that these books which make the highest
'd

demands on the reader, could find their way into the masses at
E

130 131
'
 opinion the most extravagant ideas
It is said that in public House

=.nl
Prussian

1x oiB, "
of Representatives, because he deemed a policy

-e";33gs:"9-'1'".
rgi;=ln*;3''xE-*
ij'r.+
r
sr;""{iEg:dEl"I
i;,il5"-!
cannot apply to heal thy

e ,l.l ,

-dod.;-?H1';;
This statement and of
blood iron necessary to achieve the great national

.* i'j'',F
will always win out.

; 3 ., *o ? i:^""31.-.
i: r: Jq g 3;=iz=
public opinion, for in it those ideas will win which garner the
most extravagant, but German Empire. goal of a
At the same time, notwithstanding a hostile pub¬

<!'-"
hardly be the
greatest success, which can lic opinion, he reckoned with full assurance that the Prussian

I ],
^
ones which have been well thought out and strike the militiaman would heed the king's call to arms.

ilii:r'+3;3'r
will be public opinion
middle ground. The statement applies to that
will drown out the less

i3t:.,dii
The overloud word The magic means at the disposal of the strong

I'i
derived from words. could be made and was greeted by leader to
loud. That the statement

r: +
prevail against public opinion is success. Heaping one
today that kind of public opinion counts upon the other, he will finally accomplish the political success

)tsD

*i
much

1"
proves
3;;3il;
applause bow
which is based on words
. This sentence embodies an experience educa¬
tion of the populace. If in the process he curtails the rights
)d-5!{pHa3{Jqo{

mass movement and which

peculiar to the time of a helter-skelter

g "_J ?
0f the masses where these rights exceeded their competence,
'{*.7-:no

prominent during the tempest of revo¬ he

had to become particularly will placate them by his sure touch in meeting their true needs,
dJo
c
have been tested

o-.(
ideologies of our time
lutions. As soon as the
facts of experience, the radical swings will ,J
X
which remained unsatisfied and perhaps were not even recognized
thoroughly by the as long as the wrong leaders and their foolish views were lis¬
die away. tened to. Again, to shove the masses off the political stage on
T

which they have gained a foothold everywhere is something

great leader will not try. Rather he will work incessantly the
the Formation of Public at
<5. The Share of Leader and Multitude in educating them for the role which devolves upon

_
-n

and in the general interest. them in their own

Opinion

The restoration to health of

political public opinion must
Reflection , more than any other C. Self-Determination
originate with the leaders. decision-making, is the business of the
of the People
component of social automatically in the mind,
leader. While wants are registered 1. The Idealizing Democratic View
pressure of deprivation and passion the arms
and while under theeasily join for the advance into action, the
of the many will composure, of which a multitude
Public opinion in young democracies takes it for
granted
business of reflection calls for be sure, the leader, too, will that all contemporary European peoples, and
perhaps also all
of heads is never capable. To others who are cultured or have acquired some degree
frequently go astray in his deliberations, and his follies will are capable of self-determination and thus have the of culture,
fateful for society, but eventually the right leader will direct their destiny ably, of their own will, aptitude to
be the masses as such and without a
arrive at the right conclusion, something masses should not have superimposed power. It is in the nature of
never manage. not to sav that the that it must encounter no barriers other than self-determination
deliberation; they, too, may in from the necessities of mass technique. It is ofthose resulting
any share whatever in social understanding. It course out of
their own way contribute to enlightened the question for a people to arrive at their
in response to the pressure of their own roots assemblies in which their whole decisions in grass¬
devolves upon them,
needs, to direct thinking to the general welfare
probing actions to corroborate the judgment of the
masses must ca’-’ry enough weight
decisions
to indicate
oscillate, and
the
the
and by their
leader. The
focal point
leader must
participate
—
people may be admissible, as a rule
incalculable
this error of direct democracy has nownumber
nized. While in quite special cases direct
would
been recog¬
decisions by the
decision-making requires a
around which prospective recognize that focal point, as well body of peoples' representatives and deputies.
It is true that
have the clarity of vision to
as the unbending determination not
purification of public opinion is the task of
leaders who correctly assess the
to
strength
be deflected
of the
from it. The
realist-political
masses and reso¬
these persons cannot be bound by imperative
direct democracy which must be ruled out. mandates
that by means of an election the representatives —
an act of
But it is believed
still be subjected to the will of the people, and deputies can
lutely safeguard leadership authority. The seasoned
leader will who are said to
crucial delibera¬ control them and, depending on their performance,
seek to arrange things in such a way that the to office or drop them. It is further can elect them
session and that decisions are so believed that, since the
tions take place in closed masses have little people is composed of all its citizens,
all citizens must be
expertly prepared for by the few that the Permitted to vote in order to express the
to endorse them. The able democratic leader also rectly. By declaring all members of a people popular will cor¬
choice but
claims for himself the choice ability of tactics; he demands that the are of age and sound mind and have not of both sexes who
masses place their trust in his objectives to choose the appropriate rights equally eligible to vote, forfeited their civic
means for the attainment of the pursued. The dema¬ it is said that the unfailing
Path of self-determination of the people
the best of things by using in public the has been found.
gogic leader makes with his equals, he
customary slogans which, when he is alone To an ardent democrat, self-determination is
bearing in
smilingly disregards, as did the augurs at all times, condition of the
people. In his view, in the periods of natural
mind the needs for action. The genuine leader will act differ-
freedom which apreceded lack of
ently. He will not shrink from resolutely opposing public opin-
In this connec- been violated , and democratization the nature of a people had
he views the proclamation of self¬
ion if he deems it harmful to the public weal.opinion and use it determination
tion, however, he will perceive healthy public to nature. ,Bylike the proclamation of human rights, as a return
purifying the concept of the state from the
as the firmest possible pillar of his actions. Thus Bismarck im proper admixtures of
fought his way through the military conflict with the help of the state as an associationforce, the idealizing democrat views the
of upright persons for the purpose of
132
133
 Could, he continues the by-laws or have even read them. In elections the
meeting the particular functions of a state. influence

i[ii iillilliilililllllilillllilllllllliE iilll[lllliiii

*iiiil;llli|lililll[1][igliililffiili' rl lllll-;tlallii
organization be appropriate to the state of a small clique is decisive in most cases, and often
to reason, a form of in general? He sug¬ board of directors must take care that enough the
other than that which fits the association the fact that as it also often must see to it that aelections are held at all,
gests that one only has to take intoisconsideration
incomparably greater than meetings. May it be assumed that people
quorum is present at the
who
the number of members of the state
and that the general enough for the club will be so for the state? are not quite mature
association
that of members in an ordinary unwieldy to make them suitable, loose form In no
of a club suffice for the state. Nature case can the
assemblies of citizens are too lion stronger than the house fly, and so the organs hasthemade the
like other general assemblies, to conduct deliberations and pass
members of associations can be granted if they are to perform ably in the service of power,of state,
must also be
resolutions. Whereas the meeting, equipped with a stronger skeleton, blessed with
democracy at the general more ample blood
certain privileges of direct would essentially have to be flow, and provided with more nerves than the organs
citizens of the state, it is argued, The old democracies which didn't set up their of a club.
But, it is concluded,
limited to the exercise of the franchise. of mass techniques, according to an ideological recipe but received constitutions
this restriction, dictated by the necessities scription of history, do not content them by the pre-
does not infringe the character of the state as an association. themselves therefore with
the pure democratic form either. England still has
its upper house, and above all has its historic its king and
tion with the firm footings of its dynamic leaders. party constitu¬
2. Self-Determination in the Club and in the Corporation
of the state. It has The corporation is an association for gain,
So goes the idealizing democratic viewworld. The real-world simple constitution of a club could not and yet the
nothing to do with the state in the real because in it the drive for power is already endure even for it
will as is the
state is not a creation of the free contractual will to power. The and therefore its shell must be more firmly too much stimulated
club, but it is a historic creation of thethat they are suscep- raise the large sums of money needed by built. In order to
tasks of the club are so closely delimited
a single purpose, or prise, numerous participants must be such a corporate enter-
tible to deliberation and resolution: it is merely supply funds without being able to enlisted people who
extreme a series of closely related particular purposes, work for it or having
in the must be procured any business know-how at all.
Vis-a-vis these members, who are
for which one associates. The resources which
latter, more numerous than the multitude of small
of the members, and the shareholders, the
are also within the horizon tasks, feel indeed like founders and the board of directors occupy
because they are united by their common leadership with power and predominance which eminent positions of
adversary nature.
companions, nothing between them being of an of directors far- tunities for exploitation. The audacious founder provide ample oppor¬
It is not necessary to accord to the board shareholder control, and need not fear it if he doesn't fear
given free
reaching competences, and the lust for power is not is room to the inexperienced circles of the general public addresses himself
play; there is scarcely room for ambition, at most there
for profit he manages to bait. His leadership whose greed
The state on the other hand, has meets with confi¬
for a harmless sort of vanity. dence on the part of the followers as long as they
one has no idea where and when it
a historic origin Only in very others" follow as well, and those follow as long as see that "the
expands, this as a rule occurs by the use of force. his own accord; one go up. Their market price is the only criterion to share prices
rare cases does one become a state citizen of pays attention. Although one may which one
one through forced annexation. When have to admit that this price
is born a citizen or becomes his union to the is unreasonably high and that the
a worker transfers the name of a buddy from enterprise is altogether
falsifies the name. Until unsound, he keeps buying as long as the bull
state which he wants to conquer, he expectation that buyers can be found in market feeds the
of reluctant turn to whom one can sell
very recently states endured to which a great number that Sweden and shares at a profit. This goes on until
citizens belonged. It was not long ago at all lapses and the doubters are shown up to one day the boom col¬
monarchy
Norway separated, only recently the Austro-Hungarian disassociating them- become too late. Those shareholders be correct, after it has
collapsed, and the Irish even contemplate selves the state must aid by curtailing who cannot protect them¬
may occasionally be
selves from free England. State purposes must
the power of founder and
board of directors in some ways and substituting
scientifically defined, while practically many possibilities authority. for it. Only when the public has become its own power
kept open and the leaders be granted broad mature for the corpora-
always be purposes does not tion can it be safely left to its own devices
Power is always called upon. Mere statement of measures backed by free association. in the form of a
suffice , resort must be had to drastic
. This is already true for the internal affairs of the
power public spirit, and is
state , even when citizens are united by The Historic Truth About Self-Determination of
relations, where the idea of the People
much more necessary in foreign aspirations may
social cooperation has not taken hold yet and As between peoples, the gaps in personal strength
wildly diverge. What temptations indeed lurk for the ambition and are incom¬
but for populace parably greater than they are between founder and public, and
power greed, not only for the leaders where self-determination has not yet been
itself! tunities for predominance and temptations achieved, the oppor¬
for its abuse are
on the incomparably more numerous than in the field
Only a very strong people can be sure to walk upright of share owner¬
ii};

find it in ship. Perhaps things were different with

path of self-determination. The masses do not even exemplified
the first tribes in
history, perhaps individuals at that time were more
the much simpler relations of social cooperation, as who know th ereby protected against superior equable and
by club affairs. There are always only a few members strength. If this really had
134 135
 long been buried by his¬
roots will shoot up unimpeded. They will, heedless of the fact
been the case, this early state hasunited tribes into peoples that the letter of the law is against them, expand as powers

O
o
(,
X

o::uca
3 00 0 0

ig'ilE*l;e* -l O5HO iS-69

d '!ort
wild until eventually, after having gained full strength,
P.5 0 do
struggles which

o ;.< .-
During the

d_. 53'Y
tory. 3 5'3599E "-r o p)o 'dprg"Jo

<a(J

e.-i
The history of peoples in a

cuoJc

-lxo
'Xall<
they will top it off by adorning themselves with the

. plL;l ;cf { E'd. - 3'" s"ii g 5 ol1l !)l ci Hd*-ra

equality and liberty disappeared. o!0)<5

. Jo.4

5Xo"J-
o^co*':
coercive rule, with super- /. crown of
lr

R :'6 j"l s'l ItsJ t0Fdd

real sense begins with coercion ,^
and
imposition and subjection. The ascent to freedom
which mature
P. I< _ legality-
weaken each
Perhaps the superior powers will fight
and mutually
other to the point of impotence. Between the Scylla

P'
5P U
P.

finally accomplish is not return to 0f power and the Charybdis of powerlessness, a people on the way

_5 P.
their prime

.-l P.O
in

.+ 15
peoples
mature people is a stage of
oo

9Er'rP xl -l o'J
nature; the self-determination of a great to maturity will steer its most prudent course if it entrusts

dt
CA

5'l iL
:t;

$ { 'l t
difficulty. One must itself to a helmsman who is armed with success. In the difficult

'-_x0r o o: 6', 0)l

3.""i''E;3fi3 sl ol
and with

0l
development attained late
Ct
o.

* X': 'o.ol\ lql o

o

not imagine force, under whose yoke peoples were held so long, as epochs of history, this was done by the predecessors

I
dl
I
ol
s,Tl-l -fr:Hgrf;9Js pl
cq P.l

a
themselves has of those
being merely exogenous; the personality of peoplesmay perhaps say peoples which by now have grown ripe for self-determination,

4o
,5 1:9;dJr
ts.

spread. One they thereby have more effectively helped and

to do with its

"
also had something their descendants to
ts PJq 'J O C O O O

:'"e."

even of peoples who were defeated bycertainlv, a foreign conqueror that attain majority than if they themselves had prematurely

*'ol'-'-1.xi".9
!'B
however, this is their majority. declared
they were too weak for independence;
---1ar^

tÿue where the superior powers rose within the state

itself.
ol<l { oPn I pgl350<505

_.
subordinated to the Patricians and the From the fact that so far a comprehensive view of

lo :Jv*XoX
When the Romans were
,r,odEu'

historical
-33R
lt- fi;q"-E
Germans to the prince and nobility , these peoples,
notwithstand- stages argues strongly against self-determination
fu

solve in free the conserva-

ing all their raw strength, were still unable to The times
tive mind draws the conclusion that self-determination is at
self-determination the problems posed by their times. variance with the nature of a people. In choosing this interpre¬
Ftcr
{

strengthened the rulers. In a stages tation it commits an error no less grave than does the
called for war, and the war
-: lPl 5' 3

millenia testify for rule by coercion, and mind which disregards historical experience. democratic
the
ql -

l.r 3.1 3

history,
* lF'

of
l-n FIl-
B, o

view sequence of stages is one of developmental stages. The historical

-"

summing scarcely to centuri es even for the

—
l
l
1
|
I
o rnlql
I
|

| !l
rO olol

only decades
— The fact that
Ol+, t
.- l:i
t;l

;.Hrl t
.rl5

One must
l*l

o lts'

testify for self-determination. in spite of its long duration the development process
!J lcf
")lo

gi<

strongest peoples
oDl

so far has
o9

not date the history of peoples to begin only in 1789 or 1848, led to only a few states of true maturity proves
<
o
cr

+n
d

let alone in 1917 and 1918. Everythingfinally that happened within a than that historical development proceeds only at a very more
nothing
uru;;rurrt{;;it
iillilillillli [iliililiHiill
I

it turned to freedom pace until the maturation process of a people slow

ql;gf;E

people before the years during which has been com-

was an outgrowth of its personality or was at least co-determined pleted. Good things take their time. The development
is part of of the
by its personality. The period of force and violenceof it as not millions cannot be a simple thing, given that the first
act con¬
its developmental history, and one can no more think sisted of the subjugation of the masses by a
having occurred than one can imagine the developmental traces of
history of the masses then have to regain their strength ruling minority and
and human dignity.
the earth without the ice-age. Not only have indelible
5'E+r

the stages of development remained in the the stratification of When has political maturation reached the degree
the stratification of earth, but only for a people's self-determination? necessary
peoples as they did in The prospects for self-
development' can give us insight into its determination would be in a bad way if for its achievement
a tracing through of it
unfolding nature. What geologist could hope to understand the were necessary for the grooves of history to be completely
evened
3E$3

structure of the earth without following its evolution? By the out and for the populace to have evolved into a
true association
same token, no statesman can understand his people if he does not of upright and intimately united
strengths and idealizing concept of democracy. Even companionsÿ as imagined by an
understand its history, which reveals to him its the English people, having
self-determination and vigorously '
il

its weaknesses. practicing it, have not

advanced that far. It is never possible
j i i*i;illil:*lliilli
ltr

of the those unevennesses which distinguish tosocial smooth out completely

s

The mere fact that a people has shaken off the yoke conclusive from personal
decision-making, though they must and can be overcome
3;'ilE

old powers must not in itself be taken as furnishing the Spaniards extent necessary for a people to feel as a 'unit. to the
proof that it has matured to full manhood. After they were Self¬
determination of a people
i{ii

conquerors out of the country,

had driven the Moorish
brought under the scarcely milder yoke of their kings.they became
After the bers feel as an entity and presupposes first of all that its mem-
through mutual attraction are cemented
become free from the Czarist regime, together into a firm aggregate,
'e;83

Russians had without any need for a superior

too, that a power to press them
slaves to the much harsher Bolshevism. The fact, itself for democ¬
together
be horizontal and vertical for its own sake. There will always
has declared
liill

people through its representatives differences in education, property,

does not in itself guarantee to it true self- and influence, yet they must
not
racy
determination. The economic freedom proclaimed by liberalism has cohesiveness but must be brought intobesuch permitted to rupture the
force hinders any other, rather that one an equilibrium that no
il5$3

against the inexperienced public,

benefitted the robber promoter helpless debtor, the exploit¬ oan't be any question of self-determinationhelps another. There
the usurious creditor against the of a people as long
and the state the parties recklessly persist in asserting their
ative entrepreneur against the powerless worker, weak self-
protect the economically determination,
lill

had to intervene first in order to which boils down to self-denial of the people.
politi¬ ith respect to all its forces
against the economically strong. In the same way, where a people must be so well organized
i

bat nowhere the predominance of

cal freedom proclaims democracy prematurely, it cannot
help bene-
iiii;gl
3B+sf

organized groups represses the

against the weak ber
fitting the strong individuals among a people
tion ofgroups. The organization of the
•

a pervasive social organization.state must be the comple-

iilii

authority
ones , where in addition there is no higher adjusting
which could protect the weak. In a people which has not yet
grown ripe for self-determination while having already
adopted
F!

its form the superior powers germinating from a people's

grass
137
136
 __ APPENDIX vÿew of the oppressed, their revolt was a protest of
ing against brutal insolence, against human feel¬
pernicious mental duress. The zealouscruel enslavement against
innovators
£rue society, like the representatives of mankind. feel like the
they venerate their When they are
The Issue of Social Guilt martyrs as the victims of a great

o
H
<D
o
idea and, when the new idea finally wins out, elevate them to
fjero status, permitting their deeds to inspire
them.
and Sociological View of Social Guilt

5'
1.

3q
Legal
-
g)
o

The jurist, who must formulate law in

to discuss with utmost terms of the existing
By way of an appendix we still want P owers, makes allowances for such convictions by no longer rank-

" = :u*1ri"[; si
55
Ii :lF[* 'tf, s;
E
eig; -*
=3llgEg3ilf1, *;ii.?:"€" l*

sE's'*"tfli;q;d ;si:x-:-1:;:i3t*iq**="pe =H;;$'s;r ;:

:iil[;*m;l*sf[; p*;A;[;silff ;*:i:qs:r+,;; -ffiirirr ;;
brevity the question of social (collective)
guilt. ing the revolutionary deeds among the

E
common crimes, as was done
[:. i;-'iF?FF g

during the most barbarous times, but dealing

i: 3
In terms of prevailing

I6 elEs
with them separately
Can the social will become guilty?

* r€ I
as political offenses. As such he exempts them
unhesitatingly be answered in from the degrad¬
linguistic usage the question must guilt of the parties, peo¬
ing punishment applied to common
crimes; perhaps he accords to
the affirmative. One talks about the them less onerous forms of detention, and perhaps
masses, accusing them all for assesses milder penalties. At least he will be so inclined he also
ples, states, governments, and the negligence as one accuses an
3

*'*lt;;EfFgg;; ;;E:;*i*f;i*"r*tX."F-Ix -r* EIxq

when
their
e-:;
their evil intentions or for the misdeeds have been directed only against
individual malefactor. However, it is not permissible to go so stitution, all the while perhaps applying a the political con-
Given the way this will is sterner measuring rod
il
far in personifying the social will. when, penetrating more deeply, they are
does not apply to it. whole social order. intended to upset the
arrived at, the notion of guilt
:

_
q

and because he defiantly

* i;:a=lg

An individual becomes guilty whenhigher Differently the

" *gri*r;n

general rule or he sociologist. He is not bound by the exist-

pits his personal will against the ing law. He recognizes in the parties
Undoubtedly, it is possible in this the representatives wrestling with each other
fails to obey such rule. of two systems whose
:i" *

guilty: a gang of eventual outcome will

*;t;;;gil;:a*; ;lUagl;esilipE;Fi;rcsl;

a multitude of persons to become determine what history's selective judgment

sense for will be.
neglecting its duty, or any
__
$6

great popular movements something In all

thieves or robbers or a military unit the public order, destroys is at
respected in itself as sheer strength work which deserves to be
assembly of people which disturbs
U

acts. For offenses by and which lies beyond good

property, or otherwise commits subversive new criterion enters the
and bad true and false just as is true
nature. "Streams do not err, they go," for the great motions in
persons, a
:;r[f

of
E SEE $!'!

a rather large number

distinction between degrees of
— as aptly put in an illus¬
—
si,Brrn*l[lsg* ;'n5*;IiHi;IrE;in-

One makes a tration by the old Giboyer

e

picture, however. as the most guilty, or in Augier's play "A Pelican"

his son when he begins to summarize the to
their wrongdoing, one views theguilty. leaders
One therefore
possibly even as the only ones masses, or one even permits them
metes out during his long life. It is not as if political wisdom acquired
s

have to count the power of law among the sociologist would not
ti!rA

more lenient punishment to the

I

only the great social powers;

Perhaps one decides on such leniency rather he knows that what one party
e

to go scot-free. The commander of does to the other on account

siooq:so

big group. of atonement for having broken

because one cannot punish the wholeits ground vis-a-vis the enemy
ir*

a military unit which has not held mere use of its power resourcesthe law is in the first place a
to safeguard its own interest,
or to run the gauntlet
orders only every tenth soldier executed
and it will be shown only
___ ___ the true social interest.subsequently
lgi'H

bodily punishment whether this also

because he simply _ cannot let them all suffer Perhaps, and this may wellincludes
gBHyE
B;.5;;AE'

But isn't there another motive involved? rule, each of the two parties be the
for their
i- UUV
v_/i delicts. to -•
punish so many
v.-
because thisuuo degree and is in the wrong with has the law on its side to some
Isn't it so that one does not want sheds everything going beyond that and
encounter a motive which the
-•*- new
is viewed as incongruous? We here purified law
two systems vying withcaneach
only emerge from the balancing of the
guilt. The individual in a crowd
FF!;oq.

light on the question of social other for supremacy. Every tyrant

-:-tilrt:*l3 :;:ag

wholly excused by being, after T,rJ“” all, can determine the

is somewhat or perhaps even
Gessler's hat, while external form of law, as illustrated by
;

against whom he cannot prevail. Under

only one among the many, the internal power of law arises
Fg

a more propitious environment,

environmi the the contact between conscistwes- only from
suitable leaders and placed in
-
$g

a,it.
p..u duty.
same soldiers who have just -
failed • *” do their full
will j-

As to the relations between peoples,

the cases in reference there altogether does
From here we find the transition to
n°t exist any
$;.S
;;

talks of social guilt. In using this expression, it tional law is clear, supreme law as yet.
at most nascent law or is anWhat we call interna¬
fl ; * d I g ild ; # *

to which one the general rule feel from refined human perception for
gi.en*,ll*€

ethical demand born

is taken for granted that those who violate join together in a
they belong to a special social unit. They installed yet and which becomes which no supreme judge has been
new rule which is directed against the present rule. The prole¬
of law with
emergency
even a majority,
largely
legislation. Often a great numberinvalidated by state
".i'lB

the middle-class conception of citizens, perhaps

tarian movement confronts It was no different for the People. The unfree does not partake in the so-called
will of the
its class-conscious conception. people are not being asked at all,
against
—
cr

or the peasants perhaps most and many

movements by the debtors, theor slaves, the movement by the
of even the free people are swept along, with-
-=

lords, for bt a will of

50
.tts.O

their hard-hearted creditors their own, or they keep quiet in

with the movement of
,s course, all these people must be absolved from the background.
.
sectarians against the only saving church,
=nfr il
': O 5(D

state. The ruling true even for

-u

princely
the freedom enthusiasts against the respective movements a grave those who quite openly go along,guilt, and this
because they,
°> lack the capacity to make
powers alleged to see in each of the From the point of their own decisions, which is, of
5 O
{.3

wrong, a culpable breach of prevailing law. Urse, a precondition of guilt. In a strong popular movement

138 139
 do. He can't help it, acting
as PART 2
everybody does what "the others"

l[ ;li;iiil;lll;aelilliEii
ll :reai:;g:st; H;:;;li i3€ ;
g{ " *
sweeping

ii il' rir;s;lpl-;ilFlliiie

li ig*;it;[:*iattrgis;:;ra:
5o irresistible pressure of a THE HISTORICAL WORK OF POWER
he does in response to the with a feeling of elation over
general current and probably

E
But if it is not possible
cr6oq

faithful' sacrifice for the fatherland.

any one of the millions making up a
to attach the guilt label to attached to this people as a whole , IX. Social Institutions, Historical
people how could guilt be It is, or appears to Formations
".9
consisting as it does only of its citizens? Historical Education
5-H'Fdorr

the guilt of the leaders. But aren't the

be, different with turn excused by the irresist-
leaders of the great movements They become guilty only if they
in 1• Strength and Task
ible current of the masses?
S..:5il "'E
design abetted these masses. the Is the
themselves have with evilfor gen¬ "Faust" in its first version, the
the World War? He decreed was written by the 26-year-old Goethe so-called Original Faust,
Russian Czar responsible declaration of war as within
to lead to the
eral mobilization which had but was this decree truly an act of October 1774 to early in 1775 and then again the brief span from
—
o

energy in the late summer and the in another burst of

a necessary consequenceit not wrested from him by the paramount short weeks of highest creative insight fall of 1775. During these
his free will, or was
3E 333'6 3l5p

Incidentally, as far as war is con¬ the intensification of strength making young Goethe experienced
force of circumstances?
ll. B, *-'B "

against which a declaration But of it possible for him to

cerned, where is the rule of law just give poetic expression to the Faustian
H

war is permissible. urge which had seized his

war sins? To every people the law as it existed till the
soul and to create the figures of Faust and Gretchen, Mephisto
because, according to international and Wagner, of which Brandes has said
World War, every people hadeveryto use its own discretion as to to the most famous figures of world that they are not inferior
people has so far considered outbreak, however, Goethe was still poetry. With this first
whether its war was just,Never has a people conducted a war for Faustian problem. He had to becomefar from having mastered the
every war as permissible. persuasive reasons. a mature man before coming
which it could not adduce the most sufficiently to grips with it to be able
Heaven, which in the wager proposed by to write the Prologue in
the plan of the work. Over Mephisto to God develops
ri

Criterion of Social Endangerment and

Security part fell into their proper long pauses, the scenes of the first
P

2. The. places, but only when he had become

an old man, as Goethe wrote in
responsible for its wars , he
If one wants to make a people of guilt, but must resort to him the main object to which he his diary, did "Faust" become for
cannot do so by using the criterion he put himself to the task of devoted his daily strength. Now
A bellicose and easily excitable
the criterion of endangerment. its neighbors and perhaps to the posed this task at the completing the work. If he had
beginning, "Faust" could never have become
people is no doubt a danger toand the world are entitled to do the "Faust" we know. "Faust" could become what it is
whole world. The neighbors because at the outset there the energy which pressed foronly
everything in order to provide sufficient
safeguards against such outlet, without being bound bywas an
and the Teutons one has to be on a task.
when it became a matter of importanceThe task suggested its
a people. Against the Cimbri gained by saying this against the strength. In the second part only to collect his waning
his guard. To be sure, what is Germans are nothing but Cimbri and heights of the first part which those passages fully reach the
people for whom contemporary to were not written down in fulfill¬
Teutons? Shifting the issue from the question of social guilt people. ment of a poetic pledge, but
where
only be welcomed by these the spirit harking back to a
that of a social threat will protection they will ask
receptive youth was still strong
hold of the tottering enough to enable him to get a
From the viewpoint of endangerment andagainst the people of the figures "which early at one
for the use of yet greater coercion and
appeared to the cloudy
vision." time had
will from the viewpoint of guilt
Cimbri and Teutons than they mind, where the
however, knows better The development
punishment. A level-headed modern nations. Among the European of a people, even less than that
son, occurs in awareness of a per-
danger of war is hidden for and Teutons, they are all ulty of a people of a task to be done.
nations there are no longer any Cimbri peace, except that each is distributed over countlessThe mental fac-
zealously devoted to their works of alongside each other and in succession heads, which
mistrust the aspirations of the other leaders and are prepared to follow as a seek to think first as
observes with anxious firmly resolved to maintain its inde¬ Plans sketched, abandoned, and multitude. Of all the
nations which surround it, soon as the clarion call to save the insolence, passion, delusion, and newly formed by the ambition,
pendence by all means. As of the ers> only those carry through for narrow-mindedness
fatherland has come from those manning the watchtowers will rise
of the lead-
whose realization the people
every proud nation all citizens
national bastions, in once are overwhelmed by the tremendous Possess
gies of
sufficient energies and which are not ruined by the ener-
like one man and at the
impulse of joint action which there sweeps them up irresistibly. more; Now strength is surrounding peoples.
not lacking expand in Those plans for which nati ve
is no holding back any Energies, and gradually exceed by far proportion to the expanding
the word is, "it must be," now traitor. To avoid another t
the
eaders attention always was riveted tohorizon
who does not
world war, it
go
is
along is
necessary
a coward
to erect
and
those safeguards
which are to
this for all civilized nations mistrust and against the sudden
and to do
protect the®
-- — who couldwhose
sensibl
not
in store. In foresee the astonishing turns
the mind of the old Roman which
y could not be any room for
of the first
proximate tasks and
the future held
peasant people there
against the surprises of their ..

This people could not the idea of

flushes of national combat fever. not entirely have been as capable as itworld dominion.
oriented itself to the realities of was if it had
its historic
141
140
 It was assured of the future because
prepared to
— concept of historical formation from that of
and for portraying the nature of the former. social institution

*i;; i; il [;3' ii*r; I a

condition.
—

'1;
i_
iu
reserves of
ii3i;i;ii
the

iFi:rlqr:la;';;;:i+i!r;::i'=
any distress it always had left
cope with afflictions. Seven
strength necessary to measure up to further Social institutions are
capitol's founding until a Caesar
ii f fiX;; created by governments

q;t;i{i
it9,";5jiui9l::,
centuries had to pass from the The 0rder powers for a definite purpose and following aor bv other

?q?;it;
could set out to implement Rome's dominion over the world. catastrophe plan. They are called into being for the sake of the deliberate
had to be built up after the
national strength which after the dismemberment by the gained Peace pursued in the interest of the collective or perhaps of objective
of the Thirty Years' War andreestablish German Empire power only. They are modified or abolished if it is thought one's own
i; tiig
to the that
of Westphalia in order that even the best German the objective requires this. The institutional forms

jif
ground under such rutted conditions devoting himself to the task of ingly diverse: offices, establishments, and works of theare exceed-
could not reasonably think Everybodyof varied kinds are encountered in such profusion most
who at that time wielded
a; ra:::l?;i:d
reinstating the empire. difficult to enumerate them completely. On the that it becomes
q:;5

with permitting the

r:
was occupied other hand, his-
influence in German territories to waste away and to put in its torical formations grow up without
last remnants of the old empire becoming aware of a specific creator. the possibility of one's
extremely disunited states which was
i;gi
q;r; q si;€Fr

They are results of his¬

place a body of small and power politics of Austria and toric development, born from the energies welling up from the
opposed only by the princely depths of society and proved bv
of Germany was remedied against the nating human beings instead of success, sweeping along and domi¬
Prussia. The splintering and of the German people, which was being
All associations, from family and tribe dominated
s I;:'-r -rt:"I;A'f

by the latter.
will of the German princes Napoleon, the foreign to state,
*?;;ittl

submissively attached to its princes. political splinter¬ and society itself, are historic formations. people, nation,
more to overcoming the Aside from such
terrorist, contributed of Bismarck. Neverthe¬ personal formations there are, however, also objective ones which
ing than did any German down to the time are by no means planned institutions but
qi i

weakness following the

less, the period of extreme national
Thirty Years' War was not a political
of the German people in quiet
loss, as the best specimens
development nurtured by success results of historical
, an example of this being
l*ili;ilfi:;':li;
work assembled the build- in its original form, as vet unregulated by the state. For all
money
cultural that , such objective formations are
achievement, at long
i:;*;;i?i;ii: giilq;

cultural related to planned institutions and felt to be more closely

A;lii;;d
as -i i'i;:i

ing blocks of the modern German It is true, though, that

referred to as "creations" ("Gebilde"),are therefore probably
?r*[;

last still to be crowned politically.

; : a r ; - : r c ': i i * ; i 1 r t

war elapsed in men¬

[;

the years immediately following the terrible that they be viewed as half-created by a name which suggests
tal calm, with seemingly nothing Only left of the strength which had be better off, though, not to separatethe human will. We will
the soul-inspired sounds of
aiE

given birth to the Reformation. personal formations because it would them in name from the
the spirit of the nation
-v :r';i

revealed that be hardly

clear distinction. Time and again, personal feasible to draw a
a pure and earnest music
spell after the raging of
{;

had recovered itself during the calm ments are mixed, and since a and objective ele¬
an inner storm and
formations and institutions, we firm
loose in boundary exists only
*'i=t

Then it suddenly broke

; ?i: *i:;ijiiqjr{r?i: {{i=

the war. was chiseled and car- will let it go at these two between
brick
stress and now brick upon cultural was one of the fundamental
Fr ie girif n iI InFq€' riIt3f

and concepts. We recognize in the h istorical :names

n-;

Goethe ' s "Faust" results of a searching force

— formations the
e

ried in place. "Faust" had a

However little Goethe with his not yet sure of its content,
—
*

building stones. others think pressing, erring, and finding itself

q: E **;+

*;{: ; l; :{; i; ; :iie:g;d

did the many anew

political goal in mind, equally little brought building blocks
the social institutions, on the while recognizing in
other hand, the fulfillment of
:ii

following their inner urge, tasks set for itself by the organizing
of this, who, Only the men in the Paul's
Church,
":

the given objectives. will endeavoring to meet

to the work of culture. around the middle of the 19th
representatives of German culture that they could unite in the
;; j;;n i$E Iir;r i;;:
i3q1:f =;;;;- iJItA

century, had advanced to the point More or less closely,

endeavor of rebuilding the empire.
su-ff icientlv advanced that
Now the preparatory work was rest on the foundation ofall social institutions may be said to
task could be confronted, historical formations. The market
this
Church apart from
— system
! presupposes the
supply and demand. The market as created by the coincidence of
ii**[

although of course the men in the Paul's of the goal

being at odds concerning important aspects
technique. For this
also
-- try are based on the special monetary arrangements of a coun-
3 dirir, i;i ii=

general characteristics of money,

fell short of understanding the construction come about as a result which has
was needed the political expert who at the same time knew how to fully explored by theory of the tortuous paths of commerce not
I ; I E3; ;*

remove the historical obsta¬

use the military means in orderwayto of completing the reconstruc¬
as yet. The military affairs
"eceive their orderly arrangement by a of a state
*g+=
i

in the
cles which still stood German people the foreman in the person commander-in-chief, strong prince or a
but in its historic antecedents
tion. Fate gave to the traced to the spontaneous it can be
to set himself the task of configurations of fighting strength. I
of Bismarck, who was in a positionfor the final goal, a task he ith all
institutional arrangements it can be clearly
combining the available resources 'heir effect they always depend seen how in
Goethe and Schiller he could
g

on being properly adjusted to

diIj;

met with sovereign mastery.to Before nature

this task. The German Empire could
of historical formations which serve as their the
ti on . A
not have addressed himself having found in the cultural vigor
of market system which is in contradiction
cpply and demand
founda-
to the law of
be established only after cannot succeed, nor can a monetary
missing elements for its formation.
the German people the still ,emPting to maintain a value system
i, hy an excess of monetary of money which has become unten-
media issued bv the state. S i m i
The Problem of Historical Formations
n,..7V , it will never be possible,
g..ltary discipline, to imbue a military
however stern the rules of -
- .J
(A
(t
H

o
t\)

.:

2.
J

tt'e if its members have been unit with true fighting

words provide us with a base for distinguishing Every effective institution recruited from an exhausted peo-
o
f,
T

These
.J
{
Fl

o
a

receives its organizing

142 193
 principles from the internal law of
historical formation on which reaching all the way back to Antiquity

ll*llfilllli*lli||'E
it rests. trying to explain the origin and naturehave labored in vain in
astonishing that money closely ties of money? Is it not
is always inclined to think together human beings
To be sure, the ordinary citizen entirely within its powe1’ to live far apart and know nothing about
each other?
who
The state
that every good government fit, has it stands in the spotlight of life, its citizens
sees and he will therefore severely give their lives
for it, but the scholars of all countries are still
control things as it
things don't go according to his not in agree¬
accuse the government see deep enough to recognize that what the
whenever ment about how it originated and which internal
laws it obeys.
desire. He does not be pre¬ For all historical formations without exception
government prescribes, and what undoubtedly can and must law always same contrast between practical effectiveness there exists the
limits, follows an internal scientific nature. For all of them and problematic
scribed within certain do not permit themselves to be directed origin their nature, lie in the the origin, and with the
governed by forces which they happen to be. Even supreme dark: they are all human crea-
in any way and must be takennotas keep state matters in balance by tions without humans being able to fathom
the law of their own
could
wisdom of the stateinhibiting advance them, actions.
its stimulating or
measures let alonehistorical for-
its institutions on
unless it were able to build in equilibrium and have it in
nations which maintain themselves statesman's highest art consists in 3- About Former Solution Attempt*
themselves to prosper. The
which give the people
developing a feel for the driving forces clear about which social
Science at first came to terms with the problem
of histor-
its optimistic outlook. He must be ical formations by trying to illustrate
by the given historical formations and picture what it was not able to classify through comparison or
institutions are demandedgoverning the boundary
lines to which he must
the latter
where the internal law proceed with his institutions.
draws torical formations are depicted to 1 1 s
familiar illustration
— — conceptually. The his-
to mention only the most
as artistic edifices, with
and coping-stones, or as geologic foundations

——
whether he knows how to formations with super- and
For the statesman it is immaterial and historical for¬
subord ination of strata, or
;lllll*lllllllllil

institutions perhaps most frequently,

distinguish conceptually social
distinguish them by name. It is
ogy to organic creatures as organisms with all theirinorgans anal-
mations; he doesn't even have to case how far the
and vital functions. Such comparisons
suggest themselves aut.o-
incumbent upon him to he judge in the individual It is maticallv. No presentation, not even the
intends to erect his creations. them if it tries to impress, because most exact, will avoid
bedrock goes on which to derive from the sum of individual places in the proper light one each of these comparisons
incumbent upon the theorist
as needed to explain broad historical
cases the general insightnotions involved. On the other hand, theyor another of the relationships
clear depend on unambiguous names, he comparisons are continued even all entail the danger that the
trends. And since the names by which he intro- because one has fallen prey to thewhen no longer appropriate,
111{rlili1ll111l1il1ili1ri

to
must begin by paying attention and institution. Why do we have tions which they automatically tempting effect of associa¬
duces the notions of formation about "historical" and the insti- one takes the image for realitv.conjure up. Without noticing it,
to label the formations we talk good reason for this, and as we by bringing home the meaningful Thus the image of the edifice,
tutions "social?" There is a which ] elements of historical forma¬
pursue it we immediately hit upon the essential problem While tions. also implies the
to the historical formations. comparison with geologic inadmissible idea of a builder.
must be solved with regard institutions" tells ustothat they have length of the epochs requiredformations gives vivid expression to The the
the designation "socialoriginators with a view certain social well as to the strong pressure for the historical formations as
been created by certain such, the designation "historical doing so it allows the idea of under which they originate, but in
aims which become known as
the darkness of history. One doesn't
formations" refers back to origins organic life only, to development, which is peculiar to
become lost. The comparison with organ¬
except that they have existed isms, which is especially
know anything about their
ge :tcfi.j;i

immerses himself into the is the most dangerous of suggested by the idea of development,
;9

from times immemorial, and if one then one all. It fits with respect to so
certain originator,sure,
.96-*,tig ; d"*l;33

mystery of history in order to trace

recognizes that such a one cannot be ascertained
not because the historical sources
a
to
fail but for the deeper reason
can be assigned to a certain
be
— points that manv who
ing it as a comparison
through the force of the
attempt to explain it altogether stop view¬
but use it downright as an
without recognizing how many alien elements
many
explanation,
they bring into play
that authorship in this case never social thinkers who have hounded associations. There are brilliant
person. Seek and find parallels in the analogy to death and who
I

of historical formations state and society for every vital

But how otherwise could the origin of the human body.
yiewed as a living In all seriousness the state is
be understood?
scientific thought has been occu-
_ being, structured just as uniformly
eluipDed with consciousness,
reason, and will, and nrovided
as is man,
Iirur?'s

For a long time already ,especially striking historical for'

the organs which perform their
not possible to obscure the service in the human body. It
with
pied in the case of certain which their nature and
5 t:l P'

truth more glaringly. The problem

mations with clearing up their
of course.
internal law depend,money
origin, on
Principal examples are offered
surprising Unit ___
historical formations consists in the accord of many personal
...ich to a certain degree give up th e
by the phenomena of and of the state. Is it not _ependence, but without a higher ir
man on the street under orderly circumstances encompassing unit of cpn-
that the simplest taking their place. The human
u 5 J(

knows very well how to avail himself

of money, whereas the sharp' ls problem.
m.n<d In it operates the superior
organism does not, pose
generati0llS consciousness of the
est theoretical minds of a long series of scientific
> while the parts
of which the organism is
144 145
constituted
— the
 do not have full consciousness on their
— latter is imagined, as suggested bv its name, as being of the

q ,fi3;.*!,,fpj*{i ...
>
organs or cells

r;li;;ii3;i;?ji;
" $'
lod6"Sry.i*9o-6,, 3,
J"-af ;l-+;,i ^.,

'leo3
O'-J -j O O O 0J P.!J 1
'.-;
;l'-:.3t iti,'g.TJt
may speak in conjunction game nature as the individual soul, though of greater

i:i'_!'
part. The consciousness of which one potency.
is of wholly subordinate gut it cannot be imagined otherwise
—

-:;;'..;nji
of the organ or cell it remains an empty

H
with the soul l.rirlJq organs or cells in the if one were to suppose it differently. Strictly speaking, word
can't be any question of

Li^r!1od.r"oJ..gg:,
nature. There collectivist,ic explanation in a roundabout way leads back to the

lE'1; j.,i " r' i'i!:J5

individuals in society or,
body behaving as
idil;
independently as do

t
of individuals in society being individualistic explanation by taking the people or the massesthe

g:ii-!-lo=t?d
to put it the other way around,

"?"
organ as are the organs as

lidi*!Q*x?
dependently subordinate to a central a magnified Individual.
so which the soldier has to
or cells in the body. The obedience must be blind inasmuch only as Each of the mentioned explanations appeals to
superior
—
-:;'
bring to the order of his a certain
F.

superior wants to leave single element

3;l i;;
the it is monistic, if one may
he does not have to heed what has to be brought to sion. Since the monistic explanations fail, use this expres¬
unheeded; all the more luminous attentionarmy owes its impact to attempt a dualistic one, which works with two should one not
.-r3d\+.JiJoood

superior indicates. The different ele¬

bear on what the

l; i'-.q
5 -,o o: So:J

of the corn- ments? One has indeed done this, hy introducing the
Oi1 iroD:5

the harmony of all the thousands of consciousnesses two elements

o ir*il

by the corn-
:ig:
batants, but the why of this accord is not explained of the subjective and the objective. It was believed that the
with the organism. The comparison of historical forma- subjective element would do justice to the personal
or individual
e

parison the essential point with influences, the objective one to those influences which
tions with the organ isms breaks down in the personal or individual, but one also had to find a transcend
;

wh ich the problem begins. lta

l5
suitable
lo
Pq
5

o
o
af

"J

lFr
o
o
J

way for firmly connecting the two elements with each

other. Th i s
The individualistic interpretation of historical formations difficulty, one which is common to any dualistic
i *11; lii:11111 111i3111;} ll
i
interpretation ,
1,

must be taken more seriously. It attempts a real explanation and has also not been overcome by most of those offering
exDlanations
bringing into the discus- concerning historical formations.
l;1 u; ; liiil1il1rlliil

begins in logical neatness. It avoids

individual indeed an element
—
iEEii[ffi

sion alien elements by taking the

of society as its point of departure, but it spoils
by taking the individual differently
society. The individualistic explanation takes
from the —
way he
everything
acts in
the individual in
The distinction between subjective and objective
value, as postulated by classical economics,
desired opportunity to lav bare with the help offurnishes
exchange
the
a relatively
entirely upon his personal simple case the misunderstanding of which the
society as if he were dependent tion usually has been guilty. The language of dualistic explana¬
strength , it takes him as a being who proceeds resolutely with the market refers
advantage. In reality, even the most to traded goods as having an exchange value which
rational calculation of his strongly influenced by exogenous exactly to their market price and which is corresponds
society is so to be the
vigorous man in
manifestations of his strength are modi- same for all market participants; a good withsupposed
liil ti:ili

forces that thereby the a market price of

fied greatly, being either enhanced orexplanation else repressed or inhib- 100 monetary units is said to be worth 100 units for everybody
individualistic view has no for the origin without exception. Based on this linguistic usage, classical
ited. The
formations other than the one which suggests itself economics formulated the concept of objective exchange
of historical between individuals. As which it opposed to that of subjective use value. value,
in the personal sphere for the relations exchange relationship rest on that the former is the economically crucial value It asserted
marriage or a corporation or an ter applies to private economic units, considering while the lat¬
be based on
contract, so money and the state are also said to the element of objectively uniform, the latter as subjectively the former as
private contracts. No explanation is offered for changing. In
the state could neither orig- contrast, the more recent theory has
constraint or command without which clearly established for money not, and cannot be, an objective value, made clear that there is
inate nor endure and which can be cannot be separated from
that
exchange value attributed to goods is always rather the objective
i IiI

as well. The force of compulsion which the reflection of a

lacking in a contractual state from personal utility experience.
The so-called objective exchange
state and from money would be
1:

himself according to his value does not by any means apply objectively
wh i ch an individual could disengage the demand side it holds true only for those towhoeverybody. On
liking or in a contractual money whose acceptance
of
could
historical
be
_ current price, i.e., for those for whom the can pav the
;i;

explanation
Iii

refused at will. The individualisticof reality. The personal good brings an

increase in utility
acquisition of the
formations does not pass the test tne decrease in utility brought about bywhich at least offsets the
I

plausible
lDJq.

strength to which it appeals is too weak to make

Orrr

Simi. larlv on the supply side, where thethe

1.\

payment of the price.

u) ci
ii
55p

P.o
&.tt

+5
F'0j
P.O:

.-Cl-

_o

ro
oi

of historical formations. objective exchange value

:q

dominating mightiness holds good only for those to whom the attainable
li

Guided by such, reasoning, a number of authorsformations have

who had a full increase in utility sufficient to compensate forprice brings an
P'
j+'iq..Ti-lA *S_

the sacrifice
3
3
6 r 1{::s -'- lct;qor
).o j)

which giving up possession of the good involves.

-'cf'

'lY -Jx o t o ."

apprec iation for the greatness of historical tive market price bids some persons to buy and The same objec¬
i '': l:: Slq '
c n o - ;u D

-;'Xl:';

They evoke the soul

-'i c o o.'?]E5ji
0<f

passed over to a collectiv istic explanation.

>cxoo

bids others to
:'l'6-iB;'1*=-
o

force in society- sell, telling all the others to stay away

.'at':l-xf^,9,

of the people or mass soul as the creative

"_' ,' t:lr'P

from the market. Among

ii-1;3'd..;l:j,

thoSe called to
oJF

expression
Jqfii!.94qiJ

These words offer a highly efficacious rhetorical buy or sell more,the market, the price suggests to some that they
=

which is believed to govern the to others that they buy or sell less. But even
which emphasizes the full accord in the to those who acknowledge
). i

souls
(iP.(tm33{F:Or30)

merging together in great movements of the many exchange value, the objectively deter-
they were directed by a singl® mined price gives only the
oiP'Jts.o
rJ

mult itude of the populace, as ifexplanation proximate base and not the ultimate
tS:'cioiJFb0)o

'i

for the unanimity of standard for valuation,

:

soul. But does this provide analready been remarked for one and the same quantitv of money
:''
ar'^-9;

®®ar>s a quite different utility

i

occasionally
'4=.1

their coming together? As had experience for the poor and for
F
-r

-he rich person, for

I :

of the psychology of powef* the needy and for the person having few
" a 1.

in connection with our discussion Wants or being well provided. The so-called objective exchange
^

if tt'e
:

there is in truth no soul of the people or mass soul

=
o

146 147
 *i
value, based on the same price, appreciate the energy with which the spirit can breathe life into
value is the subjective exchangeexchange. It is oriented to the

.'B!;'
irr o
.J

- 5' j

t'^' l. n ;
ts.

H.x
H

-oo
il O 0J C

loo po i ..p.<
<

t
its "objective creations." Dilthey is positive that the fact of

sYU
.+o-o
persons participating in

!O
of all

r-.JJ6;aa9
f,ru O D O O O
P.o F.o t, o

Jo x ^ < t'o
but for the rest its outcome is

5 : < tr 0 o,o
p,\a[a
!
the objective spirit can be delimited against the sphere of the

HdO,J.t
same objective base, the price,
as
3
is the personal use value in each actually spiritual, postulating that the "inner quality" inherent

D rJ.L-
Po
as subjectivelv determined

g c a :.
15'i.'P
,uJo:io<J
Correctly understood, the contrast between in states, churches, customs, books, and works of art is nothing

::^ao15do)
individual case. D 9P...:.t
lLD.f !.C.+.

l+36
is transformed
O{;

",:r
objective exchange value and subjective use value spiritual. He believes it to be a mental creation of a "pecul-
dF'-^
11\ < + i

O
lO O O

of parallel subjective iar" structure obeving its own laws:

(uJ<-v-^
multitude

XX
into the contrast between a the spirit of a certain

txp:
Jo ffjdy of law , of a certain religion or art, which

lY
case.
tPrve

x:
^
cases and the i solated are said to be
ro

lU

'
manifested in the external apparatus of objective creations.
Spranger's penetrating mind is most acutelv aware of the tender
Objective Spirit in Particular threads leading from individual valuations to social formations,
4.

.r
Theory
tsl
of the

o
About the
-
af

t
d
d

and from these back again into the individual sphere, but in the
Dilthey's teachings, widespread in Germany , ab ou t the end he still comes to postulating the existence of an objective
iT riil
r*iii; =! ilii ;r; u: ;;iili; llgi ii;:ai::ggUl ;;i*;
"objective spirit" in society are distinguished by the fact that spirit "which has become largely detached from the individual
,$E]33ss.q95fi jsEE*d$EfB gqEEEft

dichotomy between the objective and the sub¬ soul, which encompasses it and outlasts it."
they introduce the objective
jective in the correct sense. Dilthev interprets the multitude of
spirit as the expression of a parallel-directed We on our part must insist that the objective creations of
persons and correctly sees the reason for the emergence in soci- the spirit have their binding effect only through the mind which
ety of expressions by oarallel multitudes in the fact that the works them and senses them. If it should really be true that the
This insight yields an
l'*

human beings are of related stock. "objective spirit" leaves the spiritual sphere,
of that
away from the individual soul, its binding effect wouldit bebreaks
exceedingly important conclusion with respect to the coherence done
it becomes clear that the human multitudes for. What has become objectively solidified ceases acting as
the social system: a
lgiii

manage to mutually understand their parallel-directed manifesta¬ spiritual tie. A church building to the indifferent
observer is
tions of life. Through ourselves we understand the
others. "We a mere agglomeration of stones, mortar, wood, iron, and al] kinds
Frey er, following Dilthey, in his "Theory of of other ingredients, a structure which he perhaps tears down
so teaches
read"
the Objective Spirit" "what they w’ote,
painted, we find what they built, a piece of the earththe
we see what they
has been — order to put the materials to different uses. To the contem¬
plating art connoisseur the church building may, depending
in
siill

mind.... Because course artistic value, be an object of visual enjoyment, and to on its
partly shaped by the work of their the
to us in remnants the embodiments of construction expert it may be a more or less notable technical
of the world has handed down
across time and
this work, spirit now confronts spirit feat. To the passionate adherent of a hostile religion it may
be
space.... Because we ourselves are moved by emotions, follow an object of hate worthy of being destroyed. Only to
impulses, act purpose-oriented, connect mental images,
forge believer it is the church , disposing him to prayer. the pious
i lll 1;;

coherence of minds, charac¬ that the whole flock of believers meet in their The fact
concepts, and because this structural
teristic of our very nature, falls within the in realm of our exper¬ tion makes it a firm ecclesiastical association,religious convic¬
as the nation is
ience, we can imagine ourselves as partaking the consequences tied together by patriotism, the army by its esprit
class by its sense of solidarity. The fact thatdethe corps, the
il

of the acts of foreign human beings and can re-create what spir¬
a signpost force of historical formations is possibly so enhanced that binding
itual values they contain... What is foreign becomes guide us simply it
which we are able to follow even when it does not of heteroge¬
squashes the individuals which it binds must
not undermine our
in a certain direction but leads us to a plenitude recognition that it is borne out of the spirit of
literatures, states, architectural individuals. The urge to attune oneself the united
neous realities: languages, titude, the inability to withdraw from it,toare
the surrounding mul¬
f

styles, churches, customs, arts, and svstems of sciences."

in the individual that they motivate actions possibly so great
As we will see later, such an evaluation of thetoomutual his very own personal interest and do not end militating against
gggfrg[;qEg3gilq;i

iliil:

much far. ual has been destroyed. It is even possible until the individ¬
intellectual understanding of human beings goes the spirit of his¬ this powerlessness are so magnified that as that this urge and
There is good reason for Goethe's word about a consequence the
quite whole multitude collapses.
tory and the seven seals of times past, although it isn'tthinks.
as strictly true as Faust in his annoyance at the world
expo¬
However, this is not what above all we must reject in this fully
sition, rather we must oppose it because it does not Itie Historical Formations as Power Formations
}lli i

exhaust the power of social coherence. The historical accom¬

plishments of our own people which we continue are morenot than a These considerations are not new to us, having already occu¬
need fol- pied us when we attempted
mere signpost for us which we may follow or again strength they are “ÿe psychology of to gain clarity about the realities of
low. Where they seize us in all their vital power and of social decision-making, and in
like a current to which we are glad to yield because we feel
its that connection giving rise to
i;i{l1

a discussion of the supra-

power and whose superior strength we possibly may not ihdividual and anti-individual aspects of power. If those obser-
supporting
be able to escape at all even when we are terrified to discover Vations
that it will carry us toward the abyss. If the theory able of the for his were correct, the attentive reader will now be rewarded
patience in following them, for he now has a
to to solving clear road
objective spirit is to measure up to its task, it must be fo’ÿ'Nations. the problem of the origin and nature of historical
explain to us the compelling nature of historical formations* All historical formations_ are power formations.
who understands the He
But it doesn't do this and cannot do so because it does not fully origin of power has shed light on the mystery
I

148 149
 formations. The correct
SU’"rounding the origin of historical

iiliilliltlitill
lllil
a plant which, desired everywhere, is transplanted everywhere and
3 giElfi E l;': =3'T 935'39
q[i:iF;F:q:'iI;-[qi
correct theory of histor-
theory of power is at the same time the n0w must acclimatize in country after country. Depending on the
ical formations, which, after all, we have to view as power varying art of the gardeners, it will be further developed, and
formations. As power formations, they grow up by the success of evecywhere special training schools are formed which gear t.hem-
minds. They
the given forces by which they win dominion over the the latter
gelves to the mental disposition of the masses. Here, too,
grow up by the success of the given forces without

liliilillili
Christianity gives us a clear-cut example: the one name (Chris¬
placed into the service of systematically pursued aims. tianity) encompasses many successive sects and, in spite of many
being
Thev grow up not purely purpose-oriented but power-determined, external resemblances, perhaps even many kinds of religions. For
the masses
with explicit and anonymous leaders walking ahead and this reason we will never be able to enumerate the creators of
following, as formations of welfare powers, public order powers, historical formations even where their growth takes place in the
and domi¬
and culture powers, as well as of supporting, ruling, one hand
bright light of history. Their creation is the accomplishment
nating powers and as partial formations which on the leadership and masses combined. The greatest leaders, even of
seek to impede, fight, and surpass each other, and onHaving per¬
the other commanding leaders of the soul, are also being moved by the the
cur¬
also encourage each other and unite in a svmbiosis. may as an rents of the forces whose results are the historical formations.
haps dwelt all too long upon the theory of power, we this
offset dispose of the theory of historical formations with
brief reference. 6. Education in School and in Life
Only one special point should still be discussed in a few lrilfir3iiillll{illlillllrilillitilllltrlt
ii
According to Frever's view, the remnants of the works of
words. It concerns the influence of leadership, which comes into
i;r?;Fgiii"

historical ancient peoples which we discover serve as "signposts" because in

one way and with
ltillililit
play with social institutions in them "across time and space" mind speaks to mind. Indeed, inas¬
o Qidrr '-rr

formations in another. Every social institution calls for overt, much as the discovered remnants are mind of our mind we will be
personal leadership. It is required in working out the blue¬ able to reconstruct the works at least in theory. For the modern
print, it is needed in shaping and carrying out the the plan, it is architect it is a rewarding task to reconstruct the grandeur of
called for in administering the institutions. In case of the Acropolis of Athens.
be need for Thanks to the incessant efforts to
elaborate institutional arrangements there may well fathom the finesses of Greek art, the contemporary artist is so
an entire leadership apparatus. For theleadership varied interests which well trained that he may succeed in making a faultless replica
\+0r

are to meet, specific organizations paper even though he cannot hope to reproduce in marble on
the institutions by vying with and Phidias'
must be active which supplement each other masterful form in equal perfection. The Greek spirit guided the
3q H X ll! pP',=

superseding each other. It may even happen that a whole series hand of none of the later sculptors. Already the reproductions
";T

of leaders are working at the same time and inwill succession in undertaken during the era of Rome are no longer a match for the
shaping very complex institutions, although it always be originals. The great artists of the Renaissance who
: o?Dr5o,oc.ooo,D

possible to single out the decisive leaders and among these the training had taken the Greeks as models were moved by theinspecialtheir
i i iliilllliilllliililllllllfi

of
one or the ones who are responsible for the essential features without
spirit of their own time, and when later one
tried again to
the institution. In contrast, the historical formations approach the spirit of Antiquity one first
time didn't get beyond
exception, in respect to both their entire make-up and the that copying its empty form with a sober mind. Needless
and space of their evolution, are of such tremendous scope signpost only helps the person who can read it, and into say , a
even the greatest leadership figures pale before vitality them. National read a signpost which is to give a clue to the great order to
characteristics basically always rest on the of the
outstanding
continuity, it does not suffice to read the words whichcultural may be
people, for which the great leaders are merely the inscribed, on it, but it is also necessary to be able
3EgAgF$i!

representatives around whom the masses gather. If we enumerate meaning of these words to life before the inner eye. to bring the
the whole series of great names in the history of the development Roman peo¬ who learns to read cuneiform characters is thereby The scholar
ple we thereby still fall far short of covering the ically at home in the Assyrian outlook on life. Of not automat¬
Among all those who had a share in the law, only those portions become clear to us today which Hammurabi's
of Roman nationhood. have the
formation of Christianity, the originator beyond any doubt made same or at least similar counterparts
by far the outstanding contribution because he was the first to all the rest will remain a mystery toinus. contemporary life, while
never to die awav in oious humor wrote a book describing a Yankee Mark Twain with p re¬
oroo -,.+QQ ''-os

proclaim the idea of Christianity in words Christianity to unfold and driven to the count
the souls of people. But in order for the
°f King Artus. The book was intended to lav bare the coarse
be able to penetrate the world, Paul already had to summarize reality which is veiled by the romantic charm
enveloped the heroes and heroines as the guests in
I<j $gsr'3:.tJ.gr3

as well as untold multitudes which the poem

teachings, and untold later leaders at the table. It
of believers had to partake of the work down through the centu¬ at the same time is proof, however,
the underlying for the conjecture that the
ries. A historical formation is not realized by
Jankee spirit and also Mark Twain's own mind, however
s;l:-i;:i

idea alone, but everywhere in the social body this idea greatest must be is, could not immerse themselves into the life stvle sensitive
the giving
vitalized and kept alive. The poet's saying, "For J’ise to the sagas about Artus, and that for this very reason
work to be completed, one mind is enough for a thousand bestif
hands," ae could not comprehend King
the most exuberant features of the real
is surely true, but of course the thousand hands must also life of that time. Modern
by culture owes to the Roman church as
themselves, and the leader pointing ahead must be supported well as to Humanism the preservation and revival of precious
the followers' indefatigable readiness. If it now happens that Rental treasures of Antiquity, without which our education would
the work is so great that it spreads from people to people and followed quite different paths than it did. All the same,
grows through historical times it takes on ever new shapes, lik®
i_
Me must admit that
I

modern man is not capable, and that the harder

150 151
surrounding the origin of historical formations. The correct !l

i
' =:e i r;'*fi t r

l;:-;gaf frSii;i:
i.l l
J.; *
a plant which, desired everywhere, is transplanted evervwhere and

='-3 "..3p. x * { - -' '

e
i:iEl:3iii3:E53q==
il*:i
"l o
<c

JY- o^
:r O /. J O : p) O :
c..:yoT 3;'5'Sg
theory of power is at the same time the correct theory of histor-

qq3 " =r".3Sp't1t' 6'

nowmust acclimatize in country after country. Depending on the

s
3JO-J
ical formations, which, after all, we havebytothe view as power varving art of the gardeners, it will be further developed, and

r;
success of

qi;1ilqt::3sfl,'
As power formations, they grow up
Jq 0)
formations. everywhere special training schools are formed which gear them¬

i€-!;ei.5'-Bs=3
They
the given forces bv which they win dominion over the minds.latter selves to the mental disposition of the masses. Here, too,

=5.,-;
grow up by the success of the given forces without the aims. Christianity gives us a clear-cut example: the one name (Chris¬
being placed into the service of systematically pursued tianity) encompasses many successive sects and, in spite of manv
)q

Thev grow up not purely purpose-oriented but power-determined,

--o.g*"1:.gI_"-'-
external resemblances, perhaps even many kinds of religions. For

*:J
with explicit and anonymous leaders walking ahead and the masses
-. *brJ O O cr f. JpJ<5{

this reason we will never be able to enumerate the creators of

following, as formations of welfare powers public order powers,

3
5 9 r.B q;- d historical formations even where their growth takes place in the
J n O

and culture powers, as well as of supporting, ruling, and domi¬

-y'Y))€"'i<o
*-,
bright light of history. Their creation is the accomplishment of
-r '.,ir ,-o p, E

nating powers and as partial formations which on the one hand leadership and masses combined. The greatest leaders, even the
seek to impede, fight, and surpass each other, and on the other
g"'1,i
commanding leaders of the soul, are also being moved by the cur-
also encourage each other and unite in a svmbiosis. Having per¬ rents of the forces whose results are the historical formations.
OaoCx'-.

too long upon the theory of power, we may as an

dwelt all

;
haps
offset dispose of the theory of historical formations with this
::
<
F:
no

brief reference. 6. Education in School and in Life

Only one special point should still be discussed in a few
lliiil lllifi il lil liii illtl I ii ilill ii
According to FreverTs view, the remnants of the works of
words. It concerns the influence of leadership, which comes into ancient peoples which we discover serve as "signposts” because in
gBEE 3EB

play with social institutions in one way and with historical

1

them "across time and space" mind speaks to mind. Indeed , inas-
formations in another. Every social institution calls for overt, much as the discovered remnants are mind of our mind! we will be
personal leadership. It is required in working out the blue¬ able to reconstruct the works at least in theory. For the modern
print, it is needed in shaping and carrying out the plan, it is architect it is a rewarding task to reconstruct the grandeur of
called for in administering the institutions. In the case of the Acropolis of Athens. Thanks to the incessant efforts to
elaborate institutional arrangements there may well be need for fathom the finesses of Greek art, the contemporary artist is so
an entire leadership apparatus. For the varied interests which well trained that he may succeed in making a faultless replica on
EuFg

the institutions are to meet, specific leadership organizations paper even though he cannot hope to reproduce in marble Phidias*
must be active which supplement each other bv vying with and masterful form in equal perfection. The Greek spirit guided the
superseding each other. It may even happen that a whole series hand of none of the later sculptors. Already the reproduct ions
i8 f H;3sq

of leaders are working at the same time and in succession in undertaken during the era of Rome are no longer a match for the
shaping very complex institutions, although it will always be originals. The great artists of the Renaissance who in their
possible to single out the decisive leaders and among these the training had taken the Greeks as models were moved bv the special
one or the ones who are responsible for the essential features of spirit of their own time and when later one tried again to
the institution. In contrast, the historical formations without
1

approach the spirit of Antiquity one first didnft get beyond

except ion , in respect to both their entire make-up and the time copying its empty form with a sober mind. Needless to say, a
and space of their evolution, are of such tremendous scope that signpost onlv helps the person who can read it, and in order to
them. National
even the greatest leadership figures pale before vitality pead a signpost which is to give a
3B

the of the clue to the great cultural

characteristics basically always rest onmerely the outstanding
continuity, it does not suffice to read the words which may be
people, for which the great leaders are inscribed on it, but it is also necessary to be able to bring the
q$r*:EgsF*EE

representatives around whom the masses gather. If we enumerate meaning of these words to life before the inner eye. The scholar
Roman peo-
the whole series of great names in the history of the development who learns to read cuneiform characters is thereby
pie we thereby still fall far short of covering the ically at home in the Assyrian outlook on life. Of not automat¬
Hammurabi’s
li

of Roman nationhood. Among all those who had a share in the
formation of Christianity, the originator beyond anv doubt made
by far the outstanding contribution because he was the first to
proclaim the idea of Christianity in words never to die awav in
the souls of people. But in order for Christianity to unfold and
be able to penetrate the world, Paul already had to summarize the
teachings, and untold later leaders as well as untold multitudes
of believers had to partake of the work down through the
ries. A historical formation Is not realized by the underlying
iF*
law , only those portions become clear to us today which have the
same or at least similar counterparts in contemporary
all the rest will remain a mvstery to us. Mark Twainlife, while
with p re-
cious humor wrote a book describing a Yankee driven to the court
°f King Artus. The book was intended to lav bare the coarse
nealitv which is veiled by the romantic charm in which the poem
enveloped the heroes and heroines as the guests at the table. It
centu¬ at the same time is proof, however, for the conjecture
that the
spirit and also Mark Twain’s
it is, could not immerse themselves own

mind, however sensitive

idea alone, but everywhere in the social body this idea must be into the
vitalized and kept alive. The poet’s saying, "For the greatest hands,” rise to the sagas about King Artus, and that forlife stvle giving
this very reason
work to be completed, one mind is enough for a thousand he could not comprehend the most exuberant features
aq

is surely true, but of course the thousand hands must also bestir
by
i-ife of that time. Modern culture owes to the Romanofchurchthe real
as
themselves, and the leader pointing ahead must be supported Well as to Humanism the preservation and revival of precious
f *f

the followers* indefatigable readiness. If it now happens that treasures of Antiquity, without which our education would
the work is so great that it spreads from people to people and have followed quite different paths
i

grows through historical times, it takes on ever new shapes, like We must admit that modern man is not than it did. All the same,
ar
C+

0,
a
a

- ,31
(

capable, and that the harder

150 151
 his mind turning its higher and highest levels it is to impart the knowledge and
man of the Renaissance was also not capable, of

;',q

=l;* - di".3 f 5'-3r'

1f;;: +5E;* r *s+i";
;;

H;+?:il
i lB H il
jl*i;i+F; *i;
develop the skills needed in order to find one’s bearings

j;ls g j I Qa; ii
J"d g ir.f .t tO O FO 3
q c.o 5(D O D O JO o O < F1 5 O g)
completely back to the life style of the master races of vis the more and the most demanding problems in life. The vis-a-
crSJ

3i'3.3i,po3"; il":€i9g
'-J b.P.]J
Antiquity and that therefore substantial aspects of the character value

i+
-.-'.7
of general education cannot be exaggerated, but one must become
i; ' i€
of Antiquity are incomprehensible to us and must remainpreserved so for¬

.roJ
clear that school in the first place only provides the rules
ever. From the mouth of Socrates teachings have been Christian

P
P'=l
which must be obeyed while it does not always get around to mak-
for us which strike us as an advance proclamation of ing students sure in their application. In this
D ..J "

how can we reconcile with the mellow sentiments of

— respect training

3." eqd
teachings

$ s,*6
in school is being completed only by life’s education and as
-JcaOOrD-J

p:J
o o

these tenets that a Xenophon, author of the ’’Recollections of soon as the latter has done its job the rules learned in school

d
3.

Socrates,’’ found it to be compatible with the precepts of his are mostly forgotten as they are no longer felt
master after the Retreat of the Ten Thousand to capture a rich sary.
to be neces¬
Now and then the rules, given the arid manner
.,,, B o ? 5'q

Persian along with his family for sale on the slave market lest in which
'< g ts.J :iu.r'J

r
they are drilled into the mind, even become a
dP'O J

trip in vain, after all? At the time .'- hindrance to grasp-

J.ry
he have made the dangerous

I H gei
ing the variegated configurations of life which to

;$: i;
when Cicero wrote his philosophical essays in which the Humanists <ilcadJ<+
the novice
seem to defy any rule. The young person who has learned

*=.{5
delighted, fights of the gladiators and other still more fero¬ i**
in
0) O f,{

3 ?o
DJoFO

school how to read, write, and calculate has thereby obtained the
cious circus performances, which modern spectators would turn
o i"'

keys to the vestibules of life.

I ^

Having entered these, however,

away from with dismav, were the order of the dav. he must first learn how to move about in them, just as a travel¬
evil ler who has learned a foreign language must first get
We modern people, too, are encumbered with a great many would country and in the foreign market can utilize his to know the
o -: A.+

o crd^ P
5sP
tsofl o
r
11.'
s.o
Yo

gr oa'
which
conscience but
skills only after learning about the prices which arearithmetical
aa!,

habits which we ply without qualms of

-ca'"r:
- " o
aDX.r

o !'P. X
0J

€f,.r5

o;o

genera-
fp:o
cf d;<o

be bound to d isequi librate the spiritual life of later current in

OP.?

this market. Education in school only trains the intellect

P.O

tions which will be more attuned to the progress of thespec human

:'dP'

the memory; it provides instruction which must be followed by and

<:

-
^

race. For every time and every people there exists a if the
3
-5
o
o

pervasive education of life.

":

ically equilibrated attitude toward life which only few of those

belonging to the people at that time resist, while the masses, Education for life begins in the parental home
including in this case also a large majority of the leaders, feel child takes in food, learns to behold and to grasp, and when the
oaD
0)
0Ju

oo
\"o
H.

!.

oo
HP

reassured by it and completely adjust themselves to it. stutter-

a?

o
<

inglv imitates the first sounds of the mother tongue,

-:
-:

and it
with death. In the parental home mother and father are ends
The barbarous peoples find their equilibrium solelv through
E.* ;l'

affectionate teachers, rousing the comforting feeling that the

; rs

-ill
=,rB
" lE:{i"; l3 d:E
i;$i
{; 1'e'
e.^9!_.'fh.g_d3*Bf d1,. 9E "8.
O:tFl

I:l

which life furnishes to them, whereas the civilized individual is not alone but finds encouraging aid. Siblings an
P

education
at,5

the
tsO
oo

peoples are also aided in this by formal education. and

;3

companions in play and school are the first to

u

introduce us to
f ; TH

the cooperative manners. Their influence is greater

Ex
s;
;'3

E5g;3x3;'d"loeR-n.,F,i ;1

Education in school has the dual task of providing general and teachers are inclined to admit, for a child best than parents
dt-^'l

I
+'a.

education and professional training. another child because it is of the same kind, and inunderstands
J-
D
o

1- I
c

awakens the ambition to do as the others do and tothesurpass child

_

:s*3-
"t.* -q,; ?:

The aim of the latter is easily understood: every profes-

'l#i;l;
;:{

them. What in later life makes itself felt by way of

:'

sional school gives students knowledge about certain social educating

influences we need neither to pursue in detail nor to illustrate
-J'J O p.P. O cD O cr 5 O PO Pi-.o)

institutions and instructs them in the know-how, abilities, and

r:;.-l;
P'oo

',{g;i'
<Od!+

by examples, as it may be summarized in few

g

skills needed in order to utilize the institutions. A war’ school words. In part it
JtJ, i is 3;i 3

serves to familiarize persons with social institutions

E:iii

is devoted to military facilities, an engineering school to tech¬

oJP'o0Jc.H.r5

part it adjusts persons to power and in

.=H4

structures.
nical ones, a theological school to spiritual matters, and a law educator in life. While in the parental home Power
co

is the real
fig{;

attain _
and in school and
school to legal institutions. If these schools are tostudents play the power of love and of the cooperative
jgfr';:

their goals, however, they must also familiarize their spirit were at

——
a tie:;

work, in later life aside from supporting powers

pp0)SOpg)JOl+.5op.t,-5r-.

with the meaning of historical formations on which have been the most unfortunate has to do entirely without which only
Jf

f;;
-1o<
c/+}i.l.n

only there are all

erected the respective institutions. This goal is missed kinds of rougher and hostile powers to contend
;'"';;==dij:
-=H:,;r!,."

of
too often as the teacher confines himself to external aspectsthey which human beings encounter in with. The powers
r.1 t;3e ilf = j*
r;E{i

the subject matter, which are easier to describe even though to call welfare powers, they also life are not only those we have
.fC--i)O-

t_?:J.
gcP.o+ro5oodoJo

cannot be grasped without the underlying basic ideas. In the include public order powers and
g

culture powers. One develops a

case of the medical school it becomes clear that it must not hand by the advantages he gains feel for all of them on the one
P p.oX.

by adapting to them and on the

confine itself to teaching how to use instruments with which the other by the knocks he receives in fighting them. One gains
gB;
O0J:JOJ^
ci-d<Jo5o

;. ;i: 35 -r*a:

physician must equip himself but that it also must give infor¬
z=e-

experience in the psychology of ’’one”* and thereby

iiq

mation about the laws of the formations of the human body, as the lx} the general tracks and to learns to move
natural scientist must do concerning the varied formations of align oneself with the others. One
I3
r",

out about opportunities

nature outside the human being. Movement , wher’e companions can which still leave room for free
-

be found who would help offer

Resistance to encroaching powers and where there are leaders who
gig[o?r
;3
-idsr

Instruction in the professional schools is being prepared

..o e i_
:-
j: I
O5+ 5

53'lr

for in the elementary school and the next higher schools involved
i6iitgg
p.

6ds3
5

in providing a general education. General education is not ori-

n

ented to specific social institutions. It is to convey basic

5555o
P:.-
5 o*<

lX

,,o
j {od

knowledge and to develop those faculties which must be used when

*
;3
0)O
ood

°n *As in ’’one does,” ’’one does not.” (Tr.)

one wants to rise above the most confining aspects of life.
g
s

152 153
may be followed on new paths. It is an immense amount
of knowl¬

l;ili;i*,;;$ug:ilii;it::i: ;l*i:::s;;
" J-;.-. ^ l_ +.:" 1; gr
; i'i:; ; 1i;
X.

afl;
Historical Power, Its Forms, Its Transformation

qi'isi$ri-1:a;si:;i;=iiir#!# ;a:;=3Hii;
d
On <
JC { { O tD O cto 3
edge and skills which power as an educating force imparts even to
O
the most insignificant individual if he only knows how to use

id*H i i: n'" 3:
common sense. Power as an educative force serves the place man
simple 1. Entrenched and Growing Historical Power
-'-'OuOJJ.tD
P.^,3 =
as an infallible signpost, enabling him to take the in
.

:HHq*-a:,:,i;iltl:i;1:::*:$*ii€ ;;i;[;
society which is appropriate to his c ircumstances The scholar The supporters of the existing forces cannot visualize any¬
Joio=
)

who a thousand years later reads the traditional historical works thing other than that the existing things bv the very fact of
which the most
will not be able to find his way in many respects because their existence justify their purpose. For them old things mean
5 C P
D.r#O

untutored man of the time could take for granted he had steadiness, order, strength, whereas new things denote unrest,
.1

collapse, impotence. The innovators in turn deny that there is

Di

3
been educated for them.
any sense to the old things, which are said to owe their contin¬
The great majority of individuals is being educated only for ued existence only to external power. They claim anv kind of

;:i :r,;ia
the narrow sphere which is appropriate for them in a society sense exclusively for the demands to which they are led bv the
cr
D O 1 O
.a<

stratified and structured according to the division of labor. dynamics of everdav life, but they certainly like to take the
d< 0)

They obtain no insight into the play of the great powers of the measuring standard for these demands from the airy realm of pure
O lt

state and the people, only learning through experience about the imagination. For them the status quo means restraint, stagna¬
o

occasions when they meet them head-on and about the wavs in which tion, stultification, impover ishment , servitude of the masses,
O
3 O O< p
t

they have to yield to th em. While persons occupying a large

:3tr ;ril{l-,.::;d.5':i; while the novel means mental and material progress, freedom, the
O.rO

sphere of activity have a broader range of vision, there is still common weal. In this connection each partv proceeds in good
J
-5 t 3 C O J JJO

the historical
nobodv who would be familiar with the totality ofalways faith, for the enthusiasm with which each feels qualified to
HOoOOJ-'oOoJocrJd5

formation of only a single state or people. It requires protect those social values for which its own interests have
O 5 :'O { cr-r5

the collaboration of a great multitude to keep the system whole as a opened its eves also makes it blind for everything lying outside
oonFJf

whole going. Although no single person can discern the the focus of those interests. The theorist views both parties
context, collaboration is nevertheless made possible when every¬ without prejudice as he regards them both as representat.ives of
O. < dH

body knows his way around in his environment in the usual man¬ functions which cannot be missed in social life. If there were
ner. This way the chain of links is closed everywhere, and the no drive for the preservation of power in society, it would have
3 d'3 i{: ;3 * l9lq

cooperation between the most populous aggregates of people with no internal stability and would be prey to disintegration from
all their endless complexities can run its course almost without dav to day. And if, in addition, there were no drive for the
L0 tJl) _rJO
0r -"O -.O O -J.bO crN D

a hitch as long as one moves in the historically accustomed renewal of power, society would become paralyzed.
-Jxl'do
O r

tracks, and it is even possible without too much friction to

:

enlarge the given tracks as long as development does not push too Of the tasks confronted by the theorist who would pursue
fast into virgin ground. The view of the leaders is always interplay of the two drives the one we take up first is to be the
as
restricted, too; they, too, are as much bound by historical edu¬ penetrating as possible an analysis of historical power.
cation as they are enlightened bv it. Most of them are of course
cro.rdp.-c+A]
o. .t oJq u 5.+o

;*:j;{

of existing We must talk of historical power if we are faced with a

F'oo1

contented with tasks whose aim is the improvement

55JJODo0JJ

institutions, and for this purpose it is enough if they have an power to which time was given to exert persisting
dominion over
edge on the masses in the use of the instruments serving the the minds and thereby to gather strength. In historical power
institutions. There are only relatively few who want to dogreat more find the expression of a collection of forces which are active we
a
;:

new However, these long time and thereby are magnified to exert tremendous effect,
lq 1/.

forces.
H

and lead the way in harnessing

and greatest leaders also link up with the historically given set although a single force may do its work quite
o.
!+

unnoticeably
u
o
o o
.:

o d

of data , even when they are bent on shaping them anew from the
only. Willingly or reluctantly, all the world bows
s5
- l-

torical power, and every great statesman includes it to

-J

the his¬
{5
D
lo
lpr
O crcf o lo

bottom up., In the end it is always decisive for the success for of
af
c+
ct

in his cal¬
5
F

their leadership that they win the following of the masses culation the way he sees it before him. Only the ideologues do
(a

L' (D<
O

O FrJ

the forces mobilized by them, and this following cannot be gained

not notice it until after their extravagant ideas are being
Onr
oo:
515

dis¬
o<
.rO

ON
{oo
oo

entirely outside of the historical context. credited by it. Sociology and historiography have given it much
!o

too little attention. Although the

told about its impact, its nature hashistorians have continuously
practically remained alien
to them. Historiography which is unaware
ical power can master its subject matter no of the law of histor¬
better than a geology
which does not take the effect of time into
science of temporal events leave aside the poweraccount.
of time?
May the

There are two great

ically entrenched and theforms of historical 7power: the histor-
historically expanding power. Every-
-hing historically entrenched has augmented power if only
human beings adapt themselves to it in their thoughts and because
tuti ons , and it becomes intimately entwined with numerous insti-
other
fo
Thetarnations so that the latter also contribute to its firmness.
accretion of power must be greater still for those social

154 155
 ad op ted , is the enemy of the better, and even the
the length of their dur- less good is
forces which gain in effectiveness with

6 '" ).
q3, il-;gF
the enemy of the good.

*ii s=;

-. -.< P' <

n5
--r-€.*3
i 5 3 d 3'3
H)'J U c'0.fts1o O 0J -t,

ilq; j 36' xi o"

5 O(,
Time and again this observation has
o o

o< ;X
of years and centuries

aP,

Jr.
H.:
at ion. As the tree in the course

'".<o
-o healthy offered itself to the astonishment and dismay

o
J
height, so in the of those who are

o..r; d *r
stately, nay to commanding,
can grow up to always anxious to have everything at its
nJ
g 5
stately and imposing historical
;
appears to be the simplest thing in the best and to whom it

+i -u
?- there may rise

D < f,oJ - ,.
course of time
a
o

*"' :':
beginnings. And as the trunk of
formations from modest social atrophied, thoughts of millions under one hat. On world to bring the

:51'
O Lp.O *DJ
r'
3

-
.rd'..ro';.
on account of the firm the
1Jg -J O'!

contrary, one should

o !.o ctSo

the tree, even after it has always be surprised to find the work of
for a long time vet, mutual understanding of
j

structure of wood and bark can remain erect

5o
g
millions, or even of only hundreds of thousands

- o o u
accrued, can maintain itself in -:[j;9 or of thousands,
o P'59

has
{ a.+c

once

c.o'"*
so historical power, it completed somewhere, without the millions or

d;5
-.ql
q:i
the generating
even when
il;. hundreds
OCH.

time still of thou¬

"'n'O
;l -
for a long

:t*X

I'n
rigid structures sands or thousands having been given the
Ec!
origin is no longer operative. touch with each other and to come explicitlyopportunity to be in
force which was at its to terms about their
procedure. It is a publicly and widely accepted
that every economic production process has judgment today
The Collective (or Mass) Habit its own law and that

a
Cr

it is necessary to do without many an

p)
;'
Ft
N)

2.
o

f the production technique cannot overcome economic success because

the existence of at all or at least not without excessive the opposing impediments
If, as happens frequently, one acknowledgesof tradition, all

;ir*irti::;i:i iu;iiiir;*i1ilgiiitil, l[;;I; iii

p1;Elr=;1; lil;r ;il;lriitsi;' ;ra;;;:;n=adt iiii
l iii;'r ==r : a: ;a;;;';r;**E I
^- .e, ',-i-i.:'!'nS'-ii6t;=[;t*;::1,

power of habit, of convention, and costs

technique has its law, precisely our engineers that even mass
a social large phenomenon to are least willing
these concepts are too narrow to cover the
395: ilE 5: i33'

to understand. Mass technique permits people only

These names suggest the this
which we have to address ourselves now.
(or mass') habit is a mere of agreement: that they all, and indeed everyone bv one kind
himself,
idea that the power of a collective follow the same models. This is a laborious
multiple of the power of a personal habit. But element this is not so. cedure, where it remains to be seen whether trulyand cumbersome pro¬
shares a certain with the the best way is
Although the collective habit being found and where the path which has the
+;Ertili$;iiiili;r;:iii:;

personal habit, another element raises it far above the personal its side perhaps precludes every other way byadvantage of time on
it as a mere
habit so far that we should no longer aregard higher power. The that it is generally used. Circumstances virtue of the fact
have to change from the
multiple but rather as something raised to ground up, and the hitherto accepted practices
saving the effort of will which downright intolerable if a new set of practicesmust be felt to be
personal habit holds its own by The collective habit, is to come about
one has to muster for a free decision. by virtue of the fact that, as we just
however, asserts itself not only bv providing
to all the partici¬ said,
driven into new lines of action by new impulses the masses are
decision track, but as a
pants the ease of staying in the chosen leaders , while the customary way of doing things and under new
is the understanding
5.il€ SrJSE

further and much weightier element theresoon crumbles away.

as the latter has
that everybody must stay in his track asIf one wishes to stay
become the generally followed one. 2. Sense and Custom, the Conventional
g''*

together with others, which in social matters even the freest

must do to a certain degree, one must not remain entirely
spirit acting, and Mass technique works with the
aside from the highway of feeling, thinking, and
yield, of usage or custom. The layman thinks two elements of sense and of
inasmuch as one must walk it, to that extent one must pie must settle things. This is not that the sense pure and sim-
down in the the case at all, however ,
course, to its regulations which are bindingly laid by the fact for it all depends on whether the greater
3

collective habits. The mass habit binds individuals success with social
also feeling bound decisions alwavs hinging on success
—
$rES3

is achieved through sense

that everybody must reckon with all "others" personal style, he still
or through custom. Sense stands in proximate relation to suc¬
by it. Even if one wanted to change his cess, being the recognized practicality,
:

stay with it as long as the others continue in the tradi¬ satisfactory. Success brought the result viewed as
has to respect to
tional style, and because everybody thinks this with power it has, is not so clearlyabout by custom, giving custom the
The will of every single individual the subject matter of the customperceptible. It does not lie in
.:'3.3.'3?gT'q:g.3-f 5.3;.$

the others, all are bound. be necessary

is powerless vis-a-vis the general will. It would
at the same time look for it, but in the uniformitywhere one is first inclined to
of usage gained in the course
for all or at least most, to change their will habit.
of time. A practice failing to
meet the inherent purpose of its
in order to break the power of the collective subject matter will nevertheless
special sense that obeying
draw from its uniformity th e
question owing to the it will obviate the frictions and
g;.;a*s

But this very thing is out of the technique. The masses disturbances which any purely personal solution would entail.
;i:i:

character of the masses, the law of mass

way this is pos¬
as such cannot make decisions or confer in the The power of usage
e.H

sible within a small circle of individuals. were A few neighbors may is shown most clearly with reference to
the importance of the conventional
practices which customary among in society. By this one must
agree to change certain to such an agreement Understand everything that is hallowed by usage but is so firmly
them, but it is no longer possible to come adhered to as if
;1:

not merely a question of usage concerning just a Of course, there it had been laid down in a binding convention.
as soon as it is
p.c,€ p.D ts.np,

custom or at least one can't be a question of the conventional

teen agreed to by a formal convention. No more than
few neighbors but of a country-wide widely
having
*;rs';e

involving a whole village. Once something has become Suage , or money could have originated state, lan-
because it through contract can this
adopted, it continues valid for the time being simply be the case for the rules
ii;;i

speak of a social law of inertia, of external custom or for any other

is there. One might almost
patterns of life wherever the multi" Conventional subject matter. In all probability the
as grown up under conventional
which maintains the existing of activ- the imperceptible influence of anonymous
tude is not driven by new impulses into new directions ership. in many a case it may perhaps go lead-
ity under new leaders. The good, once it has become generally back to regulation
156 157
 some kind of organized force, although for any its papal directive from all pulpits.

ilil;lil1il:iliilan;'iliF'i*i:+i;s'ill;iIii
i ;n*ii$iii11 ilililili:ililils1s:r;:;riaiiiiiijill llllillll
instituted by It took some time

[iliIIll;1
validity the way in which it originated does not matter Protestant world resigned itself to the good senseuntil the
of the
longer. Although its sense also does not matter
too much, surely reform. In the world of the Greek Orthodox church
the conventional must not defy its purpose: a tool for linear power of the old calendar still offers resistance,the historical
although the
must somehow be adapted to longitudinal relations increasing importance of world communciations increasingly
measurement Within this margin, calls
whose measurement is called for in practice. for a uniform system for the entire cultured world. Even such a
however, there is a whole series of possibilities,
and the con- relatively restricted task as the change of the monetary
order or
ventional solution is always only one of many possible ones
and of the order of measurements and weights encounters extraordinary
often not even the best. resistances in the form of popular customs, and quite snecial
interests must make themselves felt before the government
the year
r393

Let us take for example, the customary division of resolves to go to war against these resistances. In spite of its
llil;lii,u,: s i; 1i{i:-,q; ra:iir,3ill3-li ili ;i+rr
By no means has it taken root because it persuasive advantages the metric system so far has not completely
into months and weeks.
might be the most sensible of all possible divisions.
On the asserted itself yet, and a uniform world money for the time being
contrary , it is so impractical that probably a majority of people has altogether no chance to succeed.
days and which
still could not feel sure which months have 30 11 h ow th is
have 31* The person knowledgeable in history can te
-;3

division originated, what other divisions preceded it in a pre¬ 4. The Historical Power of the Welfare Powers and the
Culture
paratory fashion, and which worldly or spiritual
authority was Powers 1 i
—
responsible for the latest arrangement. For the masses of peo¬
it is
ple, however, these things do not matter at all, for them All great welfare powers have a strongly conventional
tiittl[;ffilii[Eil;it11liii'*

simply the historical power which keeps the traditional calendar streak. Their forms are fully entrenched,, and therefore
completely to their
in force. The naive person subordinates himself so names of the mere use bestows upon them a historical power by
this historical power that he views the applicable able to maintain themselves even if they had nowhich they are
days of the week not as names but simply as the
thing itself. port. The same also holds true for the most lofty further sup-
Sunday, for him, is not that day of the week called
Sunday, but ers. Faith always acts upon the great masses also culture pow-
through the
Sunday, which is clearly distinguished in his view bv the ritual of religious exercise, and every church knows how to
it is
feeling associated use
special custom of this day and the special this means of exerting an effect. Pious
T
Revo¬ devotion to traditional
with it. The calendar which the legislature of the French designations
religious exercise easily accounts for as large a
share in the
lution measured with compasses, with its well chosen religious feeling of the multitude as does religious
convic-
and its nearly regular sequence of decades, calendar, was undoubtedly more t ion. Likewise ethics, law, art, and science always also
the traditional but never¬ their external rules. These rules have a life of their have
meaningfully arranged than own and
revolutionary drive
theless its proclamation was a mistake. The specifically
continue to count with the later generations by mere tradition
of the time, the belief of the French people, more power of reason
even when these generations don't quite understand any more why
the victorious they hold true. They may even continue to be adhered
of its revolutionary leaders, in
made it possible all right for the legislature what no abso¬
— — while after they have virtually lost their inner worth. to But for a
;

to introduce the calendar in offi¬ the last analysis in the case of the culture powers in
lute king would have dared
cial use, but in the minds of the populace the latter is hardly worth is still decisive, in the final analysis every the inner
historical power of the old calen¬ power rests on its sense, and the usage will prevail cultural
likely to have overcome the in the long
dar. At least a clever observer of that time has told
that the run always only if it is corroborated by the sense. It
the "power of the white shirt," of course, that always only that sense counts is true,
decades did not win out against which the multitude
going without which the worker found
rate,
to
the
be incompatible
French Republic
with
did
his
not
.
comprehends and in the early stages of
the cultural life of even
the most amply endowed peoples this is a rude,
feeling for Sunday. At any almost brutal, but
have the strength to force its calendar down thenothing throat of the then again a childish, almost naive, sense. To
else to top it off, the
rest of the world, and thus in the end there was sense as comprehended by tribes incapable of any development
do than to return again to the general usage if one didn't want strikes a mature view as rabid nonsense, the former's faith
to be limited to his own national world. viewed as dullest superstition, their morality as criminal being bru¬
tality, their law as violence,
The conventional practices at first always took form
in their aj->t as mere stammering. Andtheir knowledge as stupidity,
lirii
'iiii,

inter¬ still such a scarcely devel¬

relatively narrow locational divisions. Only with growing oped and already at the outset
warped sense speaks eloquently to
over wider regions, and
course did a uniform system assert itself from People on this level, and it helps the
welfare powers, in addi¬
it most likely began to spread outward the system of that tion to the respect which they enjoy through
district which dominated the intercourse. In many in cases there Sain an inner worth which gives them firmexternal custom, to
command over the
ii:;Ii*ii

to
;,';r'

was a need for state or ecclesiastical assistance thisorder winds. The cult of a
old local differences. In connec¬ just god whom a crude wild tribe has no relation to a good and
wipe out completely the in mind cannot comprehend. It has a relation
tion state and church probably had to engage all their power only to demons or to some other
*[l;i::

power but by this relation manifestations of elemental fear,

order to overcome the resistances posed by the historicalthrough the
alone it is intimately bound up with the
of the widely adopted arrangements. In order to put calendar, souls. Interference with the cult will encounter not only
Gregorian Reform of the in Assistance of habit but the incomparably greater resistance with the
scientifically unassailable
authority:
the Catholic world the church had to muster all of its instinct defends itself against everything which it is felt
r:

"°es against human nature.

thanks to its organization being in a position to proclaim the Th e same kind of resistance is
158 159
 of the linked powers in its existence depends on being able to
offered by the mind of a low-level people against everything

ii
*i;*i**l;s
Ei*l o3; {{ ;cn ji!:T[a; :;:i:
a;=i:q;r is;:E:xH =*itif,:,
:;*;{
::ti:iAJ::it;isT
*t.1 i5 c'Jq P.{ p { O
which for it embodies too lofty a sense. Embittered,knee
P.<F.Fi
it rejects cooperate with one or several others. When the landlord shoul¬
ders the chores of war by which he shelters the peasants against
-'Doo-o/' o'5f3,,9i resembling timber
: +rJ5JH)
any attempt undertaken to raise it up,

tii -li='"
would break the external enemy, and when the peasant in turn renders economic
which cannot rise much above the earth and which one services to the lord which make it possible for him to carry on
if he tried to raise it up to tree stature. The densely over¬ his household, there is a case of genuine symbiosis, a mutual
grown macchia* of unculture of retarded peoples in spite of its life dependence to mutual avail, grown from success. Inciden-
€s3i=s,"$rr q=;*dIiiry;
baseness, weakness, and impotence is an historical power. For
tally, even such a symbiosis may not be able to maintain its
people of more advanced development the culture powers unite with worth forever, for in history everything is in a state of inces¬
the innermost being in the most intimate way. The whole pro¬

gi;*l
sant becoming, and if success fails to appear the symbiosis may
fusion of sense radiated by a pure faith, a healthy body ofbylaw, lose its character completely in the end.
Oocr*troJoOOoO

penetrating understanding, and high art is avidly absorbed the

J.55p.OOC5OD

most receptive souls and coalesces with them to a higher form of

i:s:;i='- ;tii? We may well find the most multifarious symbiosis in the
{ p) H.!5'O

life. Every intervention from outside is felt like a painful cut

iiJ;d l:
relationship between the state and its subordinate members. The
into vital organs and arouses the most violent forces of resist- state gives its members not only armed and legal protection, but
l-;; i':
___ _ . A faith rooted in deep conviction defends itself with the
ance in addition also the most diverse help wherever joint
whole force of the instinct of self-preservation. necessary, individual force no longer being sufficient. force is
On the
other hand, it receives from its citizens in incalculably numer¬
In the growth of historical power the vitality of sense is ous ways the means for its powerful existence. All the threads
put to the test. The historical power of convention appears to
TS.fsglSr *
(+

running back and forth between it and the citizens have been
be greater because its formations often defv time in unchanged spun
(, drt

f.:$';1$

and knotted historically, and the state has thereby

This tendency toward durability proves to society's
;;3*a
shape. historical power which dominates the minds from every attained an
advantage where sense does not matter any more. But where a side,
ing in turn a flair for the need to respect on all sides hav-
o'-J 53p,C.JO9
<<0J

lively sense is to operate unchangeability would be torpor, and the

;r; !
OJq P.P.-0)

historically acquired position of its citizens.

in those cases therefore the interest of society calls for ,
*l*,

instead of rigidly entrenched historical power, a living and

growing one, destroying when it creates but also creating when it
uOa

6. The Development of the Vernacular Language

destroys .
May the reader now permit the use of a particularly plain
example to show how historical power maintains istelf through
5. Historical Symbiosis
a
af

u
U
E

0)
(t

custom while at the same time growing up and vanishing with its
l

sense, and how eventually it adds to its weight through symbio¬

In every developed association of people tlrere always exist
3S$
3i JE H I .'

?
!

3
ii 3I -qi*
'J

lg' i., I 33",.rfr *

jilloo *"_*

sis. For this purpose we choose the development of the popular

l; ; 5''! 319 ..' FB i 3 3,8 le;

and grow alongside each other a great number of historical powers

odi
o'u o :'< <rq :
rr.tO O P.5 r, rJ dtr O dC.
Jq

r.o

tongue. This is a problem being given much less attention to

*['
{ O{ o< P'J

s *ii:*=iiE =lii

with divided tasks and of greatly varying strength. Often their than the amply investigated problem of the origin of the lan¬
evolution is accompanied by obstinate fights, and while each one
l",:E;Ei
3.

guage. As a matter of fact, this is much more in the

would like to have hegemony over the others, a battle breaks out gist's line, for the origin of the language leads backsociolo-
o, -9x g
{-Pr
OC

between the strongest powers for the commanding position. So it to the

<JoLc

i'd it3 " l'"

mysterious dark of the beginnings when instincts decide the

was between state and church. But it may also be seen that pow-
_-i +d - no:'t:;i.,nt^'l{i-;g

issue
-cre 5o1PJ

3. :-i E
::ef; ; *; B iE ;'q

while sociology pursues the connections in the more illuminated

ers which for a long time were battling each other later join
n

consciousness of social life. The development of language takes

hands in an alliance as soon as new powers spring up against
gRei;

il;o
< ^,3

place in this more illuminated sphere.

O O5=3O) 5a

wh i ch tb ey are able to hold their own only by turning against

Y
drfi i* to
+--a"-';46 F!'.'
€ o c.J ": o Flc 3 o {p.J55p)

them jointly. Thus state and church, prince and nobility allied
t s'r

A living language has received its historical power

themselves against the rising middle class and eventually, along both sources which we distinguished. As far as the forms of from
a

with the middle class, against the rising proletariat. In such its
oo 5 -'p: sd e ni - 5:r,

which expression are concerned, above all the words of-

cases we face an external association of historical powers the language,
*: [{e-:
='P
6
-:.1 g

":l
PP.tO o o JLOJ5 0J P

iloH

they are in the main conventional formations. Their

:.

may become very intimate in the distress of battle, but which recognition
O.<

depends on general custom where the latter, to be sure,

o1-cn
iisi

under changed circumstances will perhaps soon fall apart again. may again
-
t *S J

be occasioned by instinctive stirrings of human nature.

H.,sil;s*;d

The church will not feel beholden to the sinking monarchy to the Thus
).8 v*.9'

to every language has certain words whose sound is a copy of certain

3o"ri orr.o.'i

end, only to go down with it, but in line with its principle
:""-*.-
^:6

nature sounds and which thus have their own sense of sound. On
recognize the powers that be it will know how to adjust to the
O

the other hand, as far as language content

F:
p.]if JCO-

republican and even the socialistic forces unless these in turn

oJ :.oJJJc

is concerned, it is
-i 3=
' r; ss

determined
:iiIi*
Ort

associations by the accumulated wealth of views, sensations, and

declare to it waÿ to the knife. There are, however, thoughts which
q: ;

up
i;

press for linguistic communication.

of historical powers which become much more intimately boundmere
*
",ilJ

each othe*’ than those which are joined together by

dq

with
#cr

alliance. One may almost speak of historic symbioses. wheÿe each

In every living language form and content are most inti¬
=
E
d
0,

mately connected. Nobody using his mother tongue is conscious

ar>y more of using conventional forms, because for him the word
ahd its meaning are inseparably tied together. Only
Wio does not master the language as yet has to the stranger
*

*Macchia is an evergreen scrub found in the Mediterranean

o
T
o

wrestle his way

Jq
a
PJ

through
r3

—
aF.
.pJ
t0)
^O

area. (Tr.) the word to its meaning, just as a stranger unfamiliar

o

160 161
with the prices in the host
country must first call to mind the masses following them on their cultural paths confirmed

IIi}i1;iiii1ililllllii
the new

llll
value of the sums of money offered to or demanded from him. written language as the national language.
through custom, and because it
Linguistic form becomes familiar established that it would hardly In the case of the peoples of central and western
is familiar it is so firmly Linguistic content, however, grows rise of the new national languages has a particularly
Europe the
within itself. counterpart, the extinction of Latin, which hitherto instructive

illl
change from and disappearance of
historical development
and decays with the in a nation press for communi¬ cultural language of the Occident and whose lively had been the
the wealth of life values which basic ideas
Again the comparison with money can give us the clearest they absorbed so that soon it became a dead
language turn.
cation.
of monetary media needed for circu¬ Until then Medieval Latin, without the constituency of a in
demonstration: as the volume

llll
state or
the wealth of economic values which people, had nevertheless been a living
couldn't be missed because in the barbaricworld
lation is conditioned by language which
change hands, so with an increasing stock of things worthy of vernaculars of that
communication more and more word symbols must be formed or, as time the cultural content of the then existing world, scanty
A primitive people can make do with quite few
lill though it was, could not have been conveyed.
A corrupt language
one says, coined. great nation has a rich vocabulary when Medieval cultural life was at its nadir,
and coarse word coins, but a
and orators of powerful educational buoyancy of Humanism rose again to Latin during the
in daily use, and its poets, writers, in the most precious magnificent pur¬
ity, only to become a dead language with the collapse
expression know how to augment this treasure of Human-
power or by drawing on the ism. After the Humanists had completed the task of
—
liii
way, either through their own creative
the scooping out
to make it shine in classical education for which the Occident had only now become
hidden depths of popular usages, and
splendor of variegated
without ties to the
change.
homeland
The
have
German
settled
farmer
in
colonists
distant
who
Russia,
life, have preserved
quite ripe
— clear down to the bottom, the foundation
national culture had been laid in such breadth that this
now could grow up of its own accord. Next to the
of
culture
where they carry on their monotonous peasant migration. In contrast, education a modern lay education had sprung up whichecclesiastical
of
i

the simple German from the time their soon outgrew

FiI
parent people the former and essentially derived its dynamism
liili

the new rich cultural substance which the German from availing
required additional means of expression itself of the national cultural language and
had gradually accumulated far from district to oriented any longer to a narrow and segmented therefore wasn't
which the dialects having been spokenissotrue for all civilized but, speaking to the people as a whole, could group of people
district could not offer. The same maintain its vital¬
lllll

growing culture necessitated the creation of ity by involving the people and complement
itself from the grow¬
nations. Everywhere expression not ing awareness of popular culture. Everywhere
ti

which could give

an enriched and refined languageand events of a simple life but all of the educated
strata and, increasingly through school and life,
concrete phenomena
only to the
and the accompanying from the uneducated strata have been familiarized large numbers
ili

also to the new composite life phenomena purpose of the written language, which with form and
llirl

thoughts. The raw material of the dialects had to be filtered

logic of its form, in cation is transferred from one generationin tonever ending communi¬
for this purpose. At the same time, in the the next. Today it
lliii

flexible. In par¬ is unthinkable that a force could ever

its grammar it had to become clearer and moreseparating peculiar¬ rise which would be strong
enough to weed out all the widely ramified
ticular, the new had to discard the
language
to the people as a living cultural language. A living cultural root fibrils of a
ities of the dialects, for it had to speak
lliIi

only with the culture of the people with language can lapse
of the meaning which it had to convey
whole because the treasure
to grow in the populace as a widely ramified symb ios is. As long as which it is united in a
had grown and was to continue vigor, the language also remains vigorous.the nation maintains its
even the most
li

region of a single tribe, In the era of nation¬

whole. Within the narrow the leadership alism the historical power of the
talented, the new cultural work could not succeed; cible. national language is i nv i n -
s'1

potential of the people as a whole had to be mobilized in order

iiili

task. It is true, though, that always a

to manage the immense a particular town assumed the
specific tribe, a special region, part of .About the Law
leadership role and, being the culturally most saturated
‘ of Small Numbers
first to "take the floor," urged on by
the commonwealth, was the
liiii

the heart overflowed. As other The significance attached to the recognition of

the wealth of meaning of which power for the understanding historical
;l

what new things this

segments of the population avidly absorbed
the contents the the fact, that it gives us theofkey
history and society is shown by
part of the population had to say, along with to the status of the rence so often encountered, namely, to explain the strange occur¬ I
dialect which it had been able to elevate that the few can maintain
dominion over the many. It is the problem
possession, subsequently to be
iiFriili*l:

written language became a national Numbers, as we called it at an earlier point. ofFor

the Law of Small 1
in from every
augmented and refined by the contributions flowing
tiEllliii llli

street there is the man on the

language became the founda¬ no other explanation for this problem I
side. In this manner the Florentine it was still necessary for force. But how should than
the one ruler marshal the force to impose
tion of modern Italian, but in the end his will on the collective?
all the good minds of Italy, from the north as well as the south, Pf'sponderanee of the masses He can prevail against the material
cultural lan¬
to work together in order to
guage along with Italian
complete
culture. The
the
same
Italian
is true for France, resources
®lement
only if, in addition to the power
he may dispose of, he can throw
into the scale. This moral elementsome kind of moral
Germany, and every other civilized nation. For them all Powe r as it accrues to him as personal is his historical
England, nation speaking the
the miracle of the millions of people in a tic Power. Likewise an and even more so as dynas-
only because the leading minds aristocratic
same language could become a fact created the '"aster race always derives an essential portion
regime or the regime of a
of the whole nation, motivated by the same endeavor, other and because the
of the dominion
language in which they talked to each
162 16?
it has over the minds from the increasing power it has
acquired such a pact, absent was any mental attitude which could have

iiilllililliiliillli*l*llllilul;;iisri*irp;;';+ii,;qrir i;i3
ll!liililliilii!1t llii}g il
in the course of history. created such a tradition, and among the vanquished peoples hardly
any national consciousness was left, let alone a
No history of a people gives us as clear an insight into the between one people and another. As in the magnificent connection

*-i;;i;ilattltf;;'ig:i;qii;iiI i[tii*
Roman peo¬ road sys¬
growth of historical power as does the history of the and proba¬
tem of the empire, Rome was the center to which all roads led, so
ple, which was the strongest master race of Antiquity process of
also for the minds of the world's people Rome was the hub to
bly of history altogether. Let us therefore trace the which everybody bowed in subservience. The word of the Roman

---
growth of Rome's historical power in its main features in order p oet "vos non vobis," unbeknownst to him may be applied to
to develop by this grand example the Law of Small Numbers. Rome's subjects: "You exert your strength, but you toil not for
yourselves, you toil for your masters." They all served the
The Roman people could not have made its triumphal march victor with their energy, adding to his power, while he could

c3i;;;tElt*;i;liiii
across the world unless it had been superior course to every one of the claim the lion's share in war and peace of the jointly achieved
peoples with which it had to grapple in the of the centu- success. According to the external calculation of population
ries. Needless to say that the strength with which it entered figures , the Romans in their empire were a very
small minority
into history could not be great enough to brave at the same against an overwhelming majority, but according to the moral
time
it
all peoples which it subjected little by little. At first the calculation which is politically decisive, they held the ab solute
even was at a grave disadvantage vis-a-vis its neighbor to superiority. At the height of its power Imperial Rome was much
north , the mighty Etruscans, and even vis-a-vis the kindreda more superior to the peoples of the Mediterranean Basin than the
Latins , its neighbors to the east and south, it did noteventful have original Rome of the kings had been superior to its neighbors;
it
clear-cut advantage. It took centuries of hard and had won unprecedented additional historical power. As long as
battles before the Romans had warded off the Etruscans and had this historical power remained intact, the Law of Small Numbers
subjected the Latins and subsequently the bravest tribe in cen¬ had to hold true.
dur¬
tral Italy, the Samnites. Only when after further battles, Carthaginian
ing which the outcome was on the razor's edge, the The more the historical power of the Roman Empire grew, th e
rival had been cleared out of the way did the later quickly, conquests in more also grew the power of the leaders within Romanism. Along
the larger world follow each other more easily and for with the enlarged circumstances the significance of the military
only now the Roman superiority had become evident. Rome had and political leadership relative to the performance of the
of masses also grew. It was the leaders whose political experience
become the center of a great state, ever increasing quantities
power resources were assembled with it, the world victor, ever it
made masters of them, they alone understood the rules of the
more allies and subjected peoples were at its disposal, and political game, and it was they, therefore, who played the great
l-I;;il1r::i'il;illl'lill;illlil

could increasingly concentrate its forces on the riches which game while the simple citizens became the dice in their hand.
kings and free states all around had accumulated and now had to The winnings from the game became ever more lucrative the more
surrender to the victorious city. Decisive, however, wa s th e the power of Rome spread over the lands of established
fact that the Roman people had been given the talent to grow and of the great prizes the leaders were able to retain forwealth,
them¬
itself along with the greatness of its circumstances. It didn't selves an ever larger share. While the mass of the
remain a mere warrior people as most other victorious peoples, deteriorated in the wars without end, the will to rulecitizens
on the
i-=BIglii;];;1';i:

but it knew how to set up an admirable legal system for gover- itself part of the leaders grew all the more strongly.
Eventually the
and , notwithstanding all the arbitrariness of many of its citizens acquiesced in also getting intoxicated with the splendor
iltli'l;=?ui=;*:Frri*

nors, for its subjects as well. During the uninterrupted and for the rest having their vital needs being taken
care of.
sequence of victories the Roman master disposition developed into
a master will which could set for itself the highest goals
in addition to its military mastership it acquired
and,
masterly
From then on with the Romans
— and this is repeated with every
victorious people experiencing the same course of events
moral calculus carried weight which we just had to — the
skill in politics which fully exhausted the sense of rule. it Has the victorious people vis-a-vis the vanquished and forexamine for
there ever been a political corporation concentrating in
so ity vis-a-vis the masses, for whom the nobility in thethe nobil¬

__
of victories supplied the leaders. In this way sequence
much experience and, aside from the most unhesitating reckless- the populace of
ness , so much foresight and cleverness as was the case of in the the leading nation also comes to to its disadvantage the
senate? Tremendous, too, had to be the effect the onerous meaning of the "vos non knowvobis,"
Roman
countless victories on the circumstances and the disposition of favoring the leaders in advance, as well with its attribution
as the Law of Small
the subjected peoples. While mighty Rome kept ever growing for
in Numbers. At the outset the populace still is in a privileged
power, they were disarmed, impoverished, and, what counts position as compared to the subjugated,

______
most, deprived of their organization, leadership, and self¬
confi dence. Who could still hope to prevail against the
victor?: Now and then a tribe here or a region there revolted,
but the Romans against any rebel could always employ, asideRomans
world
from
idea of its inner solidarity and is held but
and along with these is dominated by the
once it loses the
together
of its leaders, it also sinks into the depths only by means
of the subjugated
through its historical power is enabled toaristocratic class which
bring the Law of Small
reserves of the whole empire. The Numbers to bear for its benefit.
q

their own strength, the

had gradually subjugated so many countries that within thein
*3 '7e

realm they were only a distinct minority against an outsized The dominion

— I.,.
ma jority . While Rome could easily have thrown down an alliance
uniting all the subjected peoples, all the historical precondi-
tions for such a pact were absent. Absent was any precedent f°r
164
of economic leadersexercised by the minority composed of a class
must be construed in the same way.

165
 of Small Num¬ into decay precisely because the rock of
Monarchical rule is the perfection of the Law ... sense crumbles away

;qlrisiFHqciqsi;
r*idg$d'
F i"Esgia1-q_Hiiiil31;
lB_ il:ls lia ss =;31=i l

SS=;".,d1.
lgli}E ta;iiig:li$ll1il;ffi [[1 |i i:E nirIg:q 3*:i r

-._
s
leader who was able which empty usage cannot permanently supp
t

=;:'ri;i#:
paramount military and political ort.
bers. The
D €lo '1< )a cr' crJq o ^ o as well as the
'J
external enemies

jj
to eliminate all powers, the The church received its sense from the
all minds have been
internal rivals, becomes the autocrat because idea of the other

).r-
world and of the realm of God which Christ
g;"15;3
nobody knows of anything but had
d<lC Jd< crd/'c+d-'{id

taught to bow before him and because before had a novel idea so struck the human taught. Never
The often cited sav-
that all power is combined in his person. soul in its very

Q
to Louis XIV, "The state core. To the soul a new world had been opened
ing, rightly or wrongly attributed up of whose
o-,lo0rOoJJ:JJ0)5co

concisely and accurately the facts of unfathomable truths it could not get enough and compared to which
that's I," expresses most
oolosJ.':o0)Jq0rcd

of a people con¬ all the splendor and wealth of the

d "L 5 q 0r;.t
the monarchial state. All connecting threads nothing. When the founder of the Christian material world came to

ir s;;lE ailiiiliiriiil:Iil$*tl;*i:: l.l* E6'lglps

verge with the monarch, and therefore he all power is his. Every¬ religion had become a
lil# :*$iil
holds everything in his victim of persecution, his teachings
body hears it from somebody else that
He quite small circle of poor and simplecontinued to live only in a
-;

his superiority.
hand and that nobody canpersonsprevail against
against all, and in the general Roman Empire. The idea of the realmpersons in a corner of the
of God, however, had so

!'l[.
energies of all
=le

uses the He is the absolute ruler seized the soul of the disciples that it
view they are imputed to his power. over the minds. them although the leader was dead and that could remain alive in
because he is the uncontrolled master sonally to leadership and through them and it inspired them per¬
d

new leaders, including the mightiest of all alongside them aroused

iI i[]i:iii ;:*;i:srn-siii.ifll-iil[[i ls
verted to Paul. For all that, this deep apostles, Saul con¬
The Historical Power of the Church emotion of the souls is
@

lo
8. not like one of those ecstasies which sometimes
.

and pass quickly, but it became a lasting seize the peoples

definitively the
We are now also in a position to solve appears to be still sometimes slackening in lassitude, in the depths state which, though
problem of ecclesiastical dominion, which of the soulsÿ to
it

the worldly dominion of the which it penetrated roused the most potent
that of
more difficult to get at than excuse if on this occasion we come from it the church gathered the strength to forces. Above all,
small number. May the reader assert itself against
H

which we already had to mention all the persecutions by the all-powerful imperial
to discuss once more many things powers. eventually gained imperial recognition and, superior Rome until it
The subject is so broad
rq'-:

in the section about the culture state, even outlasted the collapse of the empire. to the
illuminated from several
that it deserves and demands to that
be
the unarmed church won out elaboration of its dogmas and of its rite occupied the The work of
sides. Is it not astonishing the people incessantly through centuries and minds of
power for some time? The widespread popular
against the secular task of their spreading continued to occupy itcenturies, and the
38fi

rely on superior power; it makes

explanation in this case cannot church is said to have judged by the popular movement of the to a degree best
do by referring to the deceit which the Crusades.
transf ormation , Christianity later turned to In a memorable
perpetrated vis-a-vis the innocent minds for of the multitude, an from which it had first turned away the secular concerns
us to find comfort
f AlsE s Fq$38 T3; LiiE

interpretation in which it is impossible over the minds was not diminished thereby,completely. But its power
which presumably we don't have to refute either. Aside from for Christianity now
and moral misuse to which it found its compromise with the material values
all the arts of leading astray and inof need of genuine and over¬ and by knowing how to spiritualize of life as well,
possibly resorted, the church was over the minds. From the sense of these, it gained new power
:;;=lif;g,i;*i;l;g

whelming moral strength in order to defeat the weighty material gained a sense of the life in this its goal in the beyond it
stood against it. Close observation of the develop¬ world which gave human beings
forces which been given from the the strength to overcome the despair of the collapse
ment will tell us that the church had indeed world, the crowding catastrophes of the Migration of the old
moral strength and that indeed such of Nations, and
start such overwhelming leading the general social the confusion of the endless struggles
strength was inherently capable of
a millenium of continuous growth. state. The newly found sense of life offound reconstruction of the
its most radiant
development through more than expression in medieval art, though
of a growing histor- there was no aspect of life
The chfarch represents the greatest example of circumstances, the into which it did not penetrate. The
ical power. Due to the unusual dimension case, unrepresentative the realm of ethics as well as that ofchurch was the leader in
power of the church is of course a special will we find in combina- realm of law as well as that of external custom, in the
of the general type. In no other case
with the church, realm of science as well as that careful administration, in the
of the economy. No external
tion all of the characteristics which we observe so clearly any one of force could be so capable of transformation
and perhaps we will not see again elsewhere and so fertile c_i as was
*

the magnifying glass of the internal force which gave birth to Christianity
these traits which appear here under of the depth of the souls and which out
We therefore have to apply every bit of dominated all the paths of the souls.
history, as it were. but All developments which filled
3E E f

insights gained here, the lives of the peoples were crea¬

caution if we want to use elsewhere the
1i lili

will do more than any other tions of the church or had originated
nevertheless the case of the church
power. blessing hand, and even for the work ofunder the protection of its
war it had to implore the
to enhance our understanding of historical favor of heaven. There
power of usage dominated the minds morenever has been a power which could have
completely and which could have been
We must take as a point of departure that the
:;
q

the church leaned upon it in later °onnected with the configuration of life in a more
or convention, however much of its °s is. fertile svmbi-
{1lo9,

*l l3o.'

accumulation
'
C

in the
P(

years, still takes second place only

oca(
Pr.rI

Ai

was
o(,i

F.<

olloxi*l
P.o'

FI

u' 'oi
ca at
J"<

on which the church

historical power. The sense is the rock
o(Y'
a-

a® Every growth of life,

oll<
ol Jq1o
P!:

place, and
astical power. Against thetherefore,
i
(

first
I
3lits.(

sense the
|-.,(

from in meant a growth of

,I

built. Usage was derived

o.

ecclesi-
{j

o
ql;i

OJ
-t

fall3
f(

that it omnipresence of its power,

@l(

soon as we see the church in decay we recognize

bower as wielded by secular rulers external
Ct

o
o
o
t,
0)
(t

through the terrors of their

166 167
 The church obtained the crucial prepon¬ because it concerned the peoples of the

;;
iii
arms did not prevail.

;*arltg'=-.'
g g{: r s3*ri' lg:; i
ied the vigor for growth. Much as the Occident

lrtgi.i il* i1-'

a 33s t; iilitt:n;

qtri5E:H::::n;;[5 *==
being the general church, the world who alone embod¬

+i- d Id LP--''
derance against them all by *[! ril: Att;3;
for all peoples of the Occident across the lost its efficacy Catholic
in the process, it must not be church may have
church which held goodall-encompassing

s3f, : ? i#rE ; * ;
an association which by virtue Christianity through the Protestant churches overlooked that
state boundaries, gained access to the
appeared to confirm its divine

r;ls c q rliq;r::l pa:;; };i€ i;i

of its general scope alone already mind of peoples whose development it otherwise
institution. Thus the secular arm was at its disposal in order unable to follow any further. would have been
its means of coercion. In
to enable it to support its power withimperial order it remained Only
the struggle against the medieval much later a new antagonistic force
arose which at the
whereas the imperial
victorious, for it remained upright and grew If one adds what the same time, though to a lesser degree, threatened the Protestant
power atrophied after many a humiliation. churches: the force of modern scientific thinking.
church was able to gather incapable riches from the gifts of the pious, influence of this new internal force the Under the

:
of maintaining itself for a historical 1power of the
Catholic church has suffered more severe damage
it was

-;*=il*
it can be seen why of its historical power, even if result of the gravest assaults to which it than it did as a
certain time merely on the basis

$q.f; " {i=

its internal power. But so far this before. It is clear that the power which had been exposed
fl;q

it should have lost all of notwithstanding all its deprivation, a him simultaneously modern put Galilei, and with
s ;6;e- i;l'q:

happened, for
has never unable to keep pace with the scientific thinking, on trial was
ill H I ir_,
of almost unlimited power, even in the
necessary consequence time any longer. Although thev gave
H

laity still a widespread, freer rein to knowledge, the Protestant

q;;:;;?:fr

worst of times there was in clergy and

;Lsl, le 3"
superstition may have churches couldn't do so
sii
r;

blindly devoted faith, however much dull either. But who might be able to sav
i
pure sources of faith. When from time to tion of the souls there has remained anwhether of that first emo-
been admixed to the of the souls fied faith to gain dominion over the impulse enabling a puri-
IfiH; i?[qrs

to ebb, from the depth

time the movement threatened minds of the world once
i

that emotion which, dating more? The greatness of the historical power
there always erupted a new suree of come to rest as yet. The
-_l!
t=rll5,

churches still possess today, in spite of which the Christian

:

back to original Christianity had not

J-3*ll

tained, gives them at any rate an unequalledall the losses sus-

tr:

more than a century after to Christ

;iE 3 sE =ii=.l

holv Francis of Assisi, whopiety, is more closely akin the human mind for a new ascendancy. opportunity in the
roused anew the spirit of than any of the saints who had
- ;{

l$
g'l;:qq

originator of Christianity
3[; i u *rE'-"

appeared on the scene until then. With an artistry of organi¬

as the legacy of Roman statecraft 9. The Power of Historical Memory
zation which we may well view
J'
ie 3.*'* i=6
sse{*

i r*3f: :i

for its firm hierarchi¬

; il3i;;:;

to draw benefit
3

the church has known how

stirrings of the religious A people having risen to
cal structure from the ever recurring of the world monarchism in ing its successes and the men historical power is fond of recall¬
i;i;:r

sense by associating with the priests having made these possible. His-
g

going too far it disposed of as toriography in telling about its victories

ever new variants. Visionaries strongest bulwark, it and its heroes thereby
E 3qt

sectarians, and, viewing its unity as its bows before the greatness of historical power
cruel fashion the even if it should
ilH

l;;

apply to them in the most not recognize its nature. Peoples

did not hesitate to of secular strength. which after a time of powerful
independence have lapsed into dependence
means of both spiritual terror and in their historical
recollections save for themselves a last vestige of the old his¬
The power of the church decayed longer as soon as the strength with torical power which may become a strong prop
r^ <
=
5 ctx O,af "D. +ra ji o !l
5 P.o 5 tsl

f & .i Q'

up to the unfolding of for them when during

I i
'o ^. o X do
- ig-Pgg

more propitious times they

sin +aa6'r:':

was no
c+cto

.t1+Ol o-o o *.o I.. *i

H.O

which it dominated the minds strive to regain

ts'

monarchical idea, which had maintained its their freedom. The

P.5
P'5 P/.5
O
O.rt J

minds by the degen¬

O1,>€

the
o.+*5;

the cultural forces. First it alienated

0J O

especially the depravity over the minds of the masses, has served thehistorical dominion
o.c c
J

5iD

P. v;El-g

spiritual life and

+o <+:i."O*-

eration of the Irish, the Poles,

high office by the
O d

attending the abuse of the power of its protest, but it was the Czechs, the Magyars, and the Serbs as
tA - ->
PJ
-!Og)O( crrFll p.r5 cr

-*--j' J

a beacon to ...
3

first a moral wielding national power. The ambition new ways of

papacy. Protestantism was at
flD.-5

Rf!u
.o, F>o -Jq.-

JoJo

it had done quite often of the leadersj had been

<5^s,
(r€'

JO -O<
r-p:

still more, for otherwise the church, asthrough purification from excited by the traditions of past grandeur,
o
o*

r.
r.
6

task of carrying the masses along as followers and they found the
D5: :

minds
l

before, could have won back the on their ways made

i*

not spare any effort in that direc¬

10)
O 0, O P.f r.o

easier by the fact that these ways were

c.
o.

within. At that time it didsubjected

l^
d

familiar to these masses

D)
a a crd9, dt
d

itself to a reformation of
.1 (f
{

at least in their memories. The more

tion. As never before, it
-

but to no effect, as it deeply rooted and the more

5(t:

O 5'"

teachings and practices, widely spread the recollection, the greater

head and limbs,
*!q'

Protestant north to its ways. The follow on the part of the masses. the willingness to
5 <."

was unable to return the

i'ol
F

outgrown the sense

S.r

had
6){

Germanic peoples in the north at that time

in turn it did no
a
a (A -

interpreted it, and

o ct,

had
lL

of life as the church

g)
@ o

new sense. It
0)
o

longer possess the strength to participate in the 10. Transformation of Historical Power
IH

now on had to
o lo
a pq
l-
o tv

historical power, and from

ceased being a growingremaining
o

power.
d
0)

an entrenched historical As the human being changes in progressing

content itself with symbiosis into which the church the completion of physical and mental from childhood to
;EI
P crl
351

severed the
arl
b ol
ctl
-r-l
I

The Protestant spirit

o
5..t
$l

-l

s.O

growth, so it may be said

oo
*l
5(D !ta o g) aol

at the
,:Ol

but of every living, growing power

pA

faith,
=l

It purified the
had united faith and life.
P.vl

that it changes during growth, for

+
I

energies although it, too, by gaining for itself

same time it gave freer vent to vital
<6F,

additional forces, it is changed in appear¬

i'E e 9e3
-F5 od

$
o.o3-'n A,

ance
tr 1c o 5 3

{
55 5 d

purpose and essence of life.

:;5 ^ -P.

and substance. In the case of decaying

5 0 'i 3 dO

continued to derive from faith the

\' 9"3*
-t'

:'o'
P.

'83.,J.

to share with the Protestant

"B'Blr

powers one might

aro

sPeak of a retrogressive process

66Cc.

From now on the Catholic church had

P.(/l€qF

of transformation which corre¬

It is true that even
_ :'0,
O VJ P'5

over the minds. sponds to the retrogressive

churches the dominion transformation experienced by human
r'

such dominion with the Greek Orthodox beings in their advanced age,
bef ore it had to share
P --

when their physical and mental

O:O

severe effect
orci

.ri

:ri

church , but the new division had a much more

''o

5
-
-

168 169
 the most pro- assuming the leadership of the new
Historical transformation ofgrowth princes during the transition from the aspirations, the European

J{'i*il k rSeu Jiff -il'

i l'l!*.-': 93.o ;.-

ii'i s -;
^,rs6' Y
vanish.

3;','61Eq33-s.;3
o^-633.8'
energies

J; B - j = q ,
D i O the whole
g) tsO JO 5
sooner or later, in a more obliging Middle

";3; ii3
to occur when during Ages to the New Era

ul <.
'f DO.E
nounced kind may be saiddevelopment

I. -,4 i E S;- il'::'_$

j.;
changes because, in addition

" ^
or a more guarded way,
character of historical internally responsive or reluctantly

i'l'p
goals after which it strives of attitude practically everywhere pressed, in a major change
to the means at its disposal,isthe
o-.o\)qil^-.<
transformation of the wild
a
chose the constitutional
-:O+-JJ:

Of this kind the wav.

o'
also change. It Where princes in their

1;"3i8
working peoples.

^-rro*J'-.o*
becalmed
warrior tribes into peacefullyin the Romanic and Germanic civi¬ inertia missed taking advantage narrow-mindedness, arrogance, or
*5
of
change, they had to pay for it in the favorable opportunity for
O O O O C O irN 51t,

won't be so easy to recognize

]' K ;'"_: ;3o'''"I

of the barbarians who, beginning
<<
JJ-.

the
A JP lq: f, na
end when the rise of the
lized nations the descendants the masses occurred over their heads.
d3
{ 3 O JO JP.P.C

.f

Cimbri and Teutons, terrified Louis XV dissipated the historically The depraved way in which
J.D

with the Gauls of Brennus and

ooddod{P€€0)-o50

E r: $Rei
even this development took its accumulated capital of the
the Roman world. Nevertheless,transformation, French kings made the impetuously growing

-ir!4
fundamentally
i.l.3T":
5'S,_=; - i

and
!lS.g3
) )

forces of modern France

-'P...-oi-

sequence of
.tP..
course in a strict it finally appeared in radiant splendor had fall prey to the revolutionary leaders.
Jq r00H
1

e strength as to world dominion to the- memorable The papacv owes its rise
the pure the beginning, as the vital
been implanted in the souls from discuss in detail already before. transformation which we had to
ldoror

D^J"3

Henry to which King Henry V tative way of the Oriental church,Inthe contrast to the more medi¬
energies brimmed over in mad Prince Roman church transposed
f,:J

owed his triumph at Azincourt. its goal from the other world to a spiritual
-

being able thereby to be the supreme life here on earth,

people frequently takes peoples through the centuries during leader of the Occidental
The transformation of power within a
ns
t*;:;i*i;l;;t rit;5;;tr ; ii-i'igggl*iilsqi3;;l
il[;lil1;i;iiii;urlir iliil ;1ll;fi I r;;iis; l
;3

that newly rising strata bring new leaders to which the latter began to
place in such a way
as well as of the unfold their intellectual energies. Can
3r:dita;Ff,3As[rigi.:si fssiiEt]tt5;gB:$lir[

rise of the middle classes with the radical and even with the it not be seen clearly
the top. Thus the
pi3;F'"
people from other
other that, once they have come to power, revolutionary strata as well
Eri;

leadens,
proletariat has elevated new power under new forms of freedom.
circles who exercised their mation designed to get rid of their they experience a transfor-
leadership powers remain intact excesses and to reconcile to
Here it may occur that the old appearance while in fact they their cause the persevering forces of
for some time in their external the minds, which turn to the to take across into the new state of the people which they have
affairs? The socialist,
have already lost their hold over The enfeebled dynasty of the having attacked capital as a
iinil

new, more successful leaders. the royal throne through several capitalists held power becomes tool for exploitation while the
a patron
Merowingians continued to occupy attained power, he sees in capital the of capital when, having
majordomos fulfilled the offi¬ indispensable tool
;iiiii4:'r;

more generations while the rising success. for

at last they partook of the
11rfr iiT;il*iigii: ;i:ili3 il;ti*ti-ir

cial duties of the ruler until

Not infrequently the letter
:=lii

throne's external dignity as well. One likes to explain historical

__
of the law is also upheld for some time yet while the meaning revolution. The transformation, as we change by evolution and
because it is applied to dif¬ understand it, comprises
attributed to it becomes different of forces. In something more than mere evolution, which
ferent facts of life under altered distributions
to which a it occurs in the course of development. only implies growth as
this way occurs the transformation of the constitution same time implies adjustment of the old Transformat ion at the
;$;tl

law has called attention. The con¬ forces vis-a-vis the new
well-known teacher of public as well changes in both inten¬
and also of the new forces vis-a-vis
the old, a mutual adaptation
tent of religious and moral laws of forces which is much more important
sity and direction under the influence
of new life contents while adaptation to the geographic or than the much discussed
same. the external milieus. A revolu¬
the letter of the law remains the tion comes about when the carriers
t

of the old or of the new

forces are too unreasonable or too obstinate
which the old rulers
1li:;l;rIi:;1=Ai;lsE|ag

to decide upon an
i

That change of leadership power under new forces which

adaptive transformation of power.
3[li

themselves to the
retain power but accommodate importance for understanding his-
appear in life is of special by dint of being in power is
The adaptive transformation of power
assures the continuity
tory. The existing leadership group to itself the newly
°f historical progress. The transition from
to attract the violent
given the favorable opportunity
advantage of time, it is in place
of affairs in early times to
the later state of culture in states
emerging forces. It enjoys the dynamic groups, unless
part took place, to
the good fortune of mankind, through large
new
}:i;i

before the young leaders are, and the
quo, in their own best
they are downright opposed to the status power in order to
the established
interest first turn to it as protection against the many resist¬
lean on it and to receive its
ances which everything new is bound to encounter. At the
;iiti
transformation of power. The adaptive
rude external powers of coercion
prevailing in early times in large part
united through peaceful
change with the aspiring internal powers. Even in the revolu¬
tions the acts of violence accompanying
royal
the issue, but lasting success could them did not decide the
j

royal physician Quesnay proclaimed genuine always be achieved only by a

courts of Louis XV the became one of the roots of transformation by which the clashing parties after
Physiocratic economic doctrine which The popes founded and frictions in the end made up again. severe
liberal and even of socialist economics. were to become the seats
protected the universities which later a good nose for what lies
of free learning. The ruler whoto has for it in good time.
E.::iiii

ahead will use the opportunity prepare

in the economic and educational
When the native forces flourished his rule must no longer
realms, the wise prince recognized that
be directed against the populace.
Confronted with the choice of
oppressive form of government
either retaining the traditional changing direction and
and thereby jeopardizing its power or of
170 171
 Historical Leadership the leadership class, and the masses had

rr[:;iqi';:iliir;iii;',qi:s;;;**;it;; l; ;
XI. consequences just as they had to to accept the resulting
sky had rain or shine in store
resign themselves to whether the
of the Masses to Follow for them. Within the historical
leadership class, personal leadership

e:ili11lilllillliii*iIllll lililnilir ll
1. The Willingness

E
:
might then assert itself,
or else the historical power of the dynasty
no means always agitate the
Is:r3#;HgEfi ls3?3si'sBs3r5:3a3?B$;BEb',3
might win out, and
The fights within the state bythey occur only between the

{' i

;'liii;
decisions might result from personal or group
Very frequently rivalry or they
whole populace.
leaders and their immediate
participate in them and do not
adherents, while the masses do not
even have to sufferWages,"
Work and
from them in
Rogers
might be arrived at through peaceful

new turns of events which affected their

settlement
masses were equally willing to follow unless — always the
there were entirely

;ltsiiii;ii{iii;riiil i;iiiiii;:r;
all cases. In his "Six Centuries
for
of
decades between the Red and drastically. Every leader who brought interests or habits too
his influence to bear
relates that the battle lasting during a period when the English peas¬ within the historical leadership class could feel assured of the
the White Roses took place multitude's willingness to follow.
The fighting parties care¬ leadership, the personal selection of In the case of historical
antry enjoyed the highest prosperity. and, according to Rogers, the the leader is preceded bv
fully abstained from damaging it, the selection of the
to pay a high price when the Burgundian leadership class.
House of Lancaster hadMargaret committed transgressions in the
mercenaries of Oueen the peasants now cham¬
It was also possible that within the
countryside which had the consequence that did not take part class a quite specific leadership historical leadership
masses institution was h istorically

iiiii::jti
Although the
pioned the House of York. up with the decision on the determined without the masses having to exert influence on it.
in the battles, they readily put victorious House of The Roman class of Patricians, by
and
battlefield and became as submissive to the
Lancaster and later istic knights, after the traditional by joined by the capital¬
the House of stitution was no longer sufficient for republican leadership con-
York as they were previously to epochs of rule by force we the needs of the worldwide
to the House of Tudor. Through all realm had to consent to the
masses to follow
of willingness of the
meet with the same trait supreme power, where, to be sure, we created the leadership genius institution of the empire
of Caesar and educated his which
the changing wielders of stirrings of disobedience and resist- Augustus. As a result of the historical heir
have to abstract from the institution was so rigorously demanded that circumstances, this
ance which interrupt it from time to time. The willingness to end of the realm, although only a it held good to the
follow is the historical consequence of the pressure which rule called to the throne possessed quite small number of emperors
with the establishment of the sufficient personal talent for
bv force exerted in connection small, freedom-loving peoples of leadership. The nature of the call could only in - very rare cases
state, while in the case of the be adequate to the principle of personal
had reacted strongly against selection. Most useful
the dawn of history the masses development do we encounter
proved to be the nomination of
force. Only at the time of advanced the emperor himself, who had to his successor and co-emperor by
of liberty of the democracies which is being ever , in order to be able to passbe quite sure of his power, how-
again the sense of the mass movement. In the it on. Not only was selection
newly awakened by the surging force by the people out of the
peoples, the willingness of the question, but the times were too
case of completely exhausted complete subser¬ troubled for selection through inheritance to
masses to follow is magnified to the point of In the majority of cases selection become the rule.
all the "others" who submit to
vience. The daily meeting with
not permit the power, the dominant power of the time.occurred through military
the rulers even in the case of strong spirits does
initially had the lead because they In this the Pretorians
really assert itself. Once the propen¬ immediately surrounded the
striving for freedom to masses, it continues throne, and later the legions
in the
sity to subordinate oneself is found by spreading the poison of inces also intervened. They which were stationed in the prov¬
proclaimed the leaders to
to act through social autosuggestion in the social body. liking emperors, whereby idea of personal selection as atheir
helplessness through self-intoxication became deprived of all itsthegood rule
willing to follow the arms had to settle the issue, sense.
but
Between the provinces the
Whereas the English peasants were disruption resulting from the battlesnotwithstanding the endless
* n J
o J.m
-
r

of Plantagenet, they
c o
"' '

< r

House
da

by the rival emperors, the

:- rlq
14

victorious branch of the ancestral imperial institution remained

a usurper with no
:,O -J FO !.
<

5 O o o ts.r

intact because it was required by

{!.+ -lp

to
:Y <;;

?<

would have offered determined resistance the circumstances. The victorious

lP"
a

tv

The same is
f,
^v

to a foreign conqueror. upon the willingness of emperor could always

blood ties to this House or follow masses to follow, and even the count
o - - 1ts'i

1 l0) ':aDlr(,dfr'
o) o
is J J o
:-^

have not
m+

of all peoples which fit and most unworthy ofthethe

'r"'

true for the willingness to selected emperors remained inleast

Io <v61,-.
= oogoio

!.4

Being condi¬
to *5OiO
o !-dd5{

become degraded to the point of submissiveness. driver's seat as long as no rival the
0JQ
X ^i
lo.,r

O
a

always benefits
F.o

^
-.o

historically, the willingness to follow their days to an end. emperor was found to bring
Io 'u

tioned
vP-

t)

i
^

.-

only the historical leaders.

,a
at

ct The power
historical autocratic leaders were elevated bv the fa of" for itself theof whole
historical leadership also gradually asserted
. o J .f,=us j-oo 1

-d
-5
o
.t

The
-l

ro

job system of leadership

ctO

the
=5

? fip*)o a -J:.)

founding of states
that during the period of the aentrenched hierarchy of offices has great stayinghierarchy.
r.q

The
o

of a people partici¬
d.f,.q 0)

fighting, in which originally all freemen power, and even

5 O O !) r-'J
Jtr

strong ruler will not be easily able

u.

nobility and theif

i
r

became the business of the cleanse to revitalize and to

r,;

pated, gradually
lx

church supplied counselors it, but in

jir'

nistorically formed. the main will let it stand as it has

O i I O D:-

retinue, while for matters politic the

o PJ
.o5-.-nniD

been
J ? a-

)
/

persons was over t,ime

r

With a majority of persons employed

-P'0

.*ajlo'uK
:P .^ )q,:i)
,r")<=*';J'cn

.-1--'rj?

of free Military and civil services, even the most

oo;o

)a:-'oo'-
tOp'r+JOnd

J<?(uD5+J

multitude
;" '').!o./D

in the
;3;':?

The
to the prince. a living, which it
-- d

never succeed in placing the right persons insincere

n'.

of making
D

increasingly absorbed by the tasks effort will

i O

-l'

existence. There¬
\

its
could not slough off without jeopardizingoccurred entirely withiO Placing incompetents all the
into jobs will now and then beslots, and
O --J

i
rt a
-J C

fore the national disputes and decisions “la* Here the saying applies that
E
-'-

unavoid-
u
O

the job will create the right

172 173
 In other than political relations, the
in jest, it also carries the more masses willingness of the
to follow also has its great social importance.
person for it. Although meant parties

,r[;ii* i*lriq: iliH inii ;llie;ii[[i;;i

i,=:,al liEii[lililltl
have to subordinate them¬ The power

i;ru*; ** il:$ir]E
serious implication that the of the churches is based on it, also the power
whether or not the holder has the right vis a proletariat not yet conscious of its of capital vis-a-
selves to the office, made by mass technique which, as strength. While
mind for it. This is a demandone won't quite get around because
entrepreneurs fight each other
as
things now present themselves, dynasties did in bygone days, the the cliques of nobility or
post of an extensive hierarchy of
the desire to fill every can never be met. In supplying the
struggle may always count on victor in the competitive
the rush of workers nutting their
offices with the right man services at his disposal as they did vis-a-vis
necessary efforts for this, which byenergy the way could never be com¬ The self-conscious organized work force his predecessor.
would be lost that it launches a strike
pletely successful, so much social designed to secure the willingness of
is more prudent to accept in individual
cases now and then a less it has become possible to improve the the masses to follow until
public servant. The fact that the office While the historical leadership power ofconditions for following.
capable or incapable though, and it won't
demands leadership is a certain
advantage, bv this temporary restraint, it may still capital is not canceled
fact that leadership selection be notably diminished.
be fully offset any more by the
won't quite succeed all the time.
2. The Dynastic Power
freedom, their vill-
When in their ascent the masses achieveThe interests of the
;i;E'*':;i=,si;igiii llillill1li'll'l*[1i1=

ingness to follow doesn't cease

at all. Where the dynastic sentiment is alive,
party point out the objectives to turn the party leader, but the mul¬ the populace to follow is not bestowed the willingness of
titude of party members in their must be willing to follow throne but is oriented to the hereditary on every holder of the
the party the comrades must dynasty. This is the
if leadership is to succeed. Within to take his proper place in the
classical example of historical power. Dynastic
leadership is
having
harmonize. the individual for collective following. A special historical leadership, it is initiated by a
ready family of leaders which through a great leader or a
multitude and to be is exerted by the fact few generations successfully
compulsion for readiness by the masses performs the leadership tasks. The
*;a;: r;;:r3 i;[E ; t:; iillllllill='E :

companions now pay heed that everyone go along with the dynasty wins for it dominion over continuing success of the
that the general joining and consistent the minds, and in addition
allows it to accumulate power resources
others; the organization compels of the parties to resort sufficient to permit the
tactics
procedures. It is part of the of the masses. One seeks to vie holder of the throne to meet his
fer his position to his heirs. understandable desire to trans¬
to the means of autosuggestion turn into formal parades Inheritance title takes the place
of personal leadership selection.
with another in public displays which the strength of the parties, not all have the same stature as the The heirs of the throne need
designed to demonstrate publicly founders of the dynasty, nor
of earlier days, though the latter could they all fill the bill as
similar to the military review public more deeply because it was for their high calling while stillmany of them lack every talent
couldn't help impressing the being able to hold their posi¬
And doesn't the willingness of the
the monopoly of the prince. expression tion. In this connection the dictates
masses to follow find clear on the occasion of polit¬ instrumental to no small degree. Since thisof mass technique are
each partv readily cast their the leadership position, the fact technique demands
ical elections? The electors of presented to them by their lead- that there is a top leadership
yes vote for the slate of names position in the state and
that the succession to the throne is
the ballot is an implicit declaration clearly regulated by the legal
ers, and besides , casting chosen leader. system is felt to be an advantage
in public affairs which it isn't so easy
of one's willingness to follow the even if in a given case the position to resolve renouncing
seizing the apparatus of filled by the person of the leader. should not be properly
A power group having succeeded in of the masses to follow
i*f
; ;iit*;n ;* -sr,*i r;q?i

willingness It means much that succes¬

sion de jure will spare the populace having
government will enjoy the have been assembled. Given to face the struggle
:ig i; i 3! ; a*i!

until the forces for counteraction for the leadership position. To be

mass technique, this takes a correspond- there must exist an adequate apparatus sure, to make this possible
the cumbersomeness of
F=; ss

will avoid damaging the multitude and the legal and administrative of leadership hierarchy,
ingly long time. Wise leaders
e

attempted by the most passionate system must be such that the

by useless conspiracies, as Prince is relieved of the bulk of the burden
The men of determined ferocity do so automatically continues in its regular of service, which
among the malcontents.
<

of the ruling persons or a system of course. If the holder of

the throne performs the rite of governmental
through attempts on the life representatives of for him to deceive the rank and file affairs, it is easy
terror vis-a-vis the especially prominent
;; ;:*gili: : it

all the more severe reac- of the gullible populace

into believing that he is indeed the leader
government power, but this only elicits which their power provides this way for some time, provided that the tasks walking ahead. In
tions on the part of the rulers forGandhi in India, where the too at handare not
them with the necessary means. peaceful resistance, a
difficult, the
neplace the personal well-established office of the leader may
English can't be got at by force, attempts off following by the the masses to follow. leader without shaking the willingness of
form of passive resistance which cuts
masses. The final decision is prepared for by the quiet work of Masses at least for a Dazzled by the splendor of the office, the
while may be
ruler of the people's mental icance and even the unworthiness ofdeluded as to the insignif¬
, 3r :*=it

public opinion, which deprives thesome day matters have developed the person occupying the
disposition to follow them, until throne. As soon as the principle of legitimacy has
leaders have won the willingness of
to the point where the rival that thev may dare doing battle or
the minds, the most magnificent success of a great
taken root in
not suffice any more to elevate him minister will
the populace to follow, so really fight any more. The restora- to the position of the prince
perhaps don't even have to which the latter occupies by succession, for the minister could
tion of the Stuarts by General Monk provides
an example for this. n°t count upon
g
A

the masses' willingness to

follow him. A
174 175
Richelieu and a Bismarck
__
performed their great feats in such a

—
by general custom he has been exempted
from the need to do his

Pv o
P'
—

; P.o
5(J 5
(t ^ 0)
there¬

croj o
O0JP.
rr{:E way as to subordinate own reasoning and whenever practicable is
and could do so in no other

-ir
o90
protected from social

oro

o^'!
(rlP
i<o the

F^*
way
ruler as his advisers. Standing in

Dvp
frictions and collisions. One gets over the

oo o+
<5

or!

d_:
Os do
selves to the legitimatethe personal leaders of the historical enjoyment of the peculiarities of one's fact that here the
background ,
, they vie re own nature

{uo
is diminished

'f.
Only when the historical

oo
where the advanced public affairs do no longer quite
CDJ

occupant of the leadership position. choosing the leader through

dct

o
:
individual a contemplative lingering. The greater permit the

^
leadership of the dynasty fails will uniformity of
play again, even for the English and American conditions
personal selection be able to come into founded in the speed with whichrelative to our continent is

cr

o
C+

P d
o
o
0)
$ o1a

I
state.

iH*siqissfiil T;;'iill;rlll l;1il;;ltl;: i

top management of the material

r
e advances are made
F

there. One has the feeling that

coming from Europe to the United time is money. The stranger

rt
l#
t;
at;t;*;:l;a*r tilgqi[il;ll;;-ir:;sra:ri
F
himself capable of adjusting to States only gradually finds
3. The Papal Power minutely regulated public order. Inthe often pedantically and
j

as historical on September 15 one puts away the summera number of American cities
Papal leadership, too , can only be understood
;'E':
3i?s83P*Flqfi i3[**f;lsHSSlsEi5'EsHgsg;-iil

winter hat, and this "one" doesn't meanstraw

;';;rniii;lt*i4;et-;#3#$ hat and dons the
-i:**ril;;€fi= d;[; q3[;;itF;il=;i;ir15ii;

occupied by decrepit
leadership. The Holy See has sometimes been its splendor was so which in America doesn't set itself apart just "high society,"
and incompetent and even by wicked men but from the rest of soci-
world and t' the hierarchical apparatus ety , but the whole public, including
,

radiant in the Catholicefficiently that the papacy lost nothing

the petty bourgeois, and the
worker, and the farmer out in the countryside
continued to operate so broad masses , although surely the judg- the hat on such a fixed date gives people as well. Changing
irur

of its prestige with the Rome of able to find the needed hat ready for sale the assurance of being
deceived when he beheld the histor-
ment of a Luther could not be position in stores. The bunch¬
the Renaissance. The pope's
is so consolidated ing of demand saves costs to the
pope, while a great from this as well through a lowerseller, and the buyer benefits
ically that it accommodates even the evil extraord inary impres¬

_
price. In addition, one is
will create a downright sure not to stand out, as it may happen if
pope occupying it
leader through his one
hat too long or pulls out the winter hat too wears the summer
;!

sion. Of course, the pope is a historical leadership arrived visitor, not knowing yet the early. The newly
office even when he does not have an authoritarian cadence of American society,
illir'

support in the hlstor- may in this case hardly deem the advantages
personality. His power has its ultimate Catholic multitude to subor- important enough to make it plausible of uniformity to be
readiness of the
ically cultivated
dinate themselves to the pope, elected
as Peter's successor. could have become so generallv binding. for him how the custom
Nor can its compelling
made powerful by this histor¬ power be explained by the
Even the weak or unworthy pope was strongest popes, who believed may be explained only fromcircumstances of this single case, but
*uir

to the
By its sweeping conformity the
ical fact, and it was given whole context of American life.
calling, to appeal with maximum
in their spiritual leadership of the masses to follow. It
this life must be geared to making
possible their orderly movement for
effect to the existing willingness
Canossa forced the ruler of millions of people and a still morea rapidly
rapidly growing number of
was thus possible that Gregory VII in that Innocent III erected material values. growing number of
;*;;l

submission and As the .masses

the German Empire into
world. The readiness of the masses of following on a large scale , th ey must be prepared for uniform
the papal rule over the support for their leader- smallest scale. are so also on a small and
believers offered to them the technicalway of thinking for the dynastic
ship role, as does the dynastic
The willingness to follow the anonymous
o ffice. create the impression that a person acts of powers is such as to
g*i;iff;riii;
[;;'r[r liii**
la;nlii:itiii

knowing all of his weak- wi.11. But it isn't , and can't be, so. It his or her own free
The cardinals choosing the pope, by him through criminal occurred to millions of American city could never have
nesses and perhaps having been bought off dwellers to change their
votes, as soon as he has been chosen hats precisely on September
simony in order to get their weight of his position
15: one would have done so earlien
and another one later. The exact
are no less overwhelmed by the historicalworld. The election of proves the intervention of concurrence of the date clearly
the Catholic
than are the multitudes of
different from leadership rigon. It happens that people a social command of pronounced
the pope by the cardinals is something not only makes the
who
the custom-offending hat knocked off do not conform to the date get
election by companions, for the election their head.
chosen one the leader within the small
circle of the College of excess of crass arrogance, This is an
which again proves the power of the
him up to the seat of Peter and elevates him general custom, though.
One sees in the conduct of the person
Cardinals but raises visible to the whole world, high infringing the general custom a
to the succession of Peter, calls for blunt punishment. Thedisdain of the social will,
above the heads of the cardinals, who thence have ceased being same respect of the social which
will
soon as Sixtus V was elected he became the ter- which here manifests itself so coarsely
his fellows. As only just had belonged. anonymous power to the benefit of society and insolently exerts its
ror of the College to which he aspects of life. Law, ethics, in the most important
and freedom must be in a happy
state where the public everywhere is so rapidly and emphatically
Powers as Historical Powers Present in order to put into their place those who offend the
PHP6p, t'

4. The
a
F)

Anonymous
{o
a
F
Fl
o

general commands.
powers. By the histor¬
The anonymous powers are historicalbecome so entrenched that
€
9oo

?<Bg'
* n6 o9s
+cr:J tD 0)
<+5 e,:.5 o

masses they have Anonymous powers can never be lacking

,o99!

ical education of the

F.9

TP

in a crowd who sense their directionin leaders. Those

? So
^!{

Persons
U,P, Cits.

r.O
0),1 0F)

has become commonplace

(i rtr

'oao

the willingness of the masses to follow

55 5o

:rPmctl

ii;3r;

th e most strongly are

^
5

has contributed its

{

again jjatural leaders the rest. In order to point the

technique
Way by their exampleofthey
.=4

and a matter of course. Mass

o 0)

.
J

d^

correct
\'

as a relief that
oD

senses
'J-

share to this result. Every individual need not possess exquisite leadership
!--
P.

,^

176 177
qualities, because their leading the way is not in search of new

;iliiitl;;?ili;a;;: : ;;i;11,i['qi'?ii: a;riili ll:tii ffiil

r iH Air$iquPi
*rr;rr;;i';s
can be combined with the

:IillllliEliiilBii 1i, iiiiiilllllllilttlilii *11li1:ill11

goals, but they continue to advance on proven paths, and by theiÿ tested old because it is
determined perseverance they keep the masses together on them.
charac
. .ter. When the masses imitate the
historical
of related
For this purpose it suffices that in one respect or another they
stock of power- of the people successful model, the
is
enriched.
rise a bit above the average. Whereas the strong leader is
needed for a truly new accomplishment, the anonymous leader with
his more limited strength will suffice because he sticks to the
historically tested and can count upon the willingness of the
masses to follow. Most of the anonymous leaders would hardly
have the courage of walking ahead if the power of tradition had
not made them suÿe of themselves and if they didn’t hold the firm
expectation that they will not lack the backing of the masses.
ilii;-;r
The anonymous powers grow up little bv little. The commands
i;

given by them have not at all been the common property of the
multitude ‘in their totality and from the beginning. Perhaps they
counted only in the minds of few excellent persons or only in the
igs rg3r$ilq6gil:B*pFs

higher strata, and perhaps it required the uncompromising inter¬

vention of a spiritual or secular lawgiver and many years of
strict discipline in order for them finally to become deeply
rooted in the masses. For numerous prescriptions of more refined
custom we can retrospectively trace with great clarity the path
;ia;iii;lffiiiiilll: li| ;flilllllliiil

they had to traverse from the cream of society all the way down
to the depths of the populace. The development of writing was
the admirable work of generations of leaders, and even after a
people’s system of writing had become consolidated, its use for a
long, long time still remained the secret of a narrow group of
adepts who starkly stood out against the multitude. Today the
children of the poorest are duty-bound to learn how to read and
write, and in its schoolteachers society has available for ele¬
mentary instruction an army of lower-level leaders who rise lit¬
tle above the level of anonymous leaders. In many middle-class
families the mother provides her children with the rudiments of
knowledge, as a truly anonymous leader following good tradi¬
tion. With every cultured people the luxury laws have long
become unnecessary. A large majority is no longer in need of
them because the historically accustomed-to anonymous powers
suffice in order to preserve a life style of healthy customs.
Where anonymous powers have entrenched themselves in the
depth of the masses the social system becomes steady and
x[?E r1! ?q+liE d isgHg

secure. With peoples of reduced or otherwise scant vitality the

danger of torpor or standstill looms, whereas with peoples who
still have the strength for further development the steadiness
and security of the foundation will be an advantage for develop¬
ment. One is protected against precipitate turns where the con-
servative sense of the masses refuses to follow. The historical
line of development has been drawn for once, and the progress one
makes moves in the same direction. A people whose national char¬
acter has been formed historically has its line of fate marked
out by it. It can enjoy life to the full, but fundamentally it
cannot change its ways anymore. Its leaders will have to be
nationally oriented in order to find the masses willing to follow
them, conditioned as they are by the historically active anony-
mous powers. Not that the anonymous powers are incapable of any
development! In a people capable of development they, too, reg-
ister progress. Anonymous leaders do not reject everything new*
of course. Examining and weighing carefully, they accept what

178
179
 Law of advantage in having; the subjugated persons perform
XII. The Historical Work of Force and the

Tq
t; rtl;; iil diti t;$1 l:;:;+li,n*' t: _i
iti];*i ]i;ii l= i
;
'i;;u ti:i*=;i;*;*; li r
itself. The idea to recover hy the work of another person, work for
Decreasing: Force and
to augment one's own strength by the strength of the
it first emerged was not antisocial, but it was the other, wh en

l;
?+";?o:i:E*;:g ll'_s lii.o?=*t1;{l;
:r3ll;liE
From "helium omnium contra omnes" to the
Free People's State constructive
1. l; idea of society. Now states could be founded, world empires
could spring up, the chaos of incessant and
social being, Romain fruitless wars on a
While according to Aristotle man is a

;ii
small scale could be resolved by development on a large
to present-day man with his high
Rolland's Clerambault refers beast In a first crude selection by sheer force the weak peoples scale.
o

c;Ana-5;-

of prey. The two assertions, are

S

level of culture as still a definitively rejected while the strong

;;;i+ ones are lifted up. By a

-r:: 5c.q

contradict each other, can never-

.-r-'.ip:-l:'"3F6

however sharply they appear to more refined selection subsequently those among
theless be reconciled, and history can be understood only if one the strong peo¬
ples who are capable of raw force only are separated
history as a beast
Man entered
knows how to reconcile them. already
into
calling for a social
of noble stock who have in themselves the calling forfrom those
himself he had the and from this derive the superior forces culture.
of prey, but in gradual transforma- cannot endure. Attila's realm falls apart without

l1=j
The work of history consists of the
which a state
being . being. This
;o'1r'o

into a social with the death of the

tion of the predacious animal in manonly brute who founded it, and nothing is left but
'368 -:JF9

by the firm pressure of the rubble of end¬

g{ti

education, which could be initiated less destructions. Alexander's empire is divided up among his
by predatory man at the dawn of history, is weaker successors, but it nevertheless
force, as practiced an essential share
still far from complete, and force still has components thanks to the vigor of Hellenic remains intact - - in its
the Roman people through centuries dominates culture. The realm of
*ti:1ii1=;lg;* E',rig

even today.
5

in it
basin and, like before it the Greek city states,the Mediterranean
j#lq
was already discussed what the people's strength to use the sword flags. lapses only when
--1; i

In the preceding sections it of history. Let us

YS

beginnings But until then,

tasks force has performed in the what a blossoming of the finest forces of the mind!
+ *J-tco

briefly recapitulate these arguments in order to show subse¬ the sword and the vigor of the mind mutually The power of
continued to attend to and is still attend¬ That the small nations of the Greeks and the served each other.
quently what work it
5'€

the world was possible because their warlike Romans could conquer
ing to.
ir e igie:1

{6'";

spirit was at the

j it;il::=ts

same time the carrier of antique culture in comparison

beings were hordes, with which
lg[r*;fi:qg[;

The first communities of life of humanunited by consanguin¬ all other peoples looked like barbarians,
3.'19.1d'

family, who were but for their culture

herdlike expansions of the of the kind of expan¬
to have blossomed as it did, it took the fiery
breath of battle
ity. These human hordes were not capable and the sun of victory. What straining
with animal herds. They were much more demanding people was indeed necessary to endure of every nerve of the
sion found buffalo herds which the war against the
populations or the
Jg -o SSB'

li3;"

than, sav , the bee or ant Persians and Hannibal, and what an excess of
flowering plains. On soil not yet vital energies had
feed on the grass of the much space in indeed to be set free after victory
developed by the achievements of culture man needs struggle a matchless work of historicalhad been won! In this
the necessary food, and from generation to genera¬ pleted, no less severe than fertile, and self-education was com¬
order to find
3 9.3

new blood have to break away from the the triumph of victory
tion the additions of subsist- pulsed through the most magnificent
mother tribe in order to look some place afar for their tecture which the world has seen. works of sculpture and archi¬
;'31g

;jis;

The separation need not be prolonged for the senti-

ence base.
I

ment of consanguinity to ebb away. Only too soon the hordes have Young peoples of noble stock which have
3J'A

':i

another, and the struggle for existence taken possession of

become strangers to one drives them to an all-
old cultural realms complete their .self-education by imitating
which all have to wage against nature the attainments which they learn by observing
of horde against horde, which is the true histor¬ Conversely, the defeated barbarians lifted themselvesthe vanquished.
,lg

around battle
ts. 1

iD
c"Jo
+' C)
5

of that
pJo

r,9 3O
<trt -bJ
ocr

omnes,
dO
P.l)

contra up by the
Ad

omnium
5J

belluro
<2
()J

ical manifestation of that

,-

great models of the victors

J

political scientists which they

of the language Greek culture spread saw before them. By means
fight of all against all, oÿ which earlieryielded no food, what
n

0)
-.5 o = o.+
OJ J,

in the east of the antique

.DJ

talked. When forests or fishing the grounds

3g

world , nay, it was even able to

'o

1
.1
-1

loot from the neighboring of the victorious people of Rome intrude into the educated strata
t

was more natural than to obtain

.^ .a
: .r

o
1\

a5p

J'-''1
e.tA

3*.'1d

while Roman culture nationalized

6 ! *r-
d

one had to fear that

i'rio
< I JJ'iD:

tribe, which did not deserve mercy because the west. The community of language
Hr

-r,6 !

or greed had
J o --J.!

internal peace which united all the and custom; the security of
-

itself as soon as distress

.fl< (9

start preying
p.pF..f€

it would
.a<
<J

was introduced the earlier war of all against all wasvanquished

p.!"

the law of force and relative to

A)

Thus
^5

temptation!
.- f,.

led it into only rarely interrupted by

into history. extortions of governors and sporadic revolts;
t.
FrJ--.^

perity during peace; and the the economic pros¬

-^JP,t.

from family to soci- diversity of intercourse throughout

12

It is this law which opens the pathneighbor's the vast realm brought home
,Dv1a\P

^o
D{

possessions, the noblest fruit of historical edu-

JY

for the
.i
aD

ety. In this sense the craving

J o

cation, namely, general confidence and common

-.tl

l 't
r
t
<
.i

for his land, and for his wife is theexploits first social stirring- noblest fruit of common sensibility in turn was sensibility. The
a-

<LA
o
.'
1 a,

his victory to
1

the feeling of
However, as long as the victor still humaneness which flourished alongside a purified
i! J
a
5 !J
-J<

one still
DH
oo

FO
--

enemy,
XO

offspring of the sen se. As in all world empires, religious

'-a

exterminate all the male

ajc<D:x #'Y o
i-.

3
J

remains within the narrower concept of blood

association, the world religion developed. In this in the Roman empire, too, a
X ig ..5O

made only when the defeated

+
1

._. F +.0

succession a necessity, a law,

--J 1+

decisive turn toward society beingstrong Is hidden. The Roman

"<'
rt 0) ts'<

for people would have sword had to pave the way for Christianity,
f

victorious people which

oo".^0)

enemy is turned into a slave. The

P.r
oC{?e'
'D !r('o

pp:JiI.

growing weary had no ear for its message as long as they

subjugates large numbers of peoples couldn't help were
1950
ouo.l

\$n.+v
>^
Jao

r'-

separated by the
-:,"+a

insurmountable wall
P.3*f.
P'!i+

recognize horn of foreignness and were

of exterminating its adversaries and had to by interminable
d-t

{
5

fights. Even later

h

when the church had

180 181
 powerful it was in addition to the sermons of populace, fop he expects the people to comply
already grown grateful loyalty and that success will enhance with his wishes in
qrk it sent out to the heathens still in
the missionaries whom implement the measures designed to promote his authority. To
need of a sharp sword. people he doesn't hesitate to resort to the welfare of the
only the task of the appears salutory to him. To be sure, it coercion, for coercion
It follows that without force not
been
lfliiii1;i+qss
founding of states but also that
initiated. Only
of the
through
creation
force
of culture could
was it possible to it not natural that in its historical time
is predominantly legal
and moral coercion with which he strives to attain his goals. Is
leadership by the
neve'1 have of the barbarian, and ruler accomplished a great task?
sense of independence In this leadership force
overwhelm the defiant the vast expanses in becomes aware of its constructive qualitv.
only through force was it possible to pacify and began to view ruler , bv allying itself with the public weal,The egotism of the
being strangers
which millions forgot about fellow-beings, as individ- ing the largest possible political succeeds in reap¬
each other as fellow-citizens, as return as long as the aspira¬
that the old historiog¬ tions for freedom have not come fully into their
uals. It is, therefore, understandable and state actions, about this time it performs the role which later, when own yet. During
raphers tell us only about battles
At that time the fates of peoples were tions have fully developed, the egotism of producersthese aspira¬
princes and generals. in a compet¬
primarily decided on the battlefield, and it was force which then itive market performs. Incidentally, a
social powers. Only very gradually, no means absent in political life either,competitive streak is by
shaped all the pervasive grow strong enough to tion for the external signs of power but it is the competi¬
alongside force, did the spirit of culture
turn to shape pervasive social powers which of the ruler its passionate tension. which imparts to the egotism
be able in its stage. Histori¬
increasinglv filled the foreground of the world
history of culture A great many peoples, including all the
iIfrgfi

ography which tries to confine itself to the to be fought through been historically ruined by one form or anotherAsiatic ones, have
misses the gist of the millenia which had of coercive lead¬
before an assured level of culture had been won which could be ership. Soon the people under the burden
resorting to force. became exhausted. The ruling families becameof their sacrifices
maintained and developed without ful, and soon these became enervated themselvesexcessively power¬
the more the and ruler fell prey to new despots. This fate so that populace
The more force and culture interpenetrate,
Q!;*p.3iillillalgiu[}ri;ilt3l*irssE"

of force is transformed into finer European peoples of fine stock during Antiquity also befell the
originally rude manner it aims as ical task overtaxed even their energies. The as their histor¬
shapes. At the outset, in its wild beginnings, peoples of modern
mercilessly at the destruction of the enemy. Europe, which could continue to build on the
shown earlier there was to be by them, were better off, and for the foundations created
Later , after having robbed him of whatever him. Finally, however, it preserve the physical and mental health most part they were able to
robbed, it is content with subjugating necessary in order to
permit the victor to exploit advance to the height of despotic leadership
finds forms of subordination which his power grows at an democratic state. With these peoples despotic and thence on to the
the enemy on a continuing basis so that leadership had
passes over into coercive completed state building to the extent that
increased pace. At this point force the subjugated masses, and tution could follow and had to follow. It a democratic consti¬
leadership. The ruler demands from historical task by having trained the subjectshadforperformed its
enforces, a following in the form of all kinds of tribute which their civic
serviceable to his purposes. This is duties whereupon their civic rights could no
he just happens
higher
jects.
plane by
to
the
find
done by the lord vis-a-vis the
ruler or
slave
the
or
Whereas the lord still keeps the slaves under
vassal, this is done on a
ruling class vis-a-vis the sub¬

the
bondage
ruler has
_
from them. In society the law of greatest
and as soon as the citizens had
The transition to a free state
longer be withheld
strength holds true,
political commun ity the greatest been educated for life in the
strength was lodged with them.
their strength,
because mistrust makes him restrain
letting the subjects go where a peaceful transformation with subsequently took place partly in
risen to the idea of personally develop according to their type, by the ruling dynasties and abandonment of their prerogatives
they please and, by letting them marks the ingly yielded their place toclasses, which willingly or unwill¬
to augment their performance. Enlightened absolutism becoming a means of partly by the use of force. But
the rising popular movement, and
zenith of leadership by coercion, coercion force was on the side of the
or Peter the Great were still populace as soon as the armv
advancement. Charles the Great greatness were so combined that they origin. One way or another, the
had become aware of its popular
tvrants in whom violence and princely realms everywhere we re
were viewed as mighty by theirleading contemporaries. Frederick the transformed into national realms, and at the same time the
Great or Emperor Joseph are rulers who deliberately courtly or lordly culture turned into
by the intellectually leading national culture, carried
devote themselves to tasks conducive to promoting their domin¬ stratum of the middle classes. The
is judicious egotism of the ruler modern national cultures are full-blown
ion. Enlightened absolutism grows in proportion to the and splendor by no means cultures, in substance
power
who understands that his own claims leader¬ lordly cultures of the pastless important than the most brilliant
strength of the populace. The enlightened prince him by God but they are not peculiar merely and superior to them by the fact that
1ili[1il;:
P.-!

ship as his dynastic personal right, bestowed on to limited favored strata, but
the dutv to use his power for belong to the whole educated
at the same time imposing on him he always interprets from the populace
all the forces dormant in the depths and can bring to fruition
the benefit of the state, which tree people's state, not only does culture of the populace. In the
5 < O O

viewpoint of his power, of course. When he appoints the top get a firm base but
nevertheless does not want to the state itself is more secure in
civil servant of his state being convinced that
he
he has to have state was geared to a narrow ruling its existence. As long as the
renounce his right to govern, to that of this class. When its class its fate had to be tied
an unlimited right to the office in order to attain complete
Qouldn't help exhausting itself in vigor was exhausted
—
HB

of the and it
success. He does not shrink from developing the strength the endless battles which it
o

182 18?
 had to fight to maintain its rule
the state came to an end as
— classes. Many voters do not participate in elections at all but,

-J :l O o qi,lq F.
P,

t,o da,
3.' -'6 5 1 FIH)

il
d
=D<0)^ HD O )q
O
d

i
P.3 i 5 u Pc.
oE{ $ -€ Jl) in peace is likely to as long as they are not challenged to the utmost,

-- "'m:fO0)rr
united

o'b5
great people

5i.
well. The energy of a
i+r'-Jp O !J O they are will¬

-5.ro.+
.i2=
D r
world empire had been ing to submit to any ruler chosen by
tsN.+! .
Roman

3 JO
last for a rather long time. If the
mass in the populace. Even of those election;

-
they are the dead

p0:j1,sD0:

*t'D.t=,i..
p,H,
rr. 5 rC O
a freely united nation, it

--rJ c.=
:!D; -€5oil
empire, the realm of voters who
national world many are nothing more than mere ballast which cast the ballot

o
of the Goths and Huns, of the

-
-J:lXF-J-JC
would have repelled the assaults forth depending on the inclinations of the ship moves

OJ
back and

35c-
forcefully than those of the

ot*;-o
=o;+i
. JJ \u.i
Vandals, no less of s ta te. For

5;
P-JO.ld

Franconians and the

P.O

ruling Roman tribe was many voters the franchise is a right whose
Cimbri and Teutons, at a time when the
t -
ts.:5 exercise taxes them

o !!
r-
PJi

far too much. One is able to exercise it according

'
prime. to its true
ca

still in its

!.
sense only if one is able to fulfill the crucial function of the
masses, which is to control the leader. How
Coercion in the Free People's State
_ case! Whole groups of voters submit without rarely is this the

lE
l-
l-
ld
l3

lS
resistance to the
l{

rrll: ;;:"i i=J?+;"z:4rdi'I o+ l:

"l-i sie r l:
v

-Fi.- I'lg

2. I
means of force used by an unscrupulous despotic government, or

-P;--.o
is a task reserved
"T i'" =;;;{E iq E

they blindly follow the slogans given to

1

Even in the freest people's state there

o o i ?-d**T-

is i
leadership which knows how to bait them them

t'B
by a demagogic
=! q-i {;
as certain mad
3

:93 l"-.J.i;:
Freedom is not absence of rule, through flatteries,
for coercion.

t3'F'-
as well must marshal deceitful words, and irresponsible representation of their
n-Ju J-t

enthusiasts have thought, and a free people prox-

5

objectives. This calls

jlsl: s3 3 3.3 P;':-'cfE 3e133

imate narrow interests.

its total strength for a series of life without compulsion. To it one might apply Faust's saying
-3*AB
It
i'.'i6f,,3.'p::;?.1

guaranteed ab out th e weaver piece: "No voter knows what he is voting

for unity, which cannot be
qigS
{l[q *Bq.I i"1'.r *J;"

of human beings can arrive for." The election, which according to

defies all probability that millionsif everybody's decision were
I
not only unfree for all groups of votersthe law is to be free, is
= 3.i3 {ii.a

at their decisions without friction

J..ro o 5-;t -'.+-'

--i'-=;f
3B *

who evidently are under

?i5'3
is distin¬
entirely at his discretion. The free people's state external constraint, but also for those others who

—
":
it is an assoc iation by ballot under moral constraint or fill out the
state in that
guished from the autocratic
— as often it would be more
ooq".-.],gj

?3 lg-";:,-i;q:

fundamentally coheres by moral coercion, whereas the correct to say under the immoral constraint by the leading
q,=rq

which
" :.3lg

force companions. For the latter the election,

was held together by external
6';' ) d'as6':.
autocratic state fundamentally
il'

secret according to the law, takes place inwhich is supposed to be

'-;

which binds together the asso¬

s

compulsion. The communal spirit, the public eve of the

Jo)3.+1

exposed to the pressure of strict party accompanied by the most efficacious

?l+3i'::

ciation by force, in turn is vis-'a-vis the state is controls which a

:r:' +iq;; gSf =l 'ilil,*,,i*'.6

i-
"i :l!;'i-J-

The will of the individual people-oriented leadership can devise.

social powers. the democratic constitution in its effectWhere this is the case,
-o

One still vields

1g'l:.,*

not as free as is his private contractual will. must

*13 * q;

a liberal one to one characterized by the use ofbe converted from

:
I'-"

latter is now devoid of everything

to the state's power, but the over to a coercive constitution which, relative force, and more¬
o,l' i

, evervthing brutal , and appears in the mellow form of to the coercive

violent
..-l-ls

the state as an associa¬ constitutions of the strong old times, has the peculiar
=rllil

moral or legal force. One is born into feature

.+olilc

;iA' ::ia;"';+ iiiffr

it one has' to go along

l : jilrjlr+

once one belongs to that an inferior minority coerces. It is

tion bv force, and of affairs becomes untenable in the long clear that such a state
3'

paths. The minor itv must yield to

with it on all its collective
o

cannot get rid of it any more by itself butrun, but still society
:.

not to collapse, but where community

:

state is
r*;=i

if the
ii;3;;iiiii:l
l

the major itv willingly, of requires a democratic

Caesar type in order to accomplish the change with
submits
i;ii{;;

the minority
lfiil;

spirit really prevails

course. The poll for elections and in the parliament is a more cunning. When such a Caesar learns the tricks of violence and
demagogy he
longer compete with
:E*i;,:?

form of combat: the parties no exercises its power in order to release the
civilized of course, are almost energies of the populace and to bring to inhibited prolific
arms but with words, and since theownlatter, party, they ultimately com¬ stalled law of greatest strength. bear again the fore¬
always spoken on behalf of one's
=i gi;,ii1

pete with the numbers of their adherents. for The parties must be
=a;t*

completely at one with respect to the love rule the common state In free states club activities have become free.
In th e
— —
t;::;g

and this thev are, indeed, under the of the communal strict autocratic state things were different. A prince who
in order thus to replace the war with a mere war reallv wanted to be the absolute ruler in the
sp ir i t the corporations of the elites, except that end had to destroy
:[u|xt

Where thev are no longer at one, the gambling

table is
game. even the strongest
up set , and the earnest of arms must again settle
the issue. Then prince could never fully
dominate the church.. But although the
force again does its job.
autocratic state was lacking in political associations, profes¬
sional associations and other interest groups
laiiiniiaji;;i

were all the more

of political life and frequently represented. They all had to have in
?::. :;;;. i r

i;;
riir $iilji;;
: ;:ii1i9,q* :.:

He who sees through the realities

*ilii; i: it*;

customary cliches sees how ment of coercion in order to be able to keep them some ele¬
imagines to lift the veil of the their place and
which quite many of the their cohesion in the bustle of
extensive is the addition of force under casts to the religious orders andlife. From the sexes and the
d'3;i:: qr; ii j
a;

const itu-
*iii*:i::'r

provided themselves with their

states exist which
pure
have
democratic formula. Not infrequently the was the same drive to keep aloof fromthe guilds, everywhere there
alien matters and to commit
tion under the will of a minor- oneself through firm rules which derived
majority rules by force or. even worse, only the their compelling force
To exer¬ from an enhanced community spirit. Our modern
ity greedy for power and posing as the majority counts. something for the legal form of clubs have become quite loose associations in
cise their franchise
all, could they have
according

after a
to
which the masses in many places have not matured
their
history
has taught them only dull resignation? A historical
maturity the
own
which
will

innate
is
yet. How, after
through generations
education of
strength of the
joining and leaving are free and
_
ole association there operates a moral
formally in that
Set rid of their legal obligations.members by exiting can always
Nevertheless, in every via-
constraint which is sup-
Ported bv a feeling of solidarity. Not merely
the kind which brings to reflection but the
social instinct alive in every group demands that
has been obtained only by specially privileged peoples,
is

people privileged one not disas-

!-l

s°ciate himself from his companions. Even

and even within these for the most part only by the the weaklings,
*

never
184 185
 wage their battles without bloodshed, although from
who are too undecided or too indolent to
absent from any group,initiative,
time to time

=[,
i::
E
")

$siBiiqE#3ept*frli
they may experience relapses

oi--;H *.I 6 -ntX 9 rcq

3r-F*HsiiIxl;-:iE*;
r3eE
N O O P 5 5'J 0a Pd
5 Cto) 0J o o o to the use of force. When the power
5A)O

3H;"itx;:*e
are swept along by their envi¬
P.n €Gt< tsP^. o p5
own

"-u:gE :f_S g
of their

- ca
go along
to them and which by the way ambition of the state impels it to raise the tribute
movement is imparted demanded of
t
ronment, whose
O <<15Oc \'crI
its citizens in treasures and blood

lfE15.sfl=FEsplg
O ts crL. (, E o I

has at its disposal the strongest social means of coercion, the scope of public
duties exDands, and at the same time the idea of public legal

;:g;ttlE$*o;,'n
likes to
namely, the judgment of the companions. The individual duties takes deeper roots the more citizens feel inwardly legal

ili;3f
social duties, content if only he can commit.-
cr OOOOO

absolve himself from his ted to the state. Here, too, the mode of coercion
companion he demands
Now the feeling develops increasingly toturns
*
enjoy the social advantages, but of his legal form. into
categorically that he fully meet his cooperative duties. To be duty-
bound not only to the individual person one has to deal
i
the rationale of
5(D 5FoJ

allow another person free play militates against also to the abstract, invisible general public. The with,
oDO;P5rO-

but
aerH33si
the crowd once it starts moving. As soon as the cooperative sense of
O P'ro P 0) ct (, ct

duty develops most strongly in public

il"
sentiment has been passionately aroused it is prepared to push office.
greatest interest in committing its employeesThe state has the
:=:3"#H1
5 Ct < 5 5 O. o 5

the constraint of solidarity to the extreme ofwill physical terror, during war and
\eu6^UC-'3F.

peace as firmly as possible. Externally, it provides

O <OK:yo3)i

then be vio¬
ii i6 .i = o<
the internally pent-up excess of energies them with a
?-9q 7=

and position of prestige which in their professional

o P 5 DO5
{ PF'Fcro

within the
lently discharged externally. In political rivalries,
is always passion not infrequently abuse, but on the other hand itarrogance they
parties and even more so between them, there subordinates
OOOcrcr

kind of them strictly to its directive control. Every developed

involved,# and correspondingly there is at least some state
I e
E
SParn

has performed a great task of historical education bv

elbow law in force, with the provision that when
all is said and to encourage its employees
—— knowing how
-

abstracting from isolated excep¬

done one may proceed to the use of open force.
?
.?

tions which can't be avoided

O.

to fulfill their official duties

in an impartial and selfless manner. The true officer
true public servant have a strong feeling of professionaland the
3. The Law of Decreasing Force within the State and the People and fulfilling their official duty to them honor,
Fl

lc
0)
o
o
5
t-
{
F
o

becomes a duty of
still con- honor. What one could say of competent nobles
In spite of all these admixtures of force which "noblesse oblige," they could express for equally by the phrase,
=$- "r
y 'E.

.[5'5-9'-ia -; ..lq'-

3'.0) -o,
cf

o
316 [g i3 3.;.;
o d R'*ol9 ij -
5 H

.o
{*'-i_-,ro
Lo

surveying the course of good reason in

cr .o P...5

people , in
^,

tinue in a free state and reference to themselves by "power obliges." What

f il- FI';.co
F,
crP.O.O ct

o i'

r
Pcj o
5 5

5(D O O O "
Hro 5(D ts.o cig

that the it means to

centuries and millenia one may nevertheless notice
'3'',3,"$

summon up the ethical spirit demanded by the duty of office

Slsl** sn d Oqj"-PJXO 5l:. 3 3^.
ts.o ts.5o 5 e.o c, o o

development within the state and the people obeys a law of dimin- comes
XX'- c o o o cr

out clearly when a revolt drives experienced

rJ PP'A 5 O

ishing force. When force creates and expands areas governed

by a their posts and puts in their place men whom functionaries from
rr=
P5 € O 0< 5 Poq
ctP!'<

and morality planted deep the revolutionary

- F X

tolerable peace, the seeds of law ferment has catapulted into prominence and who now
-E€ii ]= 6
"' ;': *t5-

to unfold more administer the

g *;'X *3:''

....... nature receive an oneopportunity

within human office with all the arbitrariness of factious spirit
cr5 g cr(, HJ€

do

In mutual communication learns how to control him¬ personal or even of

freely. lust..
-
o Ar 5 (D PO

that in
s p6 5.

self and to respect other person, and one realizes

S;H?=-;s::=g;l l*l i<:?R

the
r.p.r *.

the long run legal prudence is stronger than force andsubtilizing

that gen- In its final development the duty of office in the princely
Fg 1;ll|;FFS ^ o f'g

r'*.'B
o5opf

.-.*rP B I *".:'
r.@ P-'-

uine willingness to abide by the law is smarter than most dras¬

fSdcdY

state binds the prince himself as the highest

tD (, o

:y*:r

r{
*P.+p\v

reasoning. The victory of law over force takes place state , a designation which, though it often has servant of the
^
3..
PO

tically in the city, where a capable population through the suc¬ remained an empty
X

phrase only, even then clearly brings

(d

prosperity. The peo¬ to light

cess of peaceful work achieves freedom andprecinct effected by the law of decreasing force in the the great change

_
g,' -'; :,' ; q _.|6,lE f 3'i

i,
lcfoou (A
{ rD OIOCqlc O

';ggi

of a town con¬ course of time.

ts.ts.O O O 5C0 blP.5 PO

ple who reside and are active within the How long has it been since princely
rrgl;;g;l r'is;

impunity the nearest moral precepts, as rulers

O O crts.Fr)O 5, lN tD {

Subsequently sentiment and name of the could flout with

gregate as citizens.
** sr}rs'::4il[Tl[

and the sentiment far as their person

citizen of a city extend to state citizenship, Who in the world should have prevented them was
5 *lDlp.0q

fellow-being as soon
concerned?
of a fellow citizen is elevated to that of a doing so? The church, which alone could from
la *: P fH'6

gain ground in the human hearts. But have done so, was mag¬
as the world's religions nanimously tolerant of the prince who showed
-85;,I'x [ +$9il;;

where law and morality are binding, there is no longer compre¬

any need The Italian prince might use bandits without any affection for it.
: 3' ifli=x :ra$5::

for force because they discharge the tasks of force more could, as far as female members of his family were scruples. He
hensively, more purely, and more lastingly. The arms which can had violated the honor code of the house concerned who
5 5f

One does or were suspected of

now be dispensed with are at rest and fall into disuse. having committed this offense, practice
3€ x -3sB€, x *E

without self-help, which the completely free man nature, at the dawn of of justice of a kind which was not arbitary administration
too far removed from murder
f:i

and the
cr5

history had practised as being in accord with while absolving himself of the command,
5{

rulers of the state contribute their share to promoting the feel¬ adultery." Still more striking was the fact "You shall not commit
q
O
P'l O O 5crODcf{55o

O 5 5 5 O 5
crOlJ ts.5g

ing of peace by disarming the populace for the sake of their each
own haughty nobility and the populace exonerated that even the most
t;- ti'*"6
5

ssfsE-3

power. At the end, as a result of human beings trusting mistress in him; the princely
O O

f g3-pn

many countries had

other and getting along together, peaceful work becomesloses so much state. In no profession was thealmost become a fixture of the
p5o5{mPa

the normal state of affairs that walking about in arms

its father and mother," violated morecommand, "You shall honor your
even lords and knights who are still permitted to than in the princely one! How often,frequently and more grossly
Vt

sense and that

$[ri
t_. R,

bear arms do so only for decorative or symbolic purposes, until tn his irresistible greed for power theindeed, did it happen that
crP.(t(,

par¬ son reached out his hand

;t'

in the end they likewise discard them. The great political for the crown of his father! The rising
A d\
!i

gradually learn to adjust to the state of peace and to morality is proved by the fact that in the prestige of general
also
T

ties
o

end even
families had to pay at least lip service to it and that sovereign
Mmself, unaccountable according to constitutional law, the ruler
longer disregard could no
- (Tr.) it publicly.
*

of practice of jostling for position.

Ct

o
o
gJ
o
0)
o
o

f
!

186 187
 Force within the State and the People
Relapses into
the victory of the powers of peace over force and that the
4. ventions of force necessary to clear away obstacles in the inter¬

;iriiitrr'[:gliili1[lillillliilllliillili;lElllllE
The h istor iographer must not close his mind to the observa¬ the powers of peace will become increasingly rare and wav of
short..

IIiiliiiiillliIlti Iiilillll1llllriliilillliiillll;1111iii
development of state and
tion that from time to time the peaceful relapses into the use of force,
people is interrupted by terrible religious wars. The opportunity for 5- Force in the Class Struggle
as evidenced in civil and
resorting to force is present time and again as soon as a new
stage of development must be cleared where it is necessary to Will the class struggle, underway for quite some time in
powers which are not culture states and having here and there already the
overcome resistances of the old historical ignited open
willing to adjust to the sense of the times
but only bow to civil war, eventually also ebb away into a settled state of
earlier passage, even peace? The souls of the haves already before civic
force, after all. As was
ideas
their nature are
explained

peace-oriented
strife , if there is no other way. peace
— also
in
such as the religious or the freedom idea
an
tend to win
which in
through by
Such relapses into force,
— very seriously worried, and since the
augmented most brisklv.
the World War were
upheaval anxietv has
A relapse into force is expected, been
more serious and lasting than any ever experienced when culture one
which burst out of an atmosphere of are viewed by sensi- was at its height. Stirred up is not only the worry about prop¬
proof that human nature is repugnant to peace erty and the orderly course of economic
tive observers as
away from its predatory-animal, disposition. But about culture as a whole and about the events, but also worry
ethical system.
and cannot get force is used only as fierceness with which the class struggle is being waged The
precisely in such cases it is apparent that in places
expedient in order to succeed with the idea of peace to which where it has broken into the open gives rise to
fears for the
an is called off no sooner worst if it should become general. Will not the postulate
the heart clings, and, after all, forceThe French Revolution and law of decreasing force be fundamentally belied of a
than its task has been accomplished. once things have
;iili;q,s;:+i s:*,air

Napoleon are a classic example of taken such a turn?

the subsequent dictatorship of in order to elevate a
the job which must be accomplished by force
stage of development which is blocked by internal However they may develop, one must realize that here, too,
state to a new this occasion the revolutionary force does not burst out of some indomitable
On
and external resistances.
passion spent itself to the limit, and it required to rearrange
authority gained by Napoleon through
the unleashed forces. The world echoed with
people who experienced that catastrophe,
his

following generation who still felt its consequences,

victories
even
the imposing
force, and to the
to those of the
it appeared
of force because its peaceful attainment has
yet. This new social undertaking is _
nature, but that it is a new social task which ferocity of human
calls for the use
not been possible as
not launched by the prole-
tariat but is initiated by capital, and the movement
letariat with its incidents of violence. is nothing of the pro-
compared with the tion to the pressure of force which capital but the reac-
as if force had never been more violent. But exerts in carrying
be done in order to found and con¬ out its task. But the capitalist entrepreneur,
historical task which had to the Revolution and its ing such pressure doesn't simply act too, when exert¬
solidate the French state, the period of neverthe¬ from crude selfishness, but
taming by Napoleon, as well as his own despotism, were
he feels urged to it as a social innovator.
of 1848 and the sec¬ happens to be, the accomplishment of As human nature
postlude. The Revolution
less only a short
still considerably less of force because there is no other the task calls for the use
ond empire of Napoleon III interfered Boulanger's attempt ended as must be admitted at this point thatsuccessful way, although it
with the given pattern of life, and human beings have not yet
a farce. In the case of a cultured people,way as soon as force has attained the level of moral development at which the
task could
standing in the of the great move¬ be accomplished on friendly terms.
cleared awav the obstacles from the tyran¬ of modern technology promise returnsThe miraculous achievements
ments, the populace of its own accord turns away of peace again.
whose
economic interest vulnerable to temptations dimensions make the
nic leaders and switches over to the leaders vis-a-vis which this
interest will be able to preserve its moral equilibrium only when
is no longer the advance of social morality has caught
In a closed nation state the fight altogether
llliilligltglillll
?;qriii1;l;1;ii

priorities in social techniques. up with the advance of

aimed at destruction but exclusively turns around
interests are
national life. Since it is felt that the national too long, and it must The new social task which the capitalistic entrepreneur
intimately entwined, the fight cannot last
end with an accord concerning the order of precedence. No state to resembles in its objective and evolution the has
accomplish
has been torn to pieces by of the founding of states, however task
formerly was nationally united different the
The transition from dispersedcircumstances
which all the religious otherwise may be.
the religious wars raging in it. In spite of France, and even
battles England has remained
Germany has remained Germany.
stage of development it may
England
require
and France
Although in every significant
force to put through defini¬
production units to extensive ones

whole economy
— — small-scale
ing to the socialists, must end witha transition which, accord¬
a standardization of the
in the economic realm performs
which in the political realm took place in battlesthe same process
tively the constitutional change which mirrors the new
circum¬ fought through
dictatorship may be called upon from the right centuries for the integration of many small
stances, although
settle the issue, in one. As there, so here, too, the transition states into a large
and the left in order to let blood and iron to greatness and
proved right who employs unity must be brought
the end that great statesman will be
which is necessary to
about by force because the resistance of
historical power cannot be overcome
blood and iron exactly up to the point only highest powers of peace. Pens in the economy under our in any other way. What hap-
unfold all the inner energies of the eyes is a repetition of the typical
rfiq

There is no doubt that the national history of every people which historical accomplishment of force. The forces
preserves its Dhysical and mental health will end everywhere with detected by modern science are of such large dimension of nature
that they
188 189
 Is it astonishing that the rise of
must be utilized on a large scale if the extravagant potential¬ with passionate violence? State and societythe proletariat began

:illili;i';lilllliili
*ii;::*i*[t **i;.tiI li;lall:* ; *s;,H; ! +;fi [:rgi ;iIi:l; lli: :
i
rA
are to be brought to fruition. Why does the failed to do a great many things while doing all a very long time
for

;;iii
ities they open up
majority of manufacturers and wage earners not have an eye for the ethical substance of the proletariat was too much whereby
it not mustered the initia¬
a'dH gtrlrAB r:rileH iIq:iEii33€.3*€
the present possibilities?develop had
Why dogs. Lassalle knew very well what dangerous allowed to go to the
large enterprises out of small force he conjured
tive and the courage to stray manufacturers and wage workers up when he started agitating among
the German proletariat. He
beginnings, as was done by put it emphatically in the motto which
who were lifted up from the rank
enterprising spirit? It can't be the
and file by their bold and
ownership of capital pure
il** work, "Capital and Labor": "Acheronta
set the underworld into motion."
he placed in front of his
movebo," meaning "I will
and simple which bars the manufacturer or the wage worker, for If he had not set it into
motion, somebody else would have done so
successful entrepreneurs have indeed begun with the
how many enterprise for the proletarian masses were so ready to leapinandhis stead, because
irsi
capital of the large-scale
smallest of means! The
only as it kept prospering. couldn't have lacked a leader. As far as the strike that they
the most part has been accumulated not joined concerned, they couldn't stem the movement either. capitalists were
and wage workers
Why has the majority of manufacturers they were too weak? As in opened possibilities were too tempting The newly
together in cooperatives when singly not to have pressed for
action regardless of any misgivings: a force
the process of the founding of states, in the case of this eco¬ which was stronger than any worry that it might had been stirred up
majority of individuals are not able to shake up the
nomic process, too, the
i

taking this path to large social order. In spite of all apprehensions

come to a decision of their own in capital continued
il*;illllii};'i:||ili:ii;if

its irresistible work of economic

nature of things. They are too much
dimensions suggested by the small time is economic upheaval. As in construction, which at the same
attached to the habitual will. scale to be able to leave it his
the peasants to the status of landlesstime the lord had degraded
As in the development of the turer now pressed down the independent workers, so the manufac¬
behind of their own free too, the walking ahead of
state, in the growth of the economy, earning class wherever large-scale craftsmen to the wage¬
in order to over¬
strong leaders is necessary. Also necessary,
coercion and one
— enterprises crowded out those
of small and medium size. At the same
-'i';s

come the obstacles in the wordway, is extreme time capitalists drew to

must not shy away from the
bigness, the total amount of
force. The number of casual¬
during the economic march toward
ties who fell by the wayside suffering involved, border on the
— their enterprises additions to the
population, failing to take
into account that by concentrating them in their plants they also
pointed to them the way of how to get organized
increasing dominion of force, the decreasing impact as a class. The
colossal, no different from the political battles. Whereas dif¬ of law and
weapons were used here than there, the wounds are equally
—
morality are necessary concomitants of this
economic transition
;

ferent it would be foolish to deny this. But it may

deep. comfort to recognize that what takes place provide no small-
l|1;:rsr;ai*l,
i;iii*ii;;;iil1lllllll

those for wages break of indomitable ferocitv, but that the here is not an out¬
Of the costs the entrepreneur must incur, understandable if relapse into force, like other presently experienced
account for such a significant share that it is historical relapses before, has
been challenged by a new task which
on this expenditure. It
he is particularly anxious to cut down
inducing him to this. In the With that there is hope that as soon occupies the present time.
as the new stage has been
is not the profit motive alone help using anv practicable definitely achieved and society has adjusted
bustle of competition he cannot with the given situation, the passion of to it in accordance
very strong desire to accumulate
means. In addition, he has aearnings force will die down and
nE

because they increase his

social morality will rise to the heights making
reserves from the increased of the firm. ful arrangement. possible a peace-
Finally, an added con¬
equity and permit expansion production was
riSn Tte€

sideration durine the early years of large-scale

wages than to reduce expenditures How the economic process now going on may
that it was easier to depress how much its pace may be stepped come to an end,
with the hard resist-
for tangible things where one had to reckon
During the beginnings of large-scale
like, are questions which we will up,
not
what the new system may be
ance of matter itself.
was exceedingly unfavorable for the
satisfied to be able to state there is take up in detail. We are
market ess might end in the same way with the avictory
prospect that this proc¬
iAl

enterprise the labor

wc*rkers. It was the time when the labor market was glutted bv ity over force as did the process of the of law and moral¬
the industrial reserve army, which when machines were introduced that matter the final decision founding of states. For
were thrown out on the street by
blood and iron, but with every may again be accomplished through
;rl|[lliii;lll

was fed by the unemployed who being

—
$gt F Fi $ri3n

The workers had to put up with people keeping its physical and
industrial reorganization. mental health
—
il;il

work and to acquiesce in to repeat the point made earlier

paid lower wages for increased hours of Only gradually did condi- that again the great national it is likely
living conditions. who resorts to blood and ironstatesman will be right in the end
qsiEq

the most miserable least large groups thereof, only to the extent necessary to
tions for the work force, or at unfold all the inner
how to organ¬
improve, and this especially after
had to
they
find
had
out
learned
that the resistance of Strong individuals have astrength of the highest peace powers.
stormy youth but just the same a level¬
ize. Now entrepreneurs headed old age,
;n r$H ra

toughest
is more substantial, after all, than the so, not from the moved only rarely by passions any more and, if
; P3

human strength
it has the potential of switching
resistance of matter, because organized
bottom up.
Pies as well. In their earlyItyearsis just so with the strong peo-
from defense to attack. The proletariat proceeded to they rage along in battles
enterprises and won success while in their maturity they put their
Although changing times may laterstrength
attack all along the front of large work. to peaceful
wages as well as of work time and on at one time or
upon success in the matter of another entangle them in battles, the law of
gE

general working conditions. will still lead them back again to peaceful highest strength
fertile force as long as work as the most
s

they preserve their physical and mental

190 191
 rule of life, into agreements with others, this happens
exceptions from the in its own best inter-
health. Their battles will beby a strong bodv although in the

l,'rl-il li lill
est and under scrupulous safeguarding

are i llnesses surmounted
as
process this body may , depending
assisting scalpel of the surgeon.
1,1ll
is still less room for any sentiment of its sovereignty. There
on circumstances, require the of a personal nature, as,
for example, pity between states.
This
the nature of things as they are viewed would be almost against
the foreign state appears to the general all over the world, for
lace not as the sum total of human beings sentiment of the popu¬

illllii;;illlillliiill[1llliiiillllgi1' li
Peoples and the Command of Charity of its own kind but as
6. The War of the Civilized an entity of a supra-personal and hence impersonal
easily the state assumes a certain kind. Most
one another, even the rela-
The relationship of peoples to different from those within sight of the princes when these personal character i n th e

iiillilliliiilliiriiidaili{iiFl;lllli{
are know and trust each other as
tions between civilized peoples, that the civilized peoples are relatives or from protracted
an individual people. It is true gallant emperor Francis Josef intercourse; the uncle tsar or the
from their labor and their capital might have created the impression
so dependent upon the returnsshould believe they would be inter-
of being figures who vouched for peace.
But in other cases pre¬
that as a matter of fact one disruption of their economic activ- cisely the person of the prince or
of the leading statesman
ested in avoiding war as a Wars between civilized peoples are aroused deepest mistrust. Fundamentally,
however, the individual
it ies. But it isn't so. rather person is of no further concern as
they can't be viewed as exceptions;
still so frequent that regularities impersonally demonic entity which, the foreign state remains an
of life, as do storm and rain now disguised, but now also
do they belong to the is always prepared for them. Not
recklessly and with unveiled
after sunshine and calm. One engage ciple of power, and which mustbrutality, follows the law of prin¬
right to in war is deemed to be an be carefullv watched because some¬
only that, but the people, and many of the best
thing dangerous is hidden in it.
What we confront as a state are
of every strong
unrenounceable right hold that a people's vitalitv would flag if not Englishmen, Russians, or Germans,
as we have come to know
men of every nation them as human beings of our kind
lillilli iillilliliiiilliiliiililil
it to its highest potency time and again. in diverse situations of life.
war did not bring
fighting the barbarians and
It is the Englishman, the Russian,
the German in his objec-
There is altogether no doubt that the civilized nation in tivized, historically molded character,
semi-civi lized peoples is permissible: precise, it is England, Russia, Germany or, to be still more
every war guilt because it prides following the gravita¬
this case absolves itself of spreading civilization across the tional law of power as geographically
and historically cond i-
itself on the noble task of tioned configurations. It is sea-girt
Although predatory war, and unjust
war in general, England which could not do
earth. opportunity for just without reign over the seas, it is
between civilized peoples are
despised, the
people is its an .ice-free ocean, it is Germany land-locked Russia craving for
it is desired because everv which had to measure up to a dual exposed to war on two fronts
war is present whenever
The historiographer will be waged hard attack.
own judge in its matters. of wars which have been
pressed to find in the long series not both parts asserted the At the same time members of the
civilized states in their
between civilized peoples one where not each of their churches private dealings with
citizens of other civilized states
justness of their cause and where cause. The populace has learned to dispense with self-help have
invoked God's blessing on their just their compatriots. One tends to be no less than they did with
always liked to interpret such wars as a matter of the dynasties, first, but soon one learns somewhat more distrustful at
.

opinion was absolutely convinced that wars would come one is suprised to learn howtotoput up with foreign peculiarities,
and public of the state. But the
to an end once the populace was in control
that even democra¬ not been encountered at home. appreciate many things which
Where one finds fault with have
expert historian could hardly have any doubt thing or another, one learns to adjust one
swear off war without further ado, and the World that, all things considered, one still when making the experience
cies would not dynastic war in all its regu¬ comes out well.
War has proved irrefutably that the war which the World War, realizes that, all told, one is dealing with One
larity is dwarfed by the international well-mannered people
if not in its origin at least
turned out to be. Isn't it
more
in
indeed
its
the
abhorrent
devastating expansion,
peoples
than the
who conduct the
military wars;
civil wars which are much who have imparted on the religious wars
with whom one can live and
as they are found more or lesswork
dictates of morality and decent
because
everywhere—— apart from exceptions
they adhere to the
each other in the pursuit of behavior. But when citizens meet
isn't it also the peoples fury? soldier in battle clashes withservice for the state, when the
their cruel obstinacy and change. The soldier does not actsoldiers of the enemy, things
as the organ of his state whose of his own free will, he acts
capitalists of war. It remains
i.c

Laborers like to accuse the

order he cannot
1[r

the workers will not likewise have the will to

and as a rule
highest order todoesn't want to disobey, for it isrefuse to obey
a command of
to be seen whether masters of the state and of the be loyal to the state, which is
conduct war once they have become shield, one's supreme value. For this one's sword and
economy. Martial spirit still runs in the blood of the great the hostile soldier for reason one does not blame
become exhausted yet. They still
;lau ',"1

obeying the order of his state;

masses as long as they have not of man, and for them war is
than holding him personally responsible for it, one honors rather
ry:fl

regard valor as the typical virtue a brave warrior; him as

determination of the fates of and
as a person but as onethe bullet fired at him is not meant for
still the ultima ratio for the of the hostile bearers of arms him
nations. defeated in order to win victorv for one's own state.whoFor must be
llll

°ne's own state is in the right that

no room for the idea of
illl

Before the World War there could be states, does not

and no room has
°n the
other hand, there must not be any admit of any doubt, as,
a common world mission of the civilizedstate feels to be a member fhate is totally at fault because it
th e most
doubt that the foreign
appeared for it since then either. No has stirred up the war from
of itself, and when it enters evil design, for which reason popular
of a world empire, each takes care imagination paints
192 193
it in the darkest and most awful colors. The captured, the For its first adherents pacifism had the irresistible qual-

lllllllllilli
again on human terms: being ity of a new faith. War , especially war among civilized peoples,
injured enemy soldier one meets state, he is valued as struck them as an incomprehensible degeneration
from the collectivity of his own
detached in the battle one comes nature. They held to the facile belief that nothing of human
a human being again. Even during breaks would be
close to another on the human
human rights, and one meets,
scale.
for
There
example,
is a certain set of
in following a strictly
of the spring which opens
easier than to convince people of this
—
it
sary to demonstrate to their eyes the horrorswould only be neces-
of war in all their
brutality. The authoress of the book, "Down With
adhered-to agreement to share theTowaterbe sure, in the passion of shocked by the impression she had received from theArms," was so
up between the battle lines. War of 1866
fighting the wild spirit of the ancestors starts up again, insa- that she had to grab her pen in order to
enemy blood and debasing the state-ordered killing of same extent. While her vividly writtenshake her readers to the
tiable for
murder weighing heavily on the conscience. What is effect, the will to conduct war was not book exerted a strong
weakened thereby by a
the enemy to ani-
of the predatory notable fraction. Had Bertha Suttner lived to see the
left in the millions of the wild instincts she could have learned that even horrors multiplied World War,
mal bursts forth again in the frenzy of battle. bounds were not enough to stifle the will to go beyond all
also cannot act to war. The
Russians and the people belonging to the Central Powers
The leaders in the state issuing the orders liberty to make
Hiill' lllislliillilllilillilitEllll
turn against war because they were frightened by did not
of their own free will; they, too, are not at its shudders.
other human beings; They all would have continued fighting if only there
their decisions as human beings vis-a-vis Because they stand in had remained
some hope for victory, just as the members of the Entente,
they, too, are in duty bound to the state. after
they are subject in a quite having experienced during bad times many
a quite special duty to the state, They can comply with their will to fight, became quite unshakable temporary shocks in
special degree to the powers of the state. again once the pros¬
they orient their actions accurately to the pect for victory had firmed up. Finally, the
their duty only if and which who had condemned war by the nation did not tarrysame proletarians
realities of the political svstems which they confront to start the
of power. Those among them class war, and the horrors of the Bolshevist war
they must recognize as formations duty in the tradi- exceeded all the

__
is limited to fulfilling their horrors of the tzarist war without being able to offer
whose ambition to the powers who in that they were necesary to attain the war's objective. the excuse
tional sense thereby submit from the start happen to give orders as eruptions of the most cruel lust. They were
the given political constellation just
strong personalities have a will
rulers. Those among them who as as the great dictators Just as the physician intent upon healing the human
of their own and appear to the populace body
of power, their must know it exactly, so the advocate of
are all the more obsessed by the demonic nature must. The spirits of
peace
social body exactly if he wants to cure it of themust know the
free volition is all the more an absolute evil of war.
they sense are masters over them, and they He must be clear that the inclination toward
the new social forces
serving them. The colossal aspect of Napoleon's the centuries reveals a fact of human naturewar proved through
cannot help which cannot be
overcome by merely blaming it for being contradictory
individuality lay in his gift, possessed to an enormous degree,
because it
to bear. He was revolts against a single murder while approving
to gather the forces of his time and bringanthem energy which nature der of war. Before one undertakes to refute of the mass mur¬
a stupendous social medium, possessedenergy of the feeling through
is only rarely able to create. This of his enabled him to argumentation one must trace back to its
innermost
was of martial instincts in the at first appears contradictory in it. There the meaning what
sweep up and discharge what there away into the will be cancelled, for nature never contradicts contradiction
Frenchmen and in other peoples whom he carried itself, and an
conducted by him are human documents experience repeated through the
war. The phenomenal wars
respect to the peoples against nature.
centuries cannot be directed
It just happens to be this way: killing
not onlv in respect to himself but also in any the
of his time. It has been no different init thewar.
merely a matter for
mass of fighting human
the leaders,
beings always
but in
come into their
War is never
instincts
own as
of the
well.
enemy in a just war is not rated by the
apart from very few exceptional people feeling of the masses
— as murder; i.e., the
command, "thou shall not kill," is not applicable
war. Why is it not applicable? How can it
—
in a just
It is one of the strangest mysteries ofhighest human nature that ethical command valid within the nation doesbenot explained that the
operate between
recognize charity as the of commands the nations? This is the fundamental question which
the same minds which to the call to war must answer who wants to form a balanced judgment everybody
subject themselves willingly, even joyfully, thousandfold, a million¬ about war.
by the state. Isn't murder committed a
war? How can human sentiment which revolt s against We find the answer clearly formulated by
authority of Christianity and of mankind. Thethe
fold, during highest moral
single murder tolerate the mass murder of war? very Christ who
taught man to love his neighbor as himself did not want his com¬
enveloped by mand to be understood to mean that he thereby
Down to the present time human beings were so to a reali-
1iiiii111

wanted to do away
lilliil1:

hardly came _with war immediately.

war and war cries near or far that they By adding the second command, "give to the
emperor what is the emperor's,"
3'AB " 3g-

zation of this contradiction. Only sincepeaceful the states have become

internally mature for secure peace and
'
sentiment, has to the secular power in peace ashe well
gave recognition and free play
as war. In the armies of
nations also been roused. As in its the Roman emperor Christians also served
the will for peace between domestic with bravery. Later ,
when all the peoples of the Mediterranean Sea
time peace within the state was advocated against the against to Christianity, they took up arms time had been converted
club-law, so since then world peace has been advocated against the heathens but likewise and again not only
the club-law in international relations. The modern peace move- against each other, and they
did so with the blessing of the Church
ment has got into its stride. which knew how to use the
194 195
 ocÿuidr1 arm resolutely for its purposes and whose prelates them¬ striving for aggrandizement, even the most peace-loving state had

-r oc 1 )".
rx
Po3

crCt.ao ?
X
OF

oEoSor
c
3

i
o ulj

i
J PC
selves not infrequently wore the suit of armor. As did its mas-

< d:r15
O .rCo <
couldn’t please any

d:
;'6'3
to watch jealously over its independence. It it

<,-
lldi
-i93?i*i* I r.*!
J
i

-
P.O 5r
ters, the Church taught the believers to give to the emperor what incompatible with

oo.|<
5(Dc)
state to relinquish its autarky; each deemed

-
5

O,(+
is the emperor’s and to be obedient to the existing secular power

Cr
!(J
state or even only

5J-
to submit to a higher

v
its task and its dignity

or
HT
which did not even have to be the legitimate Dower.
3

<
to lay down its arms.

(u
..
<

lEE,53 +
This teaching abounds with most profound wisdom. Already

9
War is the logical conclusion from these premises. As long

iEE*e:5'F'l=L
olo ^ 6 "'P.X o ^. o:- a
e-o
0,

9Pq:'-c 5'3i*s3p,
:.i -.'o g SgJc < c
36*3:o"-
E;'
the command, ’’love thy neighbor as thyself,’’ is beyond human

=
the states,
'
as there was no authority to settle issues between
-
5.,6=38s3;

i.
u,a ra

strength and only very gradually was somewhat of a success. Only vital interests
the civilized nation which felt threatened in its
-

=$[B'i
I E) o " e*.--a^
r-ls o H :3=
when after incessant endeavor it has become possible to lift

q
had no choice other than to seek a settlement through the use of
5iii5

interpersonal relationships to its lofty heights will it subse¬

i-;d;3H
arms, as individual men who had to answer for themselves were
r
;'F-or:i
quently also become possible to blot out from interstate rela¬
3'
Considering the
-. rf.Q

forced to do in barbarous times without peace.

q<o.-l-.s

tionships the admixtures of force. But the founder of Christian¬

-5-5€co.r5

iclS'3d.
.'3. historical evolution of the state, it is not unnatural for it to
-lr'*5'H
ity was well advised not to address to the self -consc ious secular more, its self-consciousness
3.'H

powers a command which would be heeded only very gradually even seek a decision by arms; what is
D

6ld ii

demands this course of action when its survival and honorit are
nl<i0
i'lx'5
4li'
(, JY

bv the more yielding types of individuals. Suffice it if the is

seed of love first germinates in the feeling hearts. threatened. On its present level of cultural achievement
long after
on a par with the knight who still practiced club-law
peasants and citizens had readily yielded to the law of peace.
But why is governmental power
P. l--<

he knew
v/

self-conscious, why do indi¬ As the knight was surrounded by other knights of whom
5 P.<
CfFI!

P,5
xo3

. (,O

-o
+5
rnl

viduals yield? This is the crucial point for which we have to

Ocr
HJ<

0)

that they were likewise anxious to uphold their male self-respect

::'1
0J

find the explanation.

cf

with arms, so the state sees itself surrounded by other states

prepared for war of which it knows that they will observe their
power interests by summoning all their strength and whose love
7. Governmental Autarchy
— —
l6,)

l>
lo
t':
lo

l(t
t<

lo
l5
Ita

lc
la,

l0)

warned by the experience of centuries

lo
K

for peace it must

t-

l:
lf
I

distrust. As the knight sought justice by throwing down the

[:5:a[[r; q ri: $F:1r lii

We find the explanation we are looking for in the contrast

lsr
iiigqrg.*i, /il=
l; I

qgif l[fl

gauntlet to his adversary in case of need, so the state now

g" s'sPs llg
ls".

between individual strength and governmental strength.

thinks it should do likewise. Once things have developed to the
Individual strength is negligible. Awareness of its defi¬ point that war seems inevitable, statecraft demands that it is
ll;

preferable to anticipate the attack rather than running the dan¬

C ddo crPr +i:'

ciency from the very start drove people together as closely

possible in their family associations, and when in the long
as ger of being caught by enemy attack. Prompt attack looks like
run half the victory. Frederick the Great and Moltke, like Napoleon,
t;:r[s'glf

the latter also proved to be too weak, they were gradually pushed
clinched their wars by surprise action at the outset. Princes
;$fi +s;rl r;rr:ti

into associations on a statewide basis. The weaker strata

and statesmen who, when war seems inevitable, miss the auspicious
s f:fl I ri$'i;x :
;:sf;;s+; r$t$

individuals sought protection with the state and found it and moment would have to compare themselves to the doctor who makes
more readily the more robust the state became. Some of the
I

the himself guiltv of malpractice. Bismarck compared the situation

1,

strong classes and individuals assumed leadership at the top and in which states find themselves before the start of war with that
iiri;f

the lower levels in building the state, thereby attaining a per¬

q

of a man who in a wild forest meets an armed stranger and shoots

i*:

sonal power advantage; others, however, strove strenuously

Jj

stubbornly to maintain their untamed independence and to keep and him down from fear of being shot down first. The image is as
0) O O

their smaller units from being swallowed up by the rising striking as one would expect it to come from Bismarck, but this
very fact suggests the monstrous relationship in which the greed
l;;3[s:

tions of greater size. Inasmuch as these strata and forma¬

were not wiped out as victims of their will to resist, individuals for power places even the great civilized nations. It is horren¬
dous to think that no sooner has their reciprocal greed for power
;j

or at least their descendants if they were capable ofthey, too,

ment, finally managed to fit in with the victorious statesdevelop¬ been aroused than they cannot view each other except with a feel-
$$i

It is horrendous to think that

cracr{

benefit from their size and peace. In every healthy people and to ing of most hostile mistrust.
the notwithstanding the light generated by all their cultural
citizens finally became united in a fertile symbiosis.
achievements they meet each other like strangers in an uncanny
A state unit of sufficient power, however, in the forest and that they, the logical heralds of peace, find them-
relies on itself. It does not need another state to lean main selves forced to kill without hesitation lest they be killed.
rather it resists the other state because it senses in it on;
alien manner which it mistrusts and fears. This is why every an It is horrendous to think so, but as the situation evolved
state strives for autocracy, for autarchy, and if it feels still before the outbreak of the World War, governments and peoples
were forced to think so by the inexorability of the logic ofa
too weak to this end, it will do everything necessary to grow
size so that it can become self-sufficient. Trial and error in
each case determine the size adequate to the prevailing in
power.
______
The contradiction evinced in human feeling was not
contradiction in thought. It was the same law of power, the law
circum- of greatest strength or of success, which between the citizens of
stances. The impotent small states in the course of fighting the state calls for justice and between the states for the use of
were bunched together into large states, and the latter expanded
to their national boundaries, beyond which the dominating force. The citizens relate to one another in such a way that
they are able to recognize that they assist each other bv peace-
national state still subjugated as many weaker the relationships between
colonies as its strength permitted.
neighbors and Xijl cooperation. Down to the present
Surrounded by neighbors sbate s were such as to convince them that remaining independent
196 197
 [
assured them of greatest success, and for this reason they pre¬ inspired bv the egotistical interests of a group wielding power

: n : ; ; E :g,iq I
iits
B'g_

H"n; o!s
9Ss -. gii{i.,, *x=ff'si't-ff SJfi 8o*3
ious

3ElB-.Epif;*IB;;'i.6-"-:* 6;fr1
rJJq.,rp)
ca

Di c
f

jsis
of war, however
ferred shouldering the burdens and sufferings provoked, which wants to exercise it within the state. Besides, it is also

i=:-3:-:E"TlSsiqg'5'ti;r= - e
9.3, =:.'"d:
s" fi;!; ;.15i ooj'
o i o
to dis¬ true for the power aspirations of all parties in the state and

p.d/i
which it
50iu
great the shudders of human sympathy
pensing with the weapon of war. whatever other aspirations to power may manifest themselves in
cn public. Like the statesman, the party boss also does not simply
In a well-known passage Kant says of the English that in
q; _9*rllus
derive the rules of his public demeanor from the code of private

5i3fd''1;;;''?gx

oo*;'*;'$ufjSilS;'ril = l,-rrd
their domestic relations they are the most worthy collective of
-J
morality. The party is a state within the state, deeming the
c.3:t5 p. 0l r.
Cj

human beings, but as a state confronting foreign states the most egotism of its aspirations as sacrosanct as the egotistical aspi¬
:J

pernicious, violent, imperious, and war-provoking of them all. rations of the state are deemed by the populace. Not only the
tto ir{rcicr

; e e i r ;- ;; : '- i s - t -e.I,E
C C ) Jp.O

With us this passage was already cited before the World War and political party, hut also the ecclesiastical party and every
3il:g
f.o'9.]ot:o

then especially during it, with a view to corroborating the accu¬ social party, whatever may be its origins and goals, imposes upon
o C O Ocr.focr-!5 0

sation of hypocrisy which one likes to raise against England. its members the law of party interests. This explains why sen¬
10

But the contradiction emphasized by Kant, however forcefully it sitive consciences do not quite feel at home in partv matters.

_i,-'€
must strike the observer , is resolved according to the logic of
3.*oxX

The duties of the party are delineated by its drive for power,
FFxf;aq:di*=
(ti !f

power in the same way as is the one between the disposition for and it is therefore in the nature of the party that it is self-
-J

13
i,-(j53
-Ja-lpJEu

peace of the citizen and the disposition for war of the state.
ln'

seeking, reckless, intolerant to the point of pitiless harshness,

O
-.o

During times of external threat everybody will gather up the more unjust, and ungrateful. The seasoned party leader will do every¬
J

resources of power and will use them the more resolutely, the
"
"B3" thing in order to preserve its unity, and he will therefore
C
o

.
5J:

more profound are the internal and external values which he has strive particularly to maintain unblemished the confidence which
qcrS-J

o
O O'r)ts.O 55 c I C O O

to defend. In such a position were the English of the 18th cen- it must have in its cause and, needless to say, in his person as
<:.o
o

o"99

well. When he deems it necessary to immerse his companions in

".i'.,ii

tury as they appeared to Kant. They had to preserve more ample

3e

:6ioi
and more developable values than any other state and simultane- flattering words of praise about their behavior, their virtues,
B
{

ously were ahead of the other states in the art of wielding the their successes, then he will flatter them. When he finds that
H

:*r-F;. e
+= l*-.:.s.
-i<

instrument of power politics. How could it be otherwise than it will make his people feel better if he disparages the cause
it

that the English esteemed more highly still their most worthy
1?]l)otr)5

-"$;'5

and the person of his adversaries, he paints in the boldest

Q
L.,,

H'igs

._gd
<.f

iR q a is,* Ajr*E

body politic than did foreign observers! How could it be other¬ colors and talks himself into a passion which automatically
dqro{?qt.S

wise than that they were determined to launch the most extreme drives him to stepping over the line where slander begins. This
Q
o

t.j

efforts in order to defend it against external intervention and need not keep him fÿom talking in high spirits with his just
ts.cro
C'J

to build it up according to its potential in which they staunchly abused adversary if he happens to meet him privately. Face to
face and in their secret get-togethers party rivals may talk
O

believed !
t

without inhibitions and nearly without reserve, but woe to him

who abuses the confidence and wishes to exploit the private con¬
3
F
g;ir;itglili*;I_= :g
"r- : iliHi11rtfiiF"eli :;

q
;
@

8. Private and Public Morality cession in public! A secret yes is, as Luther says, a public no.
'g

t
[
.

The contrast between private and public morality is by no Political science and statecraft incorporated the totality
ss;85'sE x s; a:3grg
-e * *'
3ig: *:;iF;Ji'"=tg

means confined to the fact that the state absolves itself from of power politics into a system which, known as reason of state,
9'*
5
eil3

the command, "thou shall not kill," which applies to private was dominant through the centuries during which the state
was perfected. The most characteristic book of this modern
O O CJq 3 O >ts.crg

individuals steadfastly except in the case of self-defense.

o3.1.
p.

genre is the
According to generally held views, even in the most highly devel¬ much maligned "Prince" by Machiavelli. This book, introducing us
::;
;3
g),f.O

oped civilized nations tbe state is absolved from still many more in a clear and sovereign manner into the natural history of the
=!

moral commands by which every decent person feels bound. Where state, was written with the imperturbable factual sense which
A::;g
o 'o lg3'- gE;9

the
great interests are at stake, the statesman does not feel called Italians inherited from the Romans. The bluntness of its state¬
tD
gr'---

t ilie,:=;B

upon to perform the moral duties, which in his private life he ments confuses the modern reader whose chaste ears do not get to
HJ

could never bring himself to violate. When circumstances demand, hear, and don't want to hear, such frank utterances. Even Crown
or seem to demand, the statesman has the right, and even the Prince Frederick of Prussia was not yet able to read Machiavelli
i

duty, to lie. To him the command, "thou shall not deceive and with clear-headed judgment and wrote an "Anti-Machiavelli in
ig"=r
9r'<."

"
;:;;,

defame," does not apply, for how else could he with the desired order to refute him. He first, as king, had to be seized by the
I 5'3;'

effect engage in the propaganda for war which he cannot resolve demons of power to be able to act in his spirit. At bottom King
ddO:.'t

rit

Frederick the Great was even more Machiavellian than Machiavelli,

o JO

to do without? The state covets the neighbor's land. One must

be altogether clear that the form in which the divine commands for at least in the beginning, before being attacked while
fi

are couched, "thou shall not," are always addressed to individual attacking himself, he did not have the same strong driving
o:50:5 oo.

-
a

o 5
oro o
p,

persons only, not to the community of human beings. The power Motives for his power politics as did Machiavelli, whose flour¬
ell o Y
<
X o..<
-J
(, orc
F+rH.O O

ov
ctf

commands addressed to the general public have their origin out¬ ishing native city of Florence, along with all the rest of Italy,
aH
-o ooco
rJoSo

o -5
o5

which as his fatherland he would have liked so much

1e.(D
ooo

side the conscience and only very gradually do the convictions

6

OJ

to see great,
5 r.tl

was mangled by all the horrors of war. Machiavelli

Jq

-o

of personal morality trickle into the headwaters from which they

H^

cr
o

F.)*
o o

(-

's "The
originate. Prince" was written in a state of moral emergency, a lot worse
s)

still than the one which is now spreading again across the polit¬
This is true not only for interstate relationships but also, ical world. The statesman couldn't do without lies and cunning
<
pciS
oo \e
< JX
O(,

tscause
<5H.

though not to the same degree, for internal power politics prac¬
JFI

octo

3rl

everywhere
ls why Machiavelli he was surrounded by lies and cunning. This
qt

*.9
3Dv
oEr
OO
P.5
dd

ticed by the government, inasmuch as it is power politics, i.e., declares point-blank that the statesman is not
ct

5'i
+

198 199
 abstain from unnecessary voluntatis rendered by the citizens to the state goes extraordi¬
bound by his promises; that he should

s: r:riil'i; ;iill;11;iil
;.'Er

r;; =rri:;,1,i;3:;;irgtiliiilX
narily much farther than the one they usually impose on
g
cruelty but consider as permissible any kind of force needed to them¬
l.;;'.n-3; purpose to rule, a selves in their private relations. Dulce est pro patria mori!

iiIiilHi iil;li: ti: i1:llilriii:i1:ill

accomplish his objectives; that it is his
wants to maintain The cooperative spirit is also willing to make sacrifices for
natural endeavor of human beings; that he who of the rival ruling
the
party, but the number of those who have given up their lives for
his rule must, above all, rid himself
their party falls far short of compensating for the hecatombs of
dynasty, to be exterminated
Prince" Machiavelli finds
down
nothing
to the last
blameworthy
generation.
in Caesar
In "The

r it;g;itri' i i}[ii i;;l;;i?,

Borgia
having lacked in
in his reports as an envoy he blamed him forfather; he praises
— people who in the course of history have given their lives for
their state.
5'3 "

reckless determination after the death of his

read about without dis- From this vantage point war assumes a different appearance
him for actions which nowadays we can't Machiavelli, who recom- than it has when it is actually going on and the horrors
gust. One only must not overlook that revealed in whose commitment the combatants degenerate. are
il!'-3$3dB€ 5'';3= d'-g i

the predicament
mends any means of force suitable for overcoming in the long run kind of a feeling did well up in the millions of citizens whoWhat
of the times, recognizes at the same timeviolence, that at
but can do so the outbreak of the World War flocked together in all
the prince cannot consolidate his rule by The mater¬ affected states in order to do their military service? the
by trustful reliance in the strength of the populace.army must be the instinct of the predatory animal which inflamed Was it
must promoted, the reso-
ial interests of the citizens be
Condott ieri and must lute enthusiasm, or was it not rather a highest sense their
wrested from the leadership by the salaried order, the deci¬ serve their country whose peace they deemed threatened of duty to
be recruited from nationals under princely againstand the foreign
by a per¬
fidious enemy? Certainly, the sense of duty in war is mixed
sive power which is mobilized eventually Italian nation. an elevated feeling of strength, joyfully aware of itself with
oppressors is the power of a united intensified by the collective sentiment of the masses who are and
O 3 tD 5 O <O

state, however unhesitating it is in the

Machiavelli's reason of by genuine gathering together under the flag.
choice of its means, was guided in its objectives which was
Without this
element the moral instinct probably would be too weakadded animal
nationalism and thereby was raised on a moral plane to bear the
only during the period of the almost superhuman measure of trouble and danger demanded
attained by the European peoples war, but for all that only extreme injustice and a supreme by the
this could be
tlil;!

national state. If reason of state was successful,forces on its of psychological insight can attribute this animal lack
only because it also had the necessary moral long run only
element to the
bloodthirstiness of the animal in man. It is the uplifting
side. In the case of the civilized peoples, in the agi¬
successful which has the tation of the instinct which all of a sudden becomes aware
that kind of politics of power can be of the

_
d.r(,

undreamed-of energy which lay dormant in it.

touch of morality called for by the spirit of the times.
3

The military eulogists of war with insistent emphasis praise

,[liai;iiEl

saying
Thus one is inclined not to agree fully with Fichte's
;i*;;:iil-:

that issues of political power can never be settled

by eth leal it for keeping energized
— — more than any other human activity
lg g; ts'sl$ il

is could do the physical and intellectual-moral forces in man.

:i{$+iilrs

The general public also has its power morality, which

.
D 5 J.-15.i

means Only it is behind Is it not the training ground for highest audacity and
linked to private morality even in its roots. pline? Without the historical scaffold of war, disci¬
with the
by centuries or even mlllenia because it has to reckon opment of the political and thus of the social could the devel-
near-immobility of the states and the other public bodies, which ceeded at all? order have suc-
In the states which after the World War were
are designed to proceed with suspicious cautionmitigated as a unit. In
charge of backwardness must be in one disarmed by the dictate of peace, out in the countryside
0J

addition, this morality hears quite a number of the most prudent men, who are far
essential respect. Public morality lags behind private any desire for war, complain that their sons are
o o

only as far as the relationship of states and other bodies of military training which could convey to deprived of
power to one another is concerned. But as far as members, it is a matter of worldly wisdom which they don't have them significant pieces
- lcr

a
olo
l-J
f'lt0)
tD lo
F)lr
('lo
'-to
5lo
l-

public access to in their rural

dO

of the relationship of the public bodies to their

ort

ol
o,

AJ
^
e

seclusion. In such considerations the military eulogists

d

morality imposes duties of an importance not known to

private of war
are surely correct, and undoubtedly it is a sign of too narrow
He who acts as a public servant must submit to the
0 tDl
< F<'
J .rl0) |

a
lPl

ol
o lts'l
olal
5 o t, f], e. 1 p r.lo .r o tJl PJ o C.? olol

e*l
o l-l

morality.
5 -l

*;i:l;rir-;;e;' 5r
oc0
aD)

social view for a pacifist to pay no attention to such

g)rc 3 Pr3 -bF,lo o o g c0 F.': F t3l

oo

most severe commands whose transgression isagainst often punished most thoughts
o'

in his indictment of war. But it is equally plain

o

^l

ruthlessly. Martial law is harsh not only the enemy, it

beneficial effects of war cannot by themselves justifythat these
d'et'-E6,-q'l:*=:J
ftq;+**+t
L:rl;
;3i{i;;;:g-a;;:
1.E5''1;3"r'-3'r33

inexorably harsh vis-a-vis the soldier and citizen of the it. War
crol< .+5 O O 0J

is also
)t

severest punishments is justified only if it can be shown that the

same nation whom it threatens with the nature of the state
Makes it necessary. If the states created through
unless they do their utmost. In interpersonal relations the war could not
survive without it, then wars will continue to be waged,
rrl\DODra

command is, "thou shall love thy neighbor as thyself," but the and this
O O <1ts0j 3

will be a good thing

;+grr

state demands that its citizens love it more than they do them¬
selves and that for its sake they sacrifice, if necessary, their
Intact. If, however,because it is good that the states remain
people could enjoy the blessings of the
but in state without a need for further wars,
lives and material possessions. It not only demands this loyalty is educational effect of war will not induce then reference to the
-i-.i=tg5'*

citizen
fact also succeeds with its
grave
demands,
sacrifices.
because
Who knows, but the pub¬ demand their continuation. Perhaps one a will reasonable person to
instill a new,
prepared for the most
—
,+ O O i, O r5

Peaceful content into the idea of military service

';*lu*

lic authorities may have done even more to train the will of The the
—
,=iq*

for young men but even for girls not only

5='1.DDD

masses for dutiful performance than has private ethics! SaV, a duty to work, promoting theandphysical
transform it into, let us
O O i.m

pacification of individuals in the state is at least as much the .

and intellectual-
ni0ral education by virtue of being simultaneously
accomplishment of the public authorities as it is one of the good placed into the
service of certain social works demanded by a general
intentions on the part of individuals. The sacrificiu® need, but
H.

200 201
 remain undone. But war itself would be .
Q The Law of Diminishing Force Between
the Peonies

dl*,: a

=
wh icb otherwise wouldfruitful aspect of its educational power if

lp. o
ffl*B
5
o

Jqx{,
o dordF5

O6

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ooo
depn ived of the most be said to be necessary for securing the

J ar

o t<
If one condenses history
lQ

I
not allow himself to be mislead into
o'lP.r
quite long periods and

e€

,^
o^.lo
it could no longer by the lapses into violence does
':<
peace • occur from time to time and may indeed which
D

take on large dimensions

of war is of a special nature. in the process, one will become aware of

;''lil'=ii il|!liliilillllll;it;'iqiiF;;iriiHtrltiiill
What Stendhal says in favor the fact that between

rF:rry:iir irlii:Eiilsrsoi;::p tlllllililii:l$il:||t1

*; i*,a;;:g;;i+i
the splendor of
=

iliiiil:1l11iilliiqiiii
the nations as well the use of
experience of the greatness and gain in civilization and culture.force is declining the more they
He had shared the get used any more to th e
iiilig[?i?;
and couldn't
victories after the Restoration. Without the towering
Napoleon's mentality the impression that these happeningsOne will not be able to resist
were not accidental but an
Philistine the world appeared to him as
poor, and inner necessity which follows a
beyond their early epochs, war law. As soon as the peoples are
figure of the emperor him no prospect for being lost in his ceases to be the regular occupa-
since the present offered irresistibly attracted to the idea of tion of the men, who until ’
then
was
dreams of strength, he the life of the brutal figures of the booty. For a barbarian people war lived for war and from its
recreating poetically The few 1
the enemy is the most precious game ,
is hunting r n a higher plane,
took a still broader vista. fighting continues to the point of and as a matter of principle
Renaissance. Nietzsche
what gives history its worth, and the masses 0

truly great men are great man to become famous in his¬ the Romans are already in a quite annihilation. A people like
are the stuff needed by themasses
the is that of slaves; in the big were a martial people of the highestdifferent stage. The Romans
tory. The morality ofmorality of masters is decisive; equality from the beginning were not oriented order, but still their wars
?

sweep of history the were at first defensive in nature, to conquest. Their battles
decadence. The morality of love
f:iE

greatness is certainly provoked time and

__
which presses down its equality command reflects the need of again by the circumstances; they
were
of Christianity withthe weak person who needs pushing. The great tion of power which in the imperative battles for the preserva¬
the masses, serving interest of safety cer¬
his public service be bound to this tainly led to progressive expansions
lti

man, however, must not in categorically reject these statements the end assumed the larger dimensions of power and therefore in
s

morality. While one must of a great system of con-

they fail to appreciate the greatness quest. Yet the annihilation of the
*isEq

by Nietzsche inasmuch asmorality of love, one will readily agree enemies was not intended, and
;;ile

only when there was war to the

inherent in the genuine
with them if they are addressed
the great man because his actions
apply in the bourgeois home. __
to the dull moralist who condemns
violate the rules which must
knife, as with Carthage, were the
Romans swept along to this extreme
destruction which Hannibal launched objective. To the battle of
the Romans responded by a war of at Cannae the tough mind of
"Carthaginem esse delendam," that destruction and the demand,
s

l
Carthage was to be destroyed.
its special standard The collapse of the empire and
In public life public morality with
*=*iill

the Migration of Nations ushered

[*
s*3* i*$€ rE

life is rejected as injus- in a period of gravest lapses into

counts. Here force, which the in private
emperor must be given what is the the following Christian era the wars force. On the other hand, in
tice, has its place. Here between the Christian peo-
;=r1;fi;i tll!;gf!;1g;iqi*ill

polity must be met as the times pies were attenuated by the

emperor's. Here the needs of the thereby giving wars the charactercommon interest in th e church ,
accomplished only by force. If in
demand , even if this can be
goes a little further still the international law of war. War which later found expression in
the process the great man himself vindicated before the at the infidels and the of annihilation was aimed only
than do his contemporaries, he will be sectarians.
greater successes. He carries the day
general judgment by his The masses follow him The objective of war
which during the period of was
through the law of greatest strength. considerably narrowed in the wars
is the irresistible over¬
under the spell of demonic power, which development of the European states
;r;;ru;;i il;liil,*=:,

supreme strength. As the the Middle Ages and the New in

whelming of the mind by the exercise of of nature, which dynasties. The leading idea Era went to and fro between the
eye can't break away from a gigantic spectacle was the augmentation of the realm,
great leader and but one was eventually content to
*

mind of the
we admire while it frightens us, the shake the spell which unfet- for the purpose of rounding win a piece of adjoining land
lEE qsIq1

of thl masses following him cannot off and consolidating

tered human strength, however terrible, exerts. To be with it, political structure. In the process the wars camethetoancestral
to lead, to rule
fering are not
vis-a-vis
weighed. The
personal life and the acts of violence
powers in public life may be felt
these
conflict
sensations
between —
danger and suf¬
the morality of
committed by the ruling
painfully enough, but the law
ducted ever more gently.
formed war into a war game, The
the great war lords
be con¬
Italian Condottieri nearly trans¬
but in this they were not
were looking for the decisive followed
the battlefield. Thewhosetback of the religious wars, of
by
victory on
ties against the and of the extensive: wars incitedthe bat-
Spanish and FrenchTurks,
thereby.
of greatest strength is not being undermined big power politics spurred the by the I
time will come to highest development. military genius
But should it be out of the question that thepowers Yet the
3fI;[g:iA
aiaiii?{|;

that by and by they became battles wars were tempered by the fact
profound of peace
when throughout public life the most strength and when the pub- fÿom which the citizens and their propertybetween professional armies
will be proved the powers of greatest much as possible. were to be excluded as
is already true
lie authorities will be as completely disarmed as In that case the
today of the social powers in private life?
as was the champion of force in the age of Gradually one entered into the
great man, just he
love. To be sure, complete d-power politics, conditioned by
period of European balance¬
violence, will be the champion of
supreme law only th6 large states the fact that the majority of
the had become fairly consolidated
elevation to the duty of peace can become and watched over
after that duty has become a supreme force. Before having done th ein
e mutual progress with anxious concern.
Not infrequently,
its utmost, force cannot be bound to peace yet. coalitions which nations joined with a view to
r

checking their
20 2 203
 When in the third part of the book we will
rivals led to widespreadstability wars, but their ult imate of power in the present we will have discuss the ways

cr
sd'li;
f-
- o ^3q-i Ti. :.

$EHrfr[s;i
dangerous O c.
to the system of to

0--x.,i'3;
P
o
cf -i
erat.ion the possibilities of world peace.take into closer consid-

Op.O
q+O0Q
H)5

Pg.'. fi9 {u

'Jq : -."'
increasing
effect was to impart

" -lo o o X ^ ?
5 "'g o PrJUr g
5o o rr;ca o
that the At this point we want

"c.i.'"q T- Jo
recognition
5 O O O D P'crtP)
the
.''- 693'
especially by

ct5X;
states. This was helped coalitions to limit ourselves to drawing the

5 O
o fairly closely matched
O,nt.l O lq D

big states through their

o 5 C.P.< -('
became from the historical retrospect. conclusions which may be drawn
P -J O f H.do

no state was able to obtain a t i ons.

We have to make two observa-

i*
in strength, so in the long run is con-

rd^.5oo
as European soil
-.rn

far
decisive edge over another. aAsmatter of certain small border

H5r
<

ctOXil...
cerned it eventually fortunes
became The first concerns the fact that the

; .r

"1.1_:'-
changed, fell from one hand into provoked by the murderous instincts of World War was as little

c+{P
regions which, as war . was shed over them. human nature as was true
cr1.

blood which for all wars which have been waged

another and were not worth the since the time when people
ceased being barbarians. No doubt the fighting instinct has
appeared to lose sense
War between the civilized nations that every such nation contributed its share to the World
ii ; *''iI1IilIiiiili11ll iilll{iillilllllillliI War, as it does to every
ili:1'Ii1r11glii1ltli,
completely when one began to understand war. If human beings were peaceful creatures
was in itself an invincibleinsightpower which couldn't be dominated by
into heaven, there could be no fighting like the angels in
instinct with which civilized man hasamong them. The fighting
was won after the lapses
any external force. This the French revolutionary move¬ remained afflicted is not
force which were a consequence of they set such, however, as to demand war under any
by the person of Napoleon, whom condition; it confines

1l;iittlgiillil''
ment and were aggravated believe that itself to conducting with resolute courage
strength led him to wars deemed to be
on the pedestal. His feeling of century to renew the fame of the necessary and felt to be just. All peoples participating in the
he would be able during the 19th World War at its outbreak felt it
world conquerors of Antiquity and to subjugate Europe as Caesar all held the view that they had been to be a just war because they
had subjugated Gaul. But even of his genius as a strategist was the in wantonly and maliciously
attacked by their adversaries. The courageous
national resistance. After determination with
the end ruined by the strength its which they went to war must by no means
wars of liberation Europe appeared to have more or less found com¬ sion that there must always be wars give rise to the conclu-
subsequently Italy and Germany had again be wars between them only between them. There will
equilibrium, and when through relatively short wars,
pleted their national expansion as they did this time. The Worldwhen they feel again as provoked
War did not emanate from man's
might believe that peace had been estab¬ fighting nature, but it was
the tranquil citizen
civilized nations. The peace confer¬
lished for good between the institutions of a world court which ment of peace to the use ofone of the relapses from the senti-
force, as were the religious and
ences in The Hague and the liberation wars. As these , it was caused
were set up, for the time beingof within modest limits to be sure, were mobilized for a new historical by the fact that people
symptoms a progressing spirit of peace existing historical powers and the task in whose performance the
could be viewed as highest expectations of further prog¬ newly emerging social inter¬
which might justify the ests came into conflict with other. A new stage of develop¬
ress. Only during the 20th century did new frictions arise,
ment of peoples had to be each achieved
which erupted into the World War. arrangements had not yet been prepared for which the necessary
nations had become so wealthy, so historically. The great
the hopes for peace. exuberant in strength, that
The latter most bitterly disappointed their expansionary drive pushed them
3"s'Tiii,

big powers, their armaments, out into the world over the
The growing frictions between the division of which they then
and their pacts for some time already had given rise to fears their equilibrium in Eurone, came to blows. Having fairly found
or another it appeared
about its coming. At one time to save the peace again. In spite
inevitable,
lenged by their expansion tothefindEuropean nations were now chal-
their world equilibrium as
well, and in the process they had to come
but each time it was possible and of the forward-looking citi¬ to terms
of all worries of the statesmen himself to believe that the pro¬
powers of the United
States of North America andwith the world
iil;ri*;ii?iil*llili

bring well. It is understandable that each of of Japan as

zens, one still couldn't had become used and to
found peace, to which the civilized world nations was keen on throwing every ounce of the participating
its actions, might one day not exist balance and to let force decide its weight into the
which it had oriented all World War broke out all the same, it mercy of foreign force. But does when it felt that it was at the
any longer. But when the
even the wildest dividing up the world will also have this
gsrE rE 3 HE si

catastrophe such as not prove that the task of

turned into a world Terrible as measured by the it really he out of the question to conjure up force? Should
imagination could have foreseen.
sacrifice of lives and goods which it swallowed up, it became ful agreement, as a social work to discharge this task in peace¬
even more oppressive by the long duration of the material and of civilized nations? Could it
possibly be true that the law of decreasing
prospering Europe, not only on almost fully in operation force, which is
moral shocks which it inflicted in as well. Even today, several gained considerable ground within the states and which also
the vanquished but on the victors feeling of peace has not yet
years after its conclusion, the states, might not be able toinprevail
the interrelationships between
have come barely close enough attainment of a secure world peace? all the way to the desir
become sure of itself. The peoples for
to each other to justify the their beginning to sit togetherthere
peace task, but in the hearts
joint deliberations about of peace might be endur-
The second statement we have to make
takes issue
is not yet a true belief that attainment
m,Jch cited argument
delightful peace into 5ar and can maintainthat the state has grown to maturitywith th e
$ri:

ing. The terrible relapse from the most through

murder and mass misery by the majority of itself
the general law of life must only through war because to it also
the horrors of mass proof that the apply that
those who believed in humanity is viewed as
after all and that
of life
demands the continuance of force,the continued existence
predatory-animal nature of man cannot be tamed
the
the first place. The fundamental which created life in
'E;

end will only serve him to multiply it does flaw in this

not reckon with historical development. argument is that
all of his culture in the In the realm of
means of annihilation in combat.
cf

E
5
'D
0)
o
3

a
5
PJ

204 205
 XIII. The Law of Increasing Freedom and Equality
today we will have
to continue to
see as valid such a slow

-. ,
occurs at

X: :'-$ j'e , ,
we

",
';'3
-,
{
what

:f . E ' ;e

"-B--i*!€ 3c0
nature, development

€
.$3 sgEoEo Ed
natural C of one . the States of Force, Law, and
g'3 5'F$ 5; ri?;
valid, for of change 1 The Interrelations between
accept as to become witnesses progresses with
i R P.'*il I !iI j,-o

=3
o '< o ouop.o*O

- -gi"T3
;;
expect

F! rifi 3 ! 3 , ., = ;. '[i'
must not Morali ty

::..c
pace that we development, however, at a rapid pace
of its laws. Historical

riF
and in dynamic times it evolves able to show, At the beginning of history there was room for the innermost

.: '. '5 sig*x i

discrete changes, were. As we were

Jt * E -''or r;:
the eyes of man, as it
required scaffold for the social powers of law and morality only within the family and its
and under was the historically a time one of extensions, inasmuch as the sense of belonging to the same kin¬
state not come
< o-.'
the warring should there nay, ship group happened to be still alive. Even within this narrow
i,n
and why
'H*ftss-'I ?3.==r
harm,
state,
can be removedthewithout
_''
civilized scaffold enjoyment of circle, however closely intertwined the family was in its activ¬
s3

the full
e: 3 3 3 i 3 BE33ic4*

days when for

in order to make roomcertainly could be overcome

'*J
these ities, the state of social relations was still entirely unfree,
should be removed

-J
-r I Pgr o b-<+i 3 o o o

of all against all

j:aq:3.=4
was therefore a
; ;5.q . .;! ..i, 1t-'.
the work? The war and paterfamilias might quite frequently be a cruel master over
that time hero fortitude
g ofr E-"J1; id 3x:"

_rr
to over¬

: i+-,3 3 E'1.
force only, and at not be possible his wife and children. But this is no reason for ignoring what
g"' ? 3"--"'" 1ti'rrD

it
by
necessary virtue of man. But should

o?o-tLl.*d6 -q
passe in intrastate
—
relations moral values were effective at that time. The state of family
3JoE tF .'iv_.r"..$
o-

against all states there relations rose above the then general savageness of life by as
come the war of all well so that between

3H
r-*.O

relations as command, wthou shalt much as, and perhaps more than, it rises today above the condi¬
in interstate for force either?
The emergence, Out there, outside the clan, the
left tions outside the family.
nE B 3' :'-d
r.o

would be no task state during its

to the
9il
was not appropriate as well did not "primitive right to steal," to cite Fourier, was accepted,
3'";:r3ia

not kill,” civilized nations

and until a short while ago the
-sbut does that imply that
— the states whereas today the principal moral commands, or at least moral
E: rt;;
-'E

it vet shalt kill"? As prohibitions, demand respect everywhere. If the state unit was
''" i*'6

prove mature for subject command, "thou

, ;l;3

to the not finally to reach beyond the circle of the kinship association, this could
shall forever be to grow, will they
.e
orfj.rt-<

civilization continue them, too, the happen only through force; from the earliest historical time
culture and that between
3ilS

recognition
$;
;?
have to come to the until much later the mode of operation of the state could be only
the greatest success?
forces of peace assure
one of severest force.
Within the state as a going concern, the passable security
which it furnished gradually permitted the emergence of work
associations which through their successes managed to obtain
their own guaranteed rights inasmuch as these were compatible
with the arrangements of force operating for the benefit of the
rulers. All early law was severe in its nature, but if it was to
be regarded as law, its rules of reason still had to have an
ethical base as well. The unfolding of the law, therefore,
always also meant the unfolding of supportive ethical powers
which, though they were quite demanding themselves during hard
times, were able nevertheless to inject into the state of law a
note of gentleness. The moÿe secure life in the body politic
becomes the more room there is for law and morality. It is a
natural reaction that the growing recognition of these internal
powers will weaken the hold of external constraints whose imper¬
ative directions are gradually made superfluous by the former.
One now manages better without external force. Law and morality
are more intimately binding than force was able to be, and in
their emotional paths penetrate depths which it can never reach
since it inhibits and deters the minds. Thus may be explained
the law of decreasing force, which is the accompanying counter¬
part of the increasing weight of law and morality. At the peak
social maturity there occurs a turn in the sense that law and
Morality are taking the lead over force. It is they that now
Point the directions. Reiving on their own strength, they gain
ground by means of their beneficial successes, and force is us
°nly as a last resort where improper resistance must be broken.

In its later stages, this development is connected with the

mass movement. Townsmen, peasants, and laborers manage to
secure through their accomplishments their separate rights, which
Jj-Ve pressure
them a base in the first place for their resistance against
of class superposition and later for their rise in
the social hierarchy.

207
206
 occurs gradually under we read nothing about a punishment for the
To a large extent this development
— heinous chastisement

9=5q:'
-9:

'" 3.-d{ ii: i

o
of the defeated enemies

il.

l o
rd
sgq 33*93'
o uo o
quiet following by

J v P
what's more, it

i.r
and with
told with the intention of bringing to light is

+J
inconspicuous, anonymous leadership apparently being

J3:-'.,;:9
LD
abundance of indi-
----
----——
cf r
€ ot't u 'D Ilo oO
3 t'.f< rlP'
J.UO duration and the the power which the

oouP'
the masses, DUL tnariKs to
but thanks ou its

i_._! -{ r. l!
o:=?-
. In uuiu«*v..
chosen people could gain over its rivals. The

3-=J53'S
-
;3 *3 ''J:'-fr
1 VP effect.
f*f
~

2'-qoXin,iPltrlf"'
pervasive

\.i J -?
o +r+'.1) 5 Jr.55
and

< -.:-
vidual cases it will still have a T
large
A and gives <T1VOS way
nQVMrci<3

the genuine book of love. There is no longer any New Testament is

the process the law of .
rulers .. is being
'
transformed
* ' *ÿ

violence, the Christian religion seizing the soul suggestion of

of the rising law for the

o -
in the face of the v ital strength certain height, development of its adher¬

m f a''
ents, as this has been done by all world religions.

*
-

<oo:J.'.r
1!r
masses. After it has reached a By placing

ct 0J ,,
to which the basic ideas man in relation to God, the world religions have
yields certain significant total results succeeded in

o 5
g f'(f
principal ideas of the old making the greatest of all discoveries, the
P.

the
I'l=
o c<

Where discovery of the

or uoo

.-:rP.
of society must he adapted.

:t joJq
Ol .'
human soul. He who believed in God believed from
a a

concentrated into revolu-

i+\.
powers stand in the way , development is his soul, and

o o
fi
" be overcome in some as he became aware of his soul he knew

,-
cannot
!)r
I
(

other human beings as well were united that

.
which if resistance along with him all

.J
tions of ideas
a o
o

by deed in con-
other way, will assert themselves as revolutions with God through their

Cr

o
ol

o
J
1
o
souls and thus were his fellows. By becoming
'J
o

junction with grievous lapses into force. aware of the soul

H
11sr;;t:iiili;;;;CltBrr:i;*i iir !;iFrgisn-rg: i
;
i

through the power of faith, which is the one thing

e

revolutions which are so common among all the confusing differences between people have in

aialilE;q;;i;i
e;

Most strange are thoseJ intellectual their *1illH:ilii;1

i1;jar*l*i*rs:!lsir'[;B;?ii B3 $;El[;i::i;i-

hit upon the idea under which all human beings them, one had
maintain purity, they spurn
sublime that, as long as they
being imbued with such breathtaking Awareness of the soul bestowed upon ethics its could
broad
be united.
force, while at the same time Of this kind are
and strong
foundation. The command of charity is the ethical proclamation
;i;;iaiiliIgi;;lls*;r=ui;=*:i ;r; i,iJ*,.isgT

they are not in need of force.

vitalitv that taking hold of the minds after these of human rights. Now everybody who exists is included in the
the great moral revolutions discipline of force and the ethical community of life, and since the
have long enough been prepared by the
configurations are the revolu¬ tions, all persons are equally included, at soul knows no grada-
least in theory.
education of law. Their original
a religious idea which
tions in religious belief, born out ofit its ready persuasive- The extraordinary effect of this discovery
includes the ethical idea and lends the attitude toward force and law. The is indicated by
ness. All world religions have following gained ascendancy this way, i.e., human society has been found, the state of
deepest foundation of
inspirations which , the call of prophetic social relations being
as social right moment. henceforth recognized as the one demanded
leaders, overwhelm the masses at the A reappraisal of all social values is the by the nature of men.
which, contrary to Nietzsche's view, takes inevitable consequence
111

The example _ of Christianity providesofthe

clearest insight
lti

of love. Relieved of the burden of history, place under the banner

the breakthrough of
into the course of this mass phenomenon
world religions. now on its part imposes the highest law on the soul unfolds and
social ethics due to the strength of sentiment assumes the leadership role, settingsociety. The moral
world of force and providing the foundation limits to the use
Christianity got its start on the soil of the Roman
;;Tii;iiis;gi;i;{[i:lii?;iig*

of law.
1l:11i1i1ilii;iiiliiiililllli

the Roman sword, and without the preparatory

empire , conquered by
spread as a world reli¬
work of this sword it could not have would have remained a 2- Freedom and Equality in Christianity
gion. Without this work the Christians
limited range, and without it Paul could never
Jewish sect of the heathens. In its ideas, No other world religion matches Christianity in
have become the great apostle for of moral behavior. Islam remained the practice
Jewish monotheism and
its faithful not only to belief but far
for by behind because it commits
Christian doctrine had been prepared its stirring force is also due at the same time to fighting
Greek philosophy, and in addition for that belief; Mohammad
to the religious wave which leapt over from the interior of was a prophet. Buddhism was as much a national conqueror as he
preparation, the Christian way of is turned away from active life, its
Asia. Notwithstanding all this being so bv virtue great goal is renunciation
of the world. Christianity, too, at
thinking was still something historically new, first was oriented entirely to the
incomparable strength of feeling with which the idea of hereafter, and in the oriental
of the
In the Old Testament writings church the natural bent of the peoples of the orient, among which
the beyond penetrated the minds. Antiquity a not inconsid- it found its believers, betrays the
and the philosophical works of the latefound which were entirely original, spirit of Christianity. continuation of much of this
enable series of statements may be although Jehova was always turned toward this world by the zest The Roman Church was again
conceived in the Christian spirit, Peoples, but from the orientation for living of the occidental
regarded bv the Jews as the god of the altogether chosen people, and the necessary perspective for organizingto the hereafter it gained the
able to grasp the
philosophy of the heathens
god.
was
Besides,
not
the ringing words of the proph¬ ethical spirit. Wisely hesitating, itlife in this world in an
didn't at once draw from
highest concept of of life, the notion that human beings
refuted
ets and philosophers were always of the populace. The cold cru¬ by the facts that they would likewise havearetoequal before God the conclusion
be regarded as equal here 01
which alone reflect the thinking the enemy and the
th i s earth. It was content to
elty which marked the enjoyment of triumph over original right of f'ealm of canon law, which then admit the idea of equality to the
had a further effect on secular
one denied
matter-of-factness with which part, perhaps the major part, of the
While certainly
personal freedom to a large word. We read if duality before the lawnowhere in Christian nations the idea of
one's fellow human beings, thwarted the written sÿill has been approached has been fully put into practice, it
King David, after having captured the to a significant extent, and everywhere
the book of Samuel that the imprisoned inhabi' °ne managed to
realize the idea of personal freedom, prime
city of Rabba of the Amalekites, ordered had had requisite of equality. pre¬
The victory of this idea must be ascribed
kilns or mangled by saws. While he to Christianity,
tants burnt in brick of the census of his people’ above all. Most of what was done along
to atone by a pest for the insolence this
208 209
 of the spirit of liberty of the entire populace.
was accomplished in the era of the predominance Without the prepara¬

<J! --15
+
tory work of the ecclesiastical power

e.O -l ,r
for enlightened

sX /
o
line

ti o o:

uXaE
-J\J O F
left
3 P.g 5

P.6
was

orf 3a

D6
that of love the free nations of

OJ
and all

in<cD
church under its patronage,

0) ^. di
Europe could never have been
to do was to get rid of the formed, let alone have attained

r:o5
t-:'
princely rule and for revolutions
55"Jo

Po'
510;
fo5Fl
their power and cultural achievements,

orP:
0ioo and thev could never have
remnants of peasant inequality. gained their world predominance.

(i
majority, of the educated today
A large number, perhaps thethe protestant countries sees in

:liliii;{:li[liillil
n;?;Ha*rr;
;;lii l i?H3i;r3iflF;i;"
1:i;rin 1i; $n ri q* 3. The Revolutions of the Protes tant Idea of Freedom
i 1i:i,;sit;;t;,iq;{;i$;4:l=ii:
in the catholic and especially of the popes, the arrogance
the Roman church only the depravity of the monasteries, the sale of
of the clergy, the licentiousness
dark superstition, the cruelty of the During the Reformation the_ renascent
faith once more proved
indulgences and other such of conscience and spir¬ its capability of becoming the champion of a new morality which
inquisition, the resistance to freedom
hypocrisy. Who could deny that established a new law of freedom. Although the German peasants,
itual progress, and the Jesuit gravest aberrations! But any when they tried to interpret
the church has become guilty of the
recognize that these aberra¬ freedom to their own benefit andLuther's doctrine of evangelical
rose up to get rid of the bonds
unbiased historiography must also and encumbrances burdening them and
for like any other great power their enterprises, suffered
tions were historical necessities,into predominance. On the other defeat, in the Netherlands and in England the sense of freedom
the church had to degenerate must not tire of admiringly enumer¬
llu* awakened by the craving for religious
hand, unbiased historiography
humanity adorned its existence freedom in the first case against the liberty led to national
ating the moral values with which church. foreign dictator, in the
second against the princely lusting for power.
leadership of the Roman Much as it may have
under the fighting, it has brought into it much more
involved the world in was one after many The uprising in the Netherlands marking
iil;l*i
power the church the beginning of the
love yet. As a fighting the worst, but it was the first great period of modern revolutions
others and certainly not and, thanks to the strength was motivated by religious faith
i; ?5iliil

love. Among all the great powers of the provided by faith, attained
historical power of the first to adjudge to the indigent the
objective. In England the decisive share its
in the battle against
world the church was and for the benefit of the
Charles I fell to the sect known as
"Independents,"
right to the means of livelihood,complemented the legal system with close to the contemporary proletarian which came
?lls
n raj'r;;31s*

"Independence Party"
suffering and the oppressed it
it be forgotten that it granted
with which it has the name in common
—
[li;'

a system of mercy. Nor should fact that from the idea of religious among other things by the
existence, a claim to spiritual devel¬ demand for political freedom in the freedom it arrived at the
men the right to spiritual happened to be able to interpret such same way as the latter
opment, in the way it just and in its offices it arrived at the demand for economic equalization
;3'*
i rs

development. In its schools it nurtured strata it may have equality. The first English revolution from the idea of
1;ii*

in what social Cromwell's "Holy Men," the "ironsides" who was led to victory by
used any talent, no matter its thinkers, scholars and artists, derived their invinci¬
found it. It went to fetch in
FsAi isi?sf

bility from the conviction of faith.

— —
___
the depths of the populace, and The deputies
abbots, bishops, and popes the worth regiments the soldier councils, as we might of Cromwell's
'e

was the only power to appreciate call them in

through a millenium it the utter darkness of the
modern parlance were the first in Europe to postulate
of the human mind and to illuminate declaration of human rights, an the
;

times. the idea of religious equality act which they rationalized by

rari*i

which the "levelers" in their

:;*;l*;ia;r;is:;1ii;*
;:;u;iju:*lirHiiii;;;I
ill

religious visions had brought into

power of love reveals a circulation. They thereby
Nietzsche's view that the Christian
t*qiE;;:i:;; ag[:i;ri1=

by the historical fell back upon the declarations

morale of weakness and decadence is refuted in the new American colonies theof human rights which over there
pervading a millenium which the era of ecclesi¬ the sake of religious freedom hadpilgrims decided upon, who for
l;iil

counter-evidence The Christian power of love was Europe and whose exchanged their new home for
astical predominance supplies. barbarian violence which had
the
able to hold its own against Whereas during Antiquity it was
strength enabling stout-hearted
in the
mind gave birth to the pervasive
doomed the era of Antiquity. the task of the establishment of achieve victory in the War following
of
century their grandsons to
second, or glorious, English Independence against England. The
rdElillaFgl*3 i$$ils

force which had to perform

in the era of ecclesiastical Protestant revolution, which permitted the
states and initiation of culture, power was decisively
iil*i*tF ;ilii

as a dominant succession to the throne to prevail,

predominance the church victory under also achieved
this task. The clerical leaders
involved in the performanceofofprotagonists High Church a the banner of faith, although it cost
which put them in the severe
to obey the populace felteffort to resolve resisting the the English
here rendered the service leadership figures of history. At the duty-bound by God's command. king, whom
front ranks of the heroic physically and spiritually
r:

end of the epoch the massesat were the end of an era of princely The world-historical importance of
the
healthy as they never were in the fact that for the firstglorious
e

on English
fact that the power of love»
rule. This is valid proof ofofthemass servitude or at least o' Sreat modernrests time one of the
".i* ;'FxE

nations broke
full cognizance of what it with the king by the grace of God in
aimed at breaking the bonds not conducive to weakness, but JLS- Popui ace remained _ was doing. Now as before, the
making them more bearable, was masses were given th® willing to give to the king what English
strength. How could it be otherwise if the
social task from whi®"
kins's, but with the added sentence that was the
opportunity to partake actively in
they had been barred heretofore?
the
Without the idea of human sod' ll the people. Locke represented the king on his part was
when he taught that the populace the prevailing public opinion
the states could never hav® r°rm of government enjoys the right to adopt the
ety which Christianity instilled form of the pervasiv® drg ady which it deems suitable.
received their firm foundation in the
3

English citizens had enjoyed For centuries

g

freedom as far as their

210 211
 had also won its polit- extent necessitated by the present emergency.
person was concerned . Now the populace Later, when one

{
tried to get rid of the proletariat ,

OO
lof,
ll'vr
won bv the strength

0rl lo

i:o
cn
rlolD lo
o lP.ro

.lot) {

l3^
".D
-i;
to pay for the fact that he tried toBabeuf
lr
had been

o'
F.lllJ
it and his adherents had

jZ
the former
|
ical freedom, and like

(f
*rl,-

5lo
be serious with the demand
of fa 1 th~i for equality. Nevertheless,
It made good sense inasmuch asthis demand was not an empty word.
it was directed against the legal
The Revolutions of the Bourgeois Idea
of Freedom

_ inequality which privileged the landlords

at the expense of the

illiil! il iil${ :lii1*}:*iiain:i-;r;li;i'':i;,iiiiiliil ll

ll
:
4. oppressed peasant masses and which
lifted the first and second
the transition to the estates of the nobility and the clergy
The second English revolution forms above the middle class,
ilffi::i[liElll[5i;i11gI[i3iiii=;;l[l;l-
other since 1789. If which felt equal to the privileged ranks in

: ;?; :*x,;;q* **;;lil{llillilllliraiiiliilillillElil

each
modern revolutions which have followedrevolutions, fought from the worth, in wealth and education. external and internal
the earlier revolutions were ethical
regarded as revolutions of the Frenchmen also hankered after Besides, the democratic mind of
equality, or at least a strong
rock of fa i th , the later ones mayasbetheir point of departure the approximation thereto, in social
intercourse.
the sense of .justice which took grown strong by their successes lutionary excitement one went a good deal In the first revo¬
had
fact that new social forces expression one was willing to sustain in a calmer farther in this than
and sought their juridical
within the constitution. mood. The practice of
by reference to the addressing each other as citizen clear across
One no longer rationalized
word of God, or
through heaven, but one
the
derived
new
if one is permitted
them
unfailing
demands
to
from
tool
say
human
one believed to possess the were cast in very bold and far-
so
for
reason
cognition.
—
via a detour
in which
The
— population was soon abandoned again, but all strata of the
the decidedly social sense of the nation, all the same, thanks to
of the idea of equality remained enduring.the social after-effect
adduced rational arguments Although the slogan of freedom was
reaching abstractions. The most noble human principles were ously, for a very long time it was not the one taken most seri¬
invoked, and theories of the state and society were contrived. possible either to find
for it the juridical expression which corresponded
The model of the English and American
constitution of liberty ically formed character of the nation. to the histor¬
roaming ideas. The model of One constitution after
gave some empirical support to the on the minds. One exper¬ another was erected and torn down
Antiquity also exerted a strong effect century-long education until the
again. It took almost a
renascence and wanted to equal the
ienced a kind of political addition, through Rousseau concep¬ stitution which was so tailored toFrench gave themselves the con¬
their conditions that it could
Roman heroes of freedom. In which had been borrowed be effective for the duration.
tions were brought into the discussion simple conditions found
from the Swiss political system and the of effort, ingenuity, The declaration of human rights,
in the Swiss cantons. What a concentration in a frenzy of enthusiasm, is copied deliberated and proclaimed
to derive from this airy edi¬
and eloquence was
fice of ideologies
indeed
and
lived through as a person
nation was to live henceforth!
marshaled
foreign
the
experiences
legal
It
rules
became
by
which one had not
clear
which the French
within a very — — human rights which had been laid downafter
American colonies as a confession of
freedom.
the declarations of
in the statutes of the
the sentiment of religious
The sentiment of freedom to which it had to give
body of law was expression in France was of more
short time that this artificially constructed soundness. How differently above all the uplift of a feeling secular origin, and it bespoke
completely lacking in security and seeking safeguards against of strength of the citizen
which supported Christi¬
the moral sentiment had proved its worth of human nature, Properly speaking, the human arbitrary rule by the government.
anity! Since it originated in the very depths legal development of a
rights of the French revolution are
only fundamental rights of the middle
it could become the fertile fount for the pervasive feeling of freedom classes, supported by the
out ever more far-reaching
whole era, for which it staked
doctrines derived from "reason," beyond this dimension, e.g., theof. strong citizens. What went
goals. In the end, of the legal with so much fanfare, could not abolition of nobility proclaimed
hold on the minds by
only those proved tenable which gained a as it had been formed national sentiment. stand up against the French
virtue of being confirmed by the sentiment if they are evaluatedThe human rights of the French Revolution,
$Eii

of the French nation. The

in confronting the actual social task
fermenting abstract law of reason in a long-drawn-outexperience.
purification settled into the concrete French law of
process of

equality, and fraternity,

are the execution
by Christianity. —
humane significance They
in the light of their lasting
limited to the political horizon substance,
.ethical declaration of human rights, as they had — of the
been proclaimed
fell far short of embodying
pervading this declaration, which the high
.

Of the triple slogan of liberty,very

;irr;giiilt[ii

was less
Pretentious in name but infinitely more momentous in practice.
soon was smothered by
.iIii

fraternity part in France itself Whereas the Christian command of charity originated in the soul
the
which accompanied the revolution, and
the fratricidal battles fraternization perished in the fhd therefore at bottom was oriented to the whole range of human¬
likewise the idea of worldwide revolution all over the world* ity, the governmental declaration of human rights originated in
battles which spread from the the modern public spirit
si*.

o‘
When the middle classes inscribed on their flags the slogan and therefore is confined to the polit¬
ical realm and the civic sense.
full sense of the
E

equality, they didn't really mean it in the at all, and one itan The more far-reaching
was also sensed at the beginning,cosmopol¬
i

connection,
mind
term; one didn't have economic equality in embarked upon makinf? t°st again in thewhich
worldwide conflicts of the Revolution. was soon
rA',3
0):J'5uO0)Oa5

was extremely shocked when the Jacobins

inter'
*se

concessions to the proletariat which would serve its classK°rause

est. Jacobins had rather good reasons for doing so FranceTheallrevolution of the idea of civic freedom spread
The
they saw in the proletariat ready helpers for the
realization of Jonti over Europeand into the very far east and had from
its
3.E

to be willing on theif nuing effects in Asia as well. What rights

th e Peoples
their power schemes and therefore had to the
it brought to
constituted a tempting model whose imitation
the slogan of fraternity at least was not
part to live up to
:-
P

21 2 213
 unrest and the horrors surrounding it; even more thinkers had devised in the interest of the third estate,

;l:Ii=a:;*rfr:;: ]iiii li gl*Ei

ii;;i
by the

=,
deterred to the

il;;;{*;:ri*:*;e;isIli;a i*t;;;iriiie,:a, ili;i l[ lig:i

tempting was the propagandizing force
i ilqIs l
exerted by the revolution¬
an educational influence on
ary ideology over the minds. It had first had to experience by
horizon of the proletarian interests.
given to it bv Anton Menger, the system of
In the apt designation
doctrines of the

;r*lr;ia;u****:;ift;;e:f :r;:;iAsg$ii i;:i qsi j ti E,,

every people socialistic thinkers is a system of proletarian legal
world public opinion, and ideology. derived from the necessities of mass life. The philosophy,
itself how far reality lagged behind developed by middle-class legal philosophy and basic rights, as
the middle-class revolutions, have been framed made effective by

lI;}r;fre;$;l;;l :;iri l+
ll
of Equality reflect the outlook of the propertied class and entirely so as to
5. The Revolutions of the Proletarian Idea suffice for the propertyless masses. For the therefore cannot
by the prole¬ something to be granted legal status and the bourgeois it meant
The middle-class revolutions were followed
hHl{

lir:[
the ideology acquired legal rights, and he might take protection of the
spiritual impulse is found in comfort in the thought
tarian ones. Their had developed. In addition, that the "same rights" were guaranteed to all,
which the middle-class revolutions has been an especially ity thus being fully realized. the idea of equal¬
the situation of the modern proletariat But what did the propertyless
uprisings. worker gain by the universal extension of legal
efficacious factor underlying the proletarian protection of legal rights? For he did status and by the
away from the ethico- set of property rights, and he therefore not acquire a noteworthy
The latter moved still furtherof the middle-class vari¬
I;ffr:F

religious revolutions than had those

proceeded from
iiilit sition of assets.
lacks the material foun¬
dation to use his ability to exercise legal rights for the acqui¬
As the middle-class legal philosophy
ety. To be sure, the first proletarian thinkers were devoted to a called for middle-class basic rights from had
ideas grounded in religious mysticism and
classes and the bourgeois, the proletarian legal philosophythe viewpoint of the
visionary morality designed to fraternize the now demanded basic
whole world. The labels "socialism" and "communism" attached to economic rights from the proletarian vantage point.
Without
their systems were given to them for good reasons. However, as economic basic rights the "same right
from the world of ideas abstract becomes naked inequality in fact.for everybody" in the
,i;i{;llgl

soon as the proletarian movement passed

3s

world and seized the masses, it became a plain

into the real to openly announce the The most important basic economic rights
movement whose leaders did not hesitate
not advanced forth bv the proletarian thinkers were the right which were set
Ir[6

revolutions had
class struggle. The middle-class the contrary, they had set it subsistence and the claim to the full output of labor.to the means of
the cause of the proletariat; on The right
back by calling on bourgeois capital wanted to take control. Is it to the means of subsistence covers the means
now to use in its own vival and in an expanded version the means to necessary for sur¬
surprising that the proletariat which had been able standard of living. This right sustain a reason-
ifE

revolutionary struggle
interest the example of the spirit of mankind. It appeals to the derives from the ethical
held out to it? original emotions of pity
and sympathy and of human love, and consequently
l€i!ili

what it demands
middle-class liberalism had is not in the nature of a mere legal
F

tffii

From the constitutions whichsovereignty the proletariat had cal claim. claim but of a genuine ethi¬
However, the proletarian philosophy
made known in the name of popular of law a long
come away politically empty-handed, although it was of course one time ago abandoned entirely the claim to the
means of subsistence
r3

the populace and in its own view as did also the socialistic
of the strongest groups within
the majority of the common people, nay, was itself full output of labor rules the platforms; today the right to the
proletarian world of ideas. It is
accounted for
qil:r-uti;;Ii;i
iqi;ti

repeating. The asserted that all output, is the product

*i

exponents didn't tire of

the populace, as its
svstem barred from the franchise the and land are mere aids to labor ratherof labor and that capital
constitutions of the liberal factors of production, the worker thus being than being independent
I

great majority of the wage workers, whereas the logic of the idea entitled to the full
universal right to
**sa

the same product. As Karl Marx explains in "Capital,"

of popular
" sovereignity demanded it is out of the
the masses of workers had to resent question for the worker to
be handed over in the form of wages
votei. How much more still
revolutionary slogan of the true fruits of his labor as long as the
ttfe contradiction existing between the
era vate property prevails. As he sees it, as legal system of pri¬
iilllgi

In the praised
equality and the actual economic inequality. succumbed to deepest remains intact the propertyless wage worker long as this system
it

of most rapid economic progress these masses is forced to offer

nr*roEi;;q;fr

large-scale pro¬ his labor power to the capitalist

misery during the transition to machine-powered his subsistence needs, whereas the for a wage which covers only
-'y 3.4e .rIq:

its own accord

i;

did not of
duction. Since the propertied class proletariat half-way, there was his labor, the "surplus value," entire additional product of
summon up the will to meet the
can't be otherwise at all, he must fall to the capitalist. It
E

latter to fight for its own interests with says, for the private exchange
reason enough for the it economy must conform to the law of exchange
FtT fLB

The middle-class revolutions showed

all means at its command. organization
liiillg

it developed rapidly Price which, like every other value: the wage is a
q;nF

the way to success. The which price, must reflect cost, and
gave it the strength thereto. The breathless
progress of large- therefore, as long
enlarged the masses, and the magni" force, the worker whoas has
the private exchange economy remains in
scale production unexpectedly of actually existing °f the surplus
value.
created all value will be cheated out
tude of the circumstances, the dimensionpower aroused the great
poverty, and the scope of the hoped-for
[3

leaders which the movement was in need of.

The doctrine of surplus value is most resolutely
bourgeois economists. It can't contested
excep' be our task to get involved in
tVle theoretical dispute of the parties_ÿ

The leading proletarian thinkers were almost without .

suffioe to show that the doctrine of For our purposes it will
rc,ir i.
oo 5

e.

accomplishment
Fl

cq

;.
?"'to

ooE

: H.<
iccrO

ci^o

education. Their
dH

tion men of bourgeois origin and

r""'P

hot netain surplus value itself does

,:
0J e.

g'n
"Ox

was to adapt the scientific system, which the middle-class

YUU
€cr

to the end the idea of economic

GO

".!
P0)
oo
dB

P.<
F'l

equality.
214 215
 XIV. The Law of Small Numbers Put to the
Historical Test
labor, which the doctrine
The claim to the full product of

g g'ili q'=sldl; =3 go -.*P3" 31'"

a

?.Ju,E o t; o o
lot g

[3.1il'0'j .,O ]-
l>l.g
g I i, slgl.=

/
demands unequal distri- 1.

-l+;3
The Historical Possibilities
of surplus value tries to prove , itself

F" -Tp.l.;fy t - ? r =... -.s llo b-'

ss.*F't";'{ i
Q I6 .,lI -
ilgs,
it demands a correspondingly
dr{l;5
J:E il15'g

qT o o:l;('
bution of the product, because

or
contributing more to

+A; lg g E sot
33 r3qEld
higher wage for the more capable worker
Social action requires the leader and calls upon

co cr;l cr e'-P"- d
future he must also

-_.- "B+grd
q 1;.sifi
socialistic state of the Purely in terms of the idea, him.
output, and in the This demand, of the leader is the technically
correspondingly higher income. required organ of the masses enabling

__
_
be granted a
o,
of the labor the latter to win success

:]i:J
the sense of justice and power. But how about the
course , also accords with is o over the masses? Since he walksleader in his turn winning power
",
A skilled worker
'lg ]'':
geared to it.
force , and union politics
33 +tl E',31s3c-J;

g ahead of the multitude and seem-

8€_
unskilled one. The law
3

inglv must be stronger than it,

ltvr
would never put up with the wages of an must he not win power over it?
asserts itself in all strata of
o*o
o,6'lu;

Or is not perhaps this multitude stronger

:.f ", ;'o 5,ilcr Pl+e'o j'

of success=_, you see, irresistibly after all because, like

_tD _J-
it no
iJ'-il,s
recognizes
i-'*$lg

F'-.
society, and the proletarian philosophy
of law --6-3 a wanderer having arrived at his
destination, it is entitled to
the worker. Where perfor- disml ss the guide after having utilized
less than does the practical sense of but equality of treatment
3

::
his services?
F,[f+[1]i-

If it
mance differs, it is nottheinequality
XFn.+Jc ! jl5';'i
the rigid law of
El=B
d"il*.*:"J
— could do so it would indeed be the stronger
of the two parties,
s 5'gB)icp.=:no

nature of law but it is characteristic of the multitude

which militates against
— —
R
.g E3 g s 3'-d.:.,'
that it cannot do this
o

. applies to wage
5'c.,il

force As it so easily. It can

-l::
equality could win through only by and does do so only
x-iD

when it has become

3 3?,,€-'
i

in the economy as a whole, generally incensed against the leader

work, this principle must also apply wealth, the law ;. f =S; and a storm of indignation
l;

3'

leads to inequality of about him sweeps through its ranks.

and where social success grant legal recognition to the the individuals forming the multitudeOrdinarily the contact among
i
< i :.o -y

slgss

of highest strength will have to Of

g1"
o

-:

course, this does not imply is not sufficient to permit

;d'-la

wealth as well. reaching an agreement that the

g'"
;'- J'+il

of leader be dismissed. Even if the

o

inequality won by mere force, for in number of malcontents were quite

approval of a success which has been
consensus to cease following untillarge, one will not arrive at a
-(Dio

F,lR

every healthy people the law of force will in the long run have
others" are likewise ready for it. one has become sure that "the
sE

,{

-+^
[''

liberty.
to yield to the peacetime law of old leader one must have come together In order to break with the
The higher achievements which
leadership performance brings his time to win general support. Before under a new one who uses
iali*;i;qiq;uigi ;;;.i;;;
i l i*
s;;-a;|:ii*;;ir;;l :;i;t;li

r;;H;iua
ri;q[+i,=;;t;*t:i i=lgfift

to the leader a legally priv¬ this point, conditions for the old things have developed to
to society are always apt to assure it would be as inap¬ leader remain favorable. He
FoilagglsIr*E$3gsE a:i:Eq;

ileged position vis-a-vis the masses, andleader and masses alike can count upon continued following and
to win a certain predominance or therefore is in a position
propriate in the economic realm to treat
Here as elsewhere, inequality in to a certain and perhaps very high even superiority allowing him,
as it is elsewhere in society. consequence inequality in degree, to place his personal
r*i; grll4[;ir+r;l ;[;i

necessary aspirations ahead of those of the

performance will have as a no longer require leadership masses.
law. Only if social tasks should
leader be equated with that of the masses. These general considerations only show us
must the right of the of how the relationship the possibilities
the proletarian philos-
between
of the multitude may take shape.the Inwill of the leader and that
:;lgiqi*;;rta1*-;

This finding by no means disposes ofstand and fall with the these possibilities have in order to see clearly how
no means does it
ophy of law, for must trace the big sweep offact materialized bv and large, one
by
However mistaken it may have been with
slogan of equality.
respect to the right to the full product of labor, the right to connection one need not go to historical development. In this
any great length as even a brief
asserted by it is incontestable. Cer¬ survey will already show that
the means of subsistence itself with this all
of leadership from the beginning socially significant positions
tainly the proletariat may not want to content until nearly the present time
right, nor must the proletarian philosophy
of law do so, but were characterized by a strong superiority
of the right to the means of sub¬ it did not do so alreadv before, over the masses. If
nevertheless the establishment This right sets a at least since the beginning of
human history, i.e., since the clans
sistence is in itself of great significance. rights, it designates and tribes began to coalesce
into peoples, the Law of Small Numbers
lower limit to the system of basic economic has been in operation
of which society must not fall short. As long as that few leaders ruled over the many aggregates of the masses. in
the minimum as they are today, the
conditions for the labor force are such
of this lower limit is a question of life
measurement and defense force, to wit, for all 2' Photic
and death for large groups of the labor survival minimum or may
Leadership and Its Consequences for the Masses
those whose incomes fluctuate around the
even be permanently depressed below the minimum compatible with Everywhere the
subsistence is, after all >
human dignity. Measuring the means of but also of spiritual and_
brutal force. The history of peoples begins with a period of
beginnings called fortask of force which had to be done in the
(
t

the physical
D;

not only of despotic leadership. Under

f,l(tol u,

a question
J-

not only of survival but also of

^t

strongest lead¬
si

d
li-l o

55Xts dl' lllJ ol f

(f'

ul(lo a,,

ership the strongest

r-l'll- a:i
5o *o, 5ll lP. u'
' lo pJ(

'10) Cr

moral means of subsistence, inferior stock. In thewarrior

o

tribes subjugated the masses of

,l:l.t g,
l( a

development of the vital energies! Hasn't the slogan of equality

lol

else in the barbarian (Went,

t<l

ts5x I f,ll.lH
lol
.+ar3 r'.O its'llcl

l+
tot

;0r :t,lo
o e.X i:: o: Ilo

in black Africa, and everywhere

.l(f

in grade school, where all

t<
1: : ld

F'l!
o-s'<l ol.
I'

<rF i o oli
U crp.O > al; t:

l,
(ol:
ol.
h< g) P( ol(
5-l:

I
I
i

application
ol,I

splendid
OI

indeed found a
elementary instruction! It fegimes over the weak world the strong races set up despotic
:
I
U OCg.-tD !

children are to have equal access to ones in extensive regions, and these
' 3a cf O
4,
tu
_J

philosophy of law to show the remained solid as a rock,

is a great task for the proletarian
:D

submerging the masses into

o +.5 D

in order to bring slavery. Even where victors were not of such superiorhopeless
many things still remaining for society to
do
S0CrrrJ:

+v!
+.^D
+v-

remain stunted in
.iiQ;
O P.Jt

today still the ruling strata had rather been stock,

PP.

which
P.

to fruition the rich talents lead of their development, elevated by the temporal
<
P !

masses. tyrannic rule could be

frl

the established

216 217
 \JX II1G ciu se one victorious people
was given
opportunity to assume control over the material power
t'*
the
resources of arms and capital, along withdeep the moral power
3 of organization and culture.
re sou rces The furrows which
the use of force at that time dug into the stratification of the
populations lastingly affected the structure of even the strong¬
est peoples and are still far from having been filled in com¬
pletely even in the case of the most progressive peoples. When
the citv of Rome came into being, the Romans in the main were
still a tribe of vigorous peasants which was hardly superior to
the other rural tribes of Italy. When the citv of Rome had
become the holder of world power, the never-ending battles had so
jumbled up the population that a small number of too powerful and
arrogant optimates held command over the land and over a mass of
impoverished coloni and slaves who had to cultivate the soil.
Today in Italy and in other vast expanses of southern Europe the
after-effects of this can still be perceived in the condition of
.
the cultivating population which economicallv and socially has
been depressed to the level of metayage tenants. With the Ger-
manic and Slavic peoples of Europe, too, the warrior rule with
which their history begins had its legal consequences in the form
of rural bondage and subservience which lasted into the 18th and
19th centuries, and even after the elimination of bondage and
subservience it manifests its actual consequences in the lesser
vi tali tv of the rural men tali tv which is found over large
areas. Inasmuch as later the industrial proletariat was
recruited from the peasant strata it is recruited from the
lowest strata, the rural proletariat, to boot the latter Ts
impaired condition also determined the shape in which the indus¬
trial proletariat began its employment, which imposed on it bur¬
dens demanding a maximum of physical and moral robustness. His¬
torically worn down, their stamina were so slight that the capi¬
talist class, helped by wealth growing at an astonishingly rapid
rate, was able to subject the proletariat to a modern despotic
rule which in severity did not fall short of the tyrannical rule
of arms and which could only be restrained after state and soci-
etv , along with organizations of the proletariat, had turned
against it.
As things stood before the masses rose up during the age of
revolutions, with nearly all the civilized peoples the lower
classes had lost the capacity to perform the essentials of mass
service and to be active followers exercising effective control
over the leaders. The masses had become habituated to following
traditional leadership in dull resignation, the idea that they
might get rid of it being foreign to their way of thinking.
Although one group or another perhaps desired a change in leader¬
ship, it still could not expect to be able to carry along onto
new paths the great multitude of "the others," and everything
remained as it was. If it pleased the leader to select his suc-
cessor, he might have to fear opposition on the part of his com¬
panions, but not on the part of the masses. They obeyed the son
as they had obeyed the father. In this way personal leadership
strengthened into historical leadership; specifically, princely
rule by election was replaced by hereditary princely rule.
Hereditary choice of the leader entails the loss of the idea of
selection, which is an essential strand of the purely social idea
of leadership. Whether succession by inheritance doesn’t have
advantages of its own we need not discuss now, but let us merely
state that it has the effect of supporting the Law of Small
218
Numbers, even where the leader lacks the inner calling for lead¬
ership and where the position shapes the leader instead of the
latter creating the position. Where the masses have become
tractable by historical pressure, it suffices for maintaining
control by the few that they are smart enough to meet the masses
halfway as to their necessaries of life and their customs and for
the rest not to make themselves obnoxious by emphasizing their
dominant position. A prince who, in addition, knows how to pre¬
serve his personal dignity is bound to illumine his rule with the
halo of patriarchal solicitude, no less.
The hereditary taint of the individual descending from sick
parents or forefathers today are not only a concern of the physi¬
cian and the judge hut also of the social thinker and the
psycholog ist-p oet. Ibsen in his "Ghosts” presents to us a heart-
wrenching example. How much more widespread and of graver conse-
quences is, indeed, the historical affliction which the lower
strata have to bear as heirs to the pressure to which their par¬
ents and forefathers had been exposed. For peoples of sound
extraction one nevertheless does not have to despair, for the
historical ghosts can be banished. The condition is not hope¬
less, the disease is not incurably lodged in the blood. The
weakness is a historically acquired one which with improved cir¬
cumstances can be got rid of again, but as is the case with every
mass sickness, the cure demands the employment of substantial
resources and the patient work of generations. Historically
entrenched evils demand for their elimination long continued
effort.
3. The Transition to Lordly and to Democratic Leadership
The first step toward improvement was taken when, in th e
case of the European peoples capable of development, the violent
rules by arms, when they had performed the bulk of their histor¬
ical task, gradually had to make room for the newly ascending,
milder powers of the church and the middle classes. Thereby the
realm of stringent coercion had come to an end, but that did not
spell the end pf1 the Law of Small Numbers. The church shared
with prince and nobility in the power, and later the wealthy and
educated middle class also entered into the ranks of society’s
upper ten thousand. Church and middle class were by no means
working only to further their own interests, they both made and
pushed through demands envisaged as being
in the interest of the
whole society. They both approached the pure idea of leadership
much more closely than did the old despotic leaders, although
they, too, did not bring it to full fruition. During the period
of ecclesiastical supremacy, as during that of bourgeois
liberal¬
ism, the leading powers retained something of the character
masterly rule. Although the middle class was no longer able of to
apply the historically acquired superiority of its means
and
to the violent suppression of the masses, but had to
recognize their existential rights, it was still able to utilize
them f or the excessive pursuit of its interests. It enjoyed
amPle opportunity for doing that. It was zealously intent
Maintaining the historical lead in means and resources which upon
the
Masses in their restrained circumstances could not hope to elimi-
nate. As admin istrator of the leadership office it was in a
Position to so select the common aims as to be
Process. It had it within its power to grab theadvantaged in the
lion’s share of
219
 and to become less by the reformers' teachings of religious liberty, the
leader in the jointly achieved successes middle-

iillliiliilll;ii nliliil*nllql}liilii lllii

iiilliFiliitlili lliiiililEiilillliil llilt
. e
th.j Even when it did not class revolution in France by the enlightenment down to
encumbered in the allocation of burdens. Rousseau,
still able to reserve the most the proletarian revolution in Russia by the socialist
enjoy any other advantage, it was down to Marx. thinkers
its members, who And those who governed were stern leaders.
remunerative posts in state and society for had first claim to Calvin, Rousseau, and Marx exercised sovereign influence
through their education and their connections thinking of their followers. And the intellectual leaders over the
them. appropriate time were joined by the leaders in action at the
whose his-
toric mission it was to transform the ideas into practical
In the new atmosphere , matters of princely rule also suc¬
princes were absorbed by the tasks of cess and who through their success gained a hold on the
changed. More and more the
and They, too, were stern leaders, and they had to be, masses.
of war grew profusely,
peace, which alongside the work The possible without an extreme effort to overthrow thefor it was not
increasingly they had to face the new powers of the people. Charles Stuart was followed by Cromwell, Louis XVI old powers.
enlightened prince craved being the patron of the intellectual after the men of terror, Tsar Nicholas II by Lenin. byIfNapoleon
leaders. His well-understood interest madethe him the benefactor of in the
peasants, if only princely state the motto had been, "The King is
the middle class and the liberator of the nobility in his King live!", when the people's state was set up dead, may the
because he thereby settled the fight against it was quite
Perhaps there has never been a leader in the often, "The King is dead, may the Dictator live!"
favor for good. pure idea of leadership
state who came closer to realizing the
himself of being the
than did the enlightened despot who vaunted 4'
highest servant in the state.
of
All
action,
power
and
was
since
joined
he was
in him, he
bound by —off—j;Revolutions,
of the Masses and Will of the Leader during
- Especially the French Revolution
the Period
enjoyed absolute freedom that he did not
judgment and conscience, it did not matter at all
opposite power which would be able to rein him The first of the modern revolutions, the English one,
have to face an as a revolution from above. Charles Stuart wanted to be began
in. To be sure, conditions depended on develop his two eyes, and an abso¬
everything to the strength lute prince as were the princes on the Continent. Perhaps
although for the rest he did would have forced through his will to power if he he
it to the
of his people, he hardly had an interest in educating to freedom cope with the resistance of the puritanical spirit had not had to
exercise of freedom. Individual and nation can rise of liberty and
with Cromwell's outstanding leadership strength.
Only from their own accord. gave Cromwell a fullness of power such as n,o English The victory
him had enjoyed, and under the title of Lord Protector king before
The European peoples, after all the historical
pressures, he ruled
enough vitality to develop their wealth and educa¬ over England as the undisputed dictator.
had retained of peace and
tion progressively during the extended times grew to The great French revolution was the eruption of a
improved order. Along with greater strength, the desire first of new
make freer use of it. The ascendency
the middle class and along with it of the peasantry.,
of the masses
and finally — immense force. In the thought of popular sovereignty,
blissful belief in liberty, equality, and fraternity, the in the
French
of the proletariat as well could not be
despotism had been changed to princely rule and displaced
lordly leadership, lordly leadership
stopped.
was
Long after
the latter to
by
— people had identified itself as a closely knit unit.
the intellectual leaders who had disseminated the new However,
not immediately followed by the leaders idea were
in action. Robespierre
leadership. The frozen historical leader¬ was derided when he rose to speak in the Constitutive
cooperative-democratic already
Assembly.
One had his fill indulging the new sense of power. But the
ships were rejuvenated, leadership by religious authority of the of facts irresistibly forced its way through power
having been reformed for some time. All along the line the flood of big
rigid forms of leadership words which were spoken and through the ecstacy of
state-church community the traditional kept developing ever more
the souls.
The radiant rise of the idea of popular sovereignty eclipsed
we re replaced by looser ones, which democratization, idea of royal sovereignty which until shortly before had put itsthe
freely. Europe had entered into the period of spell on the minds. Taine puts his finger oh
of revolutions, of upheaval. in saying that France had no government, for thethe decisive fact
old government
was done with and the new one had not yet taken shape.
The frightened rulers of yesteryear see in the democratic
lllii}llllilllii

The sov¬
ii llilliiiilFli

the victorv of the masses, ereign people wanted to listen to itself when it
movement the victory of the street, leadership will. Certainly where original assemblies of its 25,000 communes. talked in the
the victorv of mass will over
in tasks of government admitted of no delay. OneForhadallto that the
the movement achieved its objective the masses succeeded in with the famished and desperate rabble of the cities be done
securing considerably enhanced attention to their interests and likewise
But they could get to with the agitated peasants who rose up against the
the process of social decision-making. everywhere. Quite apart from any detailed landlords
this point only where they had learned to place themselvesofunder the °f popular sovereignty imperatively pushed concern, the new idea
leaders who, in order to act on behalf of the interest leadership state, church, and society according to itstoward reconstructing
in a well-functioning
masses , could not be lacking
with the old ther one walked on the new paths, the more image, and the fur¬
will. In the grave battles which had to be fought extremely well, and with internal and external rivals. The newly one had to grapple
had to function
powers the leadership
how often indeed did
organ
it happen that the leadership function was force needed its great leader and looked for himborn phenomenal
in vain. The
enhanced at the expense of the masses! All these great revolu¬ french people had to stand the historical test for the signif-
icance of the saying that the
thought
tionary movements needed and had their strong leaders in
was intellectually prepared for ®asses and that the suitableleader is indispensable for the
leader is selected only by
and deed. The English revolution

220 221
 happen France remained in the struggle for power they betrayed one another. With Robespierre's
success. As long as this did not

ii;*;
il=i ii i ig;[i rl;f;
r;:i: n s ]+,_ ?r ag u i
;g idiis;;,;;rs,
iii;tn
re*ffilii 1i l3 gf,H ilslra3 E;sE f $$lE
state of interregnum, as did Germany after the fall of the fall the worst was over. The Directorate no longer needed the
"the emperorless time, extreme means of terror, and instead of the guillotine
Hohenstaufen dynasty when it experienced But in the process it didn't know anyresorted

-
written in Schiller's ballad of the to deportation.

*H;$?
the terrible time," as is better
The newly unleashed forces, stronger than one than did the Jacobins how to put the new strength to use for
count of Hapsburg. In the ever more populace, being in the main still caught up in the struggle the
had ever experienced before, could not rest. broke through, power. Strength was only ennobled to fertile deed for
ra;e;s [;; +slrT: in;ri ; aii ;iqi'
frequent scenes where the passion
management first fell to the accidental
of the multitude
leaders as they were the selection of military success Napoleon, a man when through
who had the
During the course of the calling to become dictator, was elevated to leadership.
created on the spur of the moment. Passing
r
World War such ad hoc leaders in the starving cities of the Cen¬ lightly over the ideology of popular sovereignty, he
placated the
rising when in front of the French by directing the strength born from freedom into
=;-;!it;.;;;
tral Powers were often enough seen domestic
food stores or warehouses excited men who, and women were brought channels of lasting effectiveness and through an incomparable
together by their common distress and as a crowd having series of victories lifting the nation up to the heights
of world
strength, all of a sudden burst forth as dominion.
become conscious of its

;;rl[;;;ii; gt
of them had thrown out to "the others" the inflam-
soon as one
;

at once the wild deed was done which "nobody

!iliilll;i;; :i:;i As was true for Cromwell's dictatorship, Napoleon's
matory word. All small scale did not pass the test of time. In the French people aslikewise
What happened here on a
had really wanted to do." of the French Revolu¬ English, the impulse to freedom was too strong to be heldin the
occurred on a gigantic one at the outbreak I-i down
for the duration, and, moreover, the provoked peoples of
-nFel*lii

tion and during its days of terror. While the with the determi-
level-headed minds Europe
uncertainly, the enthusiasts turned against Napoleon. In England as in France dictatorship
were still groping
ii i ;

the idea of popular sover- was followed by restoration, there by the Stuarts
nation of their narrow mind pursued happened and here by the
;l
eignty to an extreme. This idea now to have seized the Bourbons. But since the Stuarts, like the Bourbons, had
neither
it as long as learned nor forgotten anything, the restorations couldn't
. ii:iE;;li,-:

thought could prevail against

iiiiE
mind sL, and no other "freedom" either. Through a series of upheavals and changes, which we last
its feasibility remained un tested . The ringing word
not pursue here any further, England and France finally need
had been proclaimed, and it exerted its magic. violent elements
It also loosened obtained
durable liberal constitutions.
the chains which heretofore had restrained the leaders found ready
of the people. In these the passion of the and
=.

followers. The alliance of zealous leadership madness brute force was

qi

over all other forms of which were tried, 5. The Roman and the English Systems of Control of the Leaders
successful
igE:33H

igr-*

and assured to the new rulers dominion over the masses to an

1 ..fi ?5 E: fIi:

had never possessed. Even Louis By predisposition as well as history, the English
extent which the kings of France such a contin¬ among the European peoples is the one most qualified people
XIV could not marshal against the external enemy universal dom. It redounds to its benefit to have passed through for free¬
gent of fighters as did the men of terror with their lutionary epoch at a considerably earlier time than did its revo¬
o P ":f

service, nor did he wield such a nearly

compulsory military tinent and to have had a headstart of centuries over itthe Con¬
i=

internal resistances. What

unlimited fullness of power to quashcompared with the justice of organization of its political freedom. The way in the
royal star-chamber justice in which polit¬
_(u

was
a *o +

the
"'3.9P
*
ii
tO

"i*ili -.+jysd
$ -L *d ] S f.ii'" : l5l= oi 6 4.:; i
.r O P' (, N rO iC ct P. llCD *l0q .r O .r €

;:l$ o c'" ;

strength turned ical freedom has been organized in England can

I. -.: - :..
o 1lP P.5 0 d5 t

i lcN

terror of the populace! This very exuberance of

H'uD PX *la

of the Continent that even a free people needs teach the nations
ep)QU-J:
1

generated the whirlwinds of

4t;7'y €:t i 1d!.'_dl1 rcu.,-Po
60

for it
;!(rJ.

out to be France's undoing, firm leadership.

o
"'"C

embankments This is true provided it also has the countervailing

the revolution just as a stream not dammed in by firm
3 P.:.1
3 O O

power which
__
5A-

keeps the will of the leader within bounds and obliges

5N

it has been swelled by cloudbursts.

e

generates whirlpools when

Ol'1 rro-l

safeguard the interest of the masses. This countervailing it to

51":
i A r=, lo E "i [;* ;sle OF,
]l.+(

the drive for

This whole immense power first wore itself out in drive came to
O
r^

power
j

An indomitable is not the will of the masses as such,

self-preservation and expansion. however, for the masses
*uill[:irijIirq;i1g'
gl;
{l^
ia +;:'-13

Pli9
5 o, ?_..rii I._lr

freedom to can't act without leadership, and on their

life to extend the nearly boundless strength born fromstrength to
ll

to communicate this extremely little against the leader. Wheneverown they could do
1JdP1O

potential; a drive they try to rely

3"

its fullest
PO O HO r, +

on their own devices, they fall prey to

r

yoke of their
the surrounding peoples who were still under the in the French
"',

i:$,:i

oblige their most brutal instincts and turnaccidental

gi.,"t=t
d e s"1 3

leaders who
Cooic-:rlo
-.O O p.o

princes; a drive to cultivate it to perfectionresistance. The order into chaos. In

3..."
og*il:.tJg*1

g
5

of England's case we see it clearly demonstrated

people and to make it impregnable to any kindlofty that the power
3
I
o

end as permis¬ which through its oppos it ion must control the existing
zealous mind considered any means to such afrom
"
5 O O ts-rJ

government
sible, even necessary. The strength born freedom became as is itself organized under modes of leadership
as that of the governing majority. This is the which are as firm
0) o crdD

of the church had

o rrlqr:1. ^ra-;-3*=

intolerant and cruel as the strength of love

I"'

rationale for the

:lgr*

expeditiously yet English two-party system, which is the

Ja

once been, and the guillotine did its work more fruit of the political
og o _.-x*
^7o'

*[ *3*; ssig

experience of the English people and

ig3 I 4{r1*

than did the stake. Keeping in check the newborn immense which can hardly be done
I

degree with for good as a result of the disturbances

strength with its indomitable drive required the highest
3.'''3.t

to which it has
3 O

been exposed recently. While the majority party

d Z P. O Fl O (,
5
.+. p.5 -f 0J J

Augustus and perhaps a

O O 5.Jr.H).t55:

Caesar and an
ca

of masterly skill such as a

leaders attends to the business of governing, the through its
5,rq P'ax

But the men who had to control that

Tiberius had possessed.
fiilrig
1O -l cr

opposition
P.O cto O

— —
strength were apart from the one Danton with his revolutionary minority party in its leaders holds in reserve the ministry
l; 5l?

which
[9.,
t

as is to take over the government

as shortsighted as Claudius and as bloodthirsty all tions has gained for itself theasmajority
soon as the party through elec-
P
i,H:_

instinct heights, they were

Nero. Being placed at those dizzying of votes.
r
'.,t

bewitched by Caesarean delusion. The sovereign populace squirmed

$
.t $

-"
o

It was its salvation that in the furious

d)

under their blows.

-J
at
O
5
t

222 223
 development of the system of and to a large extent the leadership of the political
The English system is a refined parties has

_.
,ig$
!;l
-pr l5J "--g-.3" " -;;19
libertv and order by rotat- been recruited from their ranks. The will of

*sqis;:ii;:lii

$r:.taii,-qifi'-Jr

dl*5'3r-,
;l.:ij*,.iiil:B
the old Romans which strove to attain not the will of the masses; it is, down to itsa very
free people is

^{.j :.F,j
g5l$ The Consul, for the year

; rJ:3 o-l !o- X)l:-

O 7l O lqlo
ing the Consuls at regular intervals. the authority considered roots, the
O O 3.cro < |

i;;ilE
all fusion of mass will and leadership will.
stewardship equipped with

{lg:i dpi s'-gi€

of his
*i^"3353^loJ':tlo
necessary for the successful management of his equally empow-
his office, was

6'3 r3,$3 ; 3?
si;3
restrained not only by having next to himself 6.
to vacate his seat to the Will of the Masses and Will of the Leader after the Upheaval
ered colleague, but also by having

E
and by being subject to Especially in Russia

'9=9-?:'1"-
at end of the year

rg1
successor the

o
elected
J c,'"J o r+O o O O

accountability for his administrator. The political maturity of

The revolutions since the World War have been of
'd'3TE s$B

clearly attested by the institution of

the Romans is still more

E
the masses obedi¬ origin and in the main also have followed different
the Roman dictatorship. In times of
emergency a
did the English and French revolutions. Atdifferent course than
g;B"
unlimited power and

iss{
endowed with

{,,- :.
ently submitted to a dictator the same time, how¬
O O iJ

aware that the Roman people was ever, like these they attest to the extraordinary
free of responsibility, well attached to leadership precisely on the significance
that, with his
strong enough to be able to expect with confidence of power into the ical upheavals. Whereas the English
occasion of great polit¬
return the reins
job done, the dictator would
The will to power of above vis-a-vis which the middle classrevolution was one from
hands of the regular governing authorities. had
strength was firmly grounded, and whereas the to prove that its
-
o
_
ct
c.

P
o
J
a
0)

it knew how to submit to French revolution

lli;i;illai1li1'lllillilillllillii;1;1166
the Roman people was triumphant because
llliililiiiilllllllllH
Esli ;;iii;i; ;i:13iii*rq,1'r;
which at the same time it was was the eruption of a new vitality of the
the will to power of its leaders, French
revolutions after the World War were debacles. They people, the
. The English system is refined in the sense that it were not
able to curb to the formal rule of volcanic but tectonic tremors, although
does not tie the change of governmentupon tectonic tremors of
;

dependent a vote in parliament extraordinary reach and impact. In the vanquished states of
annual turnover, but makes it the majority of Russia, Germany, and Austria-Hungary the foundation
;ii Ii[ [ia:Ii ;l $iiif il:

and the outcome of the general elections, where rocks of the

The government remains in office as time-honored dynasties of the Romanov, Hohenzollern,
voters decides the issue. Hapsburg -Lorraine collapsed. and
the confidence of the major¬ The Houses of Romanov, Hohen-
long as its management encounters as of the oppo¬ zollern, and Hapsburg-Lorraine all had
ity. The leaders of the governing party as well supreme warlords after a string of ascended their thrones as
act in the interest of
sition must therefore always be careful to
populace. Inciden¬ logic of history had to bring theirvictories, and the inexorable
the majority of the eligible members of the relatively small defeat was an argument against them rules to an end when world
tally, the outcome of the election rests with a
_ accounted for
in
Already before, each of the dynasties at the eyes of the masses.
group of voters, estimated by an expert to have one time or another had
in the recent elections. The to get over painful defeats. Although Napoleon
one-tenth of the eligible voters
to the traditional party humbled them at Austerlitz, Jena, Wagram, and had successively
ma jor ity of voters is always committed had never been struck at the vital nerve, but the Moskva, they
position dictated by the party interests,move and only the most dis¬ could recover through new successes. time and again they
independently. It
voters is prepared to and non-commissioned officers and the The professional officers
cerning group of
turns away from the government
against the general interest
special interest which, as it
when
or
always
it suspects
perhaps
happens,
only
it to have acted
against its own
it equates with the — extensive peacetime service
—forming
soldiers
— drilled during
were committed to the flag by hallowed the core of their armies
duty. They were sustained by the soldier's traditions of honor and
general interest. It is its votes which public help the opposition gain particular psychology
the mistakes com¬ of power, which compensates him for
victory, which in turn exposes to the and even for the threat of losing hisall professonial sacrifices
;;e;r3 lllll

mitted by the government. As long as this most

mature group of plane on which he shares in the life by elevating him to a
voters decides the issue, the radical sentiments will be over¬ intoxication of battle strength
will give direction to and the power of victory. The old professional
come, and the moderate view of the center not always been able to stave off despondency armies, too, had
the will of the populace. all the same they alwavs reunited in and enervation, but
consular situ¬ spirit emanating from the professional military loyalty. The
Of course, it was not the letter of the Roman core of the militias
-i'iiii=

l*

the English party system what enlisted during the World War was so vibrant as to
ation and it is not the form of but it was and discipline in the immense military maintain firm
keeps the e leaders of the governing party in line, imbuing all the peoples which werebody. Then there was the idea
to the English
lni

is the impulse to freedom which is particular during the cen¬ drawn into the war that they
had been attacked by an insidious enemy
people
people, as it was particular to the Roman
to freedom in every national heritage. Everywhere the weightyand had to defend their
turies of its greatest strength. The impulse the unbroken vigor of the
duties
state were shouldered with joyful enthusiasm. Butdemanded by the
people possessed bv it has its base in that civilized peoples are unable to bear a it so happens
1i"H

which brings
rl **tilii

bodies and minds, in the excellent work performance beyond certain limits. The national war going
maintain order, in the loss of professional soldiers affects
economic prosperity, in the mores whichmomentum. The powers of the army, the loss of militia
:llsgil-

urge for culture which gives forward soldiers affects the populace, and
in a national war, along with the
economy, morality, culture, as they flourish under leadership
anonymous soldiers, citizens in the hin¬
developed their own terland, the aged, the women, and the children suffer. If the
leaders, or beyond, that have Mar stretches out over
;g +r:l ;

hierarchy and organization, are the supportive

powers of polit¬ tory or vears and the prospect for
give the people the strength to resist the least an honorable peace vanishes, the attaining vic¬
ical freedom. They wbat use there is for continuing the war. multitude asks
on grabbing the reins of gov¬
attempt by ambitious leaders bent
the subgroup3 battlees the professional core of the army, When in the unending
ernance. Organized under their leaders, they form bt,unt, had been practically used up, the spirit
which had to bear the
i$

of which the associations of the political parties are composed; of the army had

224 225
 about his were anxious to get rid of the leaders placed
The psychology of the bourgeois worried from the soldiers workers, the rabble, and theover them. Aside

"nE E, s!3
g[;Ii5*s
6 l-* 3*- -13[E3i

;:*8is
f iEi' e; t;r1;=l;it;srF=
also changed.
tood0Jg F

E
q_s "

eg:8il'$fr *#g'FEix!
won
5 cf u O
crO d P'O
family and with an eye on his own welfare scum of the pro-
business, home, and

e
the question of the "what for" letariat it was especially the peasants who obliged
out over soldierly psychology, and
5crF: 0) 5E F.HrC the Bolshevist platform demanded distribution them because

_
army,
-fg
the ranks of the
of the war now was also asked throughout to them of the

_=
base, but finally all the way feudal real estate. The revolution, having started with the
first in the hinterland and at the army's defection from the Tsar and the

E- [q$]ee e*[u€ *;
inside and outside
„

The minds of people liberal intelligentsia

up to the battle front.

-lBa;l:trg-
o
who were blamed for the abandoning him, then came under proletarian
the army turned away from the monarchsmoral sway which the mon- leadership and
H'H E
reached its crucial finale in the upheaval of the
o

war and its terrible suffering. The the army had vanished. All erty. There was no turning back for the peasants landed prop¬
5

archs had held over the civilians and who distributed

{crc

the feudal land among each other, and since

o

men demanding

i
it took was the initiative of a few determined large majority of the populace, the Tsarist they constituted a
< O P.5cfO P.-5

i:;l;
would be lifted in their system was deprived
their dethronement, and no hand
cf50r5Oo,crP,F)

gi3f e $ a
50J crts.HroFt(D

of any prospect for a return as long as it failed

-

serving as the shield and sword

defense. The armies had ceased historic liaison with the nobility, from whose to give up its
il;

it was generals of the

of the dynasties. In Germany as in Russia successfully insisted on the occupants of the leading positions in ranks came the
highest rank and proven loyalty who sa[ that extent the Bolshevist interest was the state hierarchy. To
-1.3 3

what a great
oa,ocrq

abdication of their emperors. The peoples endured at one with that of the

x$*;rsr=: r;;{;;rr Iiilt;u; i** ; llfi ;llq F[ 93lr :gE

majority among them perhaps had
they lacked any kind of inducement.
not desired, but what to prevent :;F qEe peasants. The Bolshevist government exploited
its best advantage.
captured land, but by and large it also spared
the
Not only did it leave to the situation to
peasant the
r_

ments which the old government had burdened himhim the require-
#qe s iFo B=g ;:ta
F$.*
H.5'=

the monarchical
i;[;
When the dynastic keystone dropped out of The moral effect good sense later granted to the peasant with. Lenin's
with. even the indispensable
F'; gF[',3-$9 rd5 o.ts.H)

edifice, things were not over and done

economic mobility which the rigid party platform
,3

witnessing this unheard-of

(,o

spread out across the entire society would not have

O

not only of the political but of conceded to him. In return the government could expect
event. Shaken was the structure that the
n
r

fundamentally was held together peasant abstained from interfering with its
the entire social edifice, which exercise of dictato¬
qi:i

s r'' ; a; t

by forces of the soul. By rial rule in the rest of Russia.

power but
li$l

not by external resources of

occurred in Russia. Outside
far the most disintegrating effect plane no leadership power The Bolsheviks quickly gained the upper hand
the Tsar there existed on the national revolutionary associations because they proceeded over the other
of some strength. The church clung to the Tsar, the Duma did not and most readily acceded to the instincts most resolutely
peasants had for
;[;;3F[s ii;ra;'riiig:ii[.ii[;r t;ss

* *f a,qq;is srsisF fi dii;;l$[[tl;[i[gi

side, the land-hungry of the masses. They

yet have traditions on its nobility, the educated also were able to cope with the
a long time been wrought up against the counter-revolutions
out in numerous regions of the vast realm. which broke
to the masses, the

——
middle class was numerically weak as compared The heroism of the
who Tsarist officers who took charge of the
1

had the multitude of workers counter-revolutions was

occasional big industrialists
g
3 ASF E

their situation against in vain, for the masses didn't go along

had every reason to be unhappy about with them. The
iiii;

Bolshevist leadership didn't hesitate to

l:f

them. For a short while the Duma was still

able to maintain a reinforce their small
its directives were already interfered numerical weight by the most extreme means of terror.
democratic government, but
soldiers. Kerenski attempted suspected of being attached to the Those
with by the councils of workers and civil servants primarily, but also theold state officers and
a test of strength by resuming operations on the front-line.
educated class
— members of the wealthy and
isc
sE $s€: 3s$ $g 3 &53.;3 S33 FE ! F'

disintegration. Leadership were decimated or fled

This was the signal for complete organization remained on the scene as the abroad. The Bolshevist
-i*,If:s36-;;*;iee

, everywhere the many at the bottom

everywhere had come to an end
great majority of the sol¬ ity. However short was its tenure in a sole leadership author¬
rose against the few at the top. The however small were its numbers
— commanding position and
fr;;;

diers, tired of war, went home. What was left

of the military the count of the old conspira¬
along with the torial Bolshevists who had begun the
organization were the
councils of workers formed by
newly
councils
established
of soldiers
organized
government.
which,
labor,
As
could
couldn't
now over¬
have hap¬
at about 15,000
—
rule which looked nearly impregnable.
struggle has been estimated
it nevertheless succeeded in establishing
Outside Russia one
a
: iE lii;;a ari; i s:; r

throw the
f;38*=ri [* Eg-: f: a:

of the general excitement, the most couldn't believe that such a great people could be swayed by such
pened otherwise, in view a small number of men, whose origins
got the upper hand in the coun- were a mystery, to boot, or
radical group, the Bolsheviks, already been completed who plainly hailed from the most
oils. The Bolshevist organization had tariat and the Jewry, an alien race oppressed strata, the prole¬
long before the war, it had been sifted and
hardened in the pushed aside, persecuted, and
conspiracy for years. The hatred for the old disdained in state and society. One could hear it said that
advanced school of persecuted the revolutionaries Russia had fallen prey to foreign rule
establishment which had pitilessly Tartars, no as it had under the
and the fervent belief in their mission to renew the world united new regime wonder since the first reliable crack troops of the
discipline. In cold logic the Bolshevist organi- were composed of Chinese, Latvians,
them in an iron equality and was determined Hungarians, and other non-Russians. A people without the Bashkirs,
zation had contrived its program for
It was clear to the framework of masters just can't be without masters. The mental
ruthless energy.
to carry it out with
order of business was to capture guard of the sultans of Egypt, which had been put together body¬
Bolsheviks that the first
long-hoped-for Caucasian prisoners war, made itself the ruler of the from
power. After the collapse they were given the
b®cause the Mameluks'ofmartial land
r*

regime which had

opportunity to do so, and they could build upina France, over whom
profession gave them the mentality
roasters which the rest of the people lacked.
to be more durable than that of the Jacobins reakdown of the old leaders in Russia and after After the moral
a-ri

advantage of being internally united and the personal

they held the great equality gained for bnihiiation of their most determined representatives
prepared to the last detail. Their theory of lation of Bolshevists was the only one which had the asso-
masses, who
them a firm grip on the instincts of the unleashed the will to

226 227
 admitted to leadership altogether. transformation, which had already released potent forces and
rule and, what's more, was top held

x['g[: si;*tt;tt;Ir*in
$ ;:3i'-;

1 F r rB n ; IH fi i;; ;gc EFir

Fr:g f l:flEi
out hope for more potent ones yet. The weakened

f; *stE *'
s? e:
ffIB g[; _f*
p',=: leaders it had under its command

;::'=[-*
After the removal of the old functioning. strength to ward off the obtrusive, body lacked the
In place of the per¬
a leveled mass incapable of feverish zeal but blinded by passion, unbidden doctors who, with

o 3€ liIE
to the masses, a supreme lead¬
sonal leaders who had fallen prey
up which combined under its control measures. The new masters knew of notried to cure it by violent
remedy against the tradi-
ership authority had been set also swal¬ tional crass inequality with its stunting
FPf :9I

in particular had
nearly all the leadership tasks and circles, who no longer were able to subsist, of vitality in many
d**P
leadership, which even the almighty Tsar
economic o'5i€3"8$l'elggE'-9Ep,F=o s B=-sE;gqn={ .EgE guish inequality totally. They pressed down other than to extin¬

g
lowed up the Only the church escaped the
had left to personal initiative. lost much of its authority, and above the level of mass conformity, bearing what reared its head
Bolshevist management, yet it had =tEq prophetic out Gr illparzer's

rlE
to unsettle religious think¬ word, "Everything

rlln
the same because everything
the Bolshevists did all they couldthe intelligentsia was incor¬ debased." They proceeded like a gardener
ing. The pliable remainder of n;i* trees down to their roots who lops the healthy
fi xfi $6

while their talents and

o
service, and plants. But since they had tobecause they overshadow the weak
P:.'919:{ f 9!:'f

porated into the government down to the general

*;E f?,fr:€;in;: J.i!
gq I

;:31

were pressed
experiences were utilized, they government apparatus everything
deal
against the violent encroachment hadwith people whose resistance
a

level of living. Of the former to be suspected, they were

i; [*;r:
-B'F

of the tasks taken over and above all bent upon accumulating with
was restored that was needed in viewpower. which for the foreseeable future would themselves superior power
sE [,+{+5P 6 = r''

assert In many respects it

especially of the need to ing power. In the process they became rule out any countervail¬
**;=
B

the Jacobinian institu¬

became more severe as the standard seteven exceeded.
by
of power which had held within its gripaddicted to the same law
P5 o.l*'=l.r!J o o H?ory o q! q 'aFfn

6
H

imitated and The hatgg the rulers of the old

tions ofÿ force was
B

Russia: that power encountering no

b;*5 *E r silBr .' ils "lsx. sH Irn s$ ilgn:

the form of the terrible Tscheka, resistance in the end becomes

a

"Ochrana" was continued in

^

predominant force.
of its personnel was taken They wanted to be fighters and philosophers
;f

and in so doing a considerable portion

-..-g i,nl-rlB* reIE ff[';x3 s.

at the same time, but since they didn't

"*

support the cruel lust of the rabble furnished tional people to whom it is given to do belong to those excep¬
over for whose
e

1Eq

In the wars which had to be con¬ double duty, their think¬

Bp

ready helpers and henchmen.

: g; ng

ing was shaped by the requirements of

ss -s
E Ap

military discipline was tightened again, and such tight¬ men of terror, they fulfilled the law of combat. Like the French
ducted in the factories. The historical wave motion
ening was also applied to work discipline after the hopeless dis¬ by restraining the fighting power of
i ; ;s;[H ill; i; a Irt5:
liH

governmental machine could be set going, mobilizing the fighting power of the massesthe old regime through
could be eliminated, and
HiH

until the new supe¬

order of the beginnings the worst abuses rior force matched the old one.
q

the status quo.

could be moved to acknowledge some future time will have to give Perhaps the historiographer of
; *3; r-e[FlE *l' ==s-s

foreign countries that it could

p',s

consolidated them credit for having removed

'*{is

In a short time the government felt so the burden of inequality which depressed
or< f ifg: #fi;gH rl'a=*;i

expect that
:

terrors because it could the freedom of the lowly

even afford to tone down its
3

people, but the present-day observer

6 p: o, o: oE +lfp sf;

stand up
i[*

readily dare to by their equalizing pressure they must note, above all, that
of all the millions not one would allowed to operate. In repress the most precious
against a power which all "the others" impulses for freedom.
;[E ; $ifr $ElE lt., E

small, a tiny, number of people

xgll

the name of the great number a

ah

representatives of the people could

who appointed themselves topeople. This law was not only to hold
impose the law upon a huge 7• The Circumstances Governing the Central Powers
but it shook up the whole
down the existing leadership strata,dominion by depopulating the rious Nations and the Victo-
i'r:l'
*t:ll

national life because it began its

and streets decay and the
large cities, by letting their houses ruining the forests, by In Austria-Hungary
railroads fall into disrepair, by was still stronger than the destructive force of the revolution
c, D o-'r

destroying the farms and the best of their

equipment, by reducing army and the monarchy intointheir
Russia in that it tore asunder the
xii;.': p: t
rn;

industry and trade

;

agriculture to peasant narrowness,churches by letting Hungary as well as here and there national constituent parts. In
:e-T

deserted, the
6d'6

wither, the become the councils was proclaimed, but itin Germany the dictatorship of
shrink, the schools
5"d 5

;;"

the living conditions of the masses in Germany, in Germanic Austria, and indidthe not last anywhere. In
morals degenerate, and
;*
d5

terms of clothing, food, and heating deteriorate. everywhere the democratic republic new national states
asserted itself, and, apart
from the early fluctuations, the political
law on the Russian
The small number could impose its harsh it to secure sup- followed by the social revolution. Missing revolution nowhere was
E

33q
5 cr< O H

d
c p)
P.g) O !t

Ocf :?34':E
aO

not permitted was preparation of

!i'iii

people because its history had the kind that had been created by
;.t, *U

who could have offered

ooXr"

0: p, =oX*o

the Bolshevist conspiracy in

portive powers of freedom and free leaders
d ts. cr!

Russia, the lures of Russian emissaries

5i30y
*'
o 5!rc

consequences of
o.o 0q5s

pernicious and of Russian

oooo

c, o!;

despotism. Now the being money not

od 3s

resistance to enough. In addition, in the new

O5

The autocratic
ldlj

to the fore. national states the build-

FO $o

came
ct p
o

centuries of Russian bondageallow room for freer movements, and

d{!

up of national power demanded

t

too late to winds for the social revolution, andtoo much attention to woo the
Tsar had begun
oio
609
g)

being able to complete its

!o.

<tr

endeavors in Hungary could be negated this is why the Bolshevist

xO
D<

!o)

his autocracy collapsed before

r.a

H
(/)

teraction. As for Germany and Germanicquickly by national coun¬

®Ven after the overthrow of the emperor Austria, in particular,
the great armies sufficiently and the dissolution of
Russia.
word for the secret police in Tsarist strong forces of social leadership
tl.

‘German hÿd remained

::
F+,

X
5
O
C)

5
o
ts
p)

:
5

intact to prevent the spread of the social

(Tr.) lQn. revolu-
tsl

The parliaments, the civil servants,

5

the educated the

circles in general, and the churchesentrepreneurs,
eI

the
word for Soviet state secret police (originally and
“German
Cq5 *
oio *

P.O
P. rn

due to their
ojE

raditions enjoyed a considerable degree of stability

3Fr
(n5

5<
oo
{o i

counterrevolution
ooo

to combat Peasantry was

t<5

commission
vts.O

, and the
I'Jg,

a
(Fcr

extraordinary
.55

—
c'o

cfp

satisfied.
PX

sabotage). (Tr.) It is true that the 1malcontent

.vF

228 229
 its rights consid¬ XV. The Historical Circulation
succeeded in expanding
industrial proletariatconstitution
of Power and the

giilllii
the industrial relations

il fe*[[i*;lsi1;i [*
and Sequence of Epochs
erably in the state number
laws, and it also managed to
exert attraction on a goodly
the point that

——
did things advance to 1. .About
the Theory of the Coincidences in History
of employees. But nowhere in the state constitutions
the democratic idea was violated to the limits conceivable or All peoples of the Occident are
go at developing them
one let it They all have turned blood-related
was violated at its core. To be in history. and companions
that the private economic order the strongest of all organized social industrial ones ; they all had to from fighting peoples into
as
sure industrial workers of influence on decision-making in the between ruling classes and dominated settle the same conflicts
groups have won a degree during the first years after the enjoyed
revolu¬ technology, thev all turned to machinemasses; aided bv science and

ill ffiiI11i[i11ai I E;liiiglllitl1ll-lgiiil

state whifch especially influence which they should have enterprise; in the period of growth of production and large-scale
tion went beyond the capital and railways they
their constituencies and
according to the number of votes inofthe enterprises the actual
all reshaped the body . economic and politic
guided by the same ideas and in town and country;
their representatives. Likewise, infrequently transcended their brought into the democratic ideologies, they all have been
influence exerted by them not the agitated masses of workers movement, with the center of gravity
veering increasingly toward the
legal rights. Here and there the proletarian masses. The
believed that the time for triedthem to rule had come, and where new
cannot expect anything but that their observer
to restrain them they found synchronous, although differences inevolution has to be largely
more moderate old leaders to the wishes of their promot¬ external endowments will somehow their talents and their
leaders who would rule according to go slow, wildcat glance into history reveals to usmanifest themselves. A backward
ers. Where existing organizations wanted unrest in the streets. modern nations no less than for thea peoples
substantial parallelism, for
raFgFlEglgsssItiiE l[E; aFslntIglt

new
strikes erupted, and there was even had the feeling that the revo¬ Middle Ages, not only in the of Antiquity and the
used to order
Although the citizen
only the aftershocks of the disin¬ not only with respect to the Occident but all over the world, and
lution still continued, it waswhich made themselves felt in thea
peoples
but also from one epoch to another. belonging to the same epoch
tegration of the dynastiesmoving forces which typically attend are really For
in multiple ways related to theexample, modern systems
social structure. The big not present. As there was no great peoples which, having reached conditions of earlier
revolutionary movement were
no great leader of the popu¬ were no less flourishing whileanhaving
advanced stage of development,
popular movement, there was also the people had been split in In the representation given us by Mommsen to suffer similar evils.
lace. The many parties into which leaders of party-oriented, limited Caesar's time, we recognize one trait of the Roman state in
earlier times retained their
perspective and influence. Leader and multitude were and are another . of modern life after
to bemoan was and is not the rule of
equally infirm. The evil impotence. Among the writers who
the masses, but the general b is tory , many were inclined set out to depict the big sweep of
to identify nothing less than
peoples involved in the
Like the German people and theEurope are also confronted
of parallel historical development. a law
For example, Draper in his
of "History of Europe's Intellectual
upheaval, the victorious peoples and to Development" tried to show that
order to recover their strength there were five epochs of
with enormous tasks in development which they had begun before the other peoples passed throughEuropean intellectual life which all
as well. He calls them the eras
continue the fertile have not resolved the con¬ credulity, exploration, faith, reason, of
World War. World War and upheaval had been stirred up by the tem¬ them in the five intellectual and decay, and he traces
which everywhere
flicts of power contrary, they have further intensfied ence literature, religion, asmanifestations of philosophy, sci-
pestuous progress; on the precisely, and everywhere one long¬ well
mentioning material development only as political system, while
them. The masses sense this who would lay down the law for the
ingly expects the great leader
national tasks
The present time proves unambiguously
troubled minds. simultaneously

a mass will
are always

and
great
that great
tasks for leader-
leader which must transform
ship and that it is the will of themust give direction and con¬
_ provides reference points
gation. Beginning with

lution of the whole

the
in ancient Greece, he goes onexamination
although it stretchedcontinent
over a
occasionally, inasmuch as it
which serve the purpose of
to show that the
his investi¬
of intellectual currents
intellectual evo¬
had essentially the same content
mass impulses into called up to assume leader¬ idea of historical much longer period of time.
The
sistency to the latter. He who feels length by Spengler incoincidences was developed to the greatest
foundering in the sea of great numbers. his
ship is not afraid of the heavy sea, he will
"Decline of the West." He asserts the
existence of a strict parallelism
Unlike the faint-hearted who wavers before for the evolution of cultures,
that the waves will carry and lift everywhere comprising the same
march on upright, confident tbe same typical periods. duration of about a millenium with
him. from each other by centuriesAccording
or
to him, peoples separated
development the same coincidences, millenia still evince in their
-be same cultural stages each having to pass through
at
°reysig alreadv thought that aequal intervals. In the same way,
'hrist had the same age as a Greek living five centuries before
1500 A.D. Spengler refuses toRoman in 130 A.D. or a German in
reaso ns for the historical give any explanation about
parallelisms, taking these as data
wbich offer themselves to historiography
the
n° way
of tracking the law of how on a grand scale, with
they came about. He views

230 231
 to the same end as being so peoples which had not yet progressed to
their course from the same beginning

-i :,r
:; i;li;i I il
r;F*+rs g=.iqi; Ii fti
more intensive methods of

ai?[;ilig:;;1]i1i
If in;qsr qr3;j;* i:i
ii'
has to deny any interaction between production to migrate, and migrations have
rigidly determined that he any world-historical connection. The most successful ones became mighty mingled the peoples.
them and the existence of ruling powers; many
others, not lacking in strong positive impulses,
We will not further pursue the fact that Spengler is not syncrasies when they blended with lost their idio¬

a;i I;'i: ii;'ifu ri;i:a:r:;i?r; i';i iittq $iff;*l i;:*#?r"

theory in its particulars; certainly were pressed down to the status of others; and the weakest ones
able to stick to his bold his flair for it, must have put him ery. The history of a despotic inferiority or even of slav¬
his strong sense of history, many people is not paralleled by that

li:: i:
doctrine in places. We called attention to of a slave people, they move apart like
at odds with his order to examine it critically but a people with the strength of the Normans,ascent and descent. Even
his presentation not in
overstatement, by its grand sweep it its predatory migrations established dominwhich in the course of
because, notwithstanding its i ons on all European
places us in the very center of facts which certainly we now, coasts, had to adapt to the ethnic environment
which it pene-
deliberation, have to interpret differently. trated. The Normans, who in England associated
upon cool closely with the vigorous Saxons, were themselves
confined to the history leadership, while the Normans in southerncalled to assume world

gi:
The object of our inquiry cannot beaspects of the history of

of cultures, but we must synthesize
peoples as it is affected by bothmust
Everywhere the external powers
Ii;
all relatively quickly. The Aryans who conquered Italy spent themselves
internal and external powers. great feats eventually became Indians, India after all the
provide shelter for the the Aryan culture in Europe. unable to keep pace with

iv i
growth of the internal ones, and all aids or impairments experi¬ 1; i
will always have their impact upon cultural Even under otherwise like external and
enced by the former stances the course of the history of internal circum¬
achi evements. bv the order in which the peoples line peoples is always determined
to the advanced civiliza- up historically. The most
heavy workload was imposed on those peoples
Our presentation will be confinedwholly
: ; i i le l lu i i i i i ;

iqXrti,*i:e'*F :iiia*[;a;qlqa5{!asgilg'
i +gil; iiE;;=li; is ilrl*i:;s ?iigli; ii r;I

**''1;s;{p;i;id{[i.

We leave aside the peoples or even only partly in addressing the task of establishing which had to be first
tions. Their stunted growth can be tions. They spent themselves states and civiliza¬
incapable of cultural achievements. articulated structure of a later peoples were still able toin scale
stages of development which
as little representative of the highly
i

because they became heirs of, and couldwith ebullient strength

n

peoples as can the growth of a plant failing to

great history of of a giant tropical conifer or enjoy, the historical
H''J iE [$qY['-B i 5! i$qtt

survive a summer be representative must advance work done bv the earlier ones.
we not, in addition, dis¬ Europeans have gained over Asiatics be Couldn't the lead which
of a legendary linden tree.theBut degree of their endowment? Should with the very fact that the latter, still most intimately connected
tinguish viable peoples by lacking in experience
peoples who so towered above their contem- and provided with few resources, had to perform
not the development of the Romans be viewed as especially ing spade work and thereby exhausted the very demand¬
poraries as did the Greeks and well known, the Chinese, a turely? If the Teutons instead of the their energies prema¬
long and rich in its contents? As is
u

richly endowed people with a 'great culture, whom Spengler with the Persians and instead of the Greeks had had to grapple
, nevertheless paused Romans had had to set up a
world empire around the Mediterranean Sea,
includes among his ten world civilizations all European peoples. The and the Romans had followed them and if then the Greeks
at a stage which was surpassedthebyAmericans who immigrated from
?

with
knows whether the latter might not have unimpaired strength, who
latter, among which we include stood tall above the
proved to be the strongest
Europe, historically in the long run history exceeds by a few Romanic-Germanic culture? The heritage which
i

of all peoples, and therefore their received from Antiquity for their work during the ancient Germans
*

by the most accomplished invaluable. It cannot be doubted that along the Middle Ages is
degrees the cultural height attained with the Roman
and Asiatic history do not proceed "synchro¬ Empire an immense stock of cultural
i glt;r

European
*

Asiatics. developed at a speed treasures perished, but what

was left as a remainder saved the Germans
nously" at all. While the latter at first former, at the end of a the masterfully built Roman highways the tfre work of ages. On
matched by the
which was far from being history won an edge which the Roman Empire, and these highways, Germanic tribes invaded
period of competitive striving European
fl*qg :t
*:

any more. braving the storms of cen¬

rt

Asiatic historv has hardly a chance to eliminate turies, they could continue to use during war and peace.
the misery of roads the Middle Ages only began whenThus
differences in the young states had to typifying
ir rg;e;.:g

the
Aside from differences in endowment,
3!tq

rely on their own as yet undeveloped

under which a people lives are bound to construction. In the provinces in which art of
external circumstances A people dwelling under the warm sun of
P'o *l<+

they were able to take over the the conquerors settled

affect its development.
?

more rapid maturity. A people which went far beyond what their remnants of Roman administration,
the south brings its talents to
=

own statecraft could have estab¬

which must wrest its food from the environment of a nordic winter

----
lished. Notwithstanding
tion they still found a the
;

strenuously, but as it must ravages from the battles of migra¬

;;*i;*#=rq

will have to labor longer and more

decent order in well-built fairly numerous population living in
:i

it cannot help awak-

Ei
P: e'5 '

the ground
sink the plow more deeply into resources. More significant yet towns with
Agriculture, speaking a cultured language advanced craftsmanship and
substantial inner
. ;.r

ening rat.her provided by other peo¬ to Christianity. The Roman and already committed
o:Yb o lE

! j material environment is that

than the and self-oriented, church in itself was for the barbar-
ian victors a gift of fate which
No people remains entirely autarchic
?33$!,

ples. time and again encounters ®oon if they had had to rely on theirthey couldn't have expected so
lrrq=

course of its evolution

r s

each in the stimulating or an inhibiting effect on it- intermediary of the ancient Germans who own strength. Through the
others which have a Aztecs in Mexico tumbled down the preparatory settled on Roman soil,
The proud empire of the conquering work of the Romans then also
g

into nothingness under the blows of the Spanish ethnic Germans who founded their empires on benefitted those
from splendor forced aU
ci

overpopulation s°il, and in due course the Slavs ancient Germanic

conquistadors. Distress caused by
u
F

in the east also obtained their

g
5

232 233
 in part they also states had already a millenial history behind them
the heritage of Antiquity which church.

@e.
of

Pm
5o
share and deemed

a^

OO
o-:

Np
<ct
JM
op
P.o
oriental themselves to have attained the apex of their development.

o:r
the
OJ
and

'f+
Byzantines

a
received from the

(i
the time span covering the settlements of New England, Of
that the culture-absorbing ical standards a short period indeed, a large portion by histor¬
The cultural legacy was so great

lff 'lieiftii
iriii,
sufficiently strong to assim¬ early history, the labor of settlement represents
capacity of the new peoples was not and of fights against the
inheriting as a boy the library
ilate it right awav. As the son acquires the maturity to famil¬
of his forefathers only gradually
so the Middle Ages only over a
indigenous Indian tribes, which
battles of migration
— — compared with the European
shrink to a series of romantic epi¬
sodes. The real act of establishment of
iarize himself with its treasures,
stages were able to exhaust the ancient the course of battle, as it previously had the state occurred in
series of developmentalextending from Charles the Great to Human¬ but the one war of independence, everywhere in Europe,
European kind of political wars, wasno
treasures of culture, match whatsoever for the
[H

ism and the Renaissance and being added to even later. To be to give to the United
States their permanent constitution enough
suggest, as simply the rebirth
ous Humanists and having attained the
of
Renaissance,

works
as its name might
sure , we must not think of the Antiquity. Taught by the zeal¬
the receptive maturity which
:il*'i;
of Antiquity, the Renais¬
—the political mentality of
Americans had thus been completed. As a matter
already been fully formed when the Mayflower of fact it had
ican shores its pick of free-thinking English brought to the Amer¬
allowed them to understand
rffiltiI
alacrity and buoyancy, but in
sance people absorbed them withthem, they remodeled them at the themselves the strength to support an uprightcitizens who had in
letting these have an effect on For these men the conflict between command and political system.
fecund combination of antique tled when they set foot on American soil. freedom was set¬
same time. The Renaissance wasofa the Renaissance did not them- sonality was also complete: Their religious per¬
and modern wavs. The people the
with a free church in a free state,American Constitution begins
1l11l1lll11iilillliffi?igri1:

immediately recognize this. They deemed the antique

selves
nothing less than perfect because within their frame church emerged at the end of a long, whereas in Europe the free
achievements excellence of form and influx of millions of immigrants who theneventful development. The
of reference they were characterized by
one began to realize that turned to the abundant
rF,*; tr;t;}|ii lryii;r: ;siii;";il:* lil:

soil for the time being has not changed

intellectual penetration. Only later of modern life are still too type. The migrants didn't come as conquerors this firmly shaped
the configurations and conflicts being arranged in but as devoted
deeply immersed in darkness to permit their citizens, willing from the start to sacrifice to the
of the Occident took a bow wealth their nationality and their peculiarity. new common¬
calm, classic rhythms. All peoples downs they all arrived do we find the respective synchronous Where, moreover,
before Antiquity , and after many ups and developments in Europe?
Why did the Humanists, Things then proceeded at a brisk pace. It
in the end at a fuller self-realization. their service as teachers , ica's wealth and the generosity of its wasn't just that Amer¬
no sooner than they had rendered they were not able large-scale techniques in many respectsresource endowment and its
become the object of general disdain? Because was out for self¬ would be only a difference in degree, but left Europe behind, which
to go along with their time, which essentially new traits
If the Renaissance had really been so addicted to have been formed in the national
gratification. appearances would lead one indigenous workers is filled with character. The highest class of
the ancient heathen spirit as external
impossible for the Reformation to whole attitude approaches the middle
bourgeois sentiments and in its
to believe, it would have been class, women are respected
which, as is well known, not only set into in society in a way quite different
follow on its heels led the Roman church to a nurtured and educated with greatest from Europe, and children are
motion the Germanic north but also
Without humanistic training, an Ulrich von their national identity in combat, care. Not having to assert
drastic renewal. to express what he had to say, of conflict which threatens to Americans are spared the kind
Hutten would not have been able consume Europe. The "United
and no more would the Reformation humanistic or Counter-Reformation have States" are an undisputed reality in America, whereas in Europe
Without this influence, Luther such a union is perhaps an unrealizable
been able to do so. upon the bible, but the secure, indeed, is the flow of Americanwish. How broad and
would not have been able to fall back life, whereas the
not have been able to be what it was if national forces in Europe, like mountain
Reformation would still felt the strength and the urge to find each other across the dividing waters, are unable to
Luther had not at the same time bis beloved German idiom and national rivalries, once they are keptbarriers! Whether Europe's
translate the sacred original into from going overboard, will
strength and the urge to not aid in developing most amply
if the German people hadn't felt the a question we do not want to the talents given to mankind is
confess its faith in its own way. broach at this time, but instead we
only want it clearly understood
When peoples, one following the other ,
join their works, after all, follow the same coursethat the development here cannot,
l1'

World history is not

as it does there. The American
world history begins to have continuity. as it would be if the character is an offshoot of the European which,
peoples, Prepared over here will in the historically
sheer repetition of the history of peoples could be favorable soil over there further
..'ll11

doctrine of the synchronism of the histories ofof world history)

develop in its own wav. Once American culture has grown to its
value. In the context full potential it will display a character
taken entirely at face of different struc- be developmentally aligned with of its own which can't
the ethnic histories of the first periods are the former the early
Europe's ancient or modern cul¬
ture, let alone the Egyptian, Chinese,
In
;*gr*;ri

ture than those of the last periods. or Aztec cultures.

;'

stages of development are more protracted and more laborious and

t-'39''&

developed or are absent The untenabilitv of the doctrine of synchronous

the latter ones are less perfectly early stages are more quickly becomes entirely clear if one tries to apply it to parallels
entirely, while in the latter the
ones- stages of an individual. Is it possible to place all the life
?=r crjoSJdg:

main development occurs in the later

left behind and the stature, the United 0lds in the same line of development, ten-year
The last among the great states to attain European or all twenty- or fifty-
States of America, did not begin its history until the olds? How many twenty-year olds
understand the painful

2R4 2R5
 feeling called up to great leadership In the reality of the life of a

3 f,
exclamation of the youth coexistence of forces. The richer suchpeople

i
there is no mere

*
I ; " I o i o-f - 5';'1-,'3 3': ';J;,
nothing done yet to achieve immortal¬

f :' r<-i)
D O -':J O.+O Xo

Ei;fiEgii3s*ai*EE+;:
qi
:'a

ri;i
feats, "Twenty years and these forces will interpenetrate in the life becomes, the more
in dull resignation, but a
5'J 5'J -< D
3 i 3 c -l-.-n,D

r.;.io

ijx;e;;n
ity!" The multitude ends adolescencelife up to old age with the course of competitive

"'
striving, passing and displacing each

ijE;:
it93Y3;i:'-BXo 13.
.r'->-'3. 1:;'i;,:.' I
stages of
_

":gl-ql
Tolstoi lived through allof youth. Inner growth such as creative other in the variation of

'J<;l;dO
triumph and defeat. Once a people
has come to an awareness of

O
unrestrained impetuosity
X D
years may be equated with the itself, it experiences its history as
minds experience in their formative work of a great nation will be divided an integrated whole. The

;"' t
o .: f, o o
generations of average minds. Between Schiller as up among individual tasks
work of whole of the classical Weimar
qi_-
and Schiller along a broad front without splintering
manifested in "The Robbers" for which one cannot find a manifes¬ ever. More like a commander aggregating inhisthetroops process, how-

*q*;:r::T*$f
l.' ;'' O)j'= 3
:J X -.<rct

period there lies a distance But in wherever

O:.i
man on the street altogether. danger lurks or success beckons,
a great nation also moves its

s'q;
*ro J.J

tation in the life of the impulses

0i o -.-JN.D

the for inner growth are no less manpower of leaders and masses always
to the
the case of peoples
JE ).1.iu

principal foci of
Isi*q
Certainly all healthy decision-making, unconcerned about
different than is true for individuals. break off prematurely tasks in fulltheprogress

n'
": possibility of having to
of a similar
exhibit developmental tendencies
—
o -;

peoples will it will resume

its own life and cannot

n D -.O
them in due time as soon as the equilibrium
nature, yet every people in the end lives character giving has been restored. During the century of national strength
i!
national
l-.to

r<

help doing so, the peculiarities of its in England following upon

j o
HO " < d'

It is given to all peo- the reign of Queen Elizabeth of glorious

s,fH

uniqueness.
to every event a measure of

;'o Xf
memory the country was
.D HrO -5
FJO -o.D

to social agitated profoundly, and the dead

*i:
history to advance
pies in the front ranks of worldnot been experienced anywhere earnest of events spelled the
end of merry old England. The unthinkable
,l?--;
cn i o

formations which hitherto had occurred that Shake-

53

frcf speare's name almost fell into

development.
-.{

else. In this way world history becomes oblivion. Numerous domains of

I

culture obviously decayed, and later on literature had to be

resuscitated altogether. It couldn't be
other interests were of secondary otherwise because all
Social Forces by a r.nmmon Standard fight which was waged for political importance compared to the
Its.

lr,
lo
lo
lo
lr^

Measuring
I'a
l0r
lo
lF
Itl
l; rl r ;Fi r; trr
:,

2.
Itr
lo
Ir0
ls)

of a people be meas¬ the King and Parliament. With sureand religious liberty between
By what standard can the development instinct the masses, alter¬
ii
i *;

to the forces as
iltili;i;ili;liiil;r;-

gauge it by reference nating their leaders, always followed

ured? It is customary to the leader who just hap¬
EE

and decay. But pened to be confronted with the most

—
jd 9!

they move in a sequence of growth, prosperity, severe distress

';flilfiil;iis*=ailii

the multitudinous forces in the traditional king the national dictator, after after the
how to weigh against each otherdecay, others rise to new flower- the dreary puritan¬
ii:;if

ical regime the traditional king again.

i=.i;'J g Ill356 I; f5' F{

life of the people? While some motley picture, one must Stuarts had become completely alienated And then, after the
ing. In order to bring unity into this standard of comparison. But populace on account of the from the sympathy of the
as a
use some kind of value judgmentto be accepted? Historiography is undignified submission to Louislicentiousness of the Court, the
:.3:" ^g*9.; 31il fr 3;''

which hierarchy of values is XIV, and renewed attacks upon the

forces whose working clings political and ecclesiastical
wont to put into first place those Greek force of culture, the from them for good. Englishconstitution, the masses turned away
;i, ; a ;E ii

longest to the memory of people. The pride yielded to the

left imperishable tracks in world leadership of William of Orange and statesmanlike
Roman force of victory have they prime are there¬ House of Hanover, which secured the eventually to the foreign
+i; i:n ;E;li

history, and the periods when were in their protestant

expert historian as the zenith
fore likely to be viewed by the like especially to cling
ancient history. Modern intellectuals who feels congenial to superman
to the pinnacles of art, and he of exuberant vitality. In spite
feels at home amid the excesses
really because of him, Stendhal and like-
of Caesar Borgia, or one of the culminations of
of throne and under which the Whig nobility succession to the
above the King. In all this lifted the Parliament
criss-cross of decisions the sub¬
structure of the world-dominating
completed, and what interests had future England was nevertheless
first things first in the end could been neglected for the sake of
be nurtured again with con¬
s: ;i

as
minded persons view the Renaissance
history while regarding Christianity
manifestations of decay.
F
centrated strength.
and the morality of pity as
As does the
gauges the strengthactive man, the forward-striving

of forces by their effects. For people also

standard, or at best an activity experience supplies the every single
But as long as there is no common technical standard, and in the
cr

o
-J
(D
5
s td

o.o 'o,
o

final analysis all activities, however

O rD
D

o J) ts -

cross-currents of life, the substance

X rn X o rn +N i

l.;n- f 3 *.l

many
3=

arbitrary one, for the their collective social judgment in thediverse they may be, face
i dJ 3
T:-itsq;-
3
cri)-. = 5

as long as this is
d
olf o J$ o +r"J
€ d3 t O p)

",,2:
5P'

beyond grasp because, success as measured by

of history must remain view as so the dominion gained
JO a. J
5-'rt-

+i-

retrospective
ff o-'r..'' D.r-.:'o

the
so, historical evolution appears to principal forces alive among
by such success over the minds.
X ol r.o

common measure of the

.'i ?oo

Power is the
-
::.9'-

many separate movements as there are social forces, and in the competition
'l(u - (D -"5 { s* j.0r

as these forces, to the most

rn-"-ro-I-J< J

of
O.fo.O Lr 5 $:J,-.F -O5- <

remains apart from religious

r lX

*$
u,

the people. Political historyhistory, successful falls the supreme power.

The historiographer who aspires
i-xolx:X

again dividing
A.-
n

art the latter to understanding the unity of the

rn\,^

well as from economic and

r
Xo

Work of
:

arts. The inner separation

i

te misledsociety will stick to the power

o oo; $"--f;-

up into the history of the separate

I d{
-*

by the fact that in thousands decisions. One must not

'
:J

combines all the

5oO.-l( p'i; o oi r-i.

historiographer
-n'-<
E i-JP'.r3: 5UJo P'g

hard-working
p.-'i,r:

o.
",

E< "!:;r F ;'q

is not bridged if a of cases external power,

D

1
P'_t p):Jq'"

narrative which is Perhaps of a rude and most brutal

/::L-^
1O

separate strands of material into an overall variety, carries the day. It

oo
P.N - O H'J 3

is not the
--i).f
+

O^<-=C,r, <.D
3: o-qi )3i'j

historiography
^-q
Cr5

-,I)

bound to lack the unifying bond. atGranted

that historiographer's task to moralize
,].,

or otherwise to
the various dimensions of Pbcsue value judgments
—
o

l
i
;
t

must start out looking separately -ask. His proximate task at least this is not his proximate
tD a

will always be ah
-
tO o *1-

the specialist is description, and it is

the life of a people and that jÿPon incumbent
PC(rp)^+

in the end the

cm*co'
ry.c

but him to describe

O:yaOPI

indispensable aid to the universal historian, }st, having to informwith

5P.;iPX-

the impartiality of the natural

lq.fdX-

ct ^r

be able to sci en-

CouP

and must
\v6J

latter must synthesize everything, after all, Ple us about the events in the life of a peo-
beyond the pale of good and
produce a genuine unity of perspective.
i<

evil. Compared to the natural

J.-
o

226 227
scientist, he happens to be in the favorable position
of being ip casts and classes,
auci C3I1

sure upon the masses sometimes leadership peoples

— whose pres-

.+r o o'fr 5 +ri9ro J

H^ { o
O
comes close to forcing the latter

ir Jt 9 -: 5
between the

6"diB!'8,-
-Tf,r
u
J
connections
o:EP.O 0J O
the

I :0, q;
,ty;.!: Go:.J -'D 1\u.ro
understanding into an extremely degrading position.
o 10 P.o g) o o P'r, < do g co O.Jr'

g'
-CJ
able to penetrate with

- 5
whereas the human mind The second involves a

5-?o;
of the various peoples,the

u,{
drive on the part of the masses,

-.1 d;l'J
events in the lifelifting secrets of nature.

c+3 1i c+t"J
way. The old leaders are removed, lifting them up in a balancing

OOCOS<]*
over

rr'
the veil

3'3'fr
is barred from way that the reader sive to the multitude because they or they have to become respon¬

ur .g-.-
cn*.r
a
j
lao.r_5oo
portrayed in such
History can and must be

5 r-.'crm

.rrJ
strictly speaking, the soul of a of Small Numbers in all its rigor asare unable to maintain the Law

50 < 5 o =.d?

o P.= o 5 )< ?o
Oo'Ol 3OJolY5<
comprehends it. To be sure,a mystery to us as does external

d
!D
0ro-Jc10:.r
6 soon as the multitude, bene¬

'
of fiting from the established law and

-9
person remains as muchfrom

+P
setting us in
where come the forces upon when the strength to new tasks and now can also order, has turned its

.*{q;--_
0, o u CtE 5€

nature. We don't knowhow

{ :
t
-

-O-r,
called bring the weight of its
C 3.rci':

the great man is

l^ rr)-< '

Y :5
motion, we don't know numbers to bear. The superposition of

g ?:-=-
know why from the depths of the leaders for the time being

o -: o l'9

< 5 g) ^€
times are out of joint, we don't is assured mainly by the exercise of

-JO-.'t.x-

$ O B*5-
o o^
lf
the light
H-'.
faith, quently abundant inner resources are external force, but subse¬
rrp.#o_.

the uplift of

oo5Lu
soul at a given time break of forth

.'tDOO
artistic feeling. Buthuman we do know also released. Although the
od.r
-.J rise of the masses rests in part on
of ideas, the inspirations asserted
J 0,

o0r
beings
have themselves that internal ones are always decisive
— external forces as well,
.;-

as soon as the forces Or, to put it with forces awakened and nurtured
enjoy their effects and bow to their results. by healthy work and acquired by
not understand the emergencewhich
utmost brevity, we do the
of the forces,
the forces education. The internal strengthindividuals as they expand their
of the masses paves the way for
principle of power into the supportive powers which offer
but we do understand historiographer explains to us how of the upper classes, and as theyresistance to the ruling powers
o -?6 6'"' o{ Dl
6 5l
I

become transformed .
< l.Ll
|
I
J 50 o + 515l

the
I
l'.)l

When
;'3'q' ! 0Jlpl
olol
€ e.<f *':X .+til

o *.9'c I o:t
i rE.Jo: ' P.lo

strength gain gain further ground begin to

,s€ n+l
6t
alu

through testing their

HI

external and internal powers changing participate in the exercise of power by

^-n>p ?' I 0)

how changing forces entail those in control.

o<15,o € o
5 H'l(+ (n rJ o. oX
0)crloOOO 3 f

dominion over the peoples and

o)
5t P'

LU

understanding. The
5 .--.5.to T o'-
; <D-J5

presentation with Within the close compass of

e-

his
€^

powers, we can follow

reveals to us the meaning of his- to see the process of circulation the Greek city state it is easy
^

sequence of historical powers brutal¬ simple movement. No wonder that which here follows a relatively
slEP
'Kcos'

of repulsive
P\e

infrequently be
torjr, although it may not person of the present era discerned it clearly, and Polybiusthe
d

bright spirit of the Greeks

nJ'"€

ity. As is known, even the civilized passion to be able to » cycle of the already tagged it correctly as
cro

untamed human
5x

has left enough in him of constitutions." In their migratory battles the

P

history of peoples.
sympathize with the excesses in the Greek tribes submitted to the leadership
a
o
X
o
:'

d
{
1'

of kings who were called

a

to the top by the incessant

the task of synthesizing business of war. The bulk of the
{ oo 3;.Pr_

The universal historian solves burden of fighting was borne by

<;-'5 9.^ s.
13:.

integrating all the var- a

the front in heavy armor, and itswealthy noble elite who went to
cr{ ooo cao50)

o a!' *"-;-
J

O5 3 oiJo oXo

succeeds in
oXcr 5''o:
-a

which is put to him when he order to portray the great nexi of

ioo

ts'n.^
o€<
Dd-

members included, in addition

i1-'l
oo - H.5 O o5

cr-
P.€

5o

to the king, the socially most privileged.

"'-P.

ious strands of material in

tt o 5 d{ !F'-

history of peoples, and then, tion battles had come to an end and As soon as the migra¬
power as they come to light in the as there development takes _a for the wartime firm royal leadership,there was no longer a need
'! Fbo
t5 { OOcr
oa p) P F'0)

p.*o
,?-*

Here
o .o {5

intensified, in world history.

o+

easily recognized within the nobility proved to be superior to the concentrated might of
.J<

more
circular course. This movementhistory than within the broad one
is
archy was followed by oligarchy. that of the king, and mon¬
the narrow framework of ethnic want to begin with an exposition
Cr
:' o
":
OJ

highly talented people, the Given that the Athenians were a

history. We therefore
of world
,-, o

oligarchy was unable to stand its

D,<

circulation of power within a people.

oa

E+

H.;

ground against the

;\,

of the historical multitude of free citizens who also

share in the fighting and who also had had to
achievements which bestowed upon the state a part in the cultural
Peop,l_e_ First it was a tyrant who set himself its inner grandeur.
The Circulation of Power Within a
":
{o
ar
p)
Fl

3•
o

ple. Later on a purely democratic formupwonas leader of the peo¬

either when an excess theless this was compatible through, but never¬
As each people progresses, it expands or when in its growth
'[9:i sr
3
3€
6-r

the stature of Pericles was with a situation where a leader of

3r*;'.
t3:I::3*:

H,3 i!

of inhabitants
;ssjte q'F*i' q

of births adds to the number

Ig.:.xo"B
.DdP'

to in fact the manager of the state.

o

Roman patricians finally hadpeo¬

:l-t -y o: x :J 3 O o ts. o .J o cf n

..^*i

it absorbs other peoples. The Following Polybius, the circuit of power becomes closed when
'!.i=3i

Roman
F' 3,

lB'tX;9.

rights. The
:.E gi"Sgie l'3i:

concede to the plebeiansasfull democratic demagogic degeneration again calls

and other closely
allies the Latinseventually charge. Incidentally, Athens' fall upon the monarch to take
ple joined to itself could not was due not so much to dema¬
5d.

Italy from whom it gogic degeneration as to

related tribes of middle
5'3

E:.

of citi- reckless and, if you please, oligarchic

set up colonies treatment of its allies, who were dominated by the
e.lo cr<ooP.1N€-!ooH'o

and it
withhold ci.vic rights any longer,
5;'gET.7$

rights on some towns and

j-<:r

gilIq 3il-{'oi1l;

citzenship almost as if they were Athenians

-'i.'l;'IsESS

and bestowed
ds

zens abroad and Augustus their subjects and who defected from
as soon as during the Peloponnesian
:13 = +'g.

The constitution established by Caesar them

g

regions. government to look out for the to the Spartans. War military success turned
li

imposed as a duty on the imperial

's; ig=
3lg393.:'"

Caracall3
''-.r!'c-.s,o€'

wide realm, and finally

entire population of the rendered
d"

which of course had long been The

extended civic rights,
Any such enlargement of
valueless, to all freemen of the realm. path for the circulation
the cyclehistory of Rome is instructive because
it shows us
, which at first tended to come to a close withinhow
;lE sg

the ethnic frame is bound to

enlarge the ’’’slat i vely small group a
J5. 39:.
LE

the tension between the moV' the of people,

was revived time and again by
of power as well and will intensify ~\"z progressive enlargement of
3.J6 *t.

the scope of
lrst, in the evolution to monarchical the empire. At
ing forces.
Pstrician rule and to the rise of therule,
e'i

and from monarchy to

is " ";

of
*.

process of the circulation

= .tX 3

I = E'i

the one in Athens, except that plebeians,

i3

Two impulses set in motion theemanates the movement

5 $-il

from the leaders, .ans

’
the rise of the plebe-
"'"g;'€

power within a people. The first into ruling supef' th e did not bring about full democracy since the nobility, of
o ct o

fH'
r' or:,

lifts
[-r*

masses. The first Patrician as well as the newly

xe

other one from the individual9'

s;

of leaders leadership added plebeian kind, was left

position a thin stratum

238 239
 leadership, which was vested in me states. Perhaps it may be said of the rural cantons of
with important privileges of

litiilii
Switzer¬

liiii:llilill;ii:ll:i
by the Roman national character land that they remained abodes of full freedom.
3.33sr 333q'-sgEB3EililH3$s!'55HB3r:
Senate. This may be explained Never were they
which was fit to obev in order advancing to rule; but another explanation really exposed to a hierarchy of
from one battle to the power and impotence were never soclasses; the tensions between
may be that the Roman people, more than was true for the
pronounced in their narrow
confines, and never was a sovereign power of the
next, had to adjust its constitution, authority, as
rigorous design of the military constitution. found with the peoples who stood in the center
Athenians, to the of the political
resumption of fighting, the multi¬ battles and of economic development, able to assert
In the course of the unending proletarian misery, and along with even in the case of those European peoples who were itself. That
tude of plebeians sank into the mass of Italic peoples. On the great battles the military princes eventually exposed to
this was also true for

I
the Romans old aristocracy, whose most the ways of democracy is testimony for had to yield to
in addition to the
the other hand, on the battlefields and of these peoples whose masses, after allthe incomparable vitality

llit:ilii ii liillliiii I lli

worthy representatives ended their lives a new class of capi¬ tory, were still strong enough to rise the adversities of his¬
as a result of the civil war proscriptions, feathered their nest by exploi¬ everywhere could be proclaimed as a right.
again so that freedom
talist optimates was elevated who
state leases, and other great enter¬ examine further what is still missing to give We do not want to
tation of the provinces, full substance to
prises
scale.
a result of development
Then the whole populace,
and the new realms, came under theempire.
world
of
—
state and economy
along with the old aristocracy
on a large

rule of the Caesars demanded

The old city consti¬
this right. We are content to state only that
Europe were able to consummate the
historical
the extent that they could apply to themselves
nation, a label which says that in their
all peoples of
cycle of power to
the proud name of
by the vast expanse of the large ethnic confeder¬
was no longer suited to this empire, and to its defense ation they again feel as closely and freely united
tution and of the Italian as they did in the closely knit tribal federations as companions
the depleted strength of the Roman militias after any further expansion toric beginnings. of their his-
allies was no longer adequate. Even
with and the defense of the
of the empire had been dispensed goal, the battles didn't come
;si i; ;iiiI';1lffi i*i,lerii.l;ui, iiil

established borders had become the

to an end, because it was necessary to beat back the incessant 4. The Sense of History
attacks of the barbarians. Under these circumstances the victo¬
general, who with the hired legions repulsed the enemy and And what now is the meaning which awareness
rious to success, controlled the lation of power within a people teaches of the circu¬
gained the power due
this cycle of power a meaningful law atus? Have we not found in
through victory of the
strong and conscientious emperors
situation. Under the Marcus Aurelius, prosperity and which are able to complete it? With these least for those peoples
second century, from Trajan to the vast realm. The masses were tent forces develop fully and join peoples all the exis¬
education flourished throughout together in achieving a state
gaining in strength, and the cyclesubjugated seemed to close in the broad of healthy social equilibrium. At first a ruling upper class
by the Roman sword gets control of the collective forces
iiq*rigfd.Eq*sdgsrnirE

setting within which the peoples which it seeks to organize

of Roman-Greek culture. It so as to achieve maximum success for itself.
were able to unite in the environment
li li iliit,

of incomparably greater consequence yet for mankind ess of transformation of power and the rise Then, in the proc¬
was to become for the rise of the power of the masses the
tensions between leadership and masses are allayed,
that the pax Romana prepared the groundreligion constituted. To success is won for society as a whole. and maximum
of peace which the Christian world Such is the simple scheme
I

it was still necessary to of the movement which is modified

confront the attacks of the barbarians,
:qlir+$; ir:d:*j;s*-:qlq

in
resort to the sword, however, and therefore military emperors had multitude of the forces at work andthethemost diverse ways by the
amplification of the
the gravity of fighting social framework.
to be continued in command. Since with more intense, imperial rule
the pressure of their power became forms of the Orient, and the The consistency with which the
more and more assumed the despotic
populace again lost out. Although by forging closer ties with automatically inclines the observer movement runs its full course
form propelling tendency. This is a to tracing it back to a uni¬
I

more prudent and successful

their allies the Romans proved to be delusion one must keep free
iIiiiIII

Athenians had been, their statesmanship likewise was from. The forces which propel the ruling
than the
all the subjected peoples directed against the class to the top are
still not sufficient to be able to turnThe idea of also elevating the multitude resistsmultitude, and likewise the forces by which
into loyal and battle-ready citizens. occurred neither to
and
directed against the rulingthen uses Only
to aspire to the top are
to freedom ___the immense number of the unfree able to close the cycle ancing out do the endeavors ofclass. in the eventual bal¬
the Greek nor to the Roman mind. To be
possible frame was granted only to the world could one justify thethe two parties meet. And how in
of power within this widest preparatory work performed assumption of a uniform tendency
for those peoples which are altogether
later ages which were favored by the incapable of
during the age of Antiquity.
0r show only
little capability, and which thereforedevelopment,
have stood
still in the most primitive conditions?
the cycle far enough pation we include in this And if now in antici¬
Of the Asiatic peoples, none traversed
ll I ll I li

encompass a people as such, study, which in the first place is to

ruling tribe had started
to find back to the freedom in which thethe strong tribes of the
rf€fi

®ach other, how could then the also the cases of peoples meeting
the movement. The freedom in which assumption of
beginnings had grown UP fell victim to extended, the battles through which pendency be reconciled with the fact that the a uniform world
the far-reaching Asiatic realms were and this is why Patties oppose each other to the point of
the brilliant hero
peoples in their
annihilation? Totila,
bogged down in despotism. In the of the
Asia by and large remained of the th e spearhead of Goths, along with his people forming
Europe of the Middle Ages, too, the return to the freedom the ancient Germans, came to naught
great the9 eunuch Narses
E
fll:

in any single one of the and his mercenaries who had been when he met
was not consummated
beginnings recruited from

240 24 1
 life of the peoples there are of Mexico, while the hunting tribes of North America
the leaven of the peoples. In the almost as aberrations of the were unable

ig
[;|l E jgs j: q i:tll3 ]

g*l;;e
_
to become unified into states on their immense

;.$ g;E 33E 3l3Es

[* I + i lH i I
plenty such events which strike us the European immigrants, trained by history for territory which
just as personal life is

-l! i
world-juridical judgment of history, nized as the obvious soil for the world empire statehood, recog¬
injury and vice tri¬

l*ltiF
full of events where righteousness suffers States. In western and southern Europe, of the United
subsequent earthly compensation.
umphs, without there being a
E 7,to be satisfied with being able to their superior strength subjugated rugged too, the Romans with
land irrespective of
we have

u
such facts
r.o.t1o5pooi--l5oo
Faced with all topographical obstacles. That in the following
state that nevertheless enoughtask people of sufficient strength historical
S'
epoch the divisions of the land here at the same

;
historical to obtain generally optimum time remained

*'-is
participate in the the healthy peoples are the divisions for the people and the state therefore
: j ;. l"_ I

results and that, everything considered, cannot have

the cycle in a been caused by the character of the land alone, but

iil
g:*i=li!
consummate
sufficiently balanced, after all, to Notwithstanding the many 3 $ sJsi; r[: i i i i the ultimate explanation for this in the aptitude one must find
satisfactory state of equilibrium. which settled here. This simply happened to be aof the peoples
victims who drop by the wayside without fault of their own, we selection of

1;'6
an irresistible movement peoples having the strength of asserting themselves
still come away with the impression toofcompensate in
a living on their long migrations from Asia to battle and
3 H;'93

for the damage in making

whole, which seems the far

ii ig ;i:g; ; :asi rL*

of society as a end of Europe, and in the end of subduing the
;'S. -lX

case. To be sure, if we are

unjust in an individual of entering into the spirit of their culture.Romans as well and

]
felt to be "society as a whole" we must
asked to explain what we mean by to give a scientifically rig¬ strong, the natural lines of defense Since they were
mo5xF-

confess that we are no longer thereby able offered by the land itself
*

also share in the delusion were sufficient to enable them to ward off the
orous answer. At bottom we view mankind floodtides of
I5 a *e<+iY-:.-r

as a unit and assign to Arabs, Mongols, and Turks, and subsequently

; t +,' - i
sg$=r;'q

li.,.

just referred to in that we to carry matters so far as to be able to takethey finally managed
beings know nothing themselves.
it a task of which acting human of a superhuman force favorable features of their coastlines and to advantage of the
3s;a
This assumption presupposes the operation sea, on which they carried their victorious master the open
creatures, but we must be arms out into the
whi ch deals with human beings as its world.
ii;
out from the realm of
l0:':oe.e.

clear that such an assumption reaches

lg

_ objectivity into the religious -transcendental

strict scientific
L. Apart from the Siberian north, the
extensive regions of Asia
realm. were for the most part favored by fertility
li-
h

the peoples settling in them were able and and climate. Because
willing
was here that people could first proceed to to work, it
History
The f!i rcu lat ion of Power in World civilization and that the historical tendencyestablish state and
{o
'd
af
,-l

5.
-
o

_ configurations could materialize. toward large-scale

History of world stature starts with the
world empires which The fundamental historical
I i*aAlF t€;;'*[i ii*'4l
l=:;[;;
r;i; i;gi ;ru1;g;;l1;i
1d _q=. Ji'"3 ?i 3

ifl * Fi;riiX-:;

expanses of Asia. The work was done in Asia, from where the threads
territorial of tradition could
:j

were founded in the vast be spun out into all the places to which
9:'E "-f q 1:.53 rB,3:;

an
r'O O ciE J O O

people settle must exert

topography of the soil on which spread. We have to imagine the peoples the power of success had
o o D -..+{

J
cC

settlements are close together or far of every epoch as being

influence on whether the involved in brisk cooperation inasmuch as
O p. O *J c.'i s 0J 5 o 5 2 - O '-J cr E

apart and whether they are loosely or highly connected with each was able to overcome the barrier the power of success
therefore it will always also make itself felt in the of distance. As the backward
other , and everywhere were so peoples and those of more
scope of state federations. If habitable land cessors, so those which arerecent origin learn from their prede¬
\'7"'.^t3*9.''3.-o',3

as it is in the South Sea or so contemporaries and labor at the same

split up into little islands
g- I

as in Switzerland, then historical tasks learn from each other. What

divided into remote mountain valleyshave viduals also applies to peoples as entities: is true for indi¬
5O1Jo

couldn't come into being any¬ interest in the

realms of large dimension only in the task is the strongest inducement for
where. Europe exhibits the spaciousness of Asia performance. As liquids in imitation of successful
n -;gi:,d:=f

surprising
{

parts, and it is not communicating pipes, so ideas commu¬

extensive lowlands of its easternwhich has so much of an Asiatic nicate in the minds of the peoples which touch each other. Peo¬
that the Russian world empire, ples which are politically
o.ro
o0) C i',D O P.D 5 JiX

character, was founded there. In Asia, matrix of the peoples, separated

worlds of shared culture. The more thereby merge into extensive
n

and India are exter¬

[:rr:

the large regions of China, interior Asia,and are so integrated insights into the intellec¬
tual life during the Asiatic heyday historical
ii*t;;i

boundaries
{ 5.f

nally so protected by natural to us, the more admirable appears to research opens up
within that we can understand why the expansionary impulse of powers with which us the wealth of internal
B

power led to the establishment of homogeneous states in these the peoples of those past millenia
filled. Eventually Asia's were
and the
;TT.6

regions. The fertile river basins of the Euphrates peoples ethnic realms were fashioned into
world empires whose establishment
Fi:o

:=6'

bound to tempt the mountain and the desert was made possible by Asia's
Tigris were which would vast extent, but this very establishment
surrounding them to wage war for their possession, -development to come subsequently caused the
u

it would to an
East. Nevertheless
make the victor master over the Near history from an examination Wene fought for supremacy, end. In the colossal battles which
O-J
oF
Lt .+

Orn
+
-':

(ro
o0) (D<

o ;to 5<
:,1 to oo

Power became overwhelming the

cq DO

to deduce the course of superposition of the sovereign

5F!

be mistaken history yet. The

of topography alone. Geography is notisworld /graded. Even if thev foundandopportunities
the masses were hopelessly
F+,

P.O

soil.
F+)a

^i ^-. I o<

the
-l J TP

man, for whom

fln

driving force of historical evolution their freedom nevertheless was done with andfor peaceful work,
a.
(1
,to

far his own strength

o "!

becomes aid or hindrance depending on how str engt.h for equalizing upward hence also their
-
Pb ql .:

were insurmountable
{ ,r.o 5 d

and seas social mobility. The population

I
o c5 orl
Ol
+J"J I

rivers
ol

has matured. For a long time exPansion

ol
o'Jl

made possible by the certainty of

o0)0)E
5()s)

obstacles for people, but later they became highways of long'

O -cr

hot add to, but

diminished, the strength ofremunerative work did
o 5P.dtD

pP

tied together the

H5oHl
:ootr

a < 2.-

distance traffic, and in the end the ocean

€ p5c-tl

the masses, for it

oaav

cUrtailed
-;rc
o HCTd

of Central America, having already of> living

the attainable per capita food supply
r'

whole world. The Indians to such an extent as to exhaust the and the standard
o <

.
--

mighty empife
t> I

developed into nations, were able to establish the vital energies.

cf

o
p-

242 243
 and disaccustomed to battle, the masses were at th total population of the Roman Empire, and the masses owed their

;tiiii;ii lrif ;g;;r;i

rf rf ;ilri llrfis *; I
Disarmed
wit mercy of the despotic rulers and fell prey to those warria elevation to full-fledged citizenship to Christianity and to the
*ri.
Ser
whi
tribes which managed to break in across the frontiers and tj church as its organizational form. Never before had there been
overwhelm the ruling dynasties and families. In China, as i an internal power which would have effected a similarly magnifi¬
Egypt, one dynasty followed another in governing over the alway cent upward movement of the lowest strata of the population.
B
ma3
ne>
3E s$.$ 3 $$gt5B
subservient populace, while in India Aryan tribes and the Mongol
At! pushed in from abroad and proclaimed themselves masters. I The work done by the church with respect to the mutual rela-
In could happen that the conquerors brought with them the requisit ti°ns among the Christian peoples was no less consequential. The
tu< vitality for cultural revival, as was true for the Aryan conquer church brought the peoples of the Occident into a community which
th< ors and likewise for the Arabs spreading Islam and further devel in terms of intimacy of bond far surpassed any earlier communi-
th<
wo:
as
_
oping the culture they found. But in the long run none of th ties of peoples. Buddhism fell far short of bringing the Asiatic
victorious peoples could escape the fate of standing still alor world empires into such close an approximation. The notion of
with the inert masses. The worst happened where the conqueror Europe as a cultural unit was initiated by the church. Although
ta had only the strength to destroy. The triumphant advance of th the Christians continued fighting each other, they nevertheless
ta Tartars turned flourishing regions of Asia into sparsely popu shed that ferocity which always erupted in the fights of Chris-
pr lated and destitute areas, and even the Turks were, after al] tians against heretics and infidels, being governed by more
sc only a warrior people on whom the desire for culture had hard] gentle manners in which we recognize the harbinger of future
an been imparted. The fragments of people which had remained intac international law. How closely the church tied together the
3.*l.Ir[] g'-$ggB

by between the large realms had also lost their vitality in th peoples of the Occident is attested to by the period of the Cru-
tu
i; ris {;
course of the interminable battles and eked out a living 3 sades, to which men and even children from all states flocked
:;" *i[; Iff

th skimpy savagery as peoples of the steppes or mountains, stuntejtogether under papal leadership. Even after the church had
if{

al like their pastures or karstic like their mountains. Only on th ceased dominating the minds, the European concert of peoples lost
of Japanese islands there lived a people which enjoyed the san nothing in warmth and sincerity. The peoples deepened into
es seclusion as did the peoples of the Occident and which therefor nations , and although each nation preserved its special char¬
*F3

tc like the latter, was spared the fate of perishing in the vorte acter, they still continued in mutual contact on the path of
at of the Asiatic hordes. scientific and economic work, of freedom and democracy.
ri
th The vigorous tribes and peoples which had migrated int Between the Asiatic world empires and the European community
rlt'
gfi;lff gFlEiiii;i{ ri;

si tight-spaced Europe removed from the waves of Asiatic popula of peoples, preparatory work and cooperation assured incessant
tE

i;isi.;;F;?i * rl:; *; .
R

se tion movements were able to preserve their vitality and free contacts back and forth. This is especially true of the Near
=e
q q g* * ?n q

dom whole. Given their isolation, their development got underw? East, but also from India, and even from the distant land of the
*:;

e'
;l+iiii.ifis

gs only late, allowing them to benefit amply from the work done middle , directly or indirectly all kinds of influences spread
s< Asia. What they acquired they were able to enrich furthc over into Europe. Through Egypt and the Levant, India from
w< through cooperation. How much’ in talents, indeed, did t\ ancient times had been connected with Europe through trade
1|;1eiq+;
tt 1;iia;r ai;g;r; g:H::la:siq,

w; rivalry between the Greek cities bring to fruition! How mucl’ routes. Without dwelling upon the cultural effects by which the
tl indeed, did the Romans learn from the Greeks! When the Roms Occident benefited from the Asiatic preparatory work and which
o world empire expanded and its emperors followed the orienta then also flowed in the opposite direction, let us merely survey
i,-*

c< model, it appeared that Europe, too, would be bound to share tl with due brevity the power shifts which were caused by martial
r fate of Asia, yet the vitality of the as yet unspent peoples ke] conflicts.
dqr

t
i$gr; gJsE 33

this from happening. The Romans were stopped short by the bar
t barian core peoples of the Teutons and Scythians, and at last th The Asiatic world empires wrested little ground from the
*

m barbadians subdued Rome-dominated Western Europe thanks to the, Europe of Antiquity, the Persians not having been able to over¬
E

i?V

P The world empire disintegrated into tl come the resistance of the Greeks and the Scythians.
oHo .rdp'U) -drr

uninjured strength. Ancient

t ethnic realms corresponding to topographic conditions, and tl Europe became gravely threatened when Asiatic power had pushed
t ethnic groupings broke up even further into tribal domains at ahead in the south as far as Carthage and had* gained a foothold
fi 3f;;;F;==g=':saii

s territorial sovereignties. Europe in its state formations vis-1 there from which it could bring to bear its maritime superiority,
i vis Asia had been thrown back into the state of affairs in whii and in addition was able to recruit from the bellicose peoples of
t
t
it had found itself before the Greeks and the Romans. What hi JJorth
Africa and Spain the brave troops with which Hannibal
been lost of external power, however, was gradually and throui managed to penetrate into the heart of Italy in a sweeping detour
across
s g g ig€iq3iq;

c steady work replaced by internal powers, whose foundation was t the Alps. The courage undergirding the Roman love of
,rdr*_b3'3: -r

1 church which was part and parcel of the Roman legacy. The poli' came off victorious against this threat as well. Earlier
d ically sundered world was united by the ecclesiastical bon1 lready in Macedonia the strong state had been founded which
3
qg;

Deprived of its secular power, Rome had yet remained the capitj to ted in the Greek tribes and whose firmness enabled Alexander
I ; ; 1; r, r

of the Occident, and the spiritual power emanating from it n ~ transform the Persian empire into a European dominion. This
t ®at copqueror succeeded no more than had other Asiatic world
more durable and emphatic than had been RomeTs power as a poli 5
*g Ii

t ical unit. Only the humane spirit of Christianity has given trj °nespots in attaching to the conquered world empire
still a second
V in India. Even his Persian conquest was divided up among his
+4+4

meaning to the word populace , which still lacked some of 1

t field commanders. On the other hand, the internal power of the
substance in the case of the freest peoples of Antiquity becaui Qneek
i nowhere were the masses of the unfree and demi-free counted sta tes mind was so pervasive that even in the separate despotic
g

} which emerged Greek ways could dominate the Near East.

nationals. The Roman people had been only a small segment to tfl
I

244 245
 wc rt; at the total population of the Roman Empire, and the masses owed their
despotic rulers and fell prey to those warrior
one elevation to full-fledged citizenship to Christianity and to the

e; $iu 5g;;; ;+e s ;; i rl s;5[i

9;
i;i;
;:dd s'ii;'si
V_/ X

r:
Ti
tribes which managed to break in across the frontiers and to church as its organizational form. Never before had there been

t J;j; ;{E :5;::

overwhelm the ruling dynasties and families. In China, as in an internal power which would have effected a similarly magnifi¬
s$'s

;5*g*s:$ ii e *rr:[;
iif {li€ e:i:i3:gi3
Egypt, one dynasty followed another in governing over the always cent upward movement of the lowest strata of the population.

ili
subservient populace, while in India Aryan tribes and the Mongols
pushed in from abroad and proclaimed themselves masters. It The work done by the church with respect to the mutual rela¬

! * ;' d a '-E 3:d ; n-5 :s$:

could happen that the conquerors brought with them the requisite tions among the Christian peoples was no less consequential. The
vitality for cultural revival, as was true for the Aryan conquer¬ church brought the peoples of the Occident into a community which
ors and likewise for the Arabs spreading Islam and further devel¬ in terms of intimacy of bond far surpassed any earlier communi¬
i;3f{
oping the culture they found. But in the long run none of the ties of peoples. Buddhism fell far short of bringing the Asiatic
victorious peoples could escape the fate of standing still along world empires into such close an approximation. The notion of

jfi
with the inert masses. The worst happened where the conquerors Europe as a cultural unit was initiated by the church. Although

::_:q;g;; $;r
had only the strength to destroy. The triumphant advance of the "the Christians continued fighting each other, they nevertheless
e

Tartars turned flourishing regions of Asia into sparsely popu¬ shed that ferocity which always erupted in the fights of Chris¬
;i
lated and destitute areas, and even the Turks were, after all, tians against heretics and infidels, being governed by more
;l;

only a warrior people on whom the desire for culture had hardly gentle manners in which we recognize the harbinger of future
g
been imparted. The fragments of people which had remained intact international law. How closely the church tied together the
s;ag ;; *+:
6
;#gH"F5:3g

peoples of the Occident is attested to by the period of the Cru¬

if ;I3:F;d.

between the large realms had also lost their vitality in the
course of the interminable battles and eked out a living in sades, to which men and even children from all states flocked
j

skimpy savagery as peoples of the steppes or mountains, stunted together under papal leadership. Even after the church had
';3

like their pastures or karstic like their mountains. Only on the ceased dominating the minds, the European concert of peoples lost
Japanese islands there lived a people which enjoyed the same nothing in warmth and sincerity. The peoples deepened into
seclusion as did the peoples of the Occident and which therefore, nations , and although each nation preserved its special char¬
i
*;*

like the latter, was spared the fate of perishing in the vortex acter, they still continued in mutual contact on the path of
of the Asiatic hordes. scientific and economic work, of freedom and democracy.
* i;

The vigorous tribes and peoples which had migrated into Between the Asiatic world empires and the European community
d
*iriiii rriilii
*

tight-spaced Europe of peoples, preparatory worj<ÿ and cooperation assured incessant

i. +i;; ;id :;Ii; i i; i]
-

removed from the waves of Asiatic popula-

—
ii ; €d':

tion movements were able to preserve their vitality and free¬ contacts back and forth. This is especially true of the Near
g{sl']a a I r rre .'-

dom whole. Given their isolation, their development got underway East, but also from India, and even from the distant land of the
g; ;; ;

only late, allowing them to benefit amply from the work done in
Asia. What they acquired they wer'e able to enrich further
1 middle, directly or indirectly all kinds of influences spread
over into Europe. Through Egypt and the Levant, India from
through cooperation. How much' in talents, indeed, did the ancient times had been connected with Europe through trade
rivalry between the Greek cities bring to fruition! How much, routes. Without dwelling upon the cultural effects by which the
-6

indeed, did the Romans learn from the Greeks! When the Roman Occident benefited from the Asiatic preparatory work and which
world empire expanded and its emperors followed the oriental! then also flowed in the opposite direction, let us merely survey
;ff:

model, it appeared that Europe, too, would be bound to share the with due brevity the power shifts which were caused by martial
;;ib
*;;1r:ir-

fate of Asia, yet the vitality of the as yet unspent peoples kept! conflicts.
if

this from happening. The Romans were stopped short by the bar¬
barian core peoples of the Teutons and Scythians, and at last the The Asiatic world empires wrested little ground from the
Europe of Antiquity, the Persians not having been able to over¬
#;if; ii''iii'iiff

barbadians subdued Rome-dominated Western Europe thanks to their

uninjured strength. The world empire disintegrated into the come the resistance of the Greeks and the Scythians. Ancient
ri

ethnic realms corresponding to topographic conditions, and the Europe became gravely threatened when Asiatic power had pushed
F=;HH.;g*;i;f;P+*
ir # iii; ii ryiiii;

ethnic groupings broke up even further into tribal domains and ahead in the south as far as Carthage and had* gained a foothold
::

territorial sovereignties. Europe in its state formations vis-a¬ there from which it could bring to bear its maritime superiority,
9:,IE
{a

vis Asia had been thrown back into the state of affairs in which and in addition was able to recruit from the bellicose peoples of
r;

it had found itself before the Greeks and the Romans. What had North Africa and Spain the brave troops with which Hannibal
dg

been lost of external power, however, was gradually and through managed to penetrate into the heart of Italy in a sweeping detour
steady work replaced by internal powers, whose foundation was the across the Alps. The courage undergirding the Roman love of
"[+

church which was part and parcel of the Roman legacy. The polit- freedom came off victorious against this threat as well. Earlier
i ; g;;; r; +=d

ically sundered world was united by the ecclesiastical bond. already in Macedonia the strong state had been founded which
Deprived of its secular power, Rome had yet remained the capital fitted in the Greek tribes and whose firmness enabled Alexander
fq

of the Occident and the spiritual power emanating from it was to transform the Persian empire into a European dominion. This
more durable and emphatic than had been RomeTs power as a polit¬ great conqueror succeeded no more than had other Asiatic world
[;

ical unit. Only the humane spirit of Christianity has given true despots in attaching to the conquered world empire still a second
meaning to the word populace, which still lacked some of its one in India. Even his Persian conquest was divided up among his
i : ?$

substance in the case of the freest peoples of Antiquity because field commanders. On the other hand, the internal power of the
nowhere were the masses of the unfree and demi-free counted as Greek mind was so pervasive that even in the separate despotic
;i

nationals. The Roman people had been only a small segment to the states which emerged Greek ways could dominate the Near East.

244 245
 west to east when the Little Europe won its world supremacy first by the
More decisive yet was the counter blow from

i t;i
superi-

;sri; ri. e,ri:s;;i; ai:

i;;ii lllil[[i[;i;iilifI ii[
ority of its arms, but in view of its

i
Asia Minor was now ruled
Fn:d3 people it actually owed the superiority ofmuch
Romans spread out. For many centuries smaller number of
;3
and then from Byzantium. its arms to the supe¬
from Europe, first from Rome itself riority of its culture, to which its spiritual and social freedom
peoples of had elevated it. European world supremacy represents
After the downfall of Rome the young barbarian

iliIliiIllllillllllll1;
resistance against the Asiatic of the ascending internal powers over the superpositionthe triumph
f 3! 11! A! q!
Europe marshaled less power of of force,
(n g O,o O tri { Fl

the triumph of a free community of nations over the

rxrExri;lt pi;;l
Saracens penetrating deeply into
world empires, with Arabs and into its south¬ world empires, the triumph of freedom over despotism. controlling
Europe's south, Mongols into its east, andbyTurks the Crusaders was a internal power of Europe had such an expansive force The rising
east. The occupation of the firmly Holy Land that across
built dominions of the Ori¬ space and time and in a mighty sweep it was
quickly passing episode. The cycle of world history back to able to bring the
superiority over a Europe still its first starting points. The
ent soon proved again their united only because of a urge to achieve great things, which had done
unfinished politically, which had become
the civilized nations of Asia, turned back to preparatory work in
surge of the religious spirit. It tookany centuries of political these and included
for fear of the them in the world association which spread
consolidation until therethe last attack by need
was no longer
the Turks had been the old world and the new. What has been out from Europe over
>O

Asiatic danger. After formed is still far

repelled in front of the walls of Vienna, the matured strength of from being a full community of peoples, especially
is it not
—
q f; B€

the Occident finally poured out over a stationary Asia. The

—abstracting from the groping experiment of the League
a politically or otherwise legally of Nations
O O F+rcr>cr':

Turks from Hungary; much more ordered

Austrian armies pushed back the who then pushed world of European peoples having community. The
territory against the Turks did the Russians win, was carried all, a free community of nations. attained supremacy is, after
forward into the Siberian east. The great contest Being always divided in many
3'-3

by the European intellect in sci¬ things, it loosened up considerably as a result

out at sea. The progress made open sea into a highway for Euro¬ of the World War,
fftill;i ar][[x:: [,:,.Fg€

the
and in addition it has had to share its predominance
entific techniques turned United States of America. with the
pean expansion. The old world of Asia was subjugated in large Furthermore,
threatened by the growing resistance of thethis predominance is
HH h'H$

and Australia were settled, lit¬

America North Africans belonging to them, a resistanceAsiatics and of the
=

part, the new worlds of

c"Hicr€rC

world. Only in the very

tle Europe gained predominance over the originating in the
;*;

of Asia, able to bring growing internal powers spawned by

far east were the Japanese, the Europeans
achieve significant external power.nationalism and being about to
Besides, the world supremacy
the Russian advance to a stop. of the Europeans, as it exists today,
cannot be the end of the
Since the division of the world occurred via
the sea, it
—movement. It is an act of lordly superposition,
;t'rt: 1;;ii*i

to be followed
3'-

naturally became a concern for the seafaring nations.

could
Venice and
not keep
if the movement is to work itself
izing rise of the dominated peoples. out fully — by the equal¬
Qp

Mediterranean,
Genoa, the seaside cities of the
ranks of the naval pow¬ wherever they have subjugated the nativeCertainly the Europeans,
pace any longer and dropped out of Portuguese,
the
and the brought to these order and civilization inpeoples, claim to have
rgr$ i;;B

Dutch
;res"

the Spaniards and the the balancing plenitude,

ers. It was but the subjugated peoples in turn have
O tltO!

the Germans, who

English, the French, and in the very end also peoples of the warm protests the accusation that they were included in their growing
extended their colonial rule over the
the homeland colonies in law. Today nobody is yet able to tell dealt
where
out force instead of
regions, created through emigration from
up the world into that the circulation of power in the world hasthe truth lies, but
cilJ

the temperate zones, and otherwise divided not yet come to an

F[ll[lEiil;ltlnli[F*rp

of independence by end is beyond any doubt. The cycle will

spheres of interest. After the declaration continue
reduced, expanded, and complemented in many places. to be broken,
became almost completely
the United States the American coloniesEnglish statesmanship has
}Jcr!0

lost to the Europeans, and since then the overseas dominions.

g

it iIlgTsii; ;gii

The fact of European world supremacy appears

granted far-reaching independence to in the world, but thrust of Gobineau's race theory. to bear out the
This considerably restricted Europe's supremacy
— Does
ii

that the Aryans are called upon to rule it not confirm the view
p.cf ts.orN o-ts { €ct o fqO p.p.cr€0q

-i;gE

blood European predominance

the predominance of the European
considering the way we have explained the the world? However ,
{=g'H

extended because the Amer-

in the broad sense was
temperate
singularly
zone absorbed the great streams of _ intranationally and internationally, we have circulation of power
ican states of the
of the European heartland. with Gobineau's doctrine. We have not claimed nothing in common
emigrants who now also poured out hampered by the been the Aryans only who that it has always
Europeans who in their native countries were others ; on the contrary, we superposed themselves as masters on
*girg;'e T +-

population thereby obtained the freedom have cited examples of superposition

constraint of the law of by other races as well.
["!'ggE[]!ls

of the New
to propagate at a rapid rate in the virgin territories Besides, the scientific exploration of
^ ^ ?i

in the world population total the

wie races has not
advanced far enough to permit building upon it
World. The share of European blood be theories of general historical
and European supremacy had to scope, although it may supply
ct0) (r 5 U'l

was considerably raised thereby, significant insights into the history

erected on a broader ethnic
more firmly anchored because it was the United States Presentation which must be formulatedof asparticular states. Any
base. American supremacy as represented by Europe's influence, theory of power would be endangered if it hadbroadly as does the
zealously guarded its own continent against 0n the unfinished to rely for support
predominance theory of
but Americans did not object to Europe's continued
suffers gravely from the factraces. Moreover, Gobineau's theory
;lfl

in the other continents. So far the United States has made only the tendency of the rise of the that it has nothing to say about
has protected its
the single advance to the Philippines and ®istiic note because it envisagesmasses. It ends on such a pessi-
cfO

interests in China, which is situated closest to them. is rue, indeed, is only the ruling class which, it
The upward mobility offrequently wiped out in the power struggle.
the masses is a fact which can be observed

246 247
 at the total population of the Roman Empire, and the masses owed their
Disarmed and disaccustomed to battle, the masses were warrior

r:r;ria
E$qEr{+l3;iililufi:gg ;fggfg;*[?[3:$$;*[3*fAg*if

uiilii ;iil;iilililgii:ii,l
:; ;;; ; *; {i*g[fi;]ii*igi:lgI
=
despotic rulers and fell prey to those elevation to full-fledged citizenship to Christianity and to the
mercy of the church as its organizational form. Never before had there been

$;;;i9;i:i? . *. "c.
and to
tribes which managed to break in across the frontiers an internal power which would have effected a similarly magnifi¬
overwhelm the ruling dynasties and families. In China, as in always cent upward movement of the lowest strata of the population.
Egypt, one dynasty followed another in governing over the Mongols
subservient populace, while in India Aryan tribes and the
It The work done by the church with respect to the mutual rela¬
pushed in from abroad and proclaimed themselves masters. tions among the Christian peoples was no less consequential. 7___
could happen that the conquerors brought with them Aryanthe requisite The
conquer¬ church brought the peoples of the Occident into a community which
vitality for cultural revival, as was true for the

: * ffii**iii;;iglfi;i;;:t*iii:*'1il ;'il1;;i*ir;,;i3:,*:
for the Arabs spreading Islam and further devel¬ in terms of intimacy of bond far surpassed any earlier communi¬
ors and likewise ties of peoples. Buddhism fell far short of bringing the Asiatic
oping the culture they found. But in the long run none ofalong the
still world empires into such close an approximation. The notion of
victorious peoples could escape the fate of standing Europe as a cultural unit was initiated by the church. Although
with the inert masses. The worst happened where the conquerors the Christians continued fighting each other, they nevertheless
had only the strength to destroy. The triumphant advance of the shed that ferocity which always erupted in the fights of Chris¬
Tartars turned flourishing regions of Asia into sparsely popu¬
all, tians against heretics and infidels , being governed by more
lated and destitute areas, and even the Turks were, afterhardly gentle manners in which we recognize the harbinger of future
only a warrior people on whom the desire for culture had
international law. How closely the church tied together the
been imparted. The fragments of people which had remained intact peoples of the Occident is attested to by the period of the Cru¬
between the large realms had also lost their vitality in the
out a living in sades, to which men and even children from all states flocked
course of the interminable battles and eked mountains,
a

stunted together under papal leadership. Even after the church had
skimpy savagery as peoples of the steppes or
'ri- l= I;IH;E

ceased dominating the minds, the European concert of peoples lost

like their pastures or karstic like their mountains. Only on the nothing in warmth and sincerity.
Japanese islands there lived a people which enjoyed the same The peoples deepened into
nations , and although each nation preserved its special char¬
seclusion as did the peoples of the Occident and which therefore, acter, they still continued in mutual contact on the path of
like the latter, was spared the fate of perishing in the vortex scientific and economic work, of freedom and democracy.
of the Asiatic hordes.
Between the Asiatic world empires and the European community
;*
ll*3;

The vigorous tribes and peoples which had migrated into of peoples, preparatory work and cooperation assured incessant
tight-spaced Europe removed from the waves of Asiatic popula-
tion movements were able to preserve their vitality and free- contacts back and forth. This is especially true of the Near
T

East, but also from India, and even from the distant land of the
dom whole. Given their isolation, their development got underway
r:*;e6

only late, allowing them to benefit amply from the work done in
middle, directly or indirectly all kinds of influences spread
Asia. What they acquired they were able to enrich further over into Europe. Through Egypt and the Levant, India from
How much' in talents, indeed, did the ancient times had been connected with Europe through trade
iil;g *iii iftiliii

through cooperation.
routes. Without dwelling upon the cultural effects by which the
E?gg;l*P:}r

rivalry between the Greek cities bring to fruition! How much,

indeed, did the Romans learn from the Greeks! When the Roman Occident benefited from the Asiatic preparatory work and which
world empire expanded and its emperors followed the oriental then also flowed in the opposite direction let us merely survey
;r ;;l?jii- iidj *i;ii*r n=*

with due brevity the power shifts which were caused by martial
model, it appeared that Europe, too, would be bound to share the conflicts.
fate of Asia, yet the vitality of the as yet unspent peoples kept
this from happening. The Romans were stopped short bv the bar¬ The Asiatic world empires wrested little ground
barian core peoples of the Teutons and Scythians, and at last the lx
Europe of Antiquity, the Persians not having been able from
. the
barbadians subdued Rome-domi nated Western Europe thanks to their come the resistance of the Greeks and the Scythians. to over-
The world empire disintegrated into the
uninjured strength.
ethnic realms corresponding to topographic conditions, and the
Europe became gravely threatened when Asiatic power had Anc ient
pushed
ahead in the south as far as Carthage and had* gained a foothold
ethnic groupings broke up even further into tribal domains and there from which it could bring to bear its maritime superiority,
; x,s;;;;*'le'-{q*;

tedÿitodial sovereignties. Europe in its state formations vis-a-

and in addition was able to recruit from the bellicose peoples of
vis Asia had been thrown back into the state of affairs in which
qss3$$3;

it had found itself before the Greeks and the Romans. What had
North Africa and Spain the brave troops with which Hannibal
managed to penetrate into the heart of Italy in a sweeping detour
been lost of external power, however, was gradually and through across the Alps. The courage undergirding
steady work replaced by internal powers, whose foundation was the freedom came off victorious against this threatthe Roman love of
iri;i?il

church which was part and parcel of the Roman legacy. The polit¬ as well.
already in Macedonia the strong state had been foundedEarlier
ically sundered world was united by the ecclesiastical bond. which
fitted in the Greek tribes and whose firmness enabled Alexander
Deprived of its secular poweÿ, Rome had yet remained the capital to transform the Persian empire into a European dominion. This
of the Occident, and the spiritual power emanating from it was great conqueror succeeded no more
more durable and emphatic than had been Rome's power as a polit¬ than had other Asiatic world
*s s$5e

ical unit. Only the humane spirit of Christianity has given true . despots in attaching to the conquered world empire still a second
°ne in India. Even his Persian conquest was
meaning to the word populace , which still lacked some of its field commanders. On the other divided up among his
substance in the case of the freest peoples of Antiquity because Greek mind was so pervasive thathand, the internal power of the
:

nowhere were the masses of the unfree and demi-free counted as even in the separate despotic
states which emerged Greek ways could
:;

nationals. The Roman people had been only a small segment to the dominate the Near East.

244 245
 to east when the Little Europe won its world supremacy first by
More decisive yet was the counter blow from west ority of its arms, but in view of its much smallerthe superi¬

f:i ];I
HI3i:;gli; li*'rri;i;;i; ii]
:[:;_;elA **f,

E s$i 1eg€r,H,:i;s,fe eselsF r,n

gs * r ;
5 OO
was now ruled

Bp)o
centuries Asia Minor
1:d3
Romans spread out. For many number of

o35
people it actually owed the superiority of its arms
from Europe, first from Rome itself and then from Byzantium. to the supe-

"_
riority of its culture to which its spiritual and social freedom
had elevated it. European world supremacy represents
After the downfall of Rome the young barbarian peoples of of the ascending internal powers over the superposition the triumph
Europe marshaled less power of resistance against the
Asiatic
,l >O (, C O,o O r{{ fn

of force,
O C 5O U',O g ':5 5 C 0rC O C

r
and Saracens penetrating deeply into the triumph of a free community of nations over the controlling
world empires, with Arabs

t;:l
world empires, the triumph of freedom over despotism.
Europe's south, Mongols into its east, and Turks into its south¬
ocfoPo

internal power of Europe had such an expansive force thatThe rising

east. The occupation of the Holy Land by the Crusaders was a across
_
episode. The firmly built dominions of the Ori¬ space and time and in a mighty sweep it was able to
quickly passing bring the
Europe still
i cycle of world history back to its first starting

illti
ent soon proved again their superiority over a #;! points. The
because of a urge to achieve great things, which had done preparatory
unfinished politically, which had become united only of political the civilized nations of Asia, turned back to these and work in
surge of the religious spirit. It took centuries
opiooqP.
rctts.(r55

included
': fl1;g
was no longer any need for fear of the them in the world association which spread out from
consolidation until there Europe
the old world and the new. What has been formed is still over
F - r * ; * t I l a lr ; ;fr [

iiIA
After the last attack by the Turks had been
Asiatic danger.
repelled in front of the walls of Vienna, the matured strength of
the Occident finally poured out over a stationary Asia. more
The
from being a full community of peoples, especially

—
abstracting from the groping experiment of the League is it not
—
far
5p Fp O 5 C Ordts'55H

of Nations
s
crFjctrdrC O O Frrcr>cr

back the Turks from Hungary; much a politically or otherwise legally ordered
Austrian armies pushed community.
world of European peoples having attained supremacy is, The
territory against the Turks did the Russians win, who then pushed after
;:H
{5ct

carried all, a free community of nations. Being always

forward into the Siberian east. The great contest was in things, it loosened up considerably as a result ofdivided in many
t;ili
O5O5pcrcr55uO

out at sea. The progress made by the European intellect sci¬ the World War,
"

highway for Euro¬ and in addition it has had to share its predominance
entific techniques turned the open sea into a with the
cr5H.

United States of America.

pean expansion. The old world of Asia was subjugated in large Furthermore, this predominance is
i$if
threatened by the growing resistance of the Asiatics and of the
part, the new worlds of America and Australia were settled, lit¬
f:ft

very North Africans belonging to them, a resistance

tle Europe gained predominance over the world. Only in the growing internal powers spawned by nationalism originating in the
far east were the Japanese, the Europeans of Asia, able to bring and being about to
achieve significant external power. Besides, the world
the Russian advance to a stop. of the Europeans, as it exists today, cannot be the supremacy
end
movement. It is an act of lordly superposition, to be followed of the
FiIliu;

Since the division of the world occurred via the sea, it

—
I I
5 v>. "-"TE EsaEsrsEr€:':::;if

r1;sr*:

naturally became a concern for the seafaring nations. Venice and

if the movement is to work itself out fully
— by the equal¬
H
g E o5 555 O !'rC 5(D X 5 5 p O p
p.p.ctHoq tJcrO cr5 O t{lOt' c)E

izing rise of the dominated peoples.

Genoa, the seaside cities of the Mediterranean, could not keep Certainly
wherever they have subjugated the native peoples, the Europeans,
ooc

giFti;rtli

pace any longer and dropped out of the ranks of the naval pow¬ claim to have
rrE

and the brought to these order and civilization in balancing

ers. It was the Spaniards and the Portuguese, the Dutch plenitude,
f;

who but the subjugated peoples in turn have included in

English, the French, and in the very end also the Germans,
(,o5ci

their growing
*

protests the accusation that they were dealt out

o ts'op.

over the peoples of the warm

extended their colonial rule law. Today nobody is yet able to tell where the force instead of
F; *
rx

silii.s=

regions, created through emigration from the homeland colonies in

that the circulation of power in the world has nottruth lies, but
op.pj(ro5(D@cf@

the temperate zones, and otherwise divided up the world into yet come to an
rii;ils s:f;*,,;s n's:ils;

After the declaration of independence by end is beyond any doubt. The cycle will continue
spheres of interest. reduced expanded, and complemented in many places. to be broken,
=-[-

r3f;g;3e

_
_ i $ l l ;

almost completely
the United States the American colonies became statesmanship
*l!lgli

lost to the Europeans, and since then English has

overseas dominions. The fact of European world supremacy appears to bear out
oScf

granted far-reaching independence to the the

; t a s r : l : r ; * * f, l

thrust of Gobineau's race theory. Does it not confirm

This considerably restricted Europe's supremacy in the world, but
— the view
rgl:.?rli=fi lH *3lgs

that the Aryans are called upon to rule the world?

co";;:[F

the predominance of the European blood European predominance However,

in the broad
ican states
sense
of the
was
temperate
singularly
zone
extended
absorbed the
because the Amer¬
great streams of
emigrants who now also poured out of the European heartland.
— considering the way we have explained the circulation of
intranationally and internationally, we have nothing in common
with Gobineau's doctrine. We have not claimed that it has
power
p.ctH.dN CrE € {crO lCtO

always
3ql;

been the Aryans only who superposed

55p.p
plJoo@5a

Europeans who in their native countries were hampered by the

sso;rs;;

constraint of the law of population thereby obtained the freedom others; on the contrary, we have cited themselves as masters on
by other races as well. Besides, the examples of superposition
5 55 tr O 0) oo50) o o o

g '99F3..3'';

to propagate at a rapid rate in the virgin territories of the New

the races has not advanced far enough scientific
O'

exploration of
World. The share of European blood in the world population total
was considerably raised thereby, and European supremacy hadethnic to be theories of general historical scope,to although
permit building upon it
significant insights into the history of particularit may supply
:1[liqa;
xO.

more firmly anchored because it was erected on a broader states. Any

.
crorcD5

presentation which must be formulated as

American supremacy as represented by the United States broadly as does the
o ci poo

base. theory of power would be endangered

rr'$;;

zealously guarded its own continent against Europe's influence, if it had to rely for support
o vr o E C

°n the unfinished theory of

but Americans did not object to Europe's continued predominance races. Moreover, Gobineau's theory
*'i

in the other continents. So far the United States has made only
suffers gravely from the fact that it has nothing to say about
the tendency of the rise of the masses. It ends on such
the single advance to the Philippines and has protected its a pessi¬
mistic
cro

interests in China, which is situated closest to them.

note because it envisages only the ruling class which, it
is true, indeed, is frequently wiped out in the power struggle.
The upward mobility of the masses is a fact which can be observed

246 247
 in Asia it also
with the civilizable peoples of all races, and start from scratch, although their early stages were extraordi¬

iF
llr
H 3?lq ;';'E' =;
uE:lu_
e. a o- P.:^38-

;'xrffe
g$
d< 55 (D 5 0 5 5r, tso X 5 C U Fi)5 P'

$s5i*[E:";]igIrE$3Js
te:3
:tl
E (',.r5-
long periods
q).r0J t!o 5 o crpJ dr5 o o t!>o cr{
brought to full fruition, with peoples of all races, narily facilitated and compressed thanks to the
everywhere in abundant legacy
of prosperity. Eventually, however, it was stopped bequeathed on them by the ancient world. The name

sIs"#l
"Antiquity"

;:eE.*
3;''
Asia by the superior strength of despotism, and
only with the suggests more substance than does the name "Middle Ages,"
carry¬

r:gri= l5=f $:i'l*

peoples did the upward momentum of the masses have ing the association of the old peoples, the ancient

i= . *H-Q
European oppression peoples of
to be able to break through the superior stock whose life forms such an important part

H:t;: [;e s,,l sH

enough persistence
3€ q P
development of Europe. Perhaps it would be more fitting toofspeak
the
3 5335'ff9'
exerted by the traditional historical powers. ofIfstrictly the European

6
Aryan
peoples in their variegated composition were

s;:;::q
of the age of classical antiquity. Correctly understood,
be inclined to find herein proof for the this
era must be said to have come to an end as soon as antique splen¬
blood, one might perhaps
**lB:f

f:
of
assertion which Gobineau makes with respect to the superiority dor ceased and the power was exhausted which was brought
on its world empire by the dominant Roman people. If to bear
39.3o9'''fl'8

peoples are
the Aryan masses. Now is it so that the European
e
h':E

;;:
theory is history
entirely of pure, Aryan origin? It appears that race receives its rationale from the phenomenon of power, then
E,! s5'3 x rq
unequivocally. The author of the
< tlr-qj

not yet able to settle this point historical epochs must be divided into power eras.
P'o -B- 3.X

But Roman

q$tj''
widely read books on race theory assigns power didn't come to an end only in the year 476, when the
one of the most
l,_d

[tr;,+
emperor Romulus Augustulus was dethroned; the Roman Empireshadow
tidE$

blood,
Beethoven, along with others, to the category of inferior conceding "had
even claims that Goethe's figure was not Nordic, gone down" already long before that. The world-commanding
and he If we are to power
that Luther, too, had a strain of inferior blood.power, of the old Rome made place for a new world power when
g :

before the
5 ^ t

avoid confusing the idea of the circulation of we must gates of the Eternal City the conquering Attila was stopped
E

it with race theory. the spiritual authority of Pope Leo the Great by
connecting :
0J

abstain from
arms. From that point on it must have becomeinstead of by Roman
clear to the con¬
temporaries that the Roman military state had been replaced
Epochs of the History of Peoples and of World History by
6. The the civitas Dei.
Cr
E

5
o

a
tI]

o
5
-o
o

d
rl

The content of facts encompassed by the circulation of

power For the Occident the Middle Ages are the era of ecclesias¬
3;1; ;E I
j3u 3s $
ril* Su*3 g'Fo I ;* ;:if,,; ;f q s g*15:; E; f:e q 9-
u€ 1H':& F- B o$ gEE't *BI n.tF' -I3.=;';'3 H'..-

_x3{ r g" r ; x
F,: f, iPBIEI gi+uH :r 3:;,';;
E g -f,:f e'E'fr:BE o*3 *
if ;il

$r;il*. ""

division
is too diverse to permit being categorized by the usual tical predominance. This predominance, however,
3 3.,---3 3 H g ?;'3-

only with Leo the Great, but already had to be very didn't start
i-. ts.< t--.1 O Hr,o E P 5 ts 5l (a
0 FF O O O C O H'Hts'H'

into the epochs of Antiquity, Middle Ages, and Modern Times.

This division as a way to organize world history is obviously the appearance of the pope was able to impress the effective if
it has been contested often Perhaps one could date its origin by the time when barbarians.
ill-conceived, and, as is well known,

_
Constantine publicly recognized the church with whose helpEmperor
g e; yl=l.gEH

enough by far-sighted historiographers, with Spengler, in partic¬

ular, making this point very well. The customary division corre¬ able to be victorious against the anti-emperors, and athe was
FsE d;3 3[esFFF,_q3 rs

sponds to the narrow point of view from which the European time, of course, it also happened that the emperor relocated this
his
r[-;;A

equates Europe with the world. The shock caused in theEmpire countries seat from Rome to Byzantium. If one views the Middle
q[sin:qS-;Ie

of the Mediterranean Basin by the fall of the Roman

was epoch of ecclesiastical predominance one does justice Ages as the
at the same
: Hg;s[flritiIi*srfi

all in the Far East of Asia, the year of ruin of time to the idea of the Christian era, a new era dating
not felt at for the history from the
476 A.D. being a matter of complete indifference birth of Christ. Shouldn't the new chronology also find its
of China or India. Altogether one would be hard putprior to name an expression in the division of time into eras by
significance having occurred to the to that age in which the hope of the new era findsgiving its name
world-shaking
:li ;lir*:J

event of
olol::-5 o-(D

Gama and Columbus. During all those fulfillment?

discoveries by Vasco da
s

millenia there was not yet world history; historythere were only ethnic What point in time should designate the
3'g oE;'l=13=

;
rlgj[;

histories which gradually widen into the of communities tical predominance? It is obvious to view theend of ecclesias¬
-;'1313

beginning of the
o cru p.up.5lrde.

of nations and of world empires. Subsequently the interrelation- Reformation as the decisive juncture, which means
more only a small
ships between these become increasingly close, and ever history
deviation from the year of the discovery of America, which is
significant preparatory work for the later tasks of world usually taken as the beginning of Modern Times.
3q3s

is done by them. But these world-historical relations do not of

yet Reformation a more meaningful date than the discovery But is the
o :y o Ca

ile:
FH;Es'$Br'"lT 53'3

for the portrayal of the New

World? The new era must be the era of the new power which
stand out enough to furnish the framework over¬
the history of peoples. Such a framework is provided only by
the comes the ecclesiastical predominance. The Reformation has
sn

an
conditions affecting communities of nations and world empires. important share in pushing back the catholic faith power,
— —
,

as its name already implies but

it wanted to reshape it by cleans¬
Even from the restricted viewpoint of the European community ing rather than by eradicating it.
E f.

s =!5*1r.

nance was broken not only in the case The ecclesiastical predomi¬
'86'B-5

oiegsKg-,^B_*.E
3[d--38

of nations the division into the three epochs is not quiterefer¬

ade¬
5uo
< <5(,5(, ]fsA::

of the peoples defecting to

oocoHFgg"SS-
-

no Protestantism, but it could not be continued

oi'o:-iQo.'3E'ijX

quate. It is constructed too superficially and makes

.,9o 3-'-FFE

Pies which had remained Catholic. Everywhere even over the peo-
^

ence whatsoever to the content of historical evolution. more

designation "Middle Ages," taken literally, means nothingModern
The
_____
°f the church devolved upon the state, the dominant power
0q

the works already long before the this shift having been in
than that this age is located midway between Antiquity and suggest
Times, and if it were to say more, e.g., if it were to advanced quite far in some instances.Reformation and even having
L0

E;gabB

France's King Philipp the

aIi;fie
XgSoiob
xX*-3-
>*;{*lI"oP'a'i

in Beautiful already got the better of the church when he induced

that the Middle Ages lie between Antiquity and Modern Times
dcr{crctFlCrO

way as manhood stands between youth and old age, it the popes to exchange the exile
the same of life of in Avignon for Rome. The church
would lead us totally astray. In Antiquity the course schism, the degeneration of
Popes further shook the papal the Roman court under a series of
z$Qrn

in
the ancient peoples of superior blood was fully completed.again authority, which in turn benefited
the Middle Ages new types of peoples appear which must the princely authority, and the Reformation, too, contributed

248 249
extraordinarily to the strengthening of the princely power. Never- PART 3
substance of the new

i:Eli[[
theless one would go wrong in equating THE WAYS OF POWER AT THE PRESENT TIME
for the latter of course later had to
epoch with princely power, One might perhaps label the first
yield to the freedom powers. princely predominance, even
period of Modern Times the period of designation in accord¬
though the era as a whole needs a broader XVI. Liberalism
ance with its broader contents. The enlarged designation, state
predominance, also still fails to meet the bill, for it is not 1.
il][B ---h-e
Birth of Liberalism in the French
restrained the church. Along with the Revolution
the state alone which the rise of sci¬
to a still greater extent,
state, and probably Liberalism is the political and social view
ence cramped the faith, and how many other forces, indeed, have almost say world view, of the third one might
moved European society! During this era the culture powers and estate. It was its very own
interest, demanding the breath of freedom,
political freedom powers asserted themselves in third estate to voice freedom as its creed. which impelled the
iEil[

the economic and establishing the superiority

the European community of nations, of liberalism, and became its undoing, It was the greatness
It is the era of European that it made this confes¬
of Europe over the rest of the world. expands European history
sion of faith not only in its own
name but at the same time in
world supremacy, which at the same time the name of the people as a whole. The
third estate wanted to be
into world history. "everything," to use Abbe Sieyes' well-known
itself as a representative, as a part of word; it regarded
new era in this sense,
=

If one understands the content of the it deemed as capable as itself of the whole people, which
start as of the year of the dis- freedom and
one may __stick to setting its
adhered, guided by a
to its exercise. Thus the great demand forequally called upon
ilr**s:

one has always freedom was pro¬

___
covery of America to which discovery of the New World claimed as a cause of the entire people,
whereas in its proximate
the
felicitous sense of history. Byin an exuberant European vitality origin it was, of course, only the
drive inherent The fight for freedom taken up by matter of a single estate.
the expansionist which one felt confined from the bourgeoisie received its
broke through the boundaries totime, and in the most surprising
invincible momentum by the fact that the bourgeoisie swept the
times immemorial. For the first of the superior strength which rest of the people along into
way, this discovery gave notice not resist the mighty assault,emulation. The old powers could
r$

geoisie itself could not identifybut in the long run the bour¬
little by little conquered the world.
Since the World War we have been under
the impression that
general freedom
—what other
itself with the lofty idea of
and little by little began to social 0 group could have done it!
__
iEg[[l[i-

European world supremacy has come to a close and is est. consider its own more narrow inter-
The consequence was that it lost
the era of world history. The European the emulation of the
being followed by an era of advanced masses and that almost everywhere liberalism
a world concert, in which Japan and
concert has been enlarged torepresented. party creed of a restrained and resulted in the
If one lets the preced¬ derided minority by being iden-
the United States are also Columbus with his three tified with an individualism declared
obsolete and being thrown
ing era start with the year in which on the scrap heap. But even as it
first island of the West Indian of freedom celebrated its last greatcollapsed, the bourgeois idea
caravels discovered the in the name of the Spanish king one success, for it is that idea
Archipelago and seized it begin with that other year
which, transformed into the democratic
idea, opened the gates to
may well let the era of world history power to the broad masses.
in which the American
Europe.
fleet
This action settled
brought
the
the millions of combatants to
World War in favor of the
United States proved
revealed most clearly
success
— — In the process there was again
along with the greatness of external
the inner limitation of the idea of
'1gi

Entente, and with this decisive success the

leadership of the
great deal more than was
already
freedom, for a
its will and its ability to participate in the large masses admitted to freedom true of the bourgeoisie, the
lacked
world. exercise. In reality, the people almost the capacity for its
everywhere fell far
the "Middle Ages,"
short of the idealizing assumption
ecclesiastical predominance , the under which the demand for
iH:

The era of
supremacy, "Modern Times," freedom of the people had been rationalized.
as well as that of European world
will be necessary to subdivide
are so rich in content that itIt is not part of our task to try As is true for any other
them into particular periods. ism also rose up in sharpest basically new social view, liberal-
consider it sufficient to state
our hand in this as well; we willsupremacy It regarded the ruling powersconflict with the existing views.
ends in the period of of
ecclesiasticism as the evil resultsprinceliness,
i-te

that the era of European world feudalism, and

and imperialism,
liberalism, which outwardly develops nationalism credited itself with the great feat of violence and deceit. It
of having explored the con-
inwardly expanding into democracy. nections of social life and of having
while
determination of recognized self-
demanded by nature.individuals and peoples as the condition
Indeed, in spite of their many aberrations,
the liberal thinkers made clear essential social nexi which until
then had remained obscure. They had been animated to new
insights because society had matured to a new stage where the
traditional, historic leadership powers were felt to be hin-
drances which could no
historic leadership powerslonger be tolerated. r~
The traditional
were adapted to the social tasks of

250 251
 states , its orientation to combat and was the grand master of the people, being
law, almost like the King. The peasantry practically
x oilmen u Ui witn above th
religious culture with its
_i_

order , and to the establishment of therefore, lordly leaderships, had gone

ruin, the masses of the people in the villages were to rack an
authoritative ways, and they were, without poS'
leaderships of order and rule. But now the ground had been pre¬ sessions and in the clutches of the poor law, which
task and an equally expansive, them to some kind of work slavery. The common condemnei
pared for an expansive economic of man was free ol
scientifically founded educational task, and now those strata these
military duty, but he had to reckon with being pressed
into naval
fore who were occupied with duty. To be sure, the sciences prospered, and in
the population came to the
leadership the indigenous class of enterprising bourgeois the big cities
tasks. The new strata raised up their characteristic
preparatory workers, and successively, growing visibly in wealth and recognitiongained ground
groups, entrepreneurs and intellectual by its
for a new leadership activities, which little by little were extended across

----
at the same time they gained recognition
principle, namely, that of freedom,
was needed for the new social tasks.
which
One
in
was
the nature of things
not inclined to be
world. The rising bourgeoisie clamored for economic
the economic doctrine which took care of its
to place the idea of freedom on a scientificinterests
the
freedom, and
gitlilra EHFs$rfi ]gf;

leadership in economic affairs and in science attempted

content with free foundation. Adam
alone, one also demanded it for state and church in order to be Smith's masterpiece about the Wealth of Nations
assured that the political and ecclesiastical powers gave free classic eloquence and with great effect the works summarizes in
rein to the economic and scientific forces. Since
liberalism at mists of the time. But after the movements and theof the econo¬
first lacked external means of power to make itself
felt, it had of the revolutions of the 17th century the English achievements
existing powers by force of intel¬ were now too
conservatively disposed to advance to the demand for political
to strive to overcome the
the
lect. From this stems its urge to penetrate more deeply the pre¬
freedom as well; they were calmed by the prosperous
conditions in
social nexi. It had to justify its existence vis-a-vis which they found themselves. This decisive
vailing powers by being able to base its teachings on
persuasive for the lively disposition of the French, inadvance was reserved
whom the drive for
received its doctrinaire, didac¬ freedom had been animated much more than in England
proofs. In this way liberalism practitioners of because the
tic trait which later was ridiculed by the its proper domains
pressure of the old historical powers burdened the
populace much
Realpolitik who had to push it back to within more than was true in England. The drive for political freedom
had laid
and which is altogether derided today after experience are well was reinforced by the drive for social justice,
bare its fatal errors while its extraordinary truths irrepressible with the 18th century French which had become
worn and therefore forgotten. Beaumarchais' "Figaro" is the literary expressioneducated class.
valet who feels to be the count's equal would havefor this. The
been unthink¬
Having been prepared by the combat lasting for centuries
of able in England, while in France the piece was staged
iFlfFi

for religious and national free- court. That at the height of the revolution the before the
strong men and people who strove at the French people
dom, liberalism on its victorious sway appeared in France addressed each other as "citoyen," as citizen, was provoked
threshold of the great revolution. One can single out the hour one of those emotional surges, many of which took possession by
place. It was at that people in revolutionary ecstasy. Even so, this of
of birth when this memorable event took
and when the manner of salu¬
time when Louis XVI had summoned the general estates ministers,
tation was especially apt for the Frenchman with his impulse
for
third estate, against the will of the King and of the social reconciliation and leveling. Whereas
prevailed with its demand that votes be cast not according to aristocratically inclined, the Frenchman is the Englishman is
democratic here.
3gFIE,Fgg]5H Ffg.r$!

estates, but according to heads. It thereby was acknowledged Napoleon found the strongest prop for his imperial
that the free people rests on its citizens and that the In Europe
institu¬ able to wed the latter to the democratic propensity rule by being
of the French
tions of princely reign had outlived their usefulness. people. In the heady beginnings of the
the idea of revolution it appeared as
the French were the first to declare themselves for by if the millions of Frenchmen had risen
to
the free people which so far had been accepted only the citi¬ good. The political doctrines of Enlightenmentfull freedom for
United States in their American isola¬ cially Rousseau's teachings, had thinkers, espe¬
newly founded
zens of the
tion. Now the French had gained an edge over the British, who the minds, and for the slogan offound
the
a millionfold resonance in
until then had been viewed as the model ofactually political freedom in of a kind had been won, such as until free people public opinion
was not free¬ as a political phenomenon in France and then had not been known yet
Europe. In 18th century England, freedom as even England's polit¬
dom of the people, but was in essence the possession of a privi- ical life had not encountered in like intensity.
which in In its dissemi¬
leged class keeping the King at bay through Parliament, majority of
nation and its hold over the minds, this slogan could be compared
turn was dominated by this privileged class. The only with the public opinions of a religious
of the great nobility. Nobles of the seized the peoples in times of strong nature which had
seats were at the disposal movements of religious
the fervor. This public opinion from the very
Whig and Tory varieties were agreed to keep the masses of of
people in the countryside practically barred from the exercise victory of the revolution! It penetrated thestart determined the
ranks of the army,
political rights. The Whig nobility further intensified the
rule it disposed the best minds of the
tradition of the °f the populace, it gained nobility favorably to the cause
of the nobles in particular, because it had the to its side almost all of the low
Glorious Revolution on its side, by which it was enabled to make clergy and a not insignificant
E *':

portion of even the high clergy.

q

the limitation of the King by Parliamentary government inequi-

a firm The cool critic of later times who had not shared the experience
.

and most °f the revolution

$;'gB

practice. The franchise was severely limited considers the high-sounding words which the
only Public did not tire of bandying about
tably distributed, and the bourgeoisie made itself felt by the a declaration like as empty phrases. He views
the few relatively large places which were not dominated the one on human rights as a mere jingle
{3g.

a
nobility. The sharp political stratification of the people was words, whereas in truth it was a of
true mirror image of its rigid social stratification. The lord social contract, for the idea ofdeeply felt declaration for the
6

modern society. To be sure,

252 253
 to lose faith in itself. concessions contained in the Reform bill were too
later France's public opinion began paltry compared

E llllillllililliillliliilllillll
with the, radical demands, but a decisive

ill'llfliiill[}ifii|:i*giiilllg:
party struggles of the civil war, the meeting of turn had been effected
Amidst the wild
Political thinking, apart from just a few nevertheless. The Whigs transformed themselves into a truly
minds came to grief. inchoate to allow finding the liberal party, and the Tories also had to
enlightened minds, was still too line. take a
From here on, England is the stronghold of more popular
driving social idea. During
apt constitutional phrase for the endeavors appeared to be dead While France is being fitfully tossed liberalism.
about, England provides the
the years of the empire, political world with the model of a more steady
Restoration, to which the
altogether. The constitution of the led, gave the people
immense movement of a quarter-century
rather, only to a small segment of the
people a bare
or
minimum
seeming to become worked up — — idea. Historically prepared from way
the former has not been quite able to
evolution of the liberal
has shown more healthy growth than hasback, England's liberalism
France's. However, even
of political rights, the masses notterms they had again become ically didactic streak. steer clear of an ideolog¬
over the fact that in political
deprived of their rights. In the France of Louis XVIII and
Charles X almost the same top classes were determining who had 3- The Liberal Era
before the revolution. Had the revolution not
been uppermost who accepts only the letter of
been in vain? The historiographer The last decades before 1848 and the
may view things in this light,
a lawfully proclaimed constitution guided by the social realities after the unification of Italy and the following decades until
but he who allows himself to be Empire constitute the heyday of foundation of the German
differently. A historic result of liberalism, which now has over-
will have to judge the matter intact: in the turmoils of the come the violence of its revolutionary
utmost relevance had remained institutions, and even in the bat¬ masses have been put out of commission,birth pangs. The uncouth
revolution, in the Napoleonic
led his armies, the populace which ferred upon the educated middle classesleadership has been con- in¬
tles into which Napoleon had have been clarified and which, given whose political views
layered by estates coalesced into a
had previously been torn and however unsteady and imper¬ which one becomes attuned, decide the the limited franchise to
united nation. This fact held good, successively outcome of the elections.
Princely governments, notwithstanding many
constitutional forms through which one a reactionary setback,
fect were the
the changing circum¬ are also more accessible to the liberal idea,
sought to find a political expression for their national his¬ ters of the economy and of general education, especially in mat¬
French have
stances. From this point on theto lapse before the nation, in a are occasionally completely devoted to it. and civil servants
tory. Only a few decades had succession, burst the con¬ are by no means strong enough to
The middle classes
series of thrusts following in quick the era of citizen kings, as all by themselves; they must getshoulder the job of governing
along with the old powers.
stitution of the Restoration and of Still the influence which they exercise
to provide itself finally on government on account
that of the second empire, in order of their domination of public opinion
with its constitution of freedom. the sum of the rights which have beenis indeed much greater than
upon them. From the point of view ofconstitutionally bestowed
lliiulr=;il;i

which won recognition later, the political the universal suffrage,

2. England's Role can scarcely be called freedom. The stratumfreedom of liberalism
geoisie which was endowed with of the liberal bour¬
From France the idea of freedom,time thanks to the power of political rights is viewed by
contemporary democrats as a privileged
i*'Flliffiillliiililllllil

conquered the whole

public opinion, in relatively short considerably more inclusive than the old class which, though being
continent of Europe
liberal-thinking circles
first

leonic rule and later on also

were
the neighboring
stirred
the more
up by the
distant
—
countries in which
impact of Napo¬
ones as far as
leged stratum, yet comprised only a
populace. The Social Democrat
hierarchically privi¬
small sector of the entire
dismisses the bourgeois stratum of
the liberal era as a ruling class,
history had such
Il*llitl*il[*i;a;ia

into Asia. Never before in the course of world exercising lordly rights 3 la
place so rapidly. Most significant was prince, nobility, and church in earlier
times. As a matter of
a great movement taken
the incessant wars which it fact, however, in its good days
the repercussion on England. During the republic, against of a genuinely leading stratum it is more deserving of the name
fought against the revolution, against than had been any upper class
in its constitution remained standing at the before and probably has been since. The liberals had not for¬
Napoleon, England But as in gotten that they had
point which it had reached before the revolution. advanced and fought for their demands
the sake of the populace. for
had grown up during this Although at first the masses at the
France, in England, too, a generation political education in bottom were wholly denied their
quarter-century which had received its constitutionally guaranteed par¬
ticipation in governmental affairs,
considerably altered circumstances. During war,
England's indus- being conceded later
possessions expanded astonish- haltingly and in gradual steps, one still did not hesitateonly
try commerce, trade, and colonial developments, and subse- apply the liberal principles in governmental to
ai

ingly , and when peace led to further best of one's knowledge, and it happened in institutions to the
English character
quently to grave setbacks, the conservative innovations. that vested interests were only a few places

---- political
li;iIs:;t

to cope with enlightened citizen saw his allowed to stand in the way. The
witn political xuuwvaui
also could no longer refuse
were people
r-omio nrssBnt
present who transferred the revolutionary task in continuing on an enlarged
Now there
radical party was formed which
t'ormea wmc scale and in bringing to fruition what already had been started
ideas to England, and a vehement revolutionary doctrine and found a hy the enlightened prince.
The substantive content of law
the
absorbed the slogans ofbourgeoisie the administration, their rules and procedures were cleansed of their and
and quite especially in
following outside the Residues
riiE

much but was miserably of a medieval character and were

industrial proletariat, which had grown the modernized modern in
situated and utterly malcontent. It is true that the radical
far-reaching plans. The leavesense of a general character which at
to the individual the widest the same time would
party was not able to prevail with its possible scope for the

254 255
 party had not been bent on gaining predominance.
All state citizens without exception It did not want
exercise of his energies. to rule but to lead, and to the

ifE;![;
o social

il

llts-'r'ri$*rxiarerT*35ffi[l;lifi
basic rights, and the ennobled sense of ideally minded men who only wantedvery end it had a profusion of
were guaranteed gave more attention to the protection of and to achieve for the party what

lff[
responsibility social sense of they had in mind for the whole populace.
populace. The
regard for the weak among themost impressively greatest success was attained in Precisely where the
proved its worth in the devoted tion to exercise superior force was economic matters, the tempta-
liberalism Even in the area of taxation, too great for successful
nurture of general education. liberalism captains of industry not to fall prey
fiscal egotism had to
included among its demands
demands of exemption of
make its
for
concessions:
equitable
of the subsistence
llll[
taxation
minimum,
-iciflt:g[[5EE
genuine
also
of a
the social
progressive
income. The free
neurs became the mighty of the times.
hands were piled up to fabulous
to it. The great entrepre¬
Fabulous profits in their
wealth, and they turned by far
the larger part of revenues into new
rate structure, and encumbrance of fundedalthough the commune ing not only them, to be sure, but capital investments, enr ich-
[lli;
the free commune, and along with them the economy.
state also established A just judge could have hardly called
— like the state in
bourgeois class, the latter was
its

spirit of the time. How much closer

constitution
still
gave
influenced
preference
by the
to each other the various
by the liberal spirit
to the
liberal — they were not selfishly after
like being pioneers of economic their
them liars for saying that
own welfare alone but felt
progress
that they were too little sensitized to -- but it was still true
11
had been brought the situation of those
strata of the population by the dress and all the external whom they pushed aside or even caused
to plunge into the depths
is demonstrated most palpably the streetscape of of misery. The great entrepreneur
the populace.
manners and customs ofstriking Whereas
class divisions by the was of obdurate mind or pressed hardbecame
by
the master, and when he
the 18th century gave evidence of master of hundreds and thousands of competition, the pitiless
llllll:*iii; e;il' il=li*[l[grr.i1il

streetscape of the sec¬

people, in the
dress and attitude of the century the contrasts were largely large capital commanded millions of workers. In the aggregate,
ond half of the 19th also impairing or ruining the submissive workers, while
of the worker as soon as he bourgeois craftsmen. The Law ofeconomic position of millions of
effaced. The general style ofisdress almost the same as that of the Small Numbers found in the econ¬
lays aside his work clothes omy a field of application of equally great
bourgeois, and in the countryside, too, manners of dress follow in the victory of arms. effect as it once had
Even between different peoples manners
and While the
the general mode. pressed down, out of the bourgeois multitude of the weak was
ru ;gst€*: ia ;giail ia;, a;sx a

assimilated, in the very way that liberalism dizzying heights the elite of middle class there rose to
customs become within a people but
strives to level not only the differences From its ori¬ of earlier times and exceedingthethem
capitalists, joining the rulers
various peoples. still in wealth and finally
also those existing between the orientation, and the peoples even in social influence. The great economic rulers had
gin, liberalism had a cosmopolitan It was under the slogan of liberty, which opened won
illllii ;ii*
in the great idea of liberty. for them the road to
were to be reconciled of the power-hungry dynasties and unchecked activity. They demanded ever more impetuously
thought that war was a matter forever keep peace green light for themselves, but
the uninhibited unfolding of
the
would
that once they were free, the peoples their energies meant coercion for all
the weak who stepped into
among each other. their way. Could the liberal still
talk about freedom?
t1;t;ili

claim to have ini¬

The liberal party during its prime could of social and economic The principle of power was realized
much more quickly for
tiated a period of most ample development liberalism than it had been for the
maintained external peace all the while. Its old historical powers. The
values and to have by veins of wealth which modern technology
system appeared to receive itsastonishing most clear-cut corroboration
reflecting the pectedly rich, and scientific had opened up were unex¬
growth ment them and to raise their work indefatigably sought to aug¬
the numbers which express the quantity of goods being yields. The scientific-economic
economic successes. The sum total of ,the the aggregates of wealth task with which modern man is occupied exceeds the earlier
produced and consumed or reinvested political-ecclesiastical task in outward
: rf ee[4 e*'

accumulating, and in this connection the sum total of human this reason the influence which it had to productivity, and for
filling Europe and flowing out from there into the world tion of society was also much greater. exert on the reorienta¬
beings of history have been
1Eilltilfi

these figures never in the course amount and of the industrial The growth of the cities
in absolute or in the rates the extent of it districts in a few generations surpassed
matched, let alone exceeded, the world pro¬
at which they grew. Relative to the wonders of
world of Antiquity the relationship during centuries of earlier
between town and country historical periods,
technology, the wonders of the upset, and capital grew at a still was fundamentally
duced by modern The modern
appeared to be mere exercises in barbarian splendor.
and expected in the Quickly as the capitalistic power offaster rate. But just as
spirit became intoxicated by self-admiration era of general peace and developed the countervailing power of the few had grown, there
the many who were chal¬
near future the coming of the golden lenged by it. The proletariat and
universal contentment. bourgeois handicraftsmen formed twothegreat
lower and middle ranks of
Ihe peasants formed a third one camps of resistance.
the ways of capitalism and also because they, too, suffered from
Democracy because their whole way of look-
4. The Transition from Liberalism to Xng at life was at odds
o
3
tsl

r
a
FI

0)
o

with the liberal spirit. The proletariat

f

has always done -in

The principle of power, however , as itin the case of liber-
Received its first great leaders from the
thinkers and the circles of the educatedranks of the critical
!] o:- n
IY O PO
Dr3
. o F:

{
q# 5'i *d
2 5r0
J

asserted itself who were friendly

o qX;.:'

also xncli ned toward the populace.

0eKv
x r.- *'"o

the course of history,

the extraordinary forces released
P.-$--
\
(, tsdP cr

!."*iico3
P'o

Craftsmen and peasants, on the

g o< ts5

other hand, received theirs in good

YPY.ooo

alism. The success garnered by widespread

Du0'"^T

o:cr;;X(u

social power. Mi racu-

OHctSO

--6JP
O O ts.o

-oll':cae

part
circl who took offense at the positivistfrom the ecclesiastical
:5

u 5H^

to liberalism es
and the triumph of
by it guaranteed
M

success enhanced its power of and materialist views

rising The liberal certain liberal thinkers, or they
n

lously
=;
o g

RlvP.
rr<

predominance. obtained them from the

r'[

success transformed its power into

o
UJ!

256 257
 had to fight their his¬ the vassal of times past! How the little man
conservative circles who in liberalism above the Philistine of yesteryear under policein town also rises

rilill[{iliiiillililgll

;I'li,Iilrirr: s#i1iit; l1l1lll[lilrliailill1lliiii1ltilg1

at such a fast pace that
toric enemy. The development proceeded get around to consolidating these socially insignificant groups were guard! Formerly
the rising bourgeoisie didn't at all and the estates had done. in the population, but now they began topractically mere numbers
feel like constituents
its position as formerly the prince of the populace.
Now only did it really comeact, to be recognized that the liberal
bourgeoisie did not want to and did not act, exclusively on Liberal economic doctrine rendered a
its own behalf, but at the same time also on behalf of the popu¬ nary significance for the endeavors of the service of extraordi¬
lace. The first thing for a conqueror to worry about was how to entrepreneur in his factory laid the base forproletariat. As the
for him the subjected remained the the organization of
maintain himself in power, and broken. The liberal the proletariat, liberal economic doctrine
enemy whose power of resistance had to be
spirit. Viewed as a for proletarian organizations. It providedworked out the program
party had nothing of such a conquering the scientific ideas it needed, and it the proletariat with
to its goal to lift up the entire populace even formulated the slo-
party, it always stuck whatever capitalistic rulers gans, or at least the proximate supporting
through the force of freedom, and slogans , in order to make the program palatable documents for the
insure and extend their predominance, and however for the masses.
might do to Adam Smith taught, albeit still with
badly they pressed down the masses, thiscore was a personal matter of certain reservations, that
the of the bourgeoisie, all returns are the product of labor and that value is fundamen¬
the upper middle-class with which tally labor value.
bond. The educated bour¬ When Ricardo then sought to surmount
the educated bourgeoisie, had no commonthe rest of society, it saw Smith's reservations, the socialist theory of Adam
geoisie went astray in that, like all given the foundation as well as the highest economic value was
at first only the brilliant sunny side of economic development, ity. scientific author¬
the dazzling value figures; the When socialist doctrine teaches that
the miracles of technology and the dark side. When finally profit, interest, and rent constitute entrepreneurial
dazzled look had not yet penetrated only seemed to have drawn the logical exploitation, it thereby
sacrifices demanded by economic growth,
one became aware of the ises postulated by classical doctrine, conclusion from the prem¬
l

did not fail to contribute with great and if it could be said

the educated middle-class that property is theft, this sentence only
IItII

of social reform. But in

seriousness its share to the great task
become organized starkly explicit what classical doctrine had seemed to have made
ri

the proletariat itself had also concealed.

the meantime by the best possible
against its rulers. It was favored in thisof its service it was It was even more significant for
rE

the nature
external conditions because by because the majority of factories things that liberal political doctrine the eventual outcome of
assembled in the factories and districts and towns. The entre¬ freedom on the concept of the people had based the idea of
-

rl

were concentrated in industrial and

which were destined to eignty. What the third estate demanded for of popular sover-
preneurs recruited and paid the troops
n$;i'- sr:-iaaliialtiiiu'

same time demanded for the people as a whole. It itself, it at the

I

in this respect was the posi¬

march against them. How different fit for military service, itself a prerogative of freedom, but it didn't seek for
dom, for which it thought to have found looked for general free¬
ii[li[lllilillliillil! llliitit

tion of the martial king, of the barons

compared with the position of the rail¬
of the knightly nobility,
and the moneyed aristocracy! tion in the very majesty of the people. overwhelming substantia¬
road kings, the financial barons,
all, the leaders in man-to-man era one prepared for a limited franchise That during the liberal
The former were, visible to
they exposed themselves to, nay, diction to the original idea incorporatedwas in blatant contra¬
in the doctrine. It
deathly combat whose dangers victory was a political compromise. One had to reckon
all the rest, and where
exposed themselves to before them to rule; of the conservative powers. Moreover, the acts of with the existing
lifted them above all the rest and called the masses during the revolution were still violence committed by
latter, the common man glimpses only
thinks, they pocket as a result of his efforts
understanding for the wide range of
the
their
rich
plans
booty which, he
while having no
and of their
of the former, how
— although one wasn't quite willing to admitsadly
egotism of the party was also
the limited franchise assured entering
this
remembered, and
— the natural
into the calculus because
to it the majority of the man¬
exhausting efforts. Incidentally, in the case accomplishments in dates. A clairvoyant politician like
much enhanced was their personality by their and how differ- and brought out during the Disraeli already recognized
fighting with arms which steeled their manhood, deliberations over the English Reform
Bill that in the limited franchise
ent, too, was the heritage of blood heritage and courage they passed on to such as it then was adopted
the general franchise was included because
their sons! A much more healthy of blood and courage the inescapable conclusion from the idea the latter had to be
newly rich came into its own in the able on which the Reform Bill rested. And of popular sovereignty
than found with the once it had found improve¬
upper strata of the proletariat itself exhausting work come, after all, in England as well the general franchise did
s€

labor market and protection against as everywhere else, and

ment in the no less other groups in society everywhere it came quickly, once the parties
demands. The proletariat, and liberal power had grown strong enough to fling shunted aside by the
attitude toward the liberal
which gradually assumed a hostile from the things which
to liberalism. As soon as the down the
gauntlet
demand for the general franchise
party, benefited in many other ways as well had been thrown into the public
a view to promoting the
a liberal idealism had instituted with has liberal school defeated on theoretical grounds. Itsdiscussion, liberalism was
1igfr B FH E

much, indeed, doctrine did not leave it

weIfare of the populace. How the masses! How much has rapid with a counter-argument. The thinkers of liberalism had invoked
already done for Popular sovereignty,
legislation
masses who were also very and, helped by the idea of the validity and
economic development done for the
How
very
much the multiplication of the supremacy of the people, had given recognition to the third
adversely affected by it! estate as leader of the people. But by this it was
'

to associate and to
possibilities of communication the freedom liberal era the the same time that for liberalism decided at
assemble, has meant for the masses! How in the act rises above lesdership of the the time had passed as soon as
populace had slipped away from its
peasant fully equipped with the legal power to hands.

258 259
 victory to its appeal to the people, XVII. Nation and Nationalism
Liberalism owed its quick

" lq
{ r;_=:': lEts*sEx
dqlfr.
foresight, one would have had

=fqqfi[i%;RRi3.;

'-'*fi i: :---€-3:i."'ol:.
D:'5o ccrdts.

!'E -:rs€ 3 ^ J.''$

P- O
3J S'=3.;
political

g'-ilXi^
but, with some degree of

OaC)iP'r.F
be followed by defeat. Incidentally, 1. People and Nation
to admit that victory would

*[-*;{"69.*'r:

p:€'+= B x"+,8{
the fact that it shares
rtl5,:o.rdF.

Pp0qd !qfo<t.f -l*oE

an excuse in
the liberal party may find no lesser a man than Bismarck who During the period of nationalism, which the cultured peoples
the lack of foresight with the constitution of the

(u d
entered into in the course of the 19th century, the nations
incorporated the general franchise in
5ooo

thereby had brought

-
gSnBAlg
he recognized that he become the bearers of state power. From here on, the size of the
o'Ss315O

fi
German Empire becausemajority, lacking an eye
s do'J o o .o

;
while nevertheless assured national masses imparts to the political movements a force which

ct-5
the liberal of its

=
to fall the proletariat
t't-t9xci was they could not have possessed during the period of princely pre¬

3-ie:; Q 3l+
r = gi'H E r g.3
for the fact that thereby didn't the managers of the Prussian

)
COO;ts
5 O D'"

And dominance, yet what is missing is the positive self-assurance

political ascendancy. still

F.5
more fatal for them when they intro¬

f=3
OciP.

evidenced by the princely governments in their prime. Whereas

opF,

J
state commit a blunder
into the army? the strong prince was able to keep a tight rein from his safe and
duced universal military service

o
p
secure spot, the national body could only during a long period of
by its faithful adherents as
the
t.'.I;'I.o
s
-,f sEd.i=s;
$

Liberalism had been hailed historical education bring to maturity the specific organs of

*
wel-
,^ts'

general
5 :yoE9,'"t*.rp

supreme
; B-B'3,' -.

guaranteeing the freedom which it needed. Before we turn to a description of

\J +6

final stage of society, :

l;q*i1*-i
-act

stage which, by histor-

33 gS', sF.;A
";
3 5'f l

fare. Instead it became a transitional

these organs, we must have formed a clear picture of the overall
PPOtD

quickly. The outcome

o,cpJ55

time, was overcome very condition and of the vital instincts of the national body.
ical standards of
5id=
{
impact of the forces which
XP+ "'* m -+

Under the
couldnft be any different. era the mass = 33zE
. '["q

liberal
i.r0

during the The nation is a modern ethnic creation. The first signs of
o * 5:

had been released and nurtured

o.<ryf Eq
-r:
! 5€ qB-

58.3ABe

weight within the short

in numbers and in
of the people gained generations,
nationhood, to be sure, go rather far back in history, and this
populace to which
oR3"5

and now the is why the term has also been in use for quite some time. But
span of two or three
fE
F:ii6

flooded in
5(D5d

the gates of the political world only in the present has the formation of the nation been com¬
€ O ts'

liberalism had opened merely invoked the name of the people, and pleted, and if one is inclined to associate a fixed notion with
{odoj

3o
53

unchecked. One had

E3
ts.;
ru -

expanded into democracy. the term he is well advised not to apply it to the older, incom¬
now it was here. Liberalism
H
3

a plete formations. Antiquity did not have the concept of nation

But even within democracytheir the middle classes maintained it in the modern sense, and antique history would have taken a dif¬
P.

- -.o dP3=p.u 5 x

as
ct

^€ {

f
d

Much
3i.X
t!
crF.cf g

3*L5R6o *^
Q

numbers.
-.c?dP^

actual ferent turn if it had been supported by full-fledged national

d5'

weight,, which went far beyond it was still able to retain the
5PYF.
o 5 P.FU O P.

f d:Fts
,;oX

forces.
O O-(,, cfo doq

s 59...S

lost in political leadership,

P.5C5CXo'X
0) +jP O O ts{

ts.

F'tD ctX

Only now the bourgeois

(unr*
^ P.*

ii..o

leadership.
ts.dPr'
(D r'*-

essentials of intellectual
(r !J6-
oortD

culture, and through this liber- Among all the nations spread over the world today the most
culture expanded into a national nationalism.
orijrno
P.

—
5P.Pg(,OO

xo
.vr5!J Fs

PX

( P'L-,

Social democracy
;

alism created as its

1 successor modern is the one covering the United States of North America
s,

expectation to claim the inherit- the American nation, as it is typically called for short. Having
*O
=Qo
j-P

finds itself deceived in its

oi P
-.^

6'o
F..{

(u

Lo

all, national. been formed last, it hardly had to grapple any more with the
ance. Modern democracy is, above
U
;P.
aO

"i
o

resistances with which Europe’s national unification had been

confronted, and it is therefore almost free of the historical
remnants which in the case of the European nations are mixed in
with the essential features of national development
— the admix¬
ture of Negro blood, which we will still have to discuss, is
really the only element which makes itself severely felt. The
American development will, therefore, reveal most distinctly the
essential characteristics of the nation. Already the New England
colonies from which it was shaped were nationally sifted. The
Dutch, French, and Spanish admixtures were soon absorbed by the
unifying spirit of freedom, and the later immigrants, however
large their influx, adapted themselves from the start to the
given national character. That it happened this way is not at
odds with the national idea which dominates the present time; on
the contrary, this idea demanded that it so happen. The national
idea receives its force from the compactness of the old histor¬
ical settlements of the members of a nation. In contrast, the
immigrant from overseas has broken with his native country and
come ashore in full readiness to join the new home country.
denationalization is a change in national orientation which
reveals the sway of the national idea in all its strength. Every
new arrival knows that only as a citizen of the American commu-
can he prosper, and he expects for himself enhanced prosper-
1yy from the ambience of freedom and the vast economic opportu¬
nities. The American public, in turn, expects him to become
ornPletely engrossed in it. With the intolerance of taking

260 261
 things for granted, that public expects that he make the nation's between the Goths and the Italic peoples, under the strain of

iili
-!sai{ 3*sF35i
i;'a,q[;Iirlif$i
language, as well as its customs and political beliefs, his own, combat with an external enemy dissolves of its own accord. The
and the German-Amer ican , as a hyphen American
the World War
so called during
is regarded spitefully. The national education
— — example of the Irish perhaps shows most clearly how long a time
it takes in order for nationally different elements to become
of the native-born starts immediately in school by one's mates, completely merged. The Irish masses have accepted the English

liii
whose childlike spirit reflects the general tenor of thinking language not only as a language of communication but also as
still more openly than do the adults who, after all, have to take their mother tongue. The Irish regiments under the English flag
various cautions into consideration. Irresistible is the effect have proved their loyalty on innumerable battlefields with
devoted valor. Poets and prose writers, orators, and actors of

iii;
which, in view of the huge dimensions of all categories of life,
emanates from the sentiment of the American masses. What a pride Irish blood with their versatile spirit have animated English
to belong to this powerful polity! What elation to participate culture. In spite of all this, an ineradicable remnant of
p'cf o 5 p'(

in the decision-making of the most populous of all culture national tradition in the end called the Irish nation to an exis¬
nations! Every citizen has his share in the formation of public tence of its own again.

iiii
In the old Austria during a certain
il* €ir!'

opinion, whose commands everyone must obey. Only insiders know period the educated strata of all ethnic tribes represented them¬
that there • are ways and means for the country's powerful to selves as German, and the dynastic feeling also subordinated the
impose their views on the free populace. masses to the ruling family, and yet in the course of a couple of
generations the democratic movement was able to revive the seem¬
American conditions clearly reveal that there are two con¬
ig1il;giil$i$re.a

ilil iiiiiiiiiiiFiiiii
ingly almost extinct national languages, and along with them
3.lg 3 F:58 gB:':31f,.f p'-o

cepts of the nation, not just one. The American nation split off national consciousness. Many observers, especially foreigners
the- English one, with which it is culturally still closely united who were unable to quite see through the complicated circum¬
in spite of certain characteristic peculiarities. As we do in stances, have been deceived by the compactness which the Hapsburg
;Iig318:gggl]*'

this case, we must quite generally distinguish the cultural monarchy demonstrated in its external relations during the time
nation from the political nation. Not as if a political nation of its unbroken strength, and have talked about an "Austrian
could endure which were not also a culture nation
people can never be regarded as a nation
a barbarian
but in the sense that
a culture nation can endure which either not at all, or at least — — nation." In truth, the population was never nationally unified,
and the experienced statesman always knew that he had to deal
with a number of separate tribes whose peculiarities he had to
not in its whole dimension, has become a political nation. For include in his calculus. Even during the time of unified polit-
many centuries the Italians have been a leading culture nation, ical consciousness one could not properly speak of an Austrian
but only for a short time have taken their place as a political nation, but only of an Austrian state populace. The Hungarians
nation. Of the German culture nation, even after the reestab- in their constitutional law retained the notion of the populus
lishment of the empire those millions did not belong to the hungaricus, but this they also could properly have interpreted
political entity who as citizens belonged to Switzerland, only in the sense of a Hungarian state populace and not of a
Austria-Hungary, or Russia, or who as German-Americans had pre- Hungarian nation, as has been clearly proved by the national
served the link to German culture. disintegration after the World War. If it had been possible to
rule Austria through a few additional generations in the spirit
;eHg

The political nation is the complete nation, the nation pure of unity and solicitude characteristic of Josef II, "the
;ll*

and simple. He who has identified its essential characteristics appraiser of mankind," the German culture would perhaps have
will easily recognize which of these characteristics are appli¬ sufficiently taken root to overgrow the other cultures com¬
cable to the concept of culture nation. pletely, and the state, which protected and nurtured the weak,
3

would have won over the masses for good. In tzarist Russia, the
Neither in the one form nor in the other does the nation sternness of the regime was able to tie the peoples more firmly
o -3
fflii*r1ill[lii[i!;f

iiii
E

exhibit the identifying characteristic of the original blood together because the latter, with the exception of the
community. Every complete nation feels so self-contained that it a few other tribes in the west, had not yet matured toPoles and
national
',;'S$;'3

is convinced of its consanguinity and only reluctantly accepts self-consciousness; moreover, in Russia, as in America, the
the historical counter-evidence which puts beyond doubt the mul¬ boundlessness of the political dimensions had to have
iiii

an
tiplicity of its ethnic origins. The Americans, too, once the whelming effect on the small ethnic groups. This explains over¬
even after the collapse, the entire remaining large numberwhy,
e,ts!,!d

foreign elements of the immigrants have been completely assimi¬ of

lated, will feel as if they had been a unit all along, and they ethnic groups, with the exception of the west, remained
$B ['$1.5

will be inclined to forget that their English element is weaker °ld realm. If a Tartar manages to be elevated into one in the
iiiilililiii

than the elements of other blood which made their appearance bop Bolshevist administrative offices, it is understandableof that
the
later. As is true for the Americans, no nation would have thereby he and the whole circle close to him are tied to the
ob,"-

achieved greatness if it had not increased its numbers through imperial federation, which lifts him
the mixture of peoples, and none would probably have gained as stances of his home region. It ishighanother
above the petty circum¬
question whether
much strength as it did if different blood had not enriched it things will always remain so, or whether in the long run the
593.E
o orc o E 55

with different talents. As with the Americans, all the different forceser.which separate will outgrow the forces which bind
Exo-

elements must also be so intermixed that in the end they feel togeth
like an integral unit, otherwise the nation would not become a
complete whole which can no longer be broken up into its com¬ Language merely as a joint means of
3E 3

ponent parts. A liaison which has been effected only through suffice for the creation of a national bond.communication cannot
The lingua franca
'!'

force, as that between the Vandals and their African subjects or which has been spoken in the Levant since the Crusades has not

262 263
 It is a of the great deeds in their political history, in a way normally
brought the peoples using it more closely together.

E.
rEl=
found only with the members of a national state. In William

rllSH 1= "
3*d' .' x$i P--n-x.+?Bl" fi3f
Ef,;:5il18 :q flE lSlg€
g9 3gl3 E 3;6 g

tp[€ 1g-:;f " *u E;€1fi H +3."

g:e''1"-'{-;
r; l H *gFqfilf ;liIg
f f ilql:3ao

o
p'J ts'= o 5ts15 (, t Po
for the
welcome expedient of communication between people who
language to be able
and Arnold von Winkelried, the Swiss people have the figures Tell
they
rest remain wholly alien to each other. aForsimple

;ssE
r*-;'ul'-;5q:.Iq F;'Fee i=q; F 53i]s ee--lle*:Sg
life value it need for the cult of heroism which unites the minds, as France
to link the minds, it must be more than

=
sFll3:l.rlfi$
of a rich has them in Bayard, England in Nelson, and Italy in Garibaldi.
sensed as a cultural value, as the expression In the memories of the Swiss people the names of celebrated vic¬

.*gtl]
must be
the mutuality of the
common possession of culture. Moreover, tories and of dangers met are found in such profusion as would
cultural language must be accompanied by a community in all the bestow richness on the history of a large people.

Hi;lg
expres¬
other domains of culture which do not call for linguistic

qu^3'- -*r'"Tgl'eel
How much, indeed, does the sound of native music bring the
sion. More than any other great nation, the German nation has the

l qf

g3i:f:
human hearts together! How much, indeed, is the Italian folk peculiarity that, quite apart from those ethnic groups who set¬
spirit linked together by the rich storehouse of architectural
x
tled far away, even along its borders many immediately adjoining
53'g

throughout
works which are sensed as a national possession

;g**la
members of the culture nation do not feel they have a stake

E'-:g
still than the effect of common recollection of a in
Italy! Deeper g g{=F the political nation. This has something to do with the
IE

in the works of a polit¬

,'{f,;3x .: gl $-. I3oB1

past culture is that of common participation

r,D

ical history of the German people as it was conditioned by

l1F:g
B:3{58

living culture. All European nations have a superabundance of German propensity toward a separate existence. The Germans the
H'oJ <

traditional treasures from earlier culturalofwork to which they E: s

Switzerland have shared in the Swiss confederation the political in
Hl ila tn I sEE"sf sgiA g-i * fr:i$

still add on and on. In the United States North America the experience which unites the souls, the Balts

"s;*s
have experienced it
possessions of common cultural recollections are less numerous within the Russian realm, the Alsatians within France's, and the
PO.L'
l:tiRH

and the
and deep because of too short a time of togetherness, have a
e.es.,.'H'3:*o

3eEi
German-Austrians within the Hapsburg monarchy. There was some¬
;-g

not
;s=.#:[;;S;EE€ g{i"q:iifE-

cultural achievements of the present time also do thing quite peculiar about Germanic Austria. Its
r'.9 33;',$;'6POE OE:.3

richness comparable to the European achievements. One is too heartland was

O

does too established by Germany as a mark of the empire. Subsequently

much oriented toward outward economic attainments andinto it
-:3Ef
shared in the experience of important periods of German history,
H3' FI:;'F;Jr_Hsg;'"_l'o

inner
much cold calculating, and where there is immersion and as hegemonic power for a long time gave to the
*-

tfinei
values it is more in the direction of religious and social mat¬ emperors. In addition, as it grew territorially it had realm its
-3 fi

ters. On the other hand, the pace of domestic lifealready is so rapid its own
s; G -x.;.d;s€ diBg-sg

political life, in view of the grave dangers and crises it

5

e g;-:l+xE:"s."rf

been
that even today a special national character has other and find rienced also being rich in great memories, and because ofexpe¬
5':0J

which Americans recognize each the

":.;$r

formed, one by
E 3s3 3 3.s''.= ; e nFE F

peculiar course of events it remained unknown to, and not

common ground. Foreigners migrating to the country are anxious stood by, the Germans in the empire. Guided by its under¬
-TE;g

to adapt to this character, though in the long run through their

ests, it resisted great movements of the German spirit own inter¬
in crucial
own character they help to influence it, to be sure. Completely
K'- iil*o--*slBE

epochs of history, and fairly often matched forces

F.5

the
alien to the American community to this day have beenApart the predominant power of Protestant Germany. Is it with Prussia,
then surpris¬
Negroes, although they have given up their native tongues.
x**i3f5;I;8
FOOq

ing that it was impossible in Germany itself to obtain

E-5i3 s=iE f,;$

from just a few exceptions, the Negroes have not yet, or not at
g$ 5'13 g!'5'BT

agreement
on whether or not the German-Austrians, who in addition could
all, matured to rising up to the cultural community of the Amer¬ be separated out of the connection with Slavic not
i;E[.sr,

ican people, and they also have not been able to overcome the admixtures, were
gJ

to be counted as part of the political nation! The pan-Germans

instinctive rejection by those with nordic blood, whereas Spanish
Ca

held the one, and the Germans in the Reich

blood in Central and South America has linked itself to the the the other view, and both parties in doing soexcluding Austria held
tsO

law which has granted civil rights to of historical power. were under the spell
colored race. The
Negroes does not prevail against the social power of the race
@

0g=H

instinct. The Negro, declared free, encounters the popularly The political consciousness which is to breathe life into
of social exclusion and possibly the brutal court
5 t

sanctioned law nation must be that of a free people. A people which a

of popular vehme. subjected to its state by coercion must not be has been
classed among the
—
il'-

nations; not even a people which

p

For a political nation to come into being, the common bond

— without being bowed down by
;I

sl
{,

We have force is faithfully devoted to its state may be counted among

of culture must be joined by a common state Austria-Hungary
feeling. the nations as long as it does not
Cr
Pn

o
a.
Cf

o
B
o o

how rise above mere faith-inspired

already seen by the examples of Ireland and
' O cr.-- Ct

obedience. Only those peoples living their

orER o
O s

. €:o H
F 0)
Id g e:.Xi-d^ o.

o
o

o X
X K
o o
0) @
x o 0) F
3 (Dm q) 5 5 o
OJ
FJ

many delays and setbacks occur before the state feeling obtains have the strength of a nation. The others, own life in freedom
O 5 p.g(U
El

On the other hand, the which

that far, will not muster that supreme effort which haven't
'",

come
PrE569
3cr<

control over national consciousness.

D C O,sl!

rr ii 5 9
P.O O

-:5
a

5 ^: cr5

example of Switzerland shows that even the most vivid state feel¬ the national
;ro5 Occr.^o

Enr{O
wJ-

P o +<O

sPirit of sacrifice calls for and discharges

^. 6 !^
5b
v

t(D Y e'p.ca

for in situations of
ing without the community of language does not suffice yet the
-{

e*treme distress, and they

'<15 x lij '':'cr 5

of Progress which bubbles in thewill not have the sprightliness of

o 55

a nation. The Swiss citizenry consists

o o;(u

of
ctiD

emergence
6
B cf

the
P

a free nation. The Brandenburgs, the

d

members of three nations, but the Swiss themselves are not

oF

Pomeranians, and the Prussians

O
d

were always loyal to their

,

nation, they are a state populace composed of different national¬ kings. Their townspeople and peasants
X5B lo-0r lci
Ef*Pl.'6$ l(,
PJ

gt
o
0)

+o O (,' ,-ts tv
d

ities. To call them a political nation in which three culture

compliantly submitted to
the crude dynastic rule of Frederick William
s
ts{ cro Ul5 P.

* 3 3 3lI.;'.
I
83f,.oA.do
O clO. crP.O

case of
;

I and furnished to
nations are represented is to play games with names. The anything
o P'i:1

orSi-'ffif=

‘‘rederick the Great the disciplined and unflagging

Noo
(,O0)Ots.crP'

-_
\Y

<
o5'
5(,

Xo5€",XP

with soldiers
.?P R 9'{

Switzerland is sui generis and cannot be compared enabling him to gain his victories, but they would have
o55F€Prcr

l,^

fact
!'= *:rP
gF

else. The peculiarity of Switzerland emerged only from the lnoapable of any self-acting national movement. been
e!l-

rt

that in this case members of three developed culture nations Notwithstanding The Alsatians,
_f(,Pl(r;

the
P'P.P.

\,

all the
6

horrors of the
who did not want to renounce their bonds with them are neverthe- share in suffering, still drew near revolution which they had
o.

0
Ic!E

< _
)".{

less intimately bound together politically by the common memor i®9

*o

the French nation because

cr

264 265
 strength for free¬ had to wage in order to expel the English from their native soil
for them it was the source of the will and the nationally, could

*: I
liitl;l1Ill
5 5 O.Hr
might arouse national sentiment in the populace
O o o o
dom which the German people, still unaroused itself. This is
why the Maid of Orleans was able to raise the national
not offer them. The Holy Roman Empire of that Germanic Nation does turies before, when the multitude of Frenchmen had flag
j cen-
not deserve this name addendum because at time the German scious once and for all of their national solidarity. become con-
sense of freedom, but

iliil[;:Iigi
people did not yet have any of its national
willingly followed its princes if they deigned to ally themselves
< C p O < gr HO {P'F.O{i5

inter¬ Even today no politically organized people lives on European

with the French kings in order to promote their personal The war of soil which could be said to be integrally nationalized.
Alliance. Probably
l

Napoleon in the Rhine

o o Hro rcitsOdcf3'

ests or to submit to only the bourgeois class has become thoroughly

liberation against Napoleon could never have erupted if not fin¬
whereas the other classes have only partly been so nationalized,
ts'PH'(,

Only by
ally the national sense of freedom had been aroused. and in the proletariat the idea of class conflicttransformed,
virtue of the fact that finally the German people still frequently
became
[glr still wrestles with the idea of national greatness.
able to sustain the collapse Neverthe¬
p5ct55tsdc

consolidated as a free nation was it less, all European peoples have now turned into
after the World War without again breaking uphappened into its constit¬ bourgeois stratum is sufficiently broad and nations, for the
uent regional organizations, as would have a hundred influential to sup¬
port the national movement. It only is necessary
years earlier. rE;g;3ilEi;r;*g;i[i' that its repre¬
sentatives in turn have got over their class interest
sufficient to be able to identify the national idea in a degree
To be truly free, a nation doesn't have to be organized as with the
iiliI
a nation can whole populace, and this is true everywhere. Bourgeois
an outright republic. England's example proves that ism from its very origins has understood the people as liberal¬
cr0i rD
P.HrF+)5 p 5o 5

achieve the mature self-assurance of liberty even when it retains and the idea of popular sovereignty from which it a whole,
its historical tradition. The emerging started is a
the monarchic form of of gov¬ national idea. Unlike the master race of Antiquity,
nation may not yet have struggled through to a free form the genu-
Scto!'

inely liberal middle classes view the masses as

FlOrS < O ts.O 5

il[;

ernment. Nevertheless, it may already be considered as a nation

rades. national com-
if its social strata are sufficiently filled with supportive
love
of liberty to raise the people to self-confidence The and a holistic

___
removal of Everything that was just said about the political
view of itself, guided by the general interest. also true of the culture nation if we abstract from nation is
iitiF
"JO

bondage is the first preparatory step for the setting up just the
personal liberation. political link. Because the culture nation is not
1

of the nation, and it must be followed by political confined to

o O 5 ctSHJo

the state it also comprises the fellow

The peoples of Antiquity weren't even able to take the infirst the states and of distant settlements. Because nationals of foreign
it reaches out quite
step. Until their end, great masses of the population or far. it is true for it even more that a great cultural
qi* ;*,

Greek City State and in the Roman Empire had remained unfree be accomplished which is felt to be a common possession. task must
half-free, the Greek people and the Roman people having always also true that this task must be performed by a free It is
iliif
50J'J cf o dcrFU6)d5C)(,p
ptsOOPOO

that, the
been only an upper class of the population. On top of The freedom enables it to experience strong sensations, and people whose
Greeks were politically separated from one city to the next. whole populace shares in sensing the task, as a that the
Peloponnesian War, which destroyed the flower of Athens, is proof result of which
cro o-o o HJo 5(D':

the greatness of the task enters into

that they were separated from each other to a degree comparable everyone's consciousness
even if he is unable to accept and appreciate
rr;x ia; r'litfl:i;i i; s;;[:;

to states with different ethnic groups. The political orations all the cultural
lirl

people but had values. Again we have to recall that the Greeks and the Romans
of Demosthenes could not be addressed to the Greek were not nations in the cultural sense either. They
i-;;l

to be confined to the people of Athens, and here we must always peoples. The Greeks were a culture people
. were culture
remember that when Demosthenes spoke to the "men of Athens" The his of the highest order,
their culture having eternal
address was meant for the free citizens of Athens only. ture, it lacked the impulse tosplendor, but, like the Roman cul¬
i

Romans were a politically strong people, perhaps being the nic environment. Because this radiate out into the general eth¬
impulse was lacking, the ecclesi¬
strongest that has ever existed, but even they were no nation,
[li
3O.F

astical, courtly, and knightly culture

gs;x *-

of was not yet a real

for the nation must comprise the entire resident population founda¬ national culture, just as the high-flown
not to lack the indestructible ethnic exclusive poetry
O'JOO"5.J

the realm if it is
(,

couldn't be national poetry. The peoples of these

o} 0j 5 o o p.5o

[il;t

and
}1rc 5 0J p.crp cr(, o Fl{ p.o.c)crdFS

tion. It required hard historical labors until the Romanic yet culture nations, eras were not
they only became so in the course of the
Germanic, and on top of that the Slavic peoples, were grounded Virgil gradual dissemination of a
culture of ethnic character which
deep down on this foundation. All the great trouble which strove to be generally understood, as is true for the bourgeois
in his Aeneid tells us was necessary to build up the Roman people culture of the Enlightenment. In Germany
:El i;;irilil;,:

was only part of the effort it took to establish theempire. nations who to the popular song, Goethe's only Herder's recourse
[i;r

later spread out over the soil of the Roman world

The "Goetz" and "Faust" and his lyric
Poetry, and Schiller's dramas striking a popular
had to take place in a series of to a true national literature. chord gave rise
establishment of these nations harbored The whole culture, as it since
6OCqOOcrcro

successive acts. First, it was a few great princes who

order to
“hen has been supported by the middle classes, has been intended
s-.'

the idea of a national kingdom by recognizing that, in tor the populace and thereby is
r;ll

power, they had to augment the strength of national.

augment their personal it
the populace and, what is more, that their position made We do not have to portray here in detail all that
p.^ n) r^ r 5-

incumbent upon them to exert themselves on behalf of the people h°ne until peoples had to be
up the to the remarks madewere transformed into nations. We may refer
iiiil

as a whole. Here or there exquisite nobles might take it, °r

~
about the historical circulation
national idea, here or there the church might nurture Within a people. Nations are configurations created _
- of power
*
CAOcr

poets and artists might become heralds of the national spirit. circulation of power was completed in the populace. when the
fight with ethnic survival at stake, as the one which the French These

266 267
 the growing sector of large-scale manufacture,
configurations are created by the power of success
through which, less developed economies where a national classespecially in the

il;[;i ill*lllillige;tlq]litiiililli;ll;[i[] r:lg

glfilE

e*';:
of entrepreneurs

il-"ilils
freedom, and its self-assurance, had not yet had a chance to grow up. In addition
thanks to its compactness, its population which had only arrived ical and speculative flair, the Jewish entrepreneur to his numer¬
the emerging nation outgrew the nation outgrew also brought
at the initial nation-stage, and thus the mature to bear on his big operations a pronounced organizational
how, the fruit of long practice during the know¬
the developing one. time of oppression,
when one had to resign himself to getting along with people from

;re*: *;;*;liill[flgiiill*FiH$liitiiE;B:*;
all classes.
:"
2. The Jews
As is still true for the Negroes in America
i;ri;;ll l;
today, the Jews
Along with its rise on the economic ladder,
the climb to the top layer of learning. Its greatJewry managed
L[.f[*trels€*:g*BiAr:Egg[3sXHsfEitr[*i

during the time of the ghettos in the Christian Occident were

li[;; endowment and education, along with its intellectual

——
alien element and were repulsed. After the up for it industriousness, opened
in addition to the leading positions
felt to be an impure,
Christians, for the Spanish Jews in the business
victory achieved by the armed world also the professions and a great
the period of happiness was also over during which under the tions, especially those of the visual and many artistic occupa¬
Moorish rule they could excel in the sciences
and even in the which it was suited by its strong talent forperforming arts, to
lr ffii'Hi]iii;t;g;ig;FflE[[r5;:i;.s'
knightly arts. However, those who decided to leave the country it doesn't have creative talent to the same imitation, whereas
which had become their home found refuge in countries in which should its foreign kind of perception succeed extent. For how
free play, and one only has to recall the great work of art, which is the attendant manifestationin the creative
they were given
also participated of the life of
name of Spinoza in order to recognize that they which they
the people! With all peoples nowadays, Jewry in the
in the European cultural task. The belief in Jehovah, class represents a share exceeding its share of the totaleducated
faithfully preserved,
i;iti l[i[?;1ililr;r;iilg* [F: ;it

from their forefathers and tion, and in the case of peoples where its popula¬
had taken over absolute numerical
gave even to the Jewish masses living inbythe narrow seclusion of importance is great it comes close, in
confidence, and their devotion to the particularly well suited, to occupying theendeavors for which it is
their ghettos unbroken kept in constant practice majority of positions,
thoughtful religious writings they or in fact already occupies them. Since the
gift for abstract thinking and for incisive everywhere provides society with the great educated class now
their characteristic had an opportunity majority of its lead¬
linguistic expression. But, above all, they experience, which they
ers, the fact of strong Jewish representation
not only is
to put to profitable use their business regarded by their Aryan competitors as a
ancestors. During the period geous constraint on their money-making personally disadvanta¬
had likewise taken over from their mind made them well aspirations, but also
when barter trade prevailed, their arithmetic social leadership is thereby more or less
suited for the conduct of monetary transactions,
and when later
they were
direction which it would have to take accordingdeflected from the
to the population
large role in the economy, structure. Jewish authors, Jewish lawyers, Jewish
money capital was to play a else. The free¬ representa¬
better trained for its use than was anybody tives nowadays exercise notable influence on
as their foremost duty the formation of
thinkers of the Enlightenment regarded.it social recognition. In
public opinion, of legal views, and
of political ideas. Sup¬
to win for the Jews religious liberty and ported by its moneyed wealth, Jewry
the case of the ascendancy of Jewry, as always in the case of the powerful media apparatus. The fact many countries controls
in
upward movements, it was the most outstanding men and women who old historical powers was so long and that the pressure of the
so heavily on the Jews
After Moses Mendelssohn, the philosopher, explains why they first aligned
reached the top first. Mendelssohn, the composer, themselves politically on the
it was Heinrich Heine, the poet, Felix side of the opposition freedom parties. In the process they were
and a splendid array of writers society, and scholars who, when faced with enabled by their strong analytical mind
of state and brought out to advantage theory further in the direction of the to develop political
the general tasks group. When Lessing ideas of freedom. In
the long pent-up talents of their ethnic particular, socialistic economic doctrines received
model for "Nathan the lation by Lassalle's seductive their articu¬
took his friend Moses Mendelssohn as a
Wise," he may have been fully convinced to be able to character¬ ting edge by Marx's corruptingeloquence and their critical cut¬
mind. Thereby Jewish thinking
virtues which distinguish the Jewish men¬ achieved a worldwide impact whose full dimension perhaps
ize by this figure the even
tality vis-ji-vis that of the Templars. Russian Bolshevism does not permit us to recognize yet.
"Nathan the
The sentiments which inspired the writing ofthe Jews were
rg5rf

The Jewish influence is less noticeable in the

the Christians nor because European west
Wise" did not endure. Neither the Jewish people is less densely represented
of the ethnic forma-
able so quickly to dissolve the historic tiewalled Germ an central Europe here. In
themselves off grown more and more inand in the Slavic east this influence has
[11;

tions which for almost two millenia had

from each other. Moreover, the magnificent rise managed by the nomic achievements. In cultural, political, and especially eco¬
the extreme east of Russia the numerous
liberated Jews added extraordinarily to the
existing frictions. Jewish population until
fl

government and society, nearly the present time was repressed by

The most conspicuous act of this ascent took
place withih gneat Jewish multitudes which had the strange consequence that
"6S *3;.
u o T 3 - To

bhe United States, wheremigrated

oo o

from there to the sanctuary of

* rO ''n
TEF"O3
uX0)SoJ O

9
5 ptr 0o()Fl

great bankers for th®

the economic realm. The Jews supplied theengaged
u oxos(utr
Udqr crP :J

o3;

in stock market the

gS.g;'-

Yankee
.;
P'5 0
.: o o-o'J o

raust compete with that of the Jew. Far entrepreneurial spirit now

—
( di

world market, more than anybody else they

X P (u

L.- 3 [

which more portentous was the

o ts. ots

in trade °ther consequence: that from

5F

more prominent
p P';.o<;
(t!t(,€ct

speculation, they became even

\ulu
..
F o;1 P

extended theif the Jewry remaining in Russia the

() -9

had long been their preeminent domain, and theywherever farmer® onary movement drew most of those leaders to
i'5
0q dX'

oo
av'n

whose lot it
business activities also into the countryside, a large share of
F.

o 5
p

were lacking in business acumen. They acquired

D
{o

268 269
 set up the Bol- overwhelming majority would remain naturalized
fell to overthrow the tsarist government and to

[
states in which they were heretofore naturalizedcitizens

r
of the

;il-i;li'llriiillillr lEillill;l;ltllllll ; Iilllilllliiir l!.i

Ft',

H'g
shevist rule. and
as before, share the culture of these states. The recovery now
would,
u

riil;iii:igil
of

;ilr;i[;';:q:$sulirs: *i*q,*r,**[,lgg;lfili'ii*iliii;;u'g
lEg3-3 H;3E'8.:E
It is an astonishing fact that the Jewry, which is so promi¬ Palestine and its politico-ethnic penetration are

gilililiri*r;E; ir,: i ilglillil[,;rr

capitalist movement, also is leading the revolution- the Jewish soul whose fulfillment is to serve their ambitions of
enjoyment of
nent in the
cru D 5

ary movement. One cannot deny admiration to a of Old Testament

people capable of the accomplished rise, but without implying a willingness
to
power drive reminiscent forego the world status to which the Jews have risen.
such a dual feat. The it has fer- Aside from
a few idealistic visionaries, Palestine will attract only
times is still alive in it. With unerring instinct opened up by the tain fraction of the Jewish proletariat; for the rest, Jewrya cer¬
reted out the avenues of power which have been
special circumstances of the present time. On this occasion it want to maintain and enlarge the power position within will the
ts'Ft5cD':

has been favored by luck, because in these endeavors it benefited nations of Europe and America which it enjoys today. Lord
of repression Beaconsfield would never have wanted to renounce
from the capabilities which through all the times time, in its Englishman, nor would Rathenau being a German. The being an
it had had an opportunity to perfect. The present educated Jews
economically constructive as well as its revolutionary tasks, will not want to disown the culture of their countries of settle¬
demands the calculating and analytic mind which Jewry
has been ment because they are too deeply wedded
o'o

to it, and the bulk of

con¬
able to preserve with matchless tenacity from the favorable
Jews of long residence are also too
ship attitude. The Zionist movementcommitted in their citizen¬
o0l

ditions of its past. does not resolve the con-

flict which exists between the Jewish people and the
nowadays nations among which they live. culture
The Jews on their part blame the attacks to which
narrow-minded
''b s,-oo x Hro o 5rc o 5

they are increasingly exposed on eruptions of a

5 cr

stirred Lately, this conflict has been much aggravated still by

religious hate, of vulgar race hatred, said to have been a role, Jewish immigration from the east. the
up by envy of their successes. All this, indeed, plays Before this
occurred the educated Jews everywhere had already beenimmigration
g

and it won't do to embellish the brutalities oftoanti-Semitic absorbed,

o Poq 0)

the ridicu¬ or were about to be absorbed, in the nations to which

goings-on. Nor can they be justified by reference upstart is guilty belonged. Everywhere they were already counted and they
lous and annoying blunders which the Jewish accepted as
level-headed members of the nation, and not infrequently they
of. But motives are also involved which must lead a power of the selves in the ranks of national leadership. placed them¬
exponent of native folklore to stand up against the of Zion" has
It was only the
recent migrations which upset this process of national
Jewry. A miserable concoction like "The Wise People fusion,
{ o dc-o

because in spite which encountered new resistance on the part of the

been able to strike such a responsive chord only after all, masses. Things would have developed differently if newly arrived
of all its arbitrariness it also touches strings, Lessing would ized nationalized Jews had drawn a clear line ofthe natural¬
which in real life have been dangerously strained. separation
"Nathan" today. The topic of religious between themselves and the new arrivals.
not have written his this has not happened, and as a matter of But to all appearances
liberty is no longer an issue. The wise judge to whom Nathan
P5

fact one should not be

rings surprised about it, for the anti-Semitic
refers Sultan Saladin in the wondrous fable of the three attacks were directed
r'tr o oni5

were invoked in order to settle the issue against the ones as well as the others, they
would, if nowadays he pure and simple, and it is were aimed at Jewry
between the Jews and the Christians, no longer have to render a understandable that the self-
—
O,o.d{

judgment about the genuineness of the rings today entirely consciousness especially of the educated Jews responded to this
dispute. provocation with a declaration in favor of
different things are in their ethnic identity.
J
all*a;[1;ifi45;a'ati:*

The Jews as a religious fraternity are no longer attacked. In the case of the Jews
the humiliation sustained through
a;';:;;-ill;liiiii}Il

that they form a special religious body would have many centuries has not crushed their
The fact chosen people. In their inmost soul theyself-confidence as the
gigg f
F F c'F3

become altogether a matter of complete indifference if nation

it were harbor for the clumsy
the and sluggish Aryan a feeling of disdain which the most
not a distinctive mark for the fact the Jews within group. The among them bring out into the open without qualms. Has sanguine
and the world have remained a self-contained ethnic themselves been expressed clearly enough in Disraeli's this not
number of individuals who as converts disassociate
for his often mentioned novel "Coningsby" is novels? The hero of
from this group is not negligible in the upper strata, but
Flc+Hr5

Coningsby but the Jew Sidonia, in whom Coningsby not the Englishman
the time being the bulk of it nevertheless remains untouched. reveres his
Mentor. Undoubtedly, success during our times has largely
ili0) qili*€ilt$

The bulk of Jews intermarry, which is the surest sign of remains ethnic
compactness. But as much as this ethnic compactness
beyond doubt, as undoubted it is also that the Jews are theif
not a
°ut the Jews
— but does this really prove their superiority?
a number of countries
borne
during the period when capital gained sway
In
ci,o { o crcf pl o o D do

the Jews had the advantage

P.o

nation. They are no political nation for they don't have of prior business experience, and when
own state, nor are they a culture nation for they don't have a Public discussion was started in parliament and the press they
its institutions, and jjlso had a lead
culture of their own. In their faith and
cul' had come first, in dialectical practice. They were the ones who
<.r

above all in their religious documents, they do have high absorbed ews also benefitand they amply exploited this advantage. The
tural values of their own, but for the rest they have should be
from the fact that because of their much more
raPidly maturing oriental mentality they steal a march on
the cultures of their host countries. If the Zionists state, in ??re their
slowly growing Aryan age mates upon entry into professional
successful in turning Palestine again into a Jewish
o fo E
o

which the Hebrew language would be not only the general coll°' f,fe. Thanks to all this they have established themselves very
quial language but also the medium for scholarly instruction,
tbe tÿmly in certain upper-level strata of society. But
0J

they owe
5i

Jews even then would not have become a nation, for theif continued rise not only to their personal proficiency
but

270 271
 largely also to their ethnic compactness. The Jewish stratum over the aberrations without whose painful consequences,

illtllillillillliiiliiliill titiit l1 tiiiliii illlliliiiliii

;illillilil;li
as mat-

v f$}As8il I[[FAiiI:Fa;ffl
which gains power prefers being surrounded by additional people ters happen to be, human beings don't finish learning. It
for Aryan addi¬ will
of Jewish descent, whereas it does not care much seeking to
take time for a people which has matured to
nationhood to see
tions. It forms an ethnically compact power stratum, which in the
itself as a unit and, in view of the value of such
unity, to
maintain such compactness, similar to the way in support with its joint strength the rising ambitions of the var¬
themselves into the corpus of the ious groups. It is not as if all distinctions and
days of old the Normans shoved
Saxon people, although unlike these
over all the tasks incumbent upon masters. No
Aryans on their part joined ranks in order
they could not take
to
wonder that the
win out in the
— — been removed in the free nation. The nation requires
do much good, but to each group and social
conflicts had
articulated structure and stratification if it is to be aable
stratum
well-
to
power struggle! As individuals they have a perfect right to do accorded the living space which it is entitled to in themust be
Their scheme
this, as far as their personal interests are concerned. of general equilibrium. What in the enlightened
ethnic self-awareness obliges them to follow this course, given was granted by the judicious and merciful ruler, princely state
the nation is
their conviction that Jewish leadership wouldpast
assigned to the people by its disposition and
disturb the paths
history.
assured of as a matter of right
—now everybody is under the
uniform rule of law. Legal equality in economic
sure means in the first place only equal matters, to be
legal capacity, which
which
It is not part of our task to inquire into the waysofinsocial by itself is not enough to meet a given need
ll frlililg
this ethnic conflict might be resolved. Our task lacking. But here, too, the system of nationalifliberty
the means are
the creates
description is being met by a statement to the effect that but that
the prerequisites for balance. The universal suffrage
accords to
Jews must not be considered as a nation of their own, the masses not only equal capacity to incur legal
where they are powerful they have made themselves at home in the obligations but also equal treatment under the law. rights and
national body as an upper stratum, able to preserve its ethnic voters vis-a-vis those in the upper classes even enjoy Lower-class
the advan¬
making
togetherness and using it to promote its own power, thus tage of being more numerous, and if they know how to
organize the
itself felt as an alien element within the nation. masses, they can exploit their numerical preponderance.
on his own, an individual proletarian has a chance to improve Placed
position only if he is extremely industrious and his
thrifty. While
3- National Circulation and National Renewal only with a rare stroke of luck and
person or another succeeds in climbing extraordinary
to a
ability one
In the case of none of the most fully developed nations has tum, the proletarian organization as such is higher social stra¬
sEi; srs$ssFE4Enu:t?;ggilBi;gnsax*
r; =*=ri1;iiiH;laEgiigiliii*;il

Nowhere has given the opportu¬

the circulation of power been entirely completed. assuredly attained
nity to improve the conditions for the whole class
1 ti -
represented by
the state of healthy social equilibrium been
yet; everywhere there is still more artificial stratification
social
than would be necessary for the accomplishment of thebe found Abstracting from its lowest strata, the bourgeoisie of the
task. Everywhere remnants of historical power can still the rise cultured nations may be said to have nearly completed its
which no longer serve any social purpose. Nowhere has education ascent. Not only has it gained full political
of the masses proceeded to the point where historical also become the main holder of culture power. power, but it has
The work of cul¬
and
would have brought its lagging energies to full fruition such that
ture created by the bourgeoisie since the Reformation in religion
would have completely made up for its degenerations and poetry and in the arts is on a par with
the accomplishments
these energies could make their maximum contribution to the of the most brilliant cultures under princely
rule. The bour¬
accomplishment of the social task. It is true, though, that geoisie was able to rise to such heights
only when it was carried
great princes have always made it their business Already to work toward by the buoyancy of free supportive forces. In the realm of Harun
an adequate balance of the people's energies. in the al Raschid a prospering middle class
early period of Germanic political life, a Charles the Great such
used tunes depended upon the wisdom and also existed, but its for¬
the mercy of the caliph
his immense power with such an end in view. But the work of because it didn't consist of self-confident
princes was bound up with their persons, and after their to death a was defenseless vis-a-vis a bad caliph. free citizens , and it
Likewise the defiant
large portion of their institutional arrangements went ruin spirit of the vigorous citizen in the
medieval town in its effect
again because their contentious and inept successors didn't meas¬ does not match yet the spirit of liberty possessed by the citizen
ure up to such an ambitious task. The enlightenedthey princes of the of a self-conscious nation. The free
citizen
ruled over of the nation must
have outgrown the narrow horizon of the city dweller
18th century could be more productive because
more mature peoples, but even they were not able to safeguard able to appreciate and devote himself to the larger and must be
the nation. interests of
their work against their successors' less enlightened policies. II, who
Of the institutions created by Maria Theresia and Josef
surrounded themselves with statesmen filled with the spirit of Within the free nation, thanks to the impetus of the circu¬
the Enlightenment, only enough were saved to satisfy the
ruling lation of power, the peasant,
he enjoyed before the vigoroustoo, has regained the freedom which
f t=I[;E

ambitions of Emperor Francis, who was advised by Metternich.

5 ts'O.rfrj

tribes of the earliest times were

Frederick the Great was followed by the weakling Frederick educating
trampled down by the strains of history.
the full dimension In order to appreciate
William II. In order to have a permanent impact, the of the rise which the peasantry experienced
ruler would have had to advance his educational work to the point again after its fall, one
must visualize the conditions under
where the energies of the people could unfold freely. From this which the rural population of the Orient vegetates almost every¬
point on, a people, in order to mature fully, would in addition where and under which the unfree
FcrO

their burdensome life, having to and

gF

get semi-free colons carried on

still have to be given the time to test its mettle and to cultivate the soil during the

272 273
 period of Greek and Roman popular sovereignty. One must also peoples of Asia ended up in a state where the mass of townspeople

,a
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under which in a free England the peas¬ and peasants, incapable of offering any resistance, was at the

i Io
visualize the conditions

''

q5; g [il3,; * i,::

ants were almost completely deprived of their possessions by the mercy of their despots1 brutality and of enemy incursions. The

-fr;

'.
landlords; in which the French peasantry found itself before the submissive population itself occasionally favored the conqueror ,

aq-aord
outbreak of the great revolution; under which the subservient only to get rid of its tyrant and expecting, if

*,'
B'E "
xx anything, to find

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peasantry of Germany and Austria was bonded bodily and by estate

o,
perhaps better treatment under the new ruler. The nations of

iF fi, Fo: eoB'g.l

to the landlords until some time in the 19th century; and under contemporary Europe have behind themselves a historical develop¬

3 H *.-< o : 6 I
which the Russian peasant serfs languished until near the end of ment which has run for about the same length, or perhaps •:even
the 19th century. Even within the free nation the peasant must longer, than Roman history, but what great economic, political,

R':
work hard in order to make a living. While the negligent farm and military strength do they manifest, indeed! They don’t have
owner is done for very quickly and sinks to the bottom, the peas¬

PXos6
to fear the barbarians, they are themselves the masters of the

x
antry as a whole has become a political power which very effec¬ world, and the international war which they just waged, however
otrH<-:

'-€'b
9'.t*-X
tively champions the interests of its members. For the national horrible it was and however much it must be deplored, has never¬
5'=;

culture a healthy peasantry, as it is found today in many coun¬ theless furnished proof that wondrous forces have been stored up
tries, means an abundant source of strength. in them which, if wisely used, would have to yield the most bene¬
ficial fruits. Nations with such inherent strength could perish
The proletariat has remained farthest behind. Although the
i;il; il only if they were to rage against one another with full force.

ri i;:tuis;;tril{e ;;s r; *: :srs

opinion one obtains about its situation in the light of present-
He:
P ! ! >p 5P'or O'o

day circumstances is bad enough, here, too, if one wishes to The circulation pulsating in a nation ensures that all worn-
F;IF;};;: il[#ix;'";! it=fi:;E

assess the dimension of the attained improvement one must keep out strata are really removed and that all up-coming ones really
in mind the depths from which it had to be lifted up again. One get to the top. The people matured to nationhood continually
eH:

has to look back upon the conditions of slavery during Antiquity renews itself to full vigor as long as its strength has not been
and the conditions during the beginnings of the modern Machine altogether used up. Any inference drawn from the conditions
Age. It is not possible to recognize in the contemporary English found in a people not matured to nationhood with respect to the
r rrs; ng
tIE B H e]gt: ig!AilgS fi etlr

working-class the demoralized working force which had to be course of history of full-blown nations is rash. With the rise
relieved of its misery by the factory legislation. In England of nations, history enters into a new epoch which, because of
and everywhere on the Continent the organized proletariat is a national longevity, will be established for a much longer dura¬
great power which expects that it will soon be the dominant tion than the previous epochs, which were measured in terms of
power. The outstanding men leading the English workers, among the life-span of particular ruling strata. To be sure, from this
r"
o cro 0) !a oro cr!) slts'q!@

them also precisely the kind who came from the working class follows the bad result that the conflicts, too, must take a
$r;;

itself, in the eyes of English society have become ministerial, graver course when the persevering forces of compact nations
l=3eq

they are English gentlemen. Orthodox Marxism takes its stand collide.
against state and nation, and, given the respect which MarxTs
teachings enjoy in the proletariat, one would surmise that the
;s

proletariat would keep aloof from national life. However, as is 4. National Culture and National Idealism
so often the case, here, too, the doctrines which are given lip
i.* is:[;Ei;i:u
i"fl
ilii[;r

service are different from the purpose which is expressed in The European nations in which we must also include the New
actual behavior. During the World War the preponderant majority World nations of European origin, regard their culture as a col¬
of the proletariat of all participating nations first followed lective European culture, and in their haughty feeling as masters
the national flag, and only later did a change occur in those they additionally regard it as the flower of mankind’s culture.
[;;rH*

cases where national optimism began to falter. Then, after the Within the European culture area there runs a line separating the
revolution and the victory of the proletariat, a further change center and the west -- the Occident
— from the east of Russia
o.(, o':

occurred. Where the proletariat no longer had to fight the class and the southeast of the Balkans, and at this line the Faustian
r,a

state the Marxian battle cry lost its footing, and the new ascen¬ urge of the west of Europe gives way to the contemplativeness of
dant Young Socialist movement openly declares for the nation. the Orient. Russia and the Balkan received their first cultural
instruction not from Rome and the Roman church but from Byzantium
Although everywhere the national circulation of power is and the Oriental church, but there is also an Aryan admixture
5
O
o P'<

p)5
oO

in
x tcw!

cr{

still incomplete, it has given an astonishing lift to the vital

o r.F

o *o

the blood of their peoples. The Russians did not immediately

trr
o *bE
Poocr
t5 ts.
"J@ P
P.F

e.*F-5

energies of the people. The state of the original Roman people

Hor<f

Pt:'o
r(D FI co io

recognize the line of separation. Beginning with Peter the Great

rbO
oR TFJ '" rc
o*:P

ots
.
o ciO

after an existence of 1200 years had outlived its historical they craved to go along with the European culture, and their
o ^.

o f

usefulness. The traditional vital energy of the Romans had van¬ Peculiar national character sought expression in their cultural
cr
O'i FoJ F,) c @ OE (na

d
D
C'

ished, and the remainder of the free people in the realm, let values only at a relatively late time. Turgenev,
PF.

5o)

Dostoevski in their literature mark the turn fromTolstoi, and

*o

alone the multitude of the unfree, had not been raised to civic
F5.

aO
ar

'J H Cr

0) cf o

western to
consciousness. In order to stave off the barbarians, the emper¬ domestic orientation. All three attempted to interpret the soul
o
5
o.o crE P v)a
o
a

ors had to recruit barbarian peoples. In the battle on the the Russian people.
the second as the herald In
^: N xKr r

doing so the first felt as a European,

eq) u 5 jo ci

0)
- croC O. o
a

Catalan fields, the Roman general Aetius, himself of barbarian of a refined humanity, and the last as a
o
o E >o o
5m 0)' P
0J

55crrP
ooo'r0rP'ci

origin, along with Franks, Goths, and other barbarians, had to Russian
crO l'5:U

Er:ru5

pure and simple.

develop ever more strongly, The Occident, in seeing Russian ways
^ s ct0a

-d*
:vp ll{-

beat back Attila’s wild hordes, and a few decades later 0doaker
iD
(, s:'
Xk o-
co<{El
o5Pts.
0)

first feared the return of the Tartar

ctP'|",
5(D()

no longer met an adversary in confronting the Roman people when danger engulfing Occidental freedom. In the end, when in
5
Do-

the
he dethroned the last emperor. In the same way all the great chaos of the World War one began to lose faith in oneself, one

274 275
 co tie ine culture nations together in peace for all
light from the east times! The
was inclined to see in those ways the new collapsing World War has belied this view: its first breath already

gil
liI
r€:a33ffs:HriEgFtrarf$isl.6rs rgsE1S}*#sEg*:{}5qssf;Fef,Hr ?in
to a west under the tore
which might again bring salvation apart like spiderwebs the whole network of international cultural
egotism of its peoples. relations.
by having
The western-occidental culture is closely united

liliiiliilliiili11llliilllll illgilliilrgli*glfilllllili[
While cultural consciousness proved too weak to conciliate
its common origin in that of antique Rome and the church as well the nations, it has very effectively contributed to the
as in the similarity of blood of the peoples, but even this tie of the various national states. building

ll'ie;=
from the time For the network of national
has gradually been loosened. This becomes evident being the world
cultural relations has been woven a great deal more densely than
when the language of Rome and the church ceased that of international relations.
and was replaced by the national lan¬ Cultural achievements every¬
language of learning the where by the very nature of the subject matter are nationally
guages. Now the cultures became indigenous and absorbedocci¬ oriented; the great work of fiction starts with the national
peculiar elements of the national character. The joint poem singing the praises of the heroic deeds of one's own epic
separated into a num-
dental culture slowly but irresistibly wasinterconnections ple. Linguistic expression also places a national stamp on every peo¬
though their for a
ber of national languages, one as work of fiction, which receives its rhythm and its music from the
}ii$illli
long time remained so close that the evolution strikes need of verbal
words in the native tongue which inspired its creator, and by its
being a joint development. For those arts not inand linguistic associations it receives its intellectual
expression architecture, sculpture,
purest forms, where it is not connected
make any difference which language was
painting,
with
spoken.
words
For
music in its
it did not
science and
— — as it were, all of which tends to be lost in even superb
lation.
overtones ,
Lewes, Goethe's English biographer, aptly saystrans-
Faust in translation is not Faust at all. Even the arts which that

siiliE
technology, different languages did not constitute a bar to com¬ are effective without verbal aid have their national peculiarity
and technology became ever more nevertheless. The Italian senses his music in the Italian
mon progress, and since science for emergence of a man¬
prominent, that in itself was the best bet freely across
ner, the German his in the German manner. Always and everywhere
[;iii'a-'

large area of joint development. Ideas wandered learning remained

there have been, and there are, minds of special absorptive
the boundaries, and only that kind of book capacity which are peculiarly receptive to foreign
nationally confined which survived more by the traditional though values, perhaps because they sense elements in them whichnational
authority of its teachers than by its inner substance, tic national values lack, and which, stimulated by privation, domes¬
learning is much more widespread than scholarly pride they avidly absorb. Lessing understood Shakespeare as did
such book nature that
will admit. It goes with the contradictions of human any Englishman of his time, Carlyle understood Goethe hardly
along with the fertile insights, and no less eagerly, were
dis¬ Germans did. This is not to say that through as few
which were achieved in the production of Lessing's interme¬
seminated those advances diation Shakespeare in Germany achieved the same recognition
the means of annihilation used in war. he did in England, or that Goethe through Carlyle as
enjoyed the
liliE[lfflil;1[[ll*g*ii[l;;-

same prestige in England as he did in Germany, for

For the sake of their own power, church and state had wanted never matches the effect of the original. Carlyle's intermediation
barriers to the development of Ideas, and an intermediary between German and English ways had service as
to set up certain freedom by first its greatest
therefore national cultures had to gain their fought was waged
effect in that he was able to educate himself by the German
fighting for it. The fight which had to be tality and in his writings bestowed values on the English men¬
creating a
jointly by all the f oward-striving nations, thereby
The cul¬
otherwise would have remained inaccessible to them. After which all,
new element which tied the national cultures together. reference, every nation regards even elements of foreign
ture of the 18th century had a cosmopolitan frame of tural achievements as the product of its own origin in its cul¬
as did political liberalism which also took part in the fight. and by virtue of the fact that the populace andcultural leaders,
This cosmopolitanism did not for long stand the test of the real as parts of a whole, the nation the leaders feel
looks upon
interests. The admiration which Frederick the Great held for all their dimensions with joyful pride asthose achievements in
French culture did not in any way diminish the vigor of his own. This feeling in its radiations penetratesa all
creation of its
attack in the battle of Rossbach. In the 19th century only lit-
now the
nation which are receptive to culture, whereas the strata
old
of the
tie was left of the cosmopolitanism of culture, but even dynastic
culture and also the courtly-knightly culture still were confined
national cultures, having become fully conscious of their inde¬ to a narrow upper stratum.
pendence, did not become alienated from each other.
and
There was
received, one
became common property of theThe ecclesiastical culture, which
populace, still differed from a
mutual understanding in good harmony, one gave truly national culture by the fact
the that it was brought to the
thought to be intellectually tied to one another forever in common masses by the stratum of ecclesiastical
same way as the members of families who know about their was often done with a fine instinct forleaders, although this
origin. Or perhaps more than these, for while with familiesfur¬
of the people, whereas
national culture arose from a much freer movement. Ecclesiasti-
common origin in every successive generation which becomes cool off,
°al culture has followed
the people, national culture emerges
ther separated from the common ancestor the relations ”rom the people.
their collaboration in the service of culture brings the nations
ever closer to one another. The number of cultural institutions Byexerting internal power over the minds of the members of
and organizations tying the peoples together grew more scientific
and international congresses for the deliberation
or cultural matters were commonplace. Indeed, how many people
by no means Utopians but men of the most mature judgment
the view that the international cultural fabric was
of
and more,

firm
held
enough

276
— — the nation,
has brought national
lc
culture generates the national idea, which
the national state to completion. Through the
idea the national state achieved victory over the dynas-
state, a victory which the democratic idea in and of itself

277
could not have won. The democratic idea gamea us iUX-L power ngnt between national cultures, and this couldn't be helped.

illilliirllllIle lftii :rfrr:

lliilll
gggEF:ii'93*;?ig$: friEEBsfigFEi* ng$3#silErrrEFisF:litH:;il:i
only from the fact that the masses through national culture were Since the character of a nation achieves fullest expression
in
linked together into an internally compact body. progressIt is true that its culture, hostility against the nation had to turn into
hos¬
in its tility against its culture. Even today the passionate bitterness
the economic progress accompanying the cultural to
turn also contributed to making it possible for the masses has not yet been completely soothed, and even today the
become aware of the solidarity of their interests. It also tional communities of culture which were broken up by interna¬
the war
helped to augment the urge for freedom because economic progress have not yet been fully restored.

liiiillilli
could be gained only in freedom. But if the democratic idea had
had only an economic foundation, the idealism which was generated Will the unifying work in pursuit of international
by pride in the commonly held culture would never have
matured. tasks, even if it were fully resumed, be sufficient to cultural
overcome
impetus would have been satisfied if liberty in the hate which the terrible war has left in the minds? And
The economic might
economic matters had been granted, but only cultural awareness national
its unifying force be strong enough to avoid a new world war? To
intensified the democratic urge to the level ofto the the freedom
judge by the experiences we had to run into at the outbreak of
idea, only national cultural awareness imparted the past war, nobody who is able to learn from history should
of enthusiasm, only thereby did the expect this contingency to happen. We have to accept that
movement its momentum pushed for the
national idea become so strong that it imperiously of the uni-
cultural community of the world is not, as we are so easily
national independence and unity. The establishment Empire inclined to believe, in itself already an effective guarantee of
German would
lsglliil
fied Italian state and the re-erection of the peace. We must accept that if, for reasons lying outside the
never have occurred if the Italian and the German peoples had not cultural realm, a new world war were provoked for within it
been internally united by the great cultural work created
and there is no cause for war the idealism with which national
enjoyed by them. Dante and Michelangelo have as large a share in culture envelops national passion will again blow up such a war
the Italian national state as do Mazzini, Garibaldi, and Cavour, to the dreadful dimension of a war of ideas. Nevertheless it may
and perhaps a larger one because the latter as up. successors, con- be said that a great fund of peace is stored up in the national
tinued in the paths which the former had opened The same is cultures. The national cultures are so interlocked with one
true with respect to the relationship of the intellectual pio- another that their union cannot be severed in the long run. No
neers of German culture to Bismarck and Moltke. culture nation can help feeling committed to the others which
participate with it in the cultural tasks of mankind, and it
In the Hapsburg monarchy a whole series of nations had will¬
lig

would lose its self-respect if it failed to pay due respect

B='[t'a*;[llElgI

[glll;liliili
and to
ingly obeyed the imperial scepter before national culture, the others. The mutual respect emanating from the community of
The govern¬
with it the national idea, had sprung to life there. the cultures cannot by itself guarantee world peace, but it is all
ment thought that it would be able to put up with nationsnational
_
the same one of the highest peace values which hitherto have been
ll;llg'iii

movement if it gave it free cultural rein, and the them¬ created by mankind. The peace value of mutual respect will
culturally
selves first appeared to be content with getting reveal its full greatness once those antagonisms have been recon-
organized. But the logic of facts made the movement proceed ciled which, originating elsewhere, endanger the peace.
further and further, and quite automatically culture power
begin¬
changed into political power. The moderate parties of the
ning, which were willing to be content with smaller political 5. The National Idea in Germany
concessions, were pushed aside by the next generation, which had
the
already grown up in the atmosphere of national culture, and with The Greek master race created its marvelous

__
radical and most radical leaders swept the nation along being united in a national state, and it must be culture without
them. it would have brought into flowering the whole doubted whether
talents if it had been joined together so closely wealth of its
:iir*t;**;iia$rirs
iliiili[ilililllll

in a state as
Without national idealism, the World War would not have were the Romans. Would the Ionian style have developed alongside
turned into an international war. None of the participating the Doric if the Ionians and Dorians had been completely
no sooner had it erupted than into Greeks? Would Corinth have competed fused
nations had wanted the war, but with Athens if one of
;:e ;u';ti i: r;F ;'

each knew that it had to fight for its existence as a free the two had been the enthroned capital of Hellenism? Every
nation, and each enthusiastically did its utmost in order to come single Greek city state willingly supplied within its strength
out of it upright. No. dynasty would have beenproperty able to extract the governmental protection which every culture requires in order
from the nations the sacrifices in life and which in to be protected from foreign invasions, and Greek
own accord. How strong enough to provide common solidarity was
the ir national idealism they rendered of their protection against a common dan¬
ger. It would have been
without national idealism would it have been possible for the __ the end of Greek culture if the Persian
German academic regiments to charge singingly to their deaths at threat had not been averted by the Greek brotherhood in arms.
Ypres! The reverse effect of national idealism was that it was Also the sumptuous culture of the Greek cities, which along the
not possible for any of the nations to do justice to the adver- cpast and on the islands of Asia Minor were subject to the Per¬
saries, as each was able to see in its adversaries only the
military
sians, could not have been maintained without the backing of the
tree Greek
malevolent , detestable aggressor. For this reason the homeland.
war of the Entente was accompanied by a war of calumny which against
a The Italian and German cultures, too , unfolded without a
Germany, and, on the other side, the hymn of hate to
German poet allowed himself to be carried away found a very broad National state. For them, too, the protection and nurture
response in the nation. The national fight was distorted into
a enough which they found at the courts of the spiritual wereand

278 279
secular princes and in the free cities. Again it was the compet¬

;s:; i;;n' *: ;li;l;gl;lil[i[i;illilitlillli:gilt;irl;l}

in matters of taste and refined luxury, Paris has achieved a

i'i;i-;i'iffi i;i
E:;ileeE:gxEs :.3HFEiifi _,*ritgilir$?i*r,'[f,;*i*

H
5 Ai c,tlt!ia;:grIE; eE 533855il€9Edrr$rE FH: FTB!'!, a": o sr o ddo
rivalry of the small polities which gave to the development position which the national state as such could not have
itive

*;
richness. If Rome in the Middle Ages had already to it. accorded
its flavor of Florence
been the secular capital of the unified kingdom, then

s
and Venice would not have had the incentiveflowering to vie with it for While developments in Italy and Germany have in common that

il i ltr: : sr s,,
the acme of culture, and the most abundant of culture the path to the national state goes by way of the
failed to appear which, nourished by the jealousy of ture, they differ substantially in their speed. national cul¬
would have a secular Rome have
princes and cities, overgrew Italy. Would
nationally sat¬
become the Rome of Julius II and Leo X? Would a As In Italy, cultural preparation for the national state had
isfied Italy have had the yearning for spiritual renaissance? set up
been completed for centuries in that the country was internally
for Germany, Richard Wagner, when he decided to his ready for the national state as early as the time of
Julius II
inaugural stage at Bayreuth, made reference to Germany's culture and of Machiavelli. It would have required some fighting to make
as always having developed "in the nook." It was no different it and prevail against the regional powers, but the national
idea
from the situation in Italy in that German cultureaspiring had as many was so strong that undoubtedly it would have been victorious.
and nurture as the realm had pro-
abodes of protection Foreign powers were the obstacle to national
vincial rulers and prospering cities. The fragmentation into Italy's political history since the Renaissance has unification.
been one of
small states, Germany's political bane, became its cultural almost uninterrupted suffering caused by enemy incursions
; ;i:r:;i;i,il[ii;i;;il:: s: I -'

The cities in which the German king or emperor kept seizures. and
blessing.
Goslar, ir lii[lllilil ;illlliiliiliiilililligirrii When Napoleon created the Italian monarchy, which
court were certainly privileged, and to this day Aachen, united Italy's north and the center, he had to surmount only
r ;] [

Prague, and Vienna in their proud buildings have borne witness to scant popular resistance. After the new division
the classical city of music, not only of the country
this. Vienna became ordered by the Congress of Vienna, national conspiracies
because of the special talents of the ethnic Austrians but and
also incessantly until the long-hoped-for work of unification went on
finally
because of the personal endeavors of the emperors in the and 17th was done when the country succeeded in freeing itself from
g

as performing com¬ the

18th centuries who were zealously active last foreign military power.
'

Following Luther's tradition, the Protestant

a,

posing musicians.
church, still more than the Catholic, cultivated the serious In Germany, now and then external obstacles were also
; ; i* rai[$g i I ; i [[i' ; $g;,

spiritual style which, due to Johann Sebastian Bach, reached its encountered, but the core of resistance to unification was found
height in Leipzig. Little Weimar became Germany's literary cap¬ within, emanating from the great many small sovereign
ital. In Germany the bulk of cultural work had been consummated under the nominal sovereignty of the realm in fact rulers who
shared the
long before the establishment of the national state. No differ- business of ruling. It has become customary to blame the egotism
ent in Italy: in the most carefully prepared travel guide-books of the German princes for having delayed national
only few places for which with respect to modern But such an accusation does not strike all the guilty unification.
one will find report.
cultural creations there would be something special toafter for the free cities safeguarded their independence as parties,
In the reestablished German Empire, national enthusiasm the as did the princes, and in the German populace provincial jealously
great feats of arms expected new cultural feats of equal gran- giances everywhere stood way above that to the alle¬
this nation. The great
deur , but the historiographer has not much to tell in national cultural drive which had announced itself
regard. The Swiss Gottfried Keller and Conrad Ferdinand Meyer ing the Reformation turned sour in the schism so fully dur¬
the tearing apart
probably are the only classicists of German literature during Richard
national unity as well as during the religious wars that fol¬
first decades following the founding of the empire. lowed. In numerous regions of central and northern Germany
'

Wagner's great artistic work belongs to the time before and he townscape reveals a long-lasting interruption in the works the of
owes his Bayreuth to the benevolence of a provincial ruler. architecture, extending from the Reformation until well into the
Vienna, the capital of vanquished Austria which was excluded from 19th century. During the long calm
Thirty Years' War the minds of the German
great city of music. In of life following the
the empire, has still remained the populace turned inward,
Brahms, whom it pulled to itself away from the empire, and in whereas in Italy the life of the people at that time was in full
Bruckner and Wolf it has gathered the creators of a second clas¬ swing in spite of the political fissures. The gradually gather¬
sical bloom. ing German strength found its first
p

expression in masterly musi¬

cal compositions and its next one during
the literary period of
€ o 5 o Bs,3;

In England and France, national state and national culture Storm and Stress, which ended in the classical
are more intimately tied together, but even here development does The nation was not yet ready for a great political Weimar period.
H

not prove that national culture necessarily needs the national grievous battles with revolutionary movement. The
France and with Napoleon
state, for here, too, a local culture with many promising young
p3stru:'B::*

hardly left it with any strength for this.

c0

shoots preceded the consolidation of the national state.

But eration against Napoleon united the minds, Only the war of lib¬
DsFcp

so early that the great further and strength of nationally attuned although the number
national integration occurred
; i ; i I r [a

hearts were still much too

cultural development coincides with it, a temporal coincidence enall to be a match for the instruments
HP'Pct

of Alii ance. of power of the Holy

which is not also causal. From now on, the leading exponents
court or
cultural development gather in London and Paris at the
L,rr'{ p.o

the
in the trend-setting salons or other joint meeting places all
outside The described circumstances make plausible the peculiar
way to the haunts of the spiritual Bohemians. What is °onfigUration which the national idea
s.0

province, where one obediently received in Germany at that

time. Those seeking detailed information
London and Paris becomes cultural
d5<

about this will find it

submits to the directions from the capital. As the world center in Frederick Meinecke's
excellent book, "Cosmopolitanism and

280 28 1
 National State," which traces the national idea in Germany until being carried off to an un-German kind of classicism but how

*q E lr' E ;ir= rs= ar:r ; [;[:a ;Fr;fi t;' ;t 1

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it flowed into the German Empire idea. The peculiar configura- insignificant these are compared with the national fulfillments

5
tion of the national idea in Germany to which we refer received which the work embodies in superabundance! Schiller early
its classic formulation through the leaders of classical Weimar, learned to revere German youth as its national poet; how often,
Goethe and Schiller, whom as true soul leaders of the German indeed, has it edified itself with verses like, "To the cherished
people we may regard as the most competent witnesses of its feel¬ fatherland attach yourself!" "William Tell," in Swiss garb, is a

e;]f
ings. It is of special interest to remember their view today German patriotic work of fiction, and the words of the dying

i*
because the external political situation in which Germany has
gH_n;is'8;fi Attinghausen, "Be united, united, united!" were spoken for the
found itself since the World War is very similar to the then
• German nation. If Schiller had shared the experience of the war

F,6
+H +ess rq r'go: li3s ls:s6*ii;
situation, which influenced the national idea with the Classi- of liberation, he would have become the leading poet for German
c0

cists. Shouldn’t we also be able to learn with a view to the freedom, and one would have recognized that it was with pained

e
:o !Jrd 1l3 o

present from the manner in which the two giants of that time resignation when he denied that the German people was destined to

A; E
formed their judgment concerning the destination of their peo¬ become a political nation. Goethe’s national mission is less

E
o ocn ito i.,, o'3

",9'--ii, g 3Ea 3, [;3

ple? Schiller expressed his view in which we may also recog¬
— apparent than Schiller ’s; he does not supply the orator at the
Xt' cr.j @J !D C)rO p.F

nize Goethe’s most clearly and concisely in the collection of

epigrams of 1796 edited by the two friends in a distich entitled
"German National Character." The epigram reads: "To form a
— rl
students* ceremonial drinking session or the popular speaker with
the desired striking formulas. But would Goethe have begun with
"Goetz" if he had not at the bottom of his heart felt with his
E —
nation, Germans, you are hoping in vain Perfect yourselves
If;*; people? And does not "Herman and Dorothy" prove that at an
;Isislr+e;;su

instead to becoming people more free." In a draft written in advanced age he remained committed to the sentiments of his
p,\t rp.5

1801, entitled "German Greatness," Schiller pursued his idea in a youth? Could Goethe have resuscitated the German folk song if
prose version which has some of the elegance of verse into which not with all his heart he had sympathized with his people? And
it ought to be clothed and which bears vivid testimony to the doesn’t his "West-East Divan" prove that even in his advanced
splendor which German prose is capable of when it is the ringing years he was still able to give proper expression to the music of
-

15.gEg

expression of deeply felt thoughts. The draft begins with a sad German lyric poetry? The "West-East Divan" is one of the fic¬
gd H€

:g*.3-!:,

tional works which demonstrate most beautifully how German ways

<trc tr crcrdFo.o

lament about the humiliation which Germany had just suffered at

the hands of foreign powers, and it finds comfort in the fact can be enriched by foreign ways. The most powerful testimony of
5 5 5 5 555D

German mentality is "Faust." The legend of the popular book has

that the majesty of the German as an individual never rested on been enhanced to a global work of fiction, which at bottom is
the heads of its princes and that German dignity would remain
5'= -3" 3
d

;:

unassailable even if the empire foundered. He closes with the nevertheless German. The German people has not only unforget¬
:;'d *g H

tably memorized the verses in "Faust," but it has also learned to

rasg

proud words that Germans are destined for the lofty mission of
s; -r3:'R

think in terms of its characters: Gretchen is the German virgin,

bringing mankind to internal perfection and to combine in a
wreath the most noble flowers brought forth by each people. Mephistoÿ has nearly displaced the devil, but in the figure of
"Every people has its day in history, but the Germans day is the
Faust himself the supreme has been accomplished. As Spengler
0J Fl
5.:{

fis59rq;ti::*-a * l;

harvest of the whole period." rightly says, Faust embodies, along with the German character,
:

the character of Western man. In Faust’s infinity urge the char¬

The high-pitched nationalism which was in full swing after acter not only of the century but of the entire era of European
I
s; E I

the reestablishment of the empire must have found Schiller’s

predominance, with its indomitable craving for the great and the
f

gn.

expansive, yea, the unattainable, is reproduced. What Schiller

words strange, being an expression of national despondency or
O.
q

-e

=grg : trggrH FlIg

n ;P*r:

If they are imagined by German greatness could not have entered into the
even of outright denial of national sentiment.
gs.Sgsgf lqFE 3:lf fE'i3

world more loftily.

O(n i

il=;FE

judged in the perspective of their time, the words manifest the

purest national attitude. When Schiller denies to the Germans However unsatisfactory the classical conception of Germany’s
the ability to form themselves into a "nation," he means thereby
=; i F€E; F_i'3

the political nation. He was right in this for the living gener¬
national destination later appeared to the fully awakened
national consciousness, it was for its time as proud and upright
O cr D e,O < O O O

ation as well as the two succeeding ones, and who should blame as it could be.
rtt*

him for lacking the prophetic eye necessary to look ahead to the In this time of Germany’s extreme political
s F g+n "i

more distant future! Schiller clearly recognizes the capacity of weakness , still not to doubt its greatness was proof of high
the Germans for being a culture nation, for when he asks them to
courage, and it was proof of a lofty mind to show to the German
develop more freely their human traits, he doesn’t mean a nation¬
nation cultural goals which elevated it above the other
';'^ Fd r;fi

ally castrated humaneness, but he means

the draft of "German Greatness"
and says so clearly in
that the Germans, above all
other nations, are called upon to ennoble their national culture
— nations. And hasn’t the path pointed out by the Classicists
neally led to Germany’s greatness in every sense? Within Germany
on this path the minds found each other nationally, through this
gq:.F;
H asSe,

Path the sympathetic admiration of the world for Germany’s cul¬

*l![sg

by incorporating into it from all sources the eternal values of tural accomplishments was won. When the national unification of
humankind. How to interpret this is revealed to us by Schiller’s
t ri€

the minds was crowned politically by the reestablishment of the

and Goethe’s poetic work, which constitutes the most magnificent empire, there was nobody in the world who could have denied the
cultural document of the German mind. It cannot be denied that historical justification of this act.
here and there in this work one encounters manifestations of
The political humiliation of the World War has left
Untouched the cultural goal to which the Classicists had shown
(Tr.) the way. That way is still the surest one to Germany’s
{.

*Known as "Xeni ensammlung"

:
x

><

ts
a
0.'
(,

o
{
p)

282 283
 the peaks of its
greatness. If the nation knows how to preserve instead of being derived from the self-created right of

Ftoo.oFljg P.

cr 3- 7
x5trof :i
5
5 O.. *b
H

o
E s 1R'-
5 H.(' '- F

o ts'5m -
tD cro P d
cr(/J
P OOq P, O
p) Po < o
the

{ P.tD
o H.H.!J
taught by the Classicists, of

OrO D Pcr
P.5
o5c)c)m

lD P..
civilization in the sense, asculture, prince it originates in the capacity of the whole people

+6

(,
tt
to cre¬

< !r5
<Fr
it cannot lack the inter¬

urooo
ate rights. The army ceases being a tool of the prince which he

O.rF)
0qd5NO
crowning achievements of human

F'(D O
x 55
cip 5
the world through which a

pJots.

Pct
nal power over the minds in the rest of can turn against the populace as well, but it

P.F:
state gains a maximum of external protection. weapon. A nation which is externally covered,becomes a national

o
cr
as is the United

t
States by its coastal and England by its insular
not need to have this weapon at the ready all theposition, does
time but may
National State and National Security let it go at having honed it for an emergency. As does

z
cf
ct
Cr
u
c'\

pJ
6.

o
z
Cr

p
0)
OJ
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the officialdom also acts in the service of the nation.theAsarmy,

long historical the
The national state is the end result of a old historical antagonism between government and

I{s I gsI€.$
ii ;lal;Iy:;
Iq=;;6;;;
I; [[lifiifx:Et;'gli**;rg *:;l$n;1,
i' :ilil[i[*iilrtea;;raiufriIs g;igA;*g*
of community populace has
development which, beginning with the simplest formsmore and more
been reconciled, so also within the populace party
antagonisms
fF$FfFgqqEgsHf,Ef;FfrsgEffE !#tFlgae

and guided by the striving for success, assembles have lost their acerbity, because above them the feeling
through various and ever more comprehensive national solidarity acts as a binding glue. Once the national of
ethnic elements and rises to freedom.
intermediate forms of constraint finally state has been truly and firmly joined together,
According to the law of survival of the fittest, which
is valid movement will not loosen it. The French nation ofthe proletarian
1848, „and also
much as it is in the nature world, the national the one of 1871, was still in such political ferment
in society as finally surmounts all that it had
state in the case of developable peoples to endure the outbreak of class war, but since then,
notwith¬
preceding weaker political configurations. standing all its unrest, the French proletariat hasn't
broken the
national peace any more. The English nation, the most mature

i:;$5st;l gegr[l[u;o::'F;
q'*r

Conceptually, the state is the civic community of the entire

il;IsPBF-':]5s"sEgss in Europe, got peacefully over the revolutionary crisis year one
human asso¬ of
population of an area for whose size simpler forms of state truly 1848, while in the United States so far the danger
ffisiEi:n':iiHiff

Only the national of class war

has been nonexistent altogether. In the matured nation
ciation are no longer sufficient. the demo-
measures up to this concept. Neither the oriental state nor the cratic movement, even when it expands into the proletarian
siil$ese

Antiquity and the Middle Ages did, has no subversive effect but, in accord with the class,
dynastic occidental state of
or could, measure up to it, for they state were, and had to be, power, has a deepening one, comparable to a ploughcirculation
which breaks
of
designed to force ethnic groups into the which they strug¬ the hitherto firm top-soil.
unity could be maintained only by the
gled against and whose
master race which wanted the state. Withwhen the decay of the master It is understandable that a culture nation
race the state had to fall apart, for a strong prince was national idea if it meets all the prerequisites yields to the
for the large
one the state was weakened. If the right to state but has been hitherto politically fragmented,
f;

followed by a weak could not prevail as has been

succession was in dispute, the strongest prince the case for the German and the Italian nations.
s=-B; gre,,3€

the It perceives
on the throne without an exhausting fight. Austria-Hungary, the might and majesty of the neighboring political
dynastic community of states, was ruined by the fact that its must feel bitter about not having been able to matchnations and
Its them. In
peoples were not able to become integrated into a nation. fact that
Germany, the feeling of national solidarity already a few
decades
defeat on the battlefield was primarily caused by theand in the
before the reestablishment of the empire was
instrumental in
certain national groups in the army werearmy unreliable creating the customs union, which made it possible
decisive hour eventually
the Italian army, but the
defected
Hapsburg
its
peoples'
was
state
not
was
defeated
defeated
by
by — German economy with its natural division of labor and
the obstacles of internal boundaries
for a unified
free from
iIsr n*u*C

superior to to develop in place of the

iiAl ;;ii*:

the national state of Italy. The national state is of the

small and economically fragmented states. Of
course, only the
preceding state configurations by virtue empire had the necessary compactness
H

the historically to pursue domestic and for¬

its totality wants the state and that in eign economic policy on a grand scale,
fact that the nation in and
colonial policies as well. Also, only thetoempire
r:

difficulties it recovers pursue social and

the historical cycle after all the
through renewal its undiminished strength. Germans the uniform currency, which alone allows moneygave to the
E

its purpose because it ceases being itself a to fulfill

state has commodity. Only the
In the matured national state, the idea of the externally.
empire gave to the Germans the
uniformity of law, which allows
reached its natural dimension internally as well as law to fulfill its purpose because
I

the divisions depriving it of

its clarity and dignity and inhibiting the judge's arm have been
Internally, the national state has reached its natural cohe¬ removed. In the nationally united empire
o P.
P 5 5 cr
O ct

3
H

<
1s, o
P,
5

and there¬ the Bavarian no longer

felt like only a Bavarian, the Saxon no longer
sion because it is a concern of the entire population,
nts.H

:oop)
croH

x{{q

needed like just a Saxon,

",5 o_oo5

state
—
r :5(D

Fr)

and even the Prussian no longer as

5cr-,^Fl:

emerging
O dP.Hro

scaffold of constraints, which the

ooHoPf

o.;ii P

fore the
H6

merely a Prussian
o^o5

instead,
5h F'u
u.6

and freedom, has all felt that as members of a great

'Xp)oci<

order,
FIp) FI {o!J0F.

fullness,
A)

in order to attain unity, power they had gained an

no acts to promote its additional value.
become obsolete. The government longer
O O:

:'Fl5

capacity
oP ii cr

serve the people, in the

co

to
o:

it is there
i+

power, but
pa< ;

own
t'

of a leader legitimated by general confidence. If, as occupationof course Of course, the national state of a small nation
.t55 5 d- 5

*od6
s-'!r5E<o' *ro o)

must content
o! P5 oBo

itself with less power

+c*
clcrtr|

may happen, the national state tolerates the continued longer the
EO

(<ts
OPts

dri

than that of a large one, yet it will

XaP
cro O .t-0J

of the throne by the dynasty, then the prince is noof the popu¬ develop to achieve the same
qPO

internal security.
ruler by the grace of God, but he rules by the will
a

I
(,om
o H.:aX
5€oP O

ooc?X

of
CiCt
oo0rc

lace. He need not, for that matter, forfeit the consecration

5 oo

Externally, the national state has its natural boundaries,

'"-
P.o

o F.o

On the for since

m:5'

power which is given to him by the idea of legitimacy.

crl

states according to their nature are not territories

0J <

contrary, the idea of legitimacy is enhanced by the fact that

but civic communities, they find their natural boundaries where
P!:
FJ

284 285
 against nature which shall be dearly paid for. The adversary who
the binding glue ends which holds the community together. When

: - ."*"1;:''ui';F
ruu;fiF
i[ff[sfr_[#r

:; rF;::; [;iii;lll[r11illillliglililiffi
of the takes hold of a piece of the heritage of foreign nationals in
the full national state recognizes as citizens all members when its order to obtain military "security" will have a certain initial
nation gathered together in a compact settlement and
advantage in the next war, but he is not safe from this war
national unity is not disturbed by any kind of compact settlement itself, rather he makes it a certainty.
of foreign nationals, it has in a crucial ethnic sense found its
natural boundaries even if not everywhere it should have French found
in a geographic sense. That the The example of France and England reveals that between
its natural boundaries mature national states there are more reliable forms of protec¬
today still insist on seeing in the Rhine their natural boundary tion than the military ones, which neutralize each other.
with Germany is against the law of time. They could regard it as Between these two states the boundaries are morally secured.
natural boundary as long as the Germans themselves i ri* did not yet On
"BEsdsqrpl 5T!'ees3;sa[3[fFtsig#il[

to amalgamate in this side of the Channel as well as the other it is known that
feel like a nation
their own interest
and
the
the French
remaining
could
German
hope
territory on
bank of the Rhine to the same extent in which they had succeeded
with Alsace. Since the time when the Germans themselves
the left
began to
srr,;rF;F ;tlillililrlgir'ffi
the natural boundaries
— nationally clearly drawn
— have been
reached, and one does not play with the idea of seeking property
on the other shore. This would be as absurd as if somebody had
this hope has become vain: since then the the idea of implanting in his healthy body limbs of another body
feel like a nation, in order to add to his organs. One therefore also does not think
unalterable natural boundaries between the two states lie where
of reinforcing the natural boundaries by military safety devices;
the two nations abut. Within these boundaries, each of them is one knows that they are not in need of such further devices.
internally united and keenly intent on its independence, for This feeling of safety operates between fully mature nations
igili[i[il* 3i3iplig$;rHq

whose preservation it is gladly determined to incur any kind of wherever their territories abut along national boundaries
sacrifice. What one seeks to annex beyond these boundaries friction. In no other respect has the idea of nationalwithout
remains an alien element, which disturbs healthy circulation and determination become so firmly established in the minds as in
self¬
threatens the peace because this foreign body keeps craving for respect to national self -limitation. When Wilson in one of his
reintegration with its national stock, which in turn does its 14 points mentions that peoples must not be moved back and forth
utmost in order to pull it back to itself. Through many decades like pawns in a game, he strongly reflects contemporary think¬
England and France were embroiled in wars as long as the Norman ing. Regrettably, he himself and the Entente, which proclaimed
dynasties, which had become England’s rulers, tried to further the idea of national self-determination as one of its great
extend their Norman possessions with the aid of their English objectives of the war, heeded this advice only to the extent that
instruments of power until they would have become rulers over England did not become guilty of any encroachment on European
France as well. These wars ended when England learned to content soil and that France, which avidly hankered for the boundary of
itself with its natural national boundaries vis-a-vis France. the Rhine, was more or less put in its place so that it was
ing to content itself with future expectations concerningwill¬
Wars between the developed nations, as dynasties used to region of Saarbrucken. The capital sins in regard to national
the
wage with a view to augmenting their territories beyond their self-limitation were committed in favor of the Allies whose crav¬
national boundaries, have lost their purpose. One has to face ing for the neighbor* s land was given full scope in the south and
the fact that every nation as such is invincible, and one has to the east. The idea of national self-limi tation nevertheless
be prepared for losing again in the next war what was gained in already have achieved great power over the minds, since must
r;i:i*

the last. The world-shaking proof for this was given by the authors of the dictated peace yielded to it the
French war of revenge. In the Peace of Frankfurt the Prussian France of Louis XIV or of the Revolution orto of some extent. The
generals succeeded with their demand, made in the interest of Napoleon
still of Napoleon III would have been less restrained inI the and
military "security," for the cession to Germany of a piece of exploitation of its victory.
French Lorraine around Metz. It should have been foreseen that If the idea
hold on the minds to the same extent that continues to gain a
E 6' H

the highly intense French national consciousness would never get it has in the short
'. r'T
I
0t Ct6 P'
ctts'
P.O (r

O
50 cr 5
5cro.< 5

H)H.!'
!'

time since it was conceived, it will not be long

t;5
(,H
ll(n

6oXo

implanted
6'?o € 5:;o

over this wound on its own body. If the Germans had into become unassailable. It would then already happenbefore it has
B'r$n
ctr H.^
crPr 5
5 O 5 o<o Cr !'OprOOO

ciO { P.{

their
O-
oBCDoiS

ideas of liberation in the Frenchmen whom they forced

5-

in the near
cf O

future that the nations, in mutual respect for their national

;5 #'.;
/

state, as was done by the French vis-ÿ-vis the German-Alsati ans ,

cf (, O O FD

character, would have won the maximum attainable

crl o 8ts. E cro

{oo(2

the outcome might have been different. But the Prussian states¬
o C-

their national boundaries, which at least would putprotection of

50('
-E

xO
dv

men weren’t even able to resuscitate ethnic feelings for Germany the fighting
o

>qr 9r b

for
| | O g o 5(D 5 o!J o

'!

these to rest.
in repossessed Alsace, where the German language was still the
u
='d OO
o0, od

gocrO OF
@a

OO
o(,

mother tongue for the peasant and the man in the street. It is
5}J
Hr 5E

A nation is not always in a position to become politically

t

dreadful to see that the world-shaking proof of the war of a

qEs

full nation. It can do so only

0,

3f,rx$gf* Oact
"OtA

revenge has not been enough to enlighten the statesmen who after if its area of settlement forms a
fEo
5."-_

ox
x-X
OO

.contiguouswhole and if no inhibiting historical powers stand in

3d

the World War undertook to dictate the peace. Once again the
0, XF

fi'=g:i'' cr
o tD H

its way.
generals, eagerly backed by the short-sighted statesmen, have
aii"<i).q
5 o::o.5o O.P

ifri;H;c
o f-o;i P'xs ^
E cr(D 5
rd { g | | H)c0@

ct(, o.-
oo

succeeded with their demand to trangress the national boundaries

^ -0,

The area of settlement of the English nation was from the

for the sake of military "security." Every self-conscious nation
O

outset sealed
0j

——
and it is part of the essence of a nation to be self-conscious
off against the Continent by its insular position,
D _.qcr):.:l

and
FP.

after English
will try at all costs to preserve its possessions as an aPpropriate lessons,statecraft had learned to draw from this the
5 gl
[aoo-4,<

it only had to surmount the lesser frictions

P'R P*

untouchable heritage, and the blunder of the dictated peace*

< 5-

which resulted from the proximity of Scotland and

P.ci

0, ^ p

selfÿ
ct!1d
O 5g
'!O !t5

which challenges the inborn national instinct of ters changed when the British world empire grew. Ireland. Mat-
q

itself guilty of a grievous crime

E

preservation, therefore makes The free

286 287
 accord to become united in the state there was no end to the
English became a world-commanding master race which had to come frictions.

r=5s;:g;fis*[i
r. *?rr
'e33H'
The government and the far-sighted politicians

s*xr!;a ; r

ill
'-i';ii
to terms with all the subjected peoples, and in addition it had endeavored to reconcile the peoples in the idea of national jus¬
to get over the frictions which arose between the mother country tice, and it cannot be said that their endeavors were hopeless.
and the English settlers who set up their new homes in the over¬

liililiigfi.lill:iiilll[iliiili lrillllllil
The author of this tome has always held the view that in the
seas regions of the world empire. The particular home sentiments
iS gF{sgifi?sfi monarchy, especially in the Austrian half of the realm, the cause
of the New Englanders soon became alienated from the old realm, of national justice received the benefit of more thoughts and
given the peculiar conditions of New England and its remote- deeds than it did anywhere else in the world. He still holds
s

ness. The new settlers brought with them their love of liberty even today that the advantages of great power and the possession
ev

i'*,','
which had still freer range over there than in their former of their national cultures would have been preserved for the
home. He who over there was unable to help himself was not able
e:to: peoples of Austria-Hungary if the violent seizure from without
;;*re
to make it, and this was as true for the individual settler as occurring during the World War had not incited to an extreme
for the emerging political configurations. In the end the set¬ degree national separatisms and thereby had upset the laborious
tlers also helped themselves in political matters and set them¬ work. The end result was, as it has been aptly named, the
selves apart in a nation of their own. ;ari Balkanization of a large area of central Europe.
lu;t;
ls

The German people sent to the east the large surpluses of In the Balkan countries and the newly Balkanized countries
people which the sex drive brought about, partly by settling them the situation of national mixtures is often so tangled that there
in the areas which in pushing ahead it wrested from the neighbor¬ is no room for even the small national state. We will disregard
il;rgsilis|3;i ; 3ifliilgi F[3ll1;, rilf;;la rii,

ing Slavs, and partly by letting them establish enclave settle¬ the fact that in the Balkan countries live various ethnic groups
grrTs,EH

flls[s:i[[*
ments which their wanderlust ferreted out and the obligingness of of vacillating national character who are claimed by various
foreign rulers favored. Many of the enclaves have been preserved nations.
[g;ii;i;;f*

We only wish to dwell upon the fact that where the

for the German culture nation to this day. However, they had to national boundaries are clearly discernible they often do not
be lost to the political nation. The political nation, though, coincide with the geographic boundaries. Now it happens that the
also lost groups of ethnic Germans whose settlements directly geographic boundaries are more important for the nationally not
abutted on Germany as a political unit. We have already dis¬ stablized state than for the old and well established nations.
cussed this elsewhere and have shown that the historical power Austria-Hungary as well as Turkey had to pay heed to the geo¬
Hr;HFFgiIrFs#TEfglifi

with which Switzerland attached to itself its German citizens was graphic boundaries simply because they constituted for them the
stronger than their feeling of solidarity vis-a-vis the German best defense lines. Add to this that following the geographic
Empire. Fundamentally, the same was also true for the Germans in boundaries by and by the production and marketing regions have
the Hapsburg monarchy, which incidentally maintained a certain become delimited. Austria with all its nations on account of its
+;rfflii! lelllili

political connection with the Empire. The peculiar German urge customs union formed an economic region, while the Danube-Theiss
for separation even loosened greatly the political cohesion of basin around Budapest is a production and marketing region for
EFt

the Empire itself, thereby greatly holding back the development all nations residing there. The dismemberment of national states
of German national consciousness. This explains why in German by the dictated peace has torn asunder these economic regions to
Alsace national consciousness had not yet been aroused when in the detriment of all participants. Besides, it must be noted
s'rEE[:gt:

France it already had strong wooing force. As late as during the that because of the situation of national mixtures and for other
last decades of the 19th century in the Hapsburg monarchy
ruled by a prince who himself shortly before 1866 had admitted to
— reasons whose discussion would lead too far, the national dismem¬
berment could not be carried all the way through, so the newly
being a German prince the urban Germans in Hungary switched to
Magyar nationality and the German peasants there to the idea of a
Magyar political state. At the time of reestablishment of the
— formed states are nationally mixed to a greater or lesser
extent. In place of the one large state Austria-Hungary aspiring
to national justice, there now exists a number of smaller states
Empire the time was not yet ripe for the pan-German idea. The °f. mixed nationality, lacking the advantage of the large state
preconditions for becoming a full nation had not yet been met while their desire to enjoy national life to the full suppresses
historically for the German cultural nation even where it existed national justice.
as a compact body.
;

i,r=$
litiliriiltilgi

For states and nations in such condition the national idea

flil8 t;;r$;F|'s**
5

[.i;g;ill*;'*;r

Since the time of the Migration of Nations there had existed providesnone of the safeguards of peace; rather it brings unrest
in the area of the Hapsburg monarchy as well as in the Balkan and strife.
region and partly also in that of old Poland a condition of
s-!.-!,1ilB"J

national mixtures. There was no room here anywhere for the large
gE*;*igxg

national state. Peoples which should receive the assistance 7. Nationalism and Imperialism
which a large state extends had to be unified under a different
political idea, which under the given circumstances could be only With good reasons the historical period beginning around the
the dynastic one. That the Hapsburgs were able to augment their
fiddle of the 19th century is dubbed the period of nationalism.
crB(,opratoF

realm through propitious marriages they owe to the circumstance uring this span, national power has been the dominant power in
po555(D50

that these marriages offered the happy prospect of instilling in urope and in almost all the world
the combined peoples enhanced power of resistance, as the general ne nations are the unit of culture with organized governments.
and state, the governmental
insecurity and especially the grave threat posed by the Turks and cultural tasks are performed through national cooperation of
p+p

demanded. Later, when the peoples of the monarchy had acquired J“L forces, which are continually renewed
in the circulation of
national consciousness and now should have wanted of their own

289
288
 power. Hosoromg loreign spiritual, ana material values aoes non by the nation, but by a ruling class which has long since per-

Hli $ isiE;x3iiii*;*t
ir; 3;l::;:ifsa, FgEFI**ti Is:;Ir;lrsgl;; €Fg -triII"EXP56'
*lPs iq! BT Irr fr Ir l:
"lg ElEfi e-.33rH'il.Il!;i
5

' i[$sE]s[[ o slgg !teE;5l3.Ere3ilE

slsn i'rrl"}*:5r:;x5
crc

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ilfl SqFEfflrHIE3tsE! -bxO F:.
neutralize the national character, for these, too, are harnessed ished, while the masses, pressed down into submission, were then

o o 0) < PoD - o ^'3 H

o.5
for domestic purposes. Nor is the national character neutralized as little, capable of cultural creations as they still are
when foreign territories are seized because this, too, is done today. The small stratum of society with European education

^'JioP'
P.u o P.<< 5
only for national aggrandizement. No more is it neutralized when which occupies the positions of leadership in these countries
many a cultural task is undertaken in collaboration with other today has followed the European example in emitting the slogan of
nations , for the successesi so attained are figured as national ts.< d5 Hi5 5 nr national independence and thereby draws large crowds who come to
,qOOP.Ca O O 5 O
accomplishments. Nowhere so far have international undertakings feel painfully their dependence on foreign rulers. Thus an Arabi
dissolved national cohesion. Economic tasks are also performed Pascha had brief success in Egypt in standing up against England,
otsop'-

nationally. The great vitality of business is also included in and a Sun Yat-sen did so with greater success in China against
the stock of national power. Here, too, the nation is the sup¬ the dynasty and the foreigners. One must not reproach the men
portive unit; here, too, national strength is renewed in an who dared their life for the freedom of the fatherland, but one
o P5 cf

unending cycle; here, too, national cohesion is crucial, and must be clear that with all the enthusiasm of their close fol¬
Hrxoc
5

world cohesion only serves the end of augmenting the national lowers they are nevertheless not backed by some deeper national
^

stock of power. force. Behind Washington and Franklin there was the strength of
o

8 i rj $ " x E r : i ;ls; the New England nation which, surmounting all the crises of a
So considered, nationalism is the performance of national protracted war, eventually gained its independence by fighting
Pl ln

But since the manifestations of

O PoJ O P'lf' o P.lx-

for it and was able to impart to the state which it established

B,3t'B*t' @ Dl*o

tasks from national strength.

Flx'
*"lB Olt,

national strength are accompanied by consciousness of national the growth and full flowering of a true national state. Suppose
power as well, nationalism is at the same time the expression of the Egyptians managed to gain their external independence. They
-

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pt
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PJ

national power. Power consciousness is always associated with will still not succeed in creating an internally consolidated
.
F Ffr*q
5 o O 5 5o p 5 5 g plo)
P.(, 515

nationalism. The minds of the members of the nation keenly pur- national state, for the masses will remain in their submissive
;*l:;g
o 5 H'ocrodlcr

sue the course of national activity. They immerse themselves stance. The Indian movement led by Gandhi is stronger because
!fl$ s gg

into statistical manifestations of its value, and while every ethical and religious powers which are deeply rooted in the
B
5Ht'H'c-

great success is cause for national celebration, every great people are also active in it, but even this movement will not be
O Ert P'crHrFr)@

failure causes intense national suffering, and every advance of able to create the national state as there isn't, and never will
be, a free Indian nation.
;;:

foreign strength is of national concern. For a long time already But to refer again to the small
i r gs i;'rlflE

the English government has taken pains to shield every Englishman nations of Europe of which we began to speak, one must admit that
E

those among them whose masses are vigorous

—
lil

in all corners of the world from insults and has marshalled its
iIs;i;

— not true, e.g., of

O cro o

i*+fE$

power to expiate perpetrated insults; today the English govern- the Rumanian peasantry and whose upper classes are culturally
*;

educated are on the way to becoming a nation, but even the most
$*;ii

ment has the whole English nation behind itself in this

o. l{

endeavor. The collision at Faschoda, where an English expedition developed among them still have far to go until they have ele-
p

was unexpectedly overtaken by a French one, put the nation in a vated themselves to a high cultural level. Many of them
—
gt-'gp

— again
g, ts. o 5 lJrco Op t,

lfi
OrO H.@ srH.50J F})(/j {

f,;={

state of martial excitement. The expansion of the German war we must say, not all
55 (o o 0, O 0, crtscrp

during the World War stood the national

O cr

fleet was a matter of gravest public anxiety. Every inconsider- acid test with honor, as this is specially evident with
g

the
r
rr]il

ate word of Emperor William was received as over-heatedly as Serbs, who with their courage so typical of a primitive race,
q'q$s

d
il

happens with anything which gets into the whirl of public opin¬ their mastery of the military instruments, and their unwavering
*e;'='

x * rl oF
Po.m (, O. E

ion. The detached Englishman in all matters of national impor¬ national devotion gave a good account of themselves. But let us
;i;lra
3i;S
-'

tance is feverishly excitable, because here the whole populace not forget that the martial feats of state are only the beginning
!!sEl
5'.9E.

of the national work and that the subsequent cultural

goes together, and in England, as everywhere else, the multitude requirements on the strength of the masses which are
tasks place
is guided more by sentiment than by reason. English national
E

difficult to meet. A well-known dictum by Lichtenberg much more

pride, given its historical nourishment, tends to react to every
F;

says that
g*
B:'' ; *r!'9$ llliFf ii*

challenge, real or imagined, with special sensitivity. human beings would rather fight for their faith than live accord¬
t

ing to it, and by the same token one may say that it is
easier to
3=

rnq
s;g

get the people to fight for their

: gl|;;ii

s;
r€,t'* i*:;t;f;];.g.*;

Not infrequently the label "nationalism" has that bad mean¬ nationality than to fulfill the
ing which is readily evoked by the addition "ism." This is a national idea in their works of peace. In this respect
{ € crp.14rtlc}5 H.

there
C 5l5pr 5

EElB3

tssri#
5 olocr@

nationalism in which the national consciousness of power exceeds remains yet much to be done in the new states which resulted from
I p.

the national strength , the nationalism of greed and of phrases, the dictated peace. A state is still far from being consolidated
; r : I s ] H :E
rE:g ::rl,

the national chauvinism. A not insignificant number of the small when it has been given its constitutional form, and these new
European nations has been infected with this kind of national¬ states have more difficult tasks ahead of them
——
. O

ism. One has got a hold of the national idea which ignited by national states because they are nationally than statesdo the full
arbitrary boundaries, and now they are calledmixed
cro o E

with
i3;$;9- i;

the strong nations taking pride in their great feats is every¬

ct55 5 lD O H'55c,

upon to fulfill
;

r$;

air these tasks without proper training in governmental

g'39r33'3

where in the air today, and one affects the vain national
without being justified in doing so by one's own accomplish¬ without supportive historical powers. Their feeling affairs and
a p.p. cr55

™akes them believe that they are strong, of victory

ments. Today there is nationalism even where the nation itself but aren't they misled
;f 3$3;

has not yet come into existence. There is an Egyptian, an “Y this feeling? Their feeling of victory is not a victor's
i:E :n 8H
rrO O.oo5
p.crHHSB

Indian, a Chinese nationalism, but without the Egyptian, the eeling, the Entente having won the victory for them. What share
Indian, the Chinese nation having been fully formed. Each of - the Czechs and the Poles have in the verdicts of the World
these peoples may point to supreme historical values created by
War? Predominantly they were on the side of the vanquished or
fr;

its ancestors, but one forgets that these values were not created stood completely aside, and therefore they could not get to know
i

290 291
 the genuine victor reeling wmcn is generated oy an awareness oi

lii
g1l
5'E F
nation and economy and of historical power. German Austria is a

'Jo
sorely tested strength and which among leaders having measured up rump whose survival is the anxious concern of the League of
in critical combat has become firmly entrenched. Nation’s doctors. The Magyars and the Bulgarians were deprived
of possessions which they are not willing to give up nor can

illlglllllg3ill**i'tilggl1iillglilgl1g
The small nations of the Germanic north, the Swedes and the
A

giilFlil'lgiiliiillilffl$ii[11Ei1ll[[l
Their renounce easily. The Poles, Czechs, Rumanians, and Yugoslavs
Norwegians, the Danes and the Dutch, are full nations. received additions to their national homelands which they could
national consciousness is justified by the ample development of
F$ts

never have won by their own strength and in regard to which it is

their strength, and on Europe fs cultural sky they shine with exceedingly doubtful whether they will be able to defend them.
stars of the first order while having learned to keep their As for the remaining new states, which we do not want to list
national pretensions in check. The time is past when the Vikings
E

separately , most are also dissatisfied and contribute their

were the terror of Europe, as is the time when the Swedes took
3i: F$FtE * s$3$Ffi FFEFFFF6

utmost to keeping their close and their more distant environment

their place among the European great powers. For Holland, too, in a state of unrest. We will content ourselves with analyzing
the great era is past when its fleet battled with that of the the evil of nationalism by referring to the just named nations as
English for dominion of the seas and William of Orange defied the cases in point.
mighty king of France in the fight for the European balance of
oct5

power. All these states, in deep tranquillity, now give their In the old Austria, in European Turkey, and in western Rus-
whole attention to their small domestic world and have to resign sia - the same holds true for the Prussian part of Poland —
-6o!crcaocrprpJoqcrgt:.oP'ou0JQo€m@oo5crtD

themselves to the fact that their excess population through over¬ conquest or other acts of violence, or also spontaneous submis¬
seas emigration is lost to the nation; only Holland, thanks to sion to the protection of the mighty one, had integrated a series
its plantation economy, is in a somewhat different situation. In of peoples which themselves had previously wielded substantial
the national conflicts of Europe these states occupy a position power and which as political or cultural states had their proud
which compares with that of nationally mixed Switzerland. Like
l;iiiliir;snFB;,r;
memories. Some of them, notwithstanding the sense of resignation
the latter they have remained neutral, and their decision to take imposed on them by the circumstances, had never given up their
this stance was automatically called for by their nature. The ethnic claims, while others had nearly lost their ethnic self-
examining observer finds in them the welcome proof that in a consciousness. But for the ones as for the others the rising
nation manliness and peaceableness can be combined, and they are national idea, combining with powerful historical recollections,
also proof that moral safeguards must be more highly valued by not only resuscitated but deepened ethnic consciousness and eth¬
the state than military ones. What else assures their continuity nic claims, because it was able to infect with them the masses
than does the respect they enjoy in the community of nations? who previously had not shared them. After the collapse of Rus¬
What military instruments of power of any consequence could they sia, Turkey, Austria-Hungary, and Germany they occupied with keen
pit against the great powers? Perhaps Sweden, which had to leave desire the positions of power which the generous hand of the
its Finnish possessions to the Russians, had to fear a further Entente assigned to them. Even Masaryk, a man of high intellec-
Russian attack as long as Russia in the tradition of Asian des¬ tual caliber and one of the most ardent proponents of national
potism was bent on conquest, yet ' every culture nation would
s$ssE

conciliation with the Germans in the old Austria, turned into a

expose itself to condemnation by the world if it were to disturb diehard nationalist. In doing so he had a hand in building the
the peace of these small nations. The European mind considers Czechoslovak republic on a foundation of national injustice which
these states as fortunate islands which have risen from the sea the old Austria in a sincere effort had in all important respects
of restless fighting, to whose tempests they were exposed as long already left behind. The nationalism of the other new states had
as their inhabitants had not yet learned how to escape the temp¬
3E.r'$

still much worse effects than it did in Czechoslovakia. Whereas

tations of external power. Once all peoples have become of like the strength of resistance of the Germans in Czechoslovakia was
ilE
r'Si+-

mind, the foundation will have been laid for a league of nations so great that one could not avoid taking it into account to some
which in its deepest motivations is a federation for peace. degree, the national minorities are much weaker, and therefore
e.E'HFrs

much worse off, in the other new states. None of the new states
iliiryu
I'

Like these Nordic states, Belgium, Spain, and Portugal have

-'i:'iI

deserves to be called national state, as they are all out and out
also withdrawn their world aspirations and are, by and large, as nationalistic states in which national greed arrogantly exceeds
far as it depends on them, favorably disposed toward peace.
o)oqFo.j0a

;;

national capacity. Take by way of comparison the Swiss as a

Their internal peace, to be sure I is not firmly established. people organized by state! Switzerland has been declared invio¬
Belgium is nationally split, and in the case of Spain and Por¬ lable by international law, but it is so already by virtue of its
r: :is: lEr ii:

tugal the after-effects on the masses of absolutism and of eccle¬ inner strength and dignity, of the strength of its citizens in
siastical rule have not been overcome yet. whom lives on the strength of the fathers who founded Switzerland
during a prolonged struggle for existence and were able to govern
: ; :r;;
rili'ri;
il*lllil*

Matters are different for the new states which were formed it according to prevailing wisdom. The new states did not win
q

or expanded on the territory of Austria-Hungary, Turkey, and their position of power in combat. Only the Rumanians and the
western Russia, as they are the foci of national unrest inter¬
e.$E 6

Serbs stood on the side of the victors, and they, too, however
nally as well as externally. How could it be otherwise given
"toppFJCD

courageous and honorable an account especially the Serbs gave of

that they are not natural national formations? They are artifi¬ themselves, did not win through their own strength. Without
cial creations marked out by the victors of the World War in aPprenticeship and sample, the new states were declared ready for
order to remove Germany’s allies from the game and to reduce statehood by the biased verdict of the Entente. Without prior
s33

Germany in size in the east and wall it in. In reckless pursuit training and experience they were launched on their sovereign
of this aim, everywhere one cut into the vital substance of career, under circumstances so difficult that first-rate

292 293
 Internally
I foreign nationals as a result of the dictated peace
preparation and experience are hardly sufficient. and planted

lil ii I i[ ii; [;
$sE!IIfillliii]IIs;:il;iii; 3F;rs]H.
is ;: r 3 I
tirs {el
the tricolor in the native valley of Andreas Hofer. In addition
tsrioo0) 55
ts'rd and in a state of animosity amongst themselves, they are
insecure they are the to German national property it also took possession of Yugoslav
a danger for Europe, being so all the more because powers, as was one, and already it trains its eyes greedily on
welcome playthings in the power game of the great
game. The unrest in French possession. Where will Italy find its irredentist
helper
Italy
Serbia before the World War in Russia's power
(,€

Serbia, set off time it will have to settle all these conflicts to whichwhen some
of their nationalism might, as was the case with strength will not measure up after all? Add to this that its own
"J o

renewed fighting all over Europe and the world. in its

o

domestic affairs it has not yet found its peace either, lacking
of contem¬ as it does the order which the human state needs as much as the
Italy, the oldest one among the culture nations as
;i *
the cra¬ [i: bee state if it is to enjoy its fruits. In its
S3e-5.55'q

porary Europe, with a wealth of educated citizens and young monarchy could take pleasure in a numberbeginnings the
o'E

statecraft, must not be named in the same breath of seasoned

dle of modern diagnosis of its condi¬ statesmen, and trod its path more sure-f ootedly than do most
with the new states in the east, but the young democracies. Gradually, however, in its
r;i3 i s[: i i

nationalism with
I
tion must still be that it shares the disease ofchauvinism. all too rapid pace
5 crd{

Its of democratization it also fell prey to party

Iqi:l
them, nay, it is the motherland of national anarchy, which
young democracies always evince in the absence of firm
from that of the other great powers by not historical
nationalism differs
iili f
imperialist powers. To be sure, in a notable reaction nationalism
yet being strong enough to turn to distant lands inall the more brought fascism to the fore which tries to overcome has
fashion, and this is what makes that nationalism the perni¬
-3 E3.5.H H

cious fragmentation of parties. If fascism were able to keep

o p. l1'Plr 5 ot<

dangerous to its neighbors. When Bismarck initiated merchant, he

German colo¬ its
theoretical purity, it would become a blessing
[;t;ii:x ?ci-q ri,: ;$il;igr]:

the
but since it also moves in the rutted tracks of for the country,
hesitancy:
nial policy, he did so with cautious only having to
said, had to do the colonizing, with the state is superior in ardent national¬
-

imperialism ism, it remains an open question what consequences

lend him its support. Modern national will flow from it. for the nation
;i

inner strength to that of the old world-conquering animated rulers in that

s s li I l ;

by an
it does not follow orders from on high, but is
sH1; I

out into the Czarist Russia since Peter the Great, and
exuberant urge of the citizens which propels them since the reign of Catherine, has been an more clearly yet
(, crc, O cro p P'O 5 Pt O p O O O E.3B.Eq I

world, like the bees which collect the honey from all around. on power. However, at first its imperialism was notimperialist big
Venice and Genoa had this urge when they acquired possessions but a dynastic one, being at any time no stronger yet a national
p) i' FlHq crB lDp H(, o {.! o 5 cr<{

so far
the Mediterranean Sea, and modern Italy also has it again, its national who just happened to govern. The organs of than the ruler
national
not beyond the Mediterranean. In the main it finds imperialism
inal*i;:a

were formed only piecemeal and only in

* ;

emissaries into the world in its needy and industrious rural was the Russian peasant, driven by his part. The first to move
3
H

proletariat, which seeks the reward for its manualtrue labor abroad hunger for land and his
roving spirit, as had always been the case with
I

champions
where major entrepreneurs have work to offer. The young profes- peoples whose
r-p._5.r

multitude cultivated the soil and, given their extensive

ii ;{
;;:F I;

of the national movement, the bourgeosie and the cultivation, was unable to provide a living at home for the mode of
sionals, were completely engrossed in the idea of irredentist who idly growing population. The conquest of Siberia, started by
rap¬
Italy which demanded the liberation of the co-nationals,
riil:i[i[;r

other shore of the Adriatic Russian arms, was completed by Russian peasant colonists. It was
along the national borders and on the only the mighty cultural movement taking a hold of
; 5 fu i lF 3: : I

Sea were subject to foreign rule. Originally the national move- sian minds which gave Russian society a national the best Rus¬
o

ment was directed against foreign rule in Italy itself. This was orientation.
Though genuine and deep, this movement still has not yet
5ct-p:r6

;;

and sacrifice, which

the heroic time of national enthusiasm
of a united to communicate its fruits to the masses with which it had time
establishment has tried
g*ii;lli;itiilli'[

gained its triumphant victory in the in vain to establish rapport. Nevertheless, it was genuine
Italy under the leadership of Garibaldi, Mazzini, and Cavour.
;:i

deep simply because it had its roots in ethnicity. and

The tracks of this movement because of the long duration
of the The Russian
out to permit rising writers to whose greatness an astonished Europe bowed were
national fight for liberation were too worn because they were able to express great
$
:g) p.cr{d F ctoFbdp

above them. Crispi, a man of action and reflection, who as one Russian people's soul presented to in words the spirituality of
:n r ;; ; :

of the Ten Thousand had himself shared in the fighting, tried his them by the
vernacular tongue. Likewise composers drew from richness of the
x

best to calm the movement, but it was in vain. The nation could the fountain of
B

popular songs, and in stage plays an original

bo

with the great words, and the heroic age force also revealed
not appease its hunger itself. In spite of all this, the Russians before
iT

was followed by the age of the catchphrase when people listened

srIr;iiIi

were not yet a full nation. the World War

-i,rffig;

course, The thoroughly nationalized upper

to the intoxicating words of a Gabriele d'Annuncio. Of by luck
p.HFr,-o

class, which swept along public opinion

it was also a matter of finally having become spoiled
words, sioned, nationally oriented policies, wasinbarely
the spirit of impas¬
after the long period of an unfriendly fate. Cavour's fill the higher and lower positions of leadership large enough to
r-r-{ i:.O crcr

r; -- :E t ;;

the
"Italia fara da se ," had not fully become true. Althoughthem, ment and the army. Taking everything into close in the govern¬
t

Piedmont soldier and civil servant, and many others besides must say that the World War, for Russia a warconsideration we
s
(/'.J o.'g(,D0) 0) !.'...

had faithfully done their duty, the final success was still imperialistic objectives, was with ambitious
,:m o C oar__,F

was
$lfi

always due to foreign assistance which Italian statecraft but a thoroughly nationalisticneither a dynastic nor a national,
i; i:;s;
;'*

French at Magenta and war, governed by the nationalism

able to marshall. Lombardy was won by the
— — °f Russian society but
their heart in it. It iswithout
=c*;:s

in spite of Custozza and Lissa by the the mass of the people having
Solferino, Venice
Prussians at Koniggratz. Victory in the World War also was not
true that its announcement in the big
!H

°ities was greeted by the masses with

ciy.iD.,.

's:-

decided by Italian victorious strength, and this is why national one may enthusiasm, and the millions of inducted tempestuous eruptions of
rightly say of Italian nationalism that it exceeds lngly to the Tzar's orders, but all the soldiers submitted will-
gE

;;

strength. In its chauvinistic overacting it seized property

of same, the pervasive

294 295
 imperious ways of the master. A full nation state at home,
national conviction needed to bring thewas war to a successful end

iilil
England abroad became a national ruling state

;gi;[ilffigiIlffif I
corps the clamp holding the governing hundreds
was lacking. The active officer was used up in the bat¬
of millions of foreign subjects who were denied
national self-
army together, and as soon as this corps apart, for the rank and
determination. It was claimed that this was done for
tlefield the army couldn't help falling of the subjected peoples who didn't have the strengththe welfare
were not tied to the flag by a national determination and for whom English rule for self-
file of the soldiers demands was
incentive, and for them the war with its immense ation from rules by brute force to which was said to mean liber¬
they had been subjected
troops which remained

lflililgiiiililiiilffi
therefore a senseless sacrifice. Those before and would have remained so if they had
leaders and became been allowed to
together fell into the hands of the Bolshevist state. While this continue. However that may be, it must be admitted
that in the
the weapon with which to demolish the Tzarist case of these peoples it was not possible for the national
peace, peace was not yet granted to idea
happened under the slogan of to become violated by English or by any other
the Russian populace. The new rulers first and then they them¬
had to ward off the none of these peoples had matured to the statusEuropean rule, for
of a nation. I.
counter-revolutions of the Tzarist generals, is no hypocritical double game for England to It

__
the realm in its have national self-
selves took the offensive in order to restore worldwide communist determination at home and to be the commanding master
old dimensions and, if possible, to initiate Its status as a national dominion state is the logical abroad.
Though successful in defense, they were still too weak for tation of the distribution of power over the manifes-
rule. kept the peace. world. This state
attack , and consequently they have since then mystery of the is not nationalisitic in the bad sense, for
For how long? It isn't so easy to unravel the
that Russia's
so far has not suppressed national strength English imperialism
Russian sphinx. The one and only certain thing is will come, perhaps it is not even very distant, perhaps the time
still in a state
,lA**[igf

strength is too immense and too much of power shifts. when the balance
collected in the long run.
of ferment to restrain its expansionary drive internal unrest the
Since the Bolshevist experiment augments the and perhaps it will French imperialism is lacking the ethnic base of the
English
expansionary impulse must also be heightened,
— unless the new system breaks down before
shevist imperialism, which moreover
of the nationalist traditions.
knows how to
erupt in a Bol¬
take advantage — variety; France doesn't produce a population surplus for the task
of colonization. Its imperialism is militarily
structured and
still has its ultimate goals in nearby Europe, goals
implemented only by military power. which can be
British Isles
;trs: n r,FEEsstrii[;;_

The English are the born imperialists. The the German imperialism has bloomed late but has developed all
l;lillii llililii1il[|iiili

of Angles and
allured the seafaring Vikings, and the vitality unprece¬ the more rapidly because the young German
the Saxons, of the Danes and the Normans, added up to an
this not a few of the prerequisites which haveEmpire was endowed with
dented stock of ethnic vigor. In its insular isolation
to world rule, although it has lacked, to itsqualified England for
a relatively short time so as great disadvantage,
pent-up energy was organized in the latter's world experience. The rapid rise
generate firm political and then also national unity. The
plans of
tition in the world markets was observed by the of German compe¬
old imperialistic
English learned comparatively early to relinquish futile possessions
powers with, understandably enough,
anxious jealousy.
dominion on the Continent, and even the continental German imperialism was more power-mad than the English, Whether
of their Hanoverian kings did not tempt thempolicies to expand these and Russian varieties is a question French,
necessary
holdings. They deemed their grand continental
European power which attention at this point. The dictated which need not occupy our
peace lopped the drive of
in order to squelch the rise of a dominant German imperialism insofar as the victors'
them. Since their main objectives at it. Might it not be capable of renewed knife was able to get
might have posed a threat for serving the
lay outside of Europe, the European wars were seen asin their way suckers? growth from its root
useful purpose of hitting those powers who stood
overseas. Whereas their continental allies and adversaries The United States of
became entangled in exhausting wars over aboundless few miles which own domestic affairs to be America are still too absorbed by their
able to spare the requisite numbers of
changed hands, they were interested in the
overseas people for the task of imperialism, but
Er:iHs;;Iin;;r113;

territories for whose acquisition in the accompanying colonial they already do have
available the capital needed to gain economic
wars they created the prerequisite vitality through their destruction of world domination.
Their leading bankers have already begun to control
the rival fleets. The overflowing at home supplied them states and economies in the capitalist sense. the European
their world domi¬
s; H rs$ IE r€ r iaif

with everything needed for the expansion of

shipowner, the shipbuilder, any kind of
nance: the mariner, the civil The Japanese have their imperialist sphere of
entrepreneur needed at home or abroad, the officer, the and the
East interest in
Asia, and perhaps they are called upon to rally
servant and the colonist, the merchandise for export, strength against Europe. Asiatic
entrepreneurial spirit even created from
capital. The English
private means the trading company which subjugated and governed The national imperialism of
spacious India until the government took the country over from Measured by the standard applicabletheto present time must not be
I

contributing its share in mili¬ of one of the old world conquerors. the personal imperialism
it. The state never was slow in
having the What comes closest to it in
tary and political services, the English proconsuls demanded by
il

ancient history is Roman imperialism, which was grounded

strong hand, the enlightened eye, and the calm wisdom freedom at nature of the Roman people just as the modern variety in the
lilli

the empire. English imperialism favored national as the nature of the modern nations. This is why the is grounded
home, it allowed free play to the nations on the Continent °f a Caesar was imperialism
incomparably more effective than that of an
long as they minded its circles, and vis-a-vis the half-civilized with the
Alexander or Tamerlane, its accomplishments thus being able to
and uncivilized peoples it behaved as a conqueror and

296 297
continue after Caesar himself had been killed byunlike
__
the daggers of XVIII. The Modern Organs of Power

s;rsrqritHH
3iH;;1HE i;
qtebg;};q'rggq ail fi[a;; is[ir;:u*
g I,F;: g i

Ira;i;i";-[l;s;e ; i *r;ll;*;[;;r*
og ''
{A:€}n3a ig:r3Egq*F.*il'r*i
modern imperialism, the Roman
the conspirators. Because must wear
kind, is not merely supported by a master race which A. The Modern Organs of Freedom
itself out but by full nations which renew themselves from

^
within, it must be still considerably more productive and endur¬
imperial¬ 1. About Individualistic and Organic Sociology
ing. But will not the foreign peoples, which European
C
ism now holds in subjection, gain strength from
European culture
number of The modern freedom movement has a dual objective: it
for counterthrusts endangering, through the sheer demands self-determination for the people and for the individ¬
:

unhappy people, its continued existence? And will no.t European

ual. The two demands are most intimately connected, and for both
[n 3r E0 qe]siE
itself internally because it is sup¬
imperialism have to exhaust War was the same arguments are offered. What force should better know
ported by a series of nations side by side? The World
Dr,; sll

*gl
the first great collision of the imperialistic powers which
not offer
its objectives and its resources than the force dwelling within
the people and within the individual? Which should be capable of

ilffiBilfgi3[$li fill
forced almost all other peoples, inasmuch as they did
generating greater energy than the one motivated by its own wel¬
help of their own accord, into their service. Will not further
s;
fare here of the people, there of the individual? And under
and more disastrous collisions have to follow? what circumstances should the innate energy of a people and of
the individual be able to unfold more fully than when it is free
*[egi

tlq'i'
Nationalism and imperialism are a natural result of the
o * t Pci

like every from all the constraints of alien force? The individualistic
youthful ecstasy of the national movement which, for its school in economics went on to add to these simple ideas certain
strong power movement, follows an inner law of striving energies ema¬ observations which give it its special scientific charm and
highest potential. To be able to control the huge
worth, notwithstanding the notable mistakes which were committed
nating from the millions in the nationally excited multitude
Hax5. rIE

school in the very process. These observations provide deep insight

Requires the severest kind of historical training in thefor into the nexi of economic society and thus at the same time into
3

the time being even the developed nations the

of life. For the use of their the societal interplay of forces altogether. Classical economics
most part have not yet attained full maturity inwithin
ggir,i;*

the people attempts to demonstrate that egotism does not separate economiz¬
organs of liberty. The cycle of development
o
rgr5*43

rise toward freedom has for the ing individuals but rather keeps them together, because everybody
and the state in its irresistible is so mingled with the collective that his egotism will drive him
or dissolve historical leaderships
most part managed to weaken
q;;Ps_*

to spend his energies in such a way as to produce socially opti¬

i

without substituting for them equally strong free and constitu¬

everywhere a mal results. Under any but the most primitive conditions every¬
tional leaderships. For this reason there is almost body fares best if, instead of producing for himself in solitary
i 'F

lack of safe leadership capable of protecting the ship of state calm manner, he participates in the division of labor of an exchange
from threatening collision and of guiding it back to the community. Since in such a community under appropriate condi-
f;

harbor after the shocks which the latter had to cause.

A)

tions the total product will be much larger than could be the sum
of the products of all individuals producing in economic isola¬
tion, the share to be allocated to an individual member must be
much greater than could be his output when produced in isola¬
tion. The consequence is that egotism is socially deflected,
with every producer laboring to meet a foreign demand and to
obtain a revenue in the market which he then converts into the
goods demanded by himself. But under the pressure of free com¬
petition all producers are compelled to raise their productive
contribution to a maximum while having to content themselves with
minimum profits. Thus under a regime of economic freedom all
members of society are under such pressure to serve society as a
whole that they cannot help contributing to its economic opti¬
mum. Shouldn't these observations concerning the teachings of
economic freedom also be applicable to social freedom in gen¬
eral? Isn’t it true that, like the economic forces, all other
social forces as well are called upon to perform optimally if
they are exposed to the struggle for existence and if the general
public is permitted to decide upon whom to bestow the prize of
victory? If that is so, there would be left for the state to do
°nly that which cannot be accomplished by spontaneous cooperation
among the citizens yet calls for the concentrated application of
the united strength. But will not liberty perform its social
function in public affairs as well? Will in the free state with
universal suffrage elections not have to raise to the status of
representatives and agents of the people those whom the majority

298 299
 oi me loxxowing social stage only to show up the defects
critics
deems to be the best from among the populace? Aren't the repre-

ctrJ x 0i m ct

FrJ
wpich adhered to the doctrine of liberty.

lP'<p.s H-.(r 5 ct

g3
Ctts.crcrcrO (, O

- -o5 o
o
ItssUH'g;-urq O

|HFrHqisA
Cl

B',s'
5(D
ts.XcrO

dcrg
sentatives and agents of the people, realizing their dependence

F'c
t:

or
lG+. 0) 5 0)
O ll
!

ll-gp: ohH)q)
on the voters' favor, called upon to apply their best efforts to

19r.O ctr <

k At first it was largely proved true by success. The new

Its'O.oO r:O
<55555(D(D
And thus, like economic supply, haven't

l:'E o:r-
i the general interest? territory which society entered into after the protective guild

iB'.;ET
_

lI-g;'
the political representatives also been harnessed for service to

lot.o.r':i
'ci.'6
Px

B IJ
w and intellectual barriers had fallen opened up in such vast
. caooo
i the masses? In this manner of thinking, according to the teach- dimensions as to exceed the boldest expectations, and not only
SHrcrr3 |l.q Fli.P.{

ings of individualism. the economic optimum of liberty is joined

hr^
lcrca
i
by the political-social optimum as well.
overseas but in old Europe as well a new world opened. Even

l_r-

li.-
f today its potential is still far from having been exhausted,

lo
lu
I
u although the present already encounters fairly substantial obsta¬
As for the generations preceding the period of Enlightenment1

3- *6 H g
i: iil xB rF** Tg*t cles and advances at a more leisurely pace. What's visible of

e:i,-;.[}sgi:;
9'1-^a9d-;.,.1 ?1;
ls:5[:fis[=1,r1

ilE'I issB'qiss"[[-tH
,IB".Ti'*3H85
and of the Revolutions, the generations during the period of

^'rg-95';
the new territory has already been occupied, by and large, and
5 5 O 5 cro.O 5 O P.P.O.

P
$83338833$6'"

t princely supremacy, the teachings of individual freedom would in its more intensive use cannot succeed as rapidly as did the tak¬
3 5

f vain have hoped for the applause by the masses, who were under ing possession of it. By and by, accumulated experience has
h the spell of princely and ecclesiastical authority. Science shown that "let do, let pass" is not enough in itself. The vio¬
idqiE,.;:.9!
cannot dictate to life the moving ideas any more than it can
0t

a lence of the first eruption of freedom for the masses was already
cr5

dictate to nature the moving forces; it must draw out these ideas frightening. Later evidence suggested that the new territory did

i,.:;H 5'3F,.=
and forces through observation. But whereas observation of not remain free territory, but that, as in the preceding period
y nature is ever confronted with the same interplay of forces and
C

s can identify a certain development only in retrospect, social

-9" $3 of despotic rule, oppressive forces were gaining strength which
gave to the few control over the many. Where democracies gained
observation in the case of all vigorous peoples finds itself
o
h a foothold it was shown that not a few of these, in pitiable
(, o o

n directly confronted with the development which is kept in sus¬ weakness, brought to naught the aspirations for freedom. Now
r pense by the law of the circulation of power. From one period to freedom was seen in its true guise, and it was realized that the
o the next the social tasks to be performed change in distinct idealizing assumption on which the doctrine had based the system
O O P.'3 O O

B
!tr4rPcr€EpoBO.ll5O<

m steps, and scientific explanation therefore has to identify from

o'

of freedom was not quite corroborated by the world of reality.

H.crF! O ct

I.s r $ ' o 9sP 9

"J< ts'o (/)

T= cro ca
aB -$B
cf Pioro o

ct 5 O P.IJ

o= :' 6€ (/) t-'n o:'

P'P'

period to period a change in the moving ideas. Is it then sur¬

5"

o One began to doubt and to criticize, and before one realized it

!t PoH' E 3I.8

a prising that social science is not able to perform its explan¬ the slogan of freedom was dropped by the extremist factions to
ct H'
*.56
P xlY
d@

+tn

m atory task with the lofty absence of bias of the natural scien¬ the right and to the left, and dictatorship was proclaimed.
oY c.u <O Ar

Could it measure up to its task if it were completely

5 B

w tist?
detached from the new ideas which it has to proclaim? The social
r

t The first point of attack of the critics was the "individ¬

op) 3P X
ts 0) O P'cr
(2 o do.
HJ P. 5< 5(D

o Fo

(r{ \Jx;-3
ts.P 'X

thinker would not have for the unfinished new things the keen
SOcr

1 ualism" of the doctrine of liberty, or

*:o
^x 96

6o oooo

@tr<
crts 5u5p)

as one put it more

f eyes which he needs unless he were able with his inner eyes td strongly still its "atomism." It was said to have only the
orr'4
EP.

rn@ o*

h share in experiencing these things. The great social thinked single individual in its purview and thus not to give society its
will always have something of the prophet in him in that, ahead due, an accusation which, although made from so many quarters,
g)
c? Ai
Og
5.2
o OO
o{

of the others, he sees the dawn of a future whose arrival he will certainly is not justified in such broad sweep. The doctrine of
try to accelerate and whose splendor he will strive to augment. freedom also wants to give the state its due, it demands
H

{
ci

o
o
!0
d
at
5

ance of the bounds set by law and morality. It is only observ¬

within
Thus the scientific evangelists of social freedom have typ¬ these bounds that it accords freedom of movement to the individ¬
X *rv o cflo Cr
{oap.
Cr
o(,

free-J
lo K1p
<€

ically led the way. They didn't have to invent the idea of
0)

ual, although in doing so it believes to be able to show that the

o
H
p)

. they discovered it in life when it was in the process ofl excesses of individual egotism as a rule are cut short by univer¬
e'
ct
fDP H.O.'D O o cf r.lo o

3 ^ i[ r.o *l cr H'lo
;.Pq 5
P oF: o.{ P.O o< ro 5 iJ o colo E

*{ 3€r+* oloolo
<
50 O O,H' <t xl5 <

o 0)15
ctlE o

o Dt^

or 5l<

. 5lo
l': -

emerging , and in anticipatory fashion they then developed it tq sal competition. It could be accused of having set the bounds of
oOOOcr 6"1 F.lF'
*t "trF

of)
o-

*o

During the period of Enlightenment and

gro;X5o c0 cr

its finished state. individual freedom of movement too generously, and if one exam¬
the Revolutions scientific and economic tasks encountered neW
l
I
;l
ol

H.t
*5 a n 5 Hl

ines closely the experiences made in those instances where the

vl
^l

conditions; there were new great thoughts to be conceived and doctrine became pervasive in legislation and administration,
P- o 5 o

<n
o0r d0J o

finds indeed that in these instances it has done great harm. one
O O, cr"

carried out which could not be conceived nor carried out in thq
=

But
i

"Let do, let pass" was the slogan of the the ultimate reason for having failed to set the bounds
x,

absence of freedom.
P.O

day, coined by one of the active entrepreneurs of the time. The is not that one attempted to tear the individual loose correctly
crO .uo d.o'
r'o

55

from his
idea of freedom hardly required proof as far as the aroused pub-j social setting.
us

Instead, it lies in the fact that one wasn't

lie opinion was concerned, the latter accepting it almost like ari quite able to formulate the kind of relationship
6(D

between individ¬
5o

axiom. But then one had to cope with the resistance of the old
5 5 (D H'0) UO 5D) tDO xH'

ual and society which one demanded, simply because one still fell
powers and had to demolish the barrier of ideas which the latteij short of having a full-fledged sociology. The doctrine of indi¬
5O,
p)
o

opJ
;cr oo.

'-a oo
5(,
o-I

had erected around them for their defense. The doctrine eagerly
p)

vidualism in its comments about the division of labor, team work

o

participated in the assault against the bastions of the old powd and competition contributed many suggestive building blocks to
cf

3 o

^(A
^.
-'I P cro :'l ^0,
P.O OE

ers and discharged the critical portion of its task with flying
@ 5(J

the science of sociology, but how much more was still missing to
cf
o@

colors' the refutation of the mercantile system by Adam Smitn complete the structure! Incidentally, the critics of individ¬
v/ O +cro Fao
9r
o o :' x n'O

In its constructive
ilxs "cr
o5

is a scientific feat of the first order.

-5

ualism were not much more successful in this than were its expo¬
+<O 'l
55 @

task the doctrine didn't proceed with equal care. Here it could nents themselves, nay, if one considers everything carefully, one
3--

6 5'*P!'
H cr "'-' o
o -'dj 5
ca

lighten its task, here it had its adherents as readers and lis-j must say that they were even a great deal less successful. What
; ' oor
F!
H.OcrFcf

^. r;;H.

teners, and its teachings given the favor which liberty Mas gained by pitting against the individualistic
0qa.5@

—
v_(n*

could be sure of the approval of the lead- view of society

the "organic" one? What insight is gained concerning
;<O.'

enjoyed in society
E.;

H<
P.

It was reserved for th« the bounds

ing minds as well as of the masses.
.^

301
300
 o bixc uaour-e oi tne steering
an organism wnicn CLU
mechanism of a machine before he
of freedom and constraint by viewing societyofas the

o<lY o P.<
r *
(r 5 -.Sl'-eE.i

q'E q "-H% E

{
E53s^ii9
ff;xl-$i"',

ol*
understands how it runs.

'
+**Q|'3^6
May the social thinker proceed dif¬

xKlC P H.5
Hr{ d H.lct0) tsO

F3B3.lrE".3
body? As was

E:H;lir;;;F;;:'iigiIx€iistlal-;:li#sEq':;Isxll:t iq;i ^'"X=o^.u9

[ffi;::iiiirlir[$;;;;[;*;'s:mr*;r ;,Fi B'-'lA3:

u ii o'
the limbs

ii "15 ol= o P
links individuals together like

!\'
organism lacks prec isely ferently, may he make a decision about the proportion of freedom

5:.-.8
already shown in an earlier context, theunderstanding
lp5!J

J.='-uTt-.9r
P
and constraint before he is clear about how social action really

Po5.].'-
Op;<P^
of society:

ts.e

-^ 5;
that feature which matters most for an sphere of independence, takes place?
in society, the members enjoy a certain

)-X
o P..
of the parts
whereas in an organism there is no independence
+<{l+!!.h

The theory of mass psychology was a great step foward in the

*r"
the bounds
whatsoever. The doctrine of freedom set too far outand thereby
50ro

{P' o
'" 6 understanding of social action because it showed us that action
freedom of movement

,"5
of individual

7
for the sphere

I
in the mass comes to pass differently from personal action. It

:
a
undoubtedly committed a blunder; organic sociology commits
^

riiti

llgl
Ii:f is not a foregone conclusion that a multitude of intelligent
altogether. If the
graver blunder by neglecting this sphere
one, the members will act intelligently en masse, and Le Bon even thinks that men
notion of an organism were really an appropriate of movement. will not act intelligently. The theory of mass psychology, how¬ it
of society would be entirely deprived of freedom ever, as we have explained elsewhere, by no means exhausts the
topic of social action. It has enormously much to tell
of the doc¬
The strongest statement made so far by critics freedom about the
HFPfqrirlt;;
r]*[

[
the right to with action of a leaderless or weakly led multitude, presenting many
trine of liberty is that it confounds

Hiil1
of society do not become fertile ideas, but it precisely leaves that case out of consider¬
the fact of freedom. The weak members ation which is, of course, the normal one, namely, action on the
actually free merely by being declared free in a legal sense.harm
On
redounds to their part of a firmly led multitude. The ingenious men who
the contrary, being declared legally free the theory of mass psychology have fixed their attention present
s;er*;A

if such declaration removes the barriers which so far had pre¬ almost
exclusively on the phenomena of the turbulent and pathological
vented the strong from abusing their strength to the detriment of life of the masses which afflicts modern society, and
the weak. During the period of liberal economic legislation they have
observed its symptoms with the unfailing eye of the physician.
countless experiences were collected about this: the weak among
creditors, the weak But if the doctor is to be serviceable at the sick bed, doesn't
to usurious
iilililil
the debtors were turned over he first have to be informed about the healthy body?
among the proletariat were at the mercy of exploitative
manufac-
turers, the weak among the savers fell liberalism, prey to the schemes of
sAEff:i

England, was When at the beginning of this book we examined the

promoters. The motherland of economic form of social action, we assumed a healthy development, basic
;ti*a*l;q

pass protective factory leg-

the first country which resolved to
imitated, and reader will remember that we believed to have identified and the
islation, which was a great blessing, was generally basic form of social action the walking ahead of the leader as the
in the course of time was increasingly protect perfected. Certainly , the following by the masses. By showing how the and
done yet in order to the masses from power is based on successful social action, weaccumulation of
much remains to be
g,r:

castles of the explain social action as determined by power, and were able to
iiliii'ii

exploitation by the "strong" and to demolish the

subject the
robber barons who on the public highways of commerce baron does in the process
IfrHFils

we incidentally traced even the so-called purely personal

passing multitude to their tolls. The modern robber to the participation of influences of power. We now action
not openly flaunt his weapons, rather he uses by various forms of undertake the decisive test of the correctness and accuracyhave to
disguise and knows how to protect his positionstanding appeals to the that description of ours by examining whether it can provide of
HErqlgiisifiE i*s''qrs;x'ib6€

name of freedom, with the submissive public in awe of with the suitable standard for the relationship between us
One must not deny that at this point sociology freedom
this great word. there is no and constraint in society.
hasn't quite met its scientific task yet. Certainly,
lilll[il

freedom,
lack of courageous and eloquent critics of this pseudo eulogists
but all the same there also still are the defenders and 2‘ Despotic and Free Leadership, Constrained and Free Following
One
who allow themselves to be beguiled by outward appearances.
;:ryr
H[;u#;

the level
knows very well that the weak person must not determine By the success of his taking
of social aspirations and that society needs demands, the strong person, power over the masses, and this power the lead, the leader gains
but one does not know where between the two to protect of his increases further if
his success holds and if after the first
line understanding followers
the weak and to allow room to the strong, to draw the mental he is also able to win over the
of demarcation. that in successful social action masses. Inevitable though it is
this in itself does not necessitate bymasses
the
[?r-ir

cling to the leader,

liliil

freedom and mission of the masses to the leader. any means the unfree sub¬
i;;;riqait**i;

In order to strike the happy medium between

;['

one would need, of course, a well developed sociology) potic leadership are the Only in the case of des-
constraint
which neither the doctrine of individual freedom nor the organic
suffice
here are they constrained masses deprived of their freedom, only
to follow a leader who is master in his
theory quite offers. Nor does the widely held formula own right. But at all times,
mature soci¬ there have been numerous cases even those of most cruel harshness,
:r t*l;il;;:

which says that full freedom works only for a truly only for the of spontaneous following, and even
ety, just as it is not suitable for every child but tn the cases of constrained following
can-
sFgS[;f=:

truth which, however, at the completion of the

matured man. This is an unassailable historical circulation of power the masses
;IF llu*s
iFril*i'

not offer the desired enlightenment as long as it is not known win their freedom by
virtue of the fact that the selection and control
how to interpret social maturity. Neither the individualistic upon them.
of the leader
nor the organic doctrine tells us anything about
of the
what it means to
two theories, of yielding to the leader The proud Roman populace was strong by
in free following, and every great people
be mature for social action, as neither ust do the
course, tells us anything about whereof the peculiar nature of We so often same at all times. In the course of our discussion
No engineer will want to make a judgment had to touch on these matters that now it only
social action consists.

302 303
remains for us to summarize the upshot in a rew woras. 50C ia-L although this completely dissimulates the participating

El'lllIlilllilllliliIlliiillliiI
separated into special and collective under- f orces. social
achievements may be
collective undertakings the general
tak ings. In the case of
following by the
effect is at stake, and thus the constrainedundertakings
masses is called for. In the case of special success fundamen-
which the doctrine of individualism applies
tally concerns the acting individual alone, while the
— —
there is no
to
Free leadership corresponds to free following. Although the
leader of special undertakings may possess a maximum of personal
authority, as does the teacher in school or the soul leader
life, his leadership is nevertheless mere leadership through in
compelling interest on the part of the collective inNevertheless individ- success , not leadership in his own right, and if he is the true
undertaking the action and winning success. , soul leader, he wouldn't have it any other way
ual's
even special undertakings are not purely a private matter, for the following of those who are not attached to than doing without
him from an inner¬
outside the social context they either cannotnegligible be carried out at most desire. The most common form of leadership in special
all or else can be accomplished only with success. undertakings is anonymous leadership by individuals who
Since the beginnings of more substantial development they have, pletely de-emphasize their personalities in society at large com¬
groups and
therefore, always been performed within the wider social the others
whose achievements are finally compressed to anonymous powers
and in cooperation with others. One wants to go with which apparently are without subject, having their
principal
and seeks the leader, at least in order to have a standard worthy manifestation in the fact that the masses gradually
also under the influence of social trained for nearly automatic compliance, which can hardly become
of imitation. Thus one is
be
powers, although the latter do not operate as external constrain¬ viewed as following any more.
ing powers of strict order and harsh sanction but exert only
moral influence and leave free choice to the will, though, on the As already mentioned, all collective undertakings
other hand, they can't be escaped easily. The multitude follows constrained following because otherwise the general effect demand
the general road fairly closely, and only the
strong individual not be achieved. To be sure, one must not overlook thatcould the
finds somewhat freer scope for very personal decisions. For all following by the human will is in the most rigorous sense
finds everywhere special undertakings wherever constrained. Whatever may be the facts of the case concerningnever
that, one still society
the decision to follow is up to the individual, for here free will, man does not bow to the most oppressive
offers to the individual in the first place opportunities
for cion with the mechanical precision of a machine, kind of coer¬
and when he
action, and which of these are to materialize depends obeys an order there is still room left for a personal
successful touch, on
on his decision to follow. For the conceptual distinction which it depends with what effect the order is carried out.
between collective and special undertakings we mustformer therefore in
the final analysis depend on the fact that for the follow- As far as leadership is concerned, during the time when the
whereas for the, latter it is free. masses still oppose collective undertakings, despotic
in£. is constrained is called for. As the masses little by little turn to leadership
Even the doings of school children who have not yet matured undertakings, despotic leadership in the course of collective
I,

are special undertakings although they historical change of

to a will of their own circulation is gradually being replaced by
a common hour, under the guidance and
occur in a common room, at cooperative-liberal leadership, where the masses
select the
discipline of a common teacher in accordance with a general plan
— leader or take a decisive part in his selection and, in addition,
liilliIrliilrti

and
— not to be forgotten
tion and of comradely feelings.
under the social force of competi¬
They are special undertakings
because their success, after all, concerns each particular child
crucial
control his activities.
It is of particular importance to recognize
height of despotic leadership the leading stratum that at the
for himself and because they ultimately depend to a one only has control
extent on his effort toward following. For comparison over the masses not only in respect of those tasks which
needs to realize with what means of extreme constraint military nature of things are collective undertakings, but that itin also
the
training operates, which for the sake of the necessary joint forces its way into the sphere of special enterprises, divesting
effect keeps every individual soldier in rank and file. Economic them of their self-determination in to appropriate to
achievements are almost entirely the result of special under¬
strong
itself, more or less, their success. Itorder
subjugates the worker as
takings, although they are accomplished through very such, or at least it appropriates his means of production
under
social interaction, such as through imitation, rivalry, exchange any legal pretext or with actual power in order to
enrich itself
and other transactions, trade and other associations, unions by the fruits of his labor. The freedom
sticking together, as well as other social concatenations, and to have twin objectives: in the sphere ofmovement therefore had
it had to bring out the free following, tospecial undertakings
lEipili

finally also the legal and ethical commands and prohibitions.

They are special undertakings because their success still con- above all, to guarantee personal freedom; andwhich end it had,
in the sphere of
cerns the particular acting individual by himself and because collective enterprises it had to bring out the free leadership.
success ultimately depends to a crucial extent onundertakings his effort
toward following. They are all the more special To achieve this twofold goal required stern historical edu-
where the individual rises to the independence of the anonymous to
cation. Historically, the masses through coercion had to be
or the publicly prominent leader and gives the masses a model the trained for participation in social collective undertakings which
its way, even from the start were alien to them. They had to
iiiii

follow. Once religious tolerance has made

religious behavior, though subject to ever so strong social by
forces, is a special undertaking because it is accomplished
spontaneous following. It is a private matter, to use this term,
themselves to following if they were to get rid oflearn to commit
despotic coer¬
cion. Besides, in their special undertakings they had to
be
trained for active following, thus bringing forth from within the

304 305
 liberation fell short of expectations and that the battle rang
forces supporting resistance against the abuses of despotic lead¬

iilillillll:Ig[lIli I lgg;;*E,fis T;l;iil'lruIi[I lii:iilllitii

'u-;lrFii:l[;;;i*l* *-;*a"*:u; ;E:ifiilel:f;iili!l'i;iiiEli
iilIlEii[' ffiffiii;[iliilF[llii;iriillill
ership and needed to gain through fighting liberal leadership.
The despotic leader through historical education had to be trans¬
formed into a liberal leader, and as such he had to comprehend
all true social objectives, dropping all those which would only
serve his lust for power, his ambition, or perhaps even his deca¬
dent pleasure seeking. He had to learn to let all social forces
operate as means to the end, not only those which he can high¬
handedly control. The liberal leader is able to perform the
social leadership function in the highest sense; he does not
compromise himself by renouncing his own despotic rights. Who is
to judge the great soul leader? He is accountable toÿ himself for
where he draws the boundaries of human affairs, and in doing so,
without being appointed or restricted, he always still remains a
liberal leader because he positively aims at free following. In
performing tasks involving external power it is particularly
difficult to resist the temptations of power greed in its thou¬
sand manifestations and to assign to oneself the barriers not be
surmounted . Napoleon didn't manage it; Alexander even vis-a-vis
his friends allowed himself to be driven to criminal insolence;
perhaps Julius Caesar came closer to observing the command of
self-limitation than did any of the world's too powerful. Pre-
sumably the masses must have matured to a strong love of liberty
to be able to counterbalance the will to power which the leading
superman brings with him. Where leader and masses thus meet at
high levels of strength, the highest leadership accomplishments
and the highest accomplishments of the masses occur simultane-
ously, as can be seen, for example, in the history of Athens
under Pericles.
It is erroneous to believe that the unbridled will to power
exhausts the highest potentials of a personage; what makes more
happy than it is the will to strength, which discards the all-
too-human accompaniments of lust for power and ambition and is
completely satisfied with letting flow ' into the channels of
social success the energy which raises the personality to the
highest pitch. He who abandons himself completely to the self-
will of strength, which obeys its own inner law, enjoys the full¬
est personal happiness if it is given to him to find social
approval as well for his accomplishments.
The modern heralds of freedom have committed the grave error
lgg;grr;lllerliiiilli,
back and forth with a view to determining the measure of freed
which actual conditions justified. Especially where the declar
tion of freedom was prompted more by the example given by t
advanced nations than by one's own strength, its hasty proclam
tion had to run into flat contradiction by facts, and despot
leadership in some form or other had to be reinstituted in ord
to complete the historical education of the peoples capable
development and in the case of other peoples in order to esta
lish permanently the legal system demanded by the circumstances
At the present time economi c undertakings have confront'
leaders as well as masses with enlarged tasks which both catapu
a new ruling stratum into prominence and augment the power
resistance of the masses.
This explains the exacerbation «
social conflicts which may be observed everywhere with cultu
peoples. The historical education to internal freedom, which
respect to the political tasks already appeared to have be-
almost completed, had to be started anew for the economic task;
for the relevant things which had been learned here for t]
crafts and peasant ownership turned out to be insufficient f<
the huge dimensions of large-scale enterprises. Subsequently
the political power relations also shifted on account of the ri:
of the big capitalists and of the worker proletariat, and const
quently political education also had to be started anew. Wh<
the heralds of freedom devised their doctrines during the 1 8 1
century, they were not yet confronted with these conditions <
bigness , and their designs of the law of freedom, which alrea(
were not enough for their time, had to fail completely in
social environment of new, colossal dimensions. In practice, t\
self-will of strength and the still more passionate will to pow<
learned very quickly how to adapt to the new circumstances, ai
on the part of the leaders as well as the masses organs of free
dom were shaped in battle in order to take advantage of the m
opportunities and to counter the increased opposition offered \
the other side. Theory so far has hardly done justice to the m
f ormations. Socialist doctrine exaggerates the outrages of tl
despotic configurations, while the bourgeois doctrine exaggerate
the danger posed by the masses, and both doctrines in their pre
sentations use the term freedom , still working its magic, in
too superficial sense.

of not recognizing that man is in need of the harsh school of

We will now try to describe and evaluate the organs of free
_dom which have been developed, or are about to be developed, j
history if he is to mature to freedom and that the rod of force
modern mass life. In doing so it will be found that we will t
could not be absent in historical education. They regarded the able to give the idea of social maturity a more definite conter
strength to freedom as the natural state of man and force as an than we have been able to do so far. Given the dimensions c
evil historical spectre, which they believed to be able to banish modern life, leaders and masses achieve maturity for freedom onl
merely by proclaiming the law of freedom. But their call to
when they possess these specific organs of freedom. Each par
freedom had a definitive effect only where the leaders had gained develops them for itself as organs of its own power. The part
the inner freedom necessary to lead the way without succumbing to which develops them ahead of the other poses for it the threat c
the temptations of power and where the masses had gained the superiority, but social health demands an equilibrium of thes
inner freedom to follow actively and with a searching mind. Only reciprocal developments.
where historical education had called forth this strength for.
freedom was it possible to declare the right of freedom with full
effectiveness , for in those cases external freedom was the self- 3• The Free Leadership Organs and the Free Mass Organs
evident expression of internal freedom. Where leaders and masses
were only on the way to acquiring this strength, and especially When the princes were about to make permanent the absolut
where the process of educating the long oppressed lower strata of rule which they had won they trained the army and the civil ser
the population had just been completed, or even had to be started vant class to become reliable leadership organs of dominance. A
yet, it couldn't be helped that the success of external

306 307
 wars the power struggle, the most obvious example of which are the
as it was necessary to conscript vassals to conduct the labor

lilfili
ifii:;ii;st[]liii;rssili:i*;saH;;ifi;;l filEilIiilgirl'tiir;i
unions.

[i:iriEi1lliiiiiilli]
long
8:EsEE',
ts'l
was dependent on the great vassals. Whereas in case
prince could become a threat to him,
of enlisted troops the condottiere It is not possible to obtain clarity of thinking about the
in that of the standing army the soldiers were
tied by compulsory
social conditions of our time if one neglects to address oneself
military service, and the prince made sure to have the officers
F

among the circles with to these modern leadership organs and mass organs which
as his partisans by selecting them from a result of the freedom movement. In daily life theyhave been
:.!"

to the state, their class interest coinciding object of zealous endeavors and frequent discussion, and are the

I[iliili
greatest loyalty
do

with his power interest. As long as the patrimonial system was most of
and administra¬ them have been frequently dealt with in scientific writings
in force, the prince in matters of jurisdiction well. But what is still missing is a general treatment examining as
qlE

tion had to give a say to the landowners and city governments,

their common features. We wish to start with this general view
P'o'do

appointed by him had to obey his directives,

but the bureaucrats interest before turning to the particular forms. However, we had better
and, as was true for the officer class, their class
Ffi 5'AH

churches had also present this general view by focusing on a particular

coincided with his power interest. The Protestant church he
form
which allows us to identify the common feature with special clar¬
in the prince their sovereign, and with the Catholicsafeguarded

'3[;ilI
arrangement which ity. We refer to the capitalistic leadership organ, the business
to make an
F3E5 E FE 35'3 i Fo'o<a

was eventually able may have enterprise. However, at first we do not want to present its
their mutal interests. What other social organizations companies
made themselves felt were
—
all the way to the trading
subjected to state supervision. No liberal leadership organs
or organs of mass resistance were tolerated which might be able
— relationship to the labor union as a mass organ, but its simpler
relationship to the mass of consumers. The economy being that
segment of social action in which the variables
clearly measured and the forms are most distinctly can be most
to oppose the leadership organs of the state and be detrimental sociology gathered its first fairly distinct manifested,
to their effectiveness. from economics, and it therefore appears to theoretical insights
be best to initiate
the study of the freedom organs and mass organs by focusing
1$T;*iigirrffiiIig[lliII

The protagonists of the doctrine of freedom did not pay any on

iiIliI1lfiIil;ililiiilF
ii: *qrr

organs. their economic configurations. In order to set forth

particular attention to the phenomenon of leadership servants iar conditions of the present time as intelligibly as the pecul¬
army and the civil
They took it for granted that the
be a we will be well advised to develop the story by starting possible,
became organs of the free people's state. Religion was to preceding conditions and from which the present conditionswith the
private matter, and any other organization which might develop cally differ. We therefore begin our discussion with a brief
typi¬
out of social interaction should be given free rein to the extent
..opoooldP'oo

formulation of things as they existed in the social beginnings.

that they didn't obviously pose a threat to law and morality. It
appeared to the doctrinaires to be a quite simple matter that
-n *
s3E3g

Economic tasks are first performed as special undertakings

where the prince was retained supreme organs of freedom would be in the narrow circle of the family. With the transition
placed by his side which would restrict his sovereignty, and that ing, cattle raising, and very primitive agriculture, theseto hunt¬
where he was removed supreme organs of freedom would be insti¬ takings are performed within the larger context of the horde under¬
irIF;

tuted which would exercise sovereignty in his place. By the way, the extended family. As soon as the social task of establishing and
as soon as these ideas were translated into practice there were
H

states and cultures called upon the warriors and

ample opportunities to find out that there was an infinite number assume authoritarian leadership, the latter seized the priests to
3ggB
'€

of possible solutions, in respect to which there was anpolitical endless

obtained control over the social strata cultivating it,land and
tug-of-war between the parties and concerning which the emerging crafts are then also plied by the unfree largely and the
scientists of all countries in countless writings have not yet
iF Fii; i;ra;X;;r-iHSllf

behalf of the rulers for the purpose of satisfying their on

been able to arrive at a consensus. This did not prevent suffrage that in
increased demand.
3 3 3.3SB

With the further expansion of production,

the end the doctrinaire democratic formula of universal special economic undertakings are shouldered by larger
took effect almost everywhere. That there was a need to cope forming a community of exchange, but for a long time stillcircles
with still other organs of freedom than those provided for in the these
: 1[s ni si H IH;in i*fi

organ of activities remain secondary social undertakings, not sufficient

constitution got scholarly notice only after the freedom organ of to bestow social power; it takes long for growing wealth to sup-
capital in daily life had developed into an oppressive port power. Within the exchange community the producer, even
power against the mass of wage workers, whereupon the socialists,
after he has become personally free, is more dependent
ssT3E IE':

:rir sF,g;s*
-: rt a$;iiiEs[Ei
TB s;'q3 ;:;!tct6oi6e'm

in typically doctrinaire extravagance, responded to the ideal¬

consumer than vice versa. The consumer gives the order toon pro- the
izing optimism of the doctrine of freedom with their idealizing duce, he is the buyer whose needs the producer has to meet. Only
pessimism and demanded the nationalization of capital along with as the industrial arts are advanced still further
all gainful productive activities, a demand made in the name of ducer become more independent and self-assured. Asdoes the pro¬
freedom of the masses, a demand which vastly surpasses the state a member
the guild he now guards his right to produce (or not produce). of
absolutism of the princes. As is true for capital, those organs Nevertheless, for the time being he does not yet
of freedom which had contributed most to the victory over the olda become superior
oH':d.=;ESFB

to the purchaser, for the latter, too, in the majority

PJ ts'F

dominating powers, namely, the party leaders and the press, in of cases
is a member of the self-confident bourgeoisie, if not perhaps
d r:'*

great number of cases could not resist the temptation to admin¬ the very ruling class, and plies his demand with careful regard of
ister in their own interest the power they had won, and they to his self-interest. With gradual change there comes then
o

turned from leadership organs of freedom to leadership organs of time of full-fledged production, and from now on the manufac¬ the
self-aggrandizement. The masses on their part have used the new
o bE

turing entrepreneur in his social position

freedom for the purpose of creating organs of resistance and of leaves behind the
Multitude of his customers. In economic undertakings, which now
*B

308 309
 have become social undertakings of a higher order, he has risen it can lay its hands on. In a vertical sense, as it is now cus-

r]tfr
s,xHfrl5gIE--5#q*
g
o,
3'og r;;.F6 =;';^g 6 ggHeF.* 3" tQ o, e l.'. "" - ryfg; E gHi,;' Es gefrEg13'3If:[;E
ix itrs 1:'d srl".st:t iro,

["
o6H g.3s-3"|i_ .5.:'9.3,
gl|ag'--:'rH

p'DtsF,
{ Ocr5
Scro
to the rank of a leader who is able to acquire social power. Of tomarily put it now prepares for integrating completely under
crp'O !, S!'lcr.rcr!-.O.O5OOp)

$gBnF

I[iligF:;-lsr*
course , he must always take demand into his calculus without its wings production in its established line from the raw mate¬

6.il.e:F,
tsor5(,rr
which he couln’t sell, but he now does this by guiding it into rial to the finished product, including its marketing stages. In
155 5 crdo
certain channels and looking ahead producing for the market. the process it amasses so much income that it is eventually also
Little by little demand adjusts to the conditions of produc¬ able to expand horizontally.
Ocilrts.g
In addition, entrepreneurs have
Oi OO P.D)l5p.P.H

tion. The good produced in the light of overall economic condi¬ learned to overcome competition in its most variegated forms
tions becomes a success in the market, and in the end demand is through freely organizing among themselves and thereby to secure

H Frslln
i-l &^.-:t*l.,,FI
transformed into following. Since the individual entrepreneur a monopoly. The profits of cartels and trusts and similar
crBOU(,lPO
!'ToA)F,crl(ro.

has to deal with a large number of buyers, he is able to increase devices are so large that entrepreneurs are able to defy govern¬
his income through large-volume sales, thereby rising above the ment regulation and injunctions. Those of their combinations
Even when entrepreneurs jostle each other in which have been declared legally void prove, as a matter of fact,
p.

social average.
3[;=;:x;I H *[$q
competition, they are nevertheless united by their common class 's,[6 s;e to be the most effective of all economic links. With this state
cro\J

interest and are able to influence legislation and administration of affairs the firm has ceased being a free leadership organ. It
to their own benefit. If has become an authoritarian leadership organ or, if one should
EX;s
E' l- ;s;
hesitate to use this term, a high-handed leadership organ, con¬

$
I
;

This was the state of affairs for which the classical theory fronted with a constrained following. Though the monopolistic
-
o.Io U P,<a rD

that free competition is optimal was devised and on the whole is firm cannot legally impose its will on the demand, as the latter
? 'p:lO p 5 O{ A, cr

cf ' lp.*ctts.O O ct

f
;.4;9,

also correct. Entrepreneurs, as leaders of social undertakings can possibly deny its following, either entirely or in part, by
O O p.lo o o '5lO crrD tnJP5

f{t;i$
[]I
which have attained importance, have risen to the higher strata abstention, in those cases where it concerns a necessity it is
9{dss;
@ 0,tts;. cJ

;oq3:
S:'

of income and social power, yet without having become predomi- actually constrained to follow.
nant. The social service rendered by the successful enterprise
1"fi

at this juncture is great. It has become a highly developed We will not further discuss at this time the mass organs
AiP+.

3€ ge'"3 u (+ trd,

social organ, that is to say an entity combining numerous human through which consumers strive to free themselves from the pres¬
o -'i

and material productive elements, fitted to the social body as a sure exerted by the leadership organs of the entrepreneurs.
living force. It has become a leadership organ which must be Later on we will encounter mass organs of fiercer resistance
a

o
p)

kept alive by mass following, but correctly perceived is also which will enable us to make more distinct the general character
{
g B$*F:s o

u)
p

!)

geared to such mass following. For all that, it is a wholly free of the mass organs.
gl
ff==".3-
qB:r5
;m;+F
oo..3lo E
O O FcrlF,@
gt 5 Pr <lp, g)

3sx't'
r'..,:t:s
loo

leadership organ, for the entrepreneur has no leadership preroga¬

3;;E,l;.
3uo.olo.5

tive whatsoever, he does not exercise it by sovereign right. His The classical economists paid even less attention than they
Befi

leadership is merely one based on success, his following is not did to the trend toward predominance inherent in the leadership
P'cro

constrained in any manner, it is now as bef ore free to organs to another damaging trend of modern life, one which neg¬
examine and to choose. lects the fundamental requisites of economizing and squanders the
X

[3sil[€€iEfi;-,e*5;:F3i'i:q:E
*:Errs:,8*?iil;::;ils rf;arl*

energies of entrepreneurs as well as of society as a whole. The

g'
B*
Egg
ii" g F
Xl[
p

classical writers still had too few occasions to observe the

:

The classical economists themselves already recognized that

this becomes a different matter where the entrepreneur, by what¬ derailments of speculation and especially the rushes of promo¬
O p.
tD O 3 Ai O cr

';..FI.fF
O H.(, < 5

FiEEg

gSEe$E

ever right or as a matter of fact, dominates production and sales tional fever which the rise of capitalism has brought in its
*l
g".,1uF I.'...,- =s"d3'' glL;;."

as a monopolist. They viewed the monopoly case as a matter of wake. When existing firms make phenomenal profits and along with
o *!;r::9rQs6*3*--gB'F
E.;n*'

the availability of funds the opportunities for capital invest¬

5-

minor importance, however, as with intelligent laws it would

.^ 5 5
5 5o.;(,ooa(,

6'H!

constitute an exception. Since the classical theory was written ment also rise, it happens that the entrepreneurial spirit, in
t-5 ii 97'i - , ,
E:

a strange shift has occurred here, caused by the fact that the addition to many well-considered investments of a permanent char¬
;o.5ooS
i_s*
r9, E'o9IJ _oRoYg

production of goods has become large scale. Under such circum- acter, also builds into vacant space. Promoters who act in good
O
Hcro crE 5 c"ts.O crO O.crcrS COE

6oc;cf

^iros3;1,'8oH*il
Oro C 55o crJ

stances, the well-established firm has a decisive edge over the faith but without experience and who make common cause with
fD

Fft
qasEeHls[*33r;;:IF

new one which still has to mature; it finds it easier to expand greedy adventurers present to the public schemes which may be
€

than does the new one to survive in the first place. To be sure, characterized by the wildest and most daring extravagance, and in
A,

33

the progress of technology, markets, and capital is so immense doing so they still draw large crowds whose greed for profits
O

has
$H

been abetted. The firms which are founded have the accustomed
51
;.d 5 .''oTcm

during times of peace that new opportunities for creative work

$
':
5p'

open up all the time, and therefore the number of firms continues form of free leadership organs, but they
O

lack the necessary base

-;iB
B:;s:,_
E.r'6 e 6'E 6's'5'$F

Nevertheless, this does not cancel the advantage °f upright strength. A few unscrupulous but lucky speculators
to grow.
enjoyed by the old firm, for barring some adverse condition
— — USe them to feather their own nest, but the firms
s.

themselves,
o.:J<(Jq
5 5E :'P.g P.cr5

it enjoys this advantage also with respect to new opportuni¬ after a flurry of apparent prosperity, collapse and the multitude
i

°f participants only
ties. It is most pronounced for the giant enterprises, whose
O

loses. Such cases present

o(,(/Jcr(,^o

evidence for the fact that these circles have notincontrovertible

-1*

number and size continually increase in the large national econo- yet matured to
3

mies, especially if they produce for the world market. Under he use of economic freedom. Precisely the same process
O

occurs,
+Fi#

these circumstances, capitalistic power finds more and more QS we will see, with the promotion fever of political freedom.
O

; $y

tte copies the forms of the existing

$3X95,

opportunities for the establishment of an actual monopoly. In successful democracies while

- cr5m5o-

dir'r.,?s_

he strength is still lacking

dOE

the giant enterprise the traditional theory of the division of for bringing to life the necessary
BgB

labor seems to be turned upside-down, although internally it is eadership organs and mass organs of freedom. One hasn’t matured
5U p)

: "s
ts.

practiced in a most subtle manner. Externally, on the other Crenÿh even know merely of what their true life consists.
0t qt
ooo

hand, the giant enterprise absorbs whatever efficient enterprises dulous enthusiasts without experience and bold adventurers
5

310 311
without conscience are always ready to accept leadership calls, population has too mixed a composition and is too unevenly organ¬

Gi;r-rii $fg5
'i',*
g$git;* qr*a;;fl;*:r 5 e";s";ei;g-ilg3iEiH p=gi=
3i5xa
E;

F ;q'1:-:3:rti;;i:t rul;n
$33,eH
and the masses run avidly after them. Confusion and impotence ized to meet in fact the prerequisites of the guild constitu¬
follow; over-zealous critics now teach the populace that "freedom tion. A large portion of the guild associations would first have

E
doesn't have a leg to stand on," and what's left is open or con- to be constructed artificially for election purposes, and one

F3
cealed dictatorship. would be devoid of an unambiguous standard for what number of
mandates should be allotted to the various electoral bodies

fs ;i;:*;i; s;ssg*;:'
frSHiqEHlsE_[FHF:g
;1$r[[il;Aaa;:*s;;
The national movement since the 19th century has provided

;i;*l'l;ggiE
according to their weight in the social balance of power. In the
ample food for the promotion fever of political freedom. It calls to the first parliamentary chamber the idea of the guild
provided an introduction to political life for a great many peo¬ constitution was now and then heeded to a certain degree. Many a
ple who were completely lacking in historical education for politician also has recommended it for the second chamber, doing
active following and for control of the leaders. In the first so with a sure eye for the unpleasant consequences yielded by the
flush of the national idea they followed to a man the successful customary sy.stem of electing the representatives of the people,

l*1fi,i::o'od
national leaders. During this period the large dimensions of but in practice it has not so far been used. Only in rare cases
national life elevated the great leader, as the large dimensions is the franchise exercised through self-contained electoral
of modern economic life had done on their part. In the political bodies. As a general rule, it is a purely personal right of the
life of an immature nation, however, the effect could not be as individual voter which he enjoys without having to join a certain
sustained as in economic life with its immense energies. The electoral body.
political life of an immature nation lacks the supportive power
of freedom. To organize the leaders and masses of a nation of The art of election geometry for the demarcation of election
[;r;
millions for the full use of freedom will take, if the effort districts, the gradation of property qualifications, and the
succeeds at all, its due time. In a nation which prematurely formation of voter classes and "curias of interest" have provided
claims to have come of age, the free leadership organs and the diverse possibilities for implementing the personal franchise in
mass organs will be equally weak. such a way as to bring out in the process the existing power
structure of the populace and permit the small number of people
P

i-
on top to assert themselves against the large number of state
Iut;;*q *r,u.{ -$"]s I f
i
B. The Political Parties and the Classes citizens. Before passage of the Reform Bill, the great land-
g

owners in England controlled in the election districts dependent

;

1. Representation of the People and Personal Franchise

.

on them, the rotten boroughs, such a large number of mandates

that they were assured of a majority in the House of Commons. As
In the free cities of the Middle Ages the city represen¬ long as the landed proprietors in England enjoyed superior social
fi;'E;
se3il*i3ff{31 Hl[3;qr er.lqs€g;ilF-

ns'3-ss ::=$;;;ir;I
;qa3f3i1a;
ilH

tation was composed of men who in the guilds had been elected as recognition this election system, however arbitrary and senseless
49..
O tr FrP'P'
gH}g;trX3tr$

their heads. The cities were the places of business for the it might appear to the observer, was an apt reflection of the
crafts, and the crafts were organized in the guilds which con- power structure of the populace. At one time the situation was
sequently were the natural constituent bodies for the election of similar to the Prussian class franchise and the Austrian system
e5 ;.5(,

The city representation, being com-

OtDts' oo9f

the city representatives. of "curias of interest." The rise of the masses and the demo¬
Ii; firuc; It;;f;

posed of the heads of the guilds, went by its name for good rea- cratic movement have done away with all systems of privileged
son, for in it men were joined who superintended the industrial franchise which were intended to support the rule of the few over
affairs of the city. It was the true mirror and epitome of the the many. If now the representation of the people is to bring
P'H'p'

social structure of the urban population according to its distri¬ out the true will of the people, is it not necessary then that it
5P'l

bution by classes and income levels. be selected through free popular election, and how else could
this be accomplished than by giving the franchise to all male and
H
TilgTFg

;:;:;;s;l;g :;;g;*;

The same is true for the representations which the labor female citizens of age of which the people consists? And that,
O Fl

force of a people selects from its trade-union associations. just as they are counted as equals in the populace, they are
O cr0l O.< O

They are composed of the delegates elected by the shops and the endowed with equal rights in the exercise of their personal fran¬
5

trade and city federations, which are the naturally grown elec¬ chise as well? In this manner the personal franchise in the
toral bodies for union management. The so-constituted adminis¬
ots'PO

democracies has been shaped into the system of universal and

tration of unions is the faithful mirror and epitome of the labor equal suffrage.
O

force according to its distribution by classes and i-ncome levels.

But does this also really fulfill the idea of representation
E:srrFeIEHr
x:;ix;nEg*l
HgJEH[.:3EE

Following the idea of the so-called guild constitution, the of the people? Each of the candidates winning the election is
*0rE1

populace should be represented according to the same pattern. the representative of a certain number of individual voters who
Su C
?

This representation should consist of delegates to be elected have cast their vote for him; none, taken by himself, is the
from the various associations into which the populace is representative of the populace. But if this is true, is it then
i$sls*;c

grouped. If the populace were as thoroughly and uniformly organ¬ with reason that the sum of all delegates is designated as repre¬
'(f

ized in guilds as the population of a medieval town consisting

—
<P.o

sentation of the people? That in the personal interpretation of

—
s'e.'J -c.ir.i

mostly of trades people was organized in guilds, then the the franchise the idea of representation of the people can be
guild associations would be the natural electoral bodies for the lost is shown clearly in the case of representation of minor¬
!Dcroa.P

representation of the people, and this representation, composed ities. In a nationally mixed state with the personal
of its delegates, would be the faithful mirror and epitome of the the national minority is very effective in those cases franchise
)iaa

where the
social structure of the populace. But in the modern state the national groups live compactly next to each other, because here

312 313
the minority obtains the number of election districts and of the populace who are not satisfied with the old leaders must have

iiliilill$iilllliliiii
A#;i ;E: tH rEE EssE€: rn IgsE r
giair an; r;:,ir,
mandates corresponding to its headcount. If it constitutes 30 placed themselves under new ones if they want to assert them¬

E
percent of the population it will, given an equitable demarcation selves at the election. Election day is a crucial day and, if
of election districts, have available 30 percent of these and you will, a day of judgment, but it is not designed to settle
hence 30 percent of the mandates. Things are different where the things between the people and its leaders but between the par-
national minority lives dispersed over the entire state. Assum¬ ties, which are the bearers of the franchise. The victorious
ing that in each election district it accounts for 30 percent of party forces its leaders upon the people by simultaneously rais¬
the population, it will be outvoted everywhere if the national ing its masses to a position of power. In the case of the losing
groups vote as a closed body, and it therefore will not obtain parties, both leaders and masses have been rejected.
any mandate. It remains unrepresented in the body of people’s
representatives, and this body can therefore not be viewed as a Thus the body representing the people is primarily an

i:*i ii;-rg;;[;i;
true mirror and epitome of the population structure. The univer- expression of the power of the parties. Where this body faith¬
sal personal suffrage thus does not provide assurance that the fully reflects the distribution of power within the populace, the
multifarious minorities which are found in every population are representation of the parties is at the same time also the true
represented in that body. If this is to be accomplished, it is representation of the people.
necessary to combine the minorities into units which can bring
$i;Fi;!

their influence to bear at the polls. In this manner one has

seen fit to remodel the personal franchise into the proportional 2• State Constitution and Party Constitution
franchise, in which case each sum of voters who form an election
group with a common list will be accorded representation in pro¬ The old unfree state attempted with every means at its dis¬
portion to the size of the group, provided that the group achieve posal to fend off the political parties which grew up within the
a certain minimum number, the so-called election number. populace, because it detected in them the future powers which
were to bring it to an end. Even the free people’s state will
$3*!;r[ ;i-:si*1;:

As do the minorities, the voter majority in the case of the use its means of coercion to suppress the extreme parties which
iiiiiii llirlliilllliiilrllliil

system of electing from a list must of course also organize into it deems to pose a threat to it. Only when a state believes
a unit. It must set up its own list and file it in good time so itself to have become fully consolidated will it give free play
its votes can be counted. The outward appearance of voting was to all parties inasmuch as they do not themselves resort to coer¬
much changed by this innovation, and the old voters, being still cive means. The election law itself does not refer to the par-
;;i:;';=il

accustomed to the earlier and simpler procedure, first had to get ties at all; it regulates the personal franchise, and for the
p

used to the new one. At bottom, though, only the form has been rest merely provides for the election procedure. The provision
[;iF

changed, the substance has remained the same. All along, without that the legally required lists of candidates must be backed by a
a legal requirement of this kind, the majority and the minority certain minimum number of voters is the only one which reveals
had to act as organized bodies at elections. The voter would not that the voter does not exercise his franchise in h purely per¬
have accomplished anything if he had interpreted his personal sonal way. How in the world should the law be concerned with the
3

franchise to call for in the absence of any connections with parties? The state does not direct the parties and doesn’t
fA E[$€tgFsg5; *g

other voters
—
casting his vote for that candidate who was per¬
sonally agreeable to him; always voters have participated in _ to do so. On the contrary, they are destined to direct it,have
conceptually they are prior to it.
and
siifEl;la

They never The political parties are

elections in the context of political parties. free power organs of the people, they perform their functions
thought of their personal franchise in any other way, nor did the without a need for recognition by the state, and their urge for
legislator in devising the election rules. For all arrangements freedom is so strong that the state wouldn’t be able to direct
made in connection with the personal franchise it was always
implied that the political parties were its implementing
_
them at all once they have come into their own. Where
attempts to restrict them it ceases being a free people’sthe state
ij[rl,i fIi;i- i[]";

state.
agents. The franchise was f ormulated in the law as a personal
right to choose, but its exercise was thought of in terms of a The essence of democracy is the surrendering of the state to
party matter. The political parties are the natural electoral the political parties. In the power state of old a certain priv¬
bodies in which in modern society the franchise is practiced. ileged stratum held the political rights, being leader in its own
right, while the masses had no political rights. The privileged
Public opinion regards election day as the day of judgment
—
illils

class was concretely differentiated the families, persons

when the sovereign people raises its leaders or repudiates were distinctly defined. Within the privileged group the
them. He who has gained insight into the course of social deci- have been party factions between which fights couldthere might
break out
sion-making knows that this is erroneous. As the army requires leading to shifts in power constellations, but on the whole the
<( gs

leadership in order to preserve its strength for victory, so the trend was toward stabilization of power relationships. Espe¬
populace requires leaders in order to preserve its strength as a cially the intra-dynastic rivalries increasingly cooled off until
:; r*ec u i
C
--:

sovereign. The masses as such, without leader, aren’t the people at last the idea of legitimacy gained so much strength that the
d'O

iililr[

at all. Precisely because election day is a decisive day, the person of the monarch was unmistakably determined. In a
democ¬
people on this day can least afford to do without leadership. racy, on the other hand, the persons called
i;1* ;
o o,o.o=!o

to power are contin¬

The sovereign people cannot go to the polls without leaders. The uously selected anew by the election outcome, and in the process
55 FiJO

old leaders on this day do their utmost to stand their ground, even the strata providing the government may change. Instead of
qee

and if they keep away from the election this always proves that elevating to power certain persons, as in the old dynastic state,
they no longer have a chance to stay in office. Those groups of the democratic constitution is limited to regulating the method
:

314 315
according to which the persons representing the people and the respect to the masses are open-ended. Organized as a unit are

*u11;reti;
;iillllilll
persons constituting the government are selected in each case. the leaders with their staffs for direction from the top and at
The man in the street sees in this and enjoys the triumph of the local levels. To these must be added the communal represen¬
, and he expects that the
f reedom , never-ending selection process tative bodies dominated by the party or the church organizations
will draw out of the populace the most promising forces. An allied with them, to which are joined, moreover, a certain number
adherent of the old political order is terrified by the percep- of right-hand men in the political clubs. By and by, every
tion that those who enjoy power today must be prepared to be intelligently managed party as it grows up takes hold of still
ousted by others who have come up from below, and he can't other social organizations to the extent it finds these to be
believe that a government can be strong which is not stable but somehow useful for politics. A country whose parties are well
must adapt to the sways which originate in the movements of pub¬ organized has in all matters relating to clubs, societies, and
lic opinion. other fraternal units red, black, yellow, and white organiza-
tions. Also important are credit organizations, and the bour¬

iii'r**r;lffi*;i;l;*!.li
With this kind of an arrangement it is clear that the party
lliiiiiillilliili* llliliiiiliilllliEi geoisie enjoyed a great advantage as long as it was alone in
constitution is part and parcel of the state constitution. By having access to these. But even so a not inconsiderable number
virtue of assigning power to the victorious party, the democratic of voters remain unaccounted for. There are many faithful sup¬
state constitution is a directive to the party constitution. The porters who do not belong to an organization, and incidentally
state constitution offers the formal legal rule according to some of the existing organizations are partly too loose to be
which the leaders of the state are to be selected. The party able to control the voters. Party leadership finds in the press
constitution endows this rule with its personal content because the most effective means by which to govern the minds. The num¬
it is a living constitution which has to do with definite leader¬ ber of fixed subscribers and faithful readers of the party press
ship persons and with historically conditioned states of the is relatively best suited to permit some conclusion concerning
masses. When within the victorious party the relationship the scope of the parties. Certainly there is always left a very
between leader and masses is loose, the government of the state great number of voters whose attitudes change and who make up
can't help being weak; where it is tightly regulated, the state their mind only on election day.
government can be strong. The party constitution is unwritten
for the most part. The state constitution is for the most part So considered, we perceive the party as a semi -organized
written out carefully, but since it is so only with respect to association for which in the main only the leadership is firmly
the forms, irrespective of its possible comprehensiveness it established. According to its form, the power organ of the party
in the essential matter of the per¬
— —
calls for supplementation is a leadership organ of exactly the same design as is the busi¬
sons to be selected by the party constitution, which fills in ness enterprise. Like the latter, it depends on being sustained
its abstract formula. by the following of the masses. As the business enterprise con¬
ducts its leadership activities in such a way as to assure itself
Most of those who want to be informed about the given situa¬ of the following by the customers, so the leadership organ of the
tion of a state reach for the constitution. One must of course party strives to behave in such a way that the masses flock to it
lEl;ilritf=iFt;

know it if one cares to know the state, without any doubts, but and that especially on the crucial day of the election the masses
precisely the most important things cannot be gathered from it. adhere to the directives given to them on how to cast their
The experienced politician chooses a different path. He informs votes.
himself about the leadership persons, about the circumstances of
the parties fighting for power, and about their prospects for The great significance of such a leadership organ cannot be
coming to power. If the reader of this book expects to be questioned. Those groups of voters who haven't yet been able to
informed along this line he will find himself disappointed. The secure leaders are forlorn at the election. They will abstain,
=fiir:

author has not made it his task to introduce the reader straight¬ or they will vote as fellow-travelers of the parties which stand
way into practical politics. He is satisfied if he succeeds in closest to them, but in the process they remain disappointed
shedding light on the essential structural features of the modern because they have to serve causes which are alien to them while
party constitution and its main types. If he has accomplished having to abandon interests of their own. Those parties which
this he hopes to have contributed thereby a thing or two to the were the first to be organized have derived a great
g

understanding of the political situation of the present time. from this because they were able to push through theiradvantage
:: *E

special
How to elaborate for the individual states the general features concerns in the guise of demands of the public opinion and they
of the outlined picture must be left to those who know frQin a were able to secure a historically not unimportant position of
close view the specific circumstances pertaining to leaders and power. At the beginnings of liberalism such a
favorable
masses. tion benefited the educated bourgeois class which, to itssitua¬
sur¬
prise, later couldn't help noticing that the masses, who at first
had gone along with it, gradually defected as soon as they had
The Organization of Party Leadership found their own leaders, until at last the intellectuals
cf
ry

3-
T

p)

were
g)
p)

N
o

,q
5
F]

limited almost entirely to their own narrow circle.

Nowhere are the political parties thoroughly organized all
3i I i'
E
ts'
E.E 3

3*3q-
o P "r" o
X5
p5 o -tD
{
.'Y l

n
5 *'-

the way down to the broad masses. By no means are they, as is In the light of the described set-up of the party as a lead¬
A
Fl{ (, ct

dS-B
+'- ^J
5F.O 5

sometimes true for the labor unions, designed to firmly include

cop'-5!

ership organ, it appears as if the leadership has to get the

<odtso

P.).-**+
5(D
p.ci<

cf5;5."

upper hand because it alone is well organized. But must it not

-o

within their ranks all those on whom they count as comrades.

OP^v-
i-1'

o, o,
"

They are not closed associations of leaders and masses, but with be said on the other side that the masses have to
o
H

6
o

get the upper

'-

316 317
 to anything they consider as venerable is sensed with doubt, indif-
hand because the leaders always have to adjust their behavior the

5-
ts 5 <iD cr

i &i.6u *
Fr
5 P'5 | ; O
dX P o'
crE o

ts.crO t;CHP
o o
5P.- O O

1"' o i c.P
cr(, { (, o 5

niblc.^T
Eio.'" -*
to o d50)
and in the worst case even with hate by the proletar-

f 5 H(,o
The answer to this question cannot be given in

<-TooX
li 5 o- ..
them?

5 ts...'1 ..1

e E *i
it may be so, and then again it may not. We have for The chasm becomes deepest where in the proletariat the

X
abstract

opd*5F
family* s community of living loses its true meaning because the

uoH'
now to content ourselves with having become aware of the two

''og{*..
0qOcr

fI.e.co
< H'o
possibilities and will be able to draw further conclusions only wife and mother must spend her day in the factory and the chil¬

0)ts
a tt
after having more fully captured the elements of the real world. dren, who as soon as possible are placed in the kindergarten and
as soon as they are through elementary school must go to work, do
not come to know the delightful feeling of having a home of their
of the Party Masses, and the Classes in own. The personal estrangement between the propertied classes

cr
4. The Composition

a)
Particular and the proletariat is still considerably deeper than that
between the propertied groups themselves. Only the lowest strata
Within the meaning of the materialistic conception of his¬ of the former mix somewhat with the highest strata of the latter,

li ilF I I il I
ilg fll [ $s F$ iF $l li r

Ff rE ii i,,
tory the political parties are a superstructure erected over the whereas members of the remaining strata of the propertied class
! 3g

economic structure of the populace. If the social democratic will hardly ever enter into a marital union with members of the
programs were correct, this structure would be quite simple: the proletariat. That other link, too, is almost nonexistent through
proletarians are confronted by the entire rest of the population which the talented sons of the lower strata of the propertied
{ H!

as a single reactionary mass. Society is simply divided into the rise so frequently to the higher ranks. The wall of material and
two classes of the haves and the have-nots, or, to put it more spiritual distress which hems in the proletariat is so high that
pointedly the ruling class and the class of the exploited or itÿ can only quite rarely be scaled by people with some special
:

disinherited . Karl Marx himself didn*t let it go at this simple drive, given especially propitious circumstances. Even the liv¬
!' 3 i

dichotomy. In his writings on contemporary history we find very ing quarters of the two classes are for the most part separated
I
i

instructive explanations about how the class of the haves is from each other. The educated man scarcely knows the working-
i r sp

I ii I e [i I il i

subdivided according to its economic interests into individual class districts, he doesn*t like to go there, he avoids them
A

groups which find their voice in the political parties. The because their sight tugs at his nerves and his conscience. It
3!

differences between the individual groups indeed cut very deep: accuses him of insincerity, which is bad enough when he thinks of
the peasant takes a very hostile attitude to the landed propri¬ himself as a citizen among other citizens, and which is still a
[', B S & F

ffi

etor, and so does the medium-size and the small tradesman against lot worse when in church he mechanically repeats the formula of
the industrialist. One must range the peasant and the tradesman charity.
among the middle classes between large property holders and pro-
;r
li

letariat. It hasn’t yet been very long since the peasants them- The division of the political-economic parties normally
selves belonged to the dominated and often exploited class. The corresponds to this division of the economic masses. For the
=
!' 3

independent craftsmen have mostly lost their golden ground, and most part each of the important economic groups has organized
3
gE

;s; ; iEa:

at the lower levels, unless they have already been pressed down itself as a separate political party. At the same time, in spite
5' S

[E I [ $ i

of all the frictions and disputes which range back and forth
il I ig i*;i, r li I I lilil

into the proletariat, they manage to make ends meet only labori¬
ir * il i 3 i il I il ; I, $ ;ii

ously and with suffering. It is out of the question for them to between the parties of the propertied class, these parties never¬
e

share the role of capitalists, rather do they themselves feel theless make common cause where the great interests are at stake
I

threatened by the latter. The educated middle classes, too, by which bind them together mutually against the proletariat.
s $ s s 5' FE T $ $

their interests and their social function are clearly separated Today, when these interests are so much a matter of dispute, no
from the big capitalists. They do not "rule," for they lack the line of separation between the multiple parties in the body rep¬
ii i xu; r 'il[

power resources for doing so, and even less do they exploit. resenting the people is so clearly marked as the one between the
**

What imprint they have on society they do by serving as intel¬ side of the parties of property and the proletarian side. There
lectual leaders. The various groups into which the propertied is no need for an explicit agreement between the parties of the
ili[i]i[;is

class is divided are so vividly conscious of their differences propertied class in order for them to close ranks against the
that, when they are by themselves, they are hardly conscious of proletariat because they are held together by anonymous powers
their solidarity. Is there alive among the nobles, the captains working tacitly, being alive in the consciousness of each indi¬
of industry, and the large capitalists, or even the high clergy, vidual. What else would make the propertied class a unit than
a sentiment which would unite them socially not only with the does the operation of such anonymous powers? The propertied
e.'

civil servants, officers, artists, scholars, lawyers, and physi¬ class of a people lacks any kind of overall organization.
cians, but also with the small pensioners, the guild masters, and Although the organizations it relates to are individual groups,
H 3. e.

with the large and small farmers? In their external life style the class consciousness is strong enough to impel the haves to
r

as well these groups are distinctly apart, and even the over¬ united action when it matters. Similarly with the proletar¬
r; ;? ii

whelming power of female beauty only rarely is strong enough to ians: as a class they are better organized than the groups of
il $ s 3 ;' s e I

i i a;l;;gfi

overcome through marital union the separation existing between the propertied class, but their organization is incomplete,
I I I i ; $ fi I

them. Only when the members of the propertied class are face to too. To a large extent the multitude of the common laborers is
*

face with the proletarians do they recognize that they belong not thoroughly organized, but even they, when it matters, are
;-'

together, after all. The social foundations of their earnings united by class consciousness. Things are different only in the
and of their personal life are mainly the same. They all regard countryside , where peasant ways are alive as they have always
g

the same economic constitution of private property and the same been.
-

r$:

family constitution as sacrosanct, and they identify themselves

;E

by the same historical view as members of a people. Almost

.s

318 319
 gives In England the top strata in terms of property ownership and
It is not the economic division of society alone which

][r;i;ur:,
" il; i,r [t;li
=s;;;Isi'ii:Htl :$;tFi; [;[[;ilE ;;*[3
education have had a much longer period of training in party

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ffinsli#;i;iiii li*i ;lE; E; ::;Fr[;
the political parties their support in the masses. When it makes matters than is true anywhere else in the world, but precisely in
AfFgf,]:i*
such a claim, the materialistic conception of
history is in England the great mass of voters won universal suffrage later
error. Although it is too one-sidely oriented to the economic than was the case in many states of the Continent. After the
interest, it is still true that at the present time this interest
of soci¬ revolutions in the 17th century England became conservative. In I..
has come to play a more important role for the structurethe case. apportioning the franchise it rigidly clung to the
standards, which had been instituted so as to favor traditional
qililrilx;g;lg
ety and of the political parties than was previously after the ruling
Today the political parties nowhere are wholly patterned every¬ .
nobility Before the Reform Bill of 1832 was passed only 3 per¬
the economic groups and social strata. There are parties cent of its population enjoyed the franchise. Yet the franchise
where having a different foundation while they may neverthelessseparation was so unevenly distributed that command over a majority of man¬
be very prominent. In states with ethnic mixtures the

t;i; ;Iraii*ir
dates was reserved to a minority of voters, which accounted for
gggtiElEHH$E€q" 3!3Bl[3f:

of the national parties may be the dominant feature of the repre¬ scarcely a third of the total number. In the voting reform one
sentative body of the people : i;;ir:llg{; :s[: F[ ;:liii
and be decisive for the fate of the let it go at increasing the number of voters from 3 to 4 Vg per¬
state. Moreover, in addition to the national of parties there are cent and removing the crassest injustices in the distribution
parties of the church, or there are parties expellees from of
parties, and mandates. It took quite some time before Disraeli ventured the
country, regional parties and dynastic

Ielx
another group- bold- step of raising the number of voters to 9 percent of the
other parties with historic roots which reflect economic population. Later Gladstone increased the number to one-sixth of
ings and social strata thus the national, or ecclesiastical, - the population, or about one-third of the adults.
{;

or regional feeling, or a historical precedent, may be decisive.

It wasn't
until 1917 that universal suffrage was adopted, and 6 million
il;Fl:n[*-,3:nil:;i voters were admitted. Their inferior political education new
=

At any rate, the division of the population which serves as shown clearly by the small voter participation rate: in the was
a base for the formation of parties is so pronounced and firmly
elections only 64 percent of the eligible voters 1918
as compared to 92 percent in 1910. Lloyd George cast their vote,
isr;ia

grounded that the masses have a strong inherent tendency to split voiced the view
up into parties. Many of the groups bring to the formation of a that only with the 1917 law had England become a democracy,
political party their own ready-made organization, as do, for but
in doing so he probably underestimated the historical power which
[a*ili;:;lpa=

example, the denominational groups who are united in fixed eccle¬ the idea of freedom has had in England. England of 1917 vintage
siastical bodies, with leaders of great authority whom the masses surely must not be figured in with the new democracies.
are very willing to follow. The proletariat, too, is ready for we must view it as an old democracy, because for a long time Rather
;;:sx-sfir;

political organization, thanks to the experience gained in fromits had been in possession of healthy freedom organs and, by making it
trade-union organization. Still other groups can only learn wise use of them, had become politically mature. The great mass
reason
practical politics how to get organized, and for this variety of voters newly enfranchised in 1917 found very effective help
their party structure will be considerably looser. This for their political activities in the fact that the older parties
in the degree of organization still adds to the motley of the already existed into whose mold they could fit themselves or
social bases of party matters. The relationship between leader¬ which they could use as a model to imitate. In
ship and masses will differ widely from case to case, and here, proletariat in England had had long prior trainingaddition, the
through its
too, a great many possibilities are open.
s

trade-union organization, and it had its time-tested leaders as

_
:

well as a highly developed mass discipline. Nevertheless the

introduction of universal suffrage severely upset England's
The Political Parties as Historical Formations
Cr

a
a
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uI

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political balance. Although its after-effects will be

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long time, the supportive freedom powers in England are felt for a
Which of the many possibilities in the design of party strong
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enough to withstand the abrupt jolt caused by the new mass

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opened up by the differences in the leadership-mass of

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organization, voters.
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relationship will be realized will ultimately be decided
relationship, " by the
degree of historical education of the people and its groups. In the United States the colonists, already before they had
Mature peoples and mature classes within a people have organ learned gained their political independence
s_ 3€,." Q(' tEgH ",'x

sE,Ie;

of by fighting, found in the

through historical experience to bring the party as an maturity
aE

large measure of their self-government the opportunity

u d _ 6 -5 €.t<': cj 1-s

power to its highest effectiveness. A lack of political ical education. The opportunity, still missing, for for polit¬
will somehow always be evidenced by the half-baked character of most suitable persons for the top leadership was givenfinding the
-
'o5p)oo5

the party organization. In culture states, too, the peoples and the War for Independence, and those persons, in turn, to them by
;'.?:3 s 3s=Ho:

their various strata have received their historical education had the
opportunity of gaining authority over the masses. When, from the
under the most variegated conditions, and even if their endow-
^."

middle of the 19th century on, the European immigrants, most of

1fi 3r;_,e ss5

ments were the same, for this reason alone their party organ-
0)F-!'proENo555P

whom were devoid of any political training, poured in ever

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3q.s 3 er'f

ization would have to show differences in maturity. A factor of plentifully, the American parties had become strong enoughmore to
special importance must be the length of time which was granted take them into their fold and train them. They stepped into the
to a people and a class for its political education. Old democ¬ ready-made party systems to which they adapted themselves
r5':'

racies will have achieved greater maturity in their party matters the kind of fervor which had driven the immigrants into theirwith
new
than young ones, and within the old democracies, in turn, those home country.
g
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classes initiated early into the political life will be more

"

mature than those initiated late.

321
320
 The French people during the great Revolution had to make spokesman for special interests. The parliament is incapable of

j iilllilllliilllllil
iililillit;illlliilill1lqiiiliill*llilllllltiliiiiilli
the leap to freedom almost without any preparation of its masses presenting the government to the prince, but must content itself
:3'EsrTE=*Eur:]eli*
and its leaders alike. If somebody who has had no practice in
skiing attempted to make a long-distance jump without falling on
with the lesser role of controlling and advising the princely
government.
landing, he would fail in such an adventure, and the French
nation likewise couldn't manage a "standing jump" in the ecstasy Before the decisive victory won by democracy through the
of the Revolution. After all, it did
direct democracy
following the formula of
call upon the sovereign people for the
decision-making process! Wherever in one of the many thousand
— upheaval, the constitutional system of government was the obvious
one for the majority of states of the European continent. The
republics of Switzerland and France with their longer political
French communes the sovereign people, or the small minority pass¬ education had passed beyond it, while Russia and Turkey were just
ing itself off for it, was talking, it demanded to be heard, and about to experiment with it. The constitutional system was the
it was always at the discretion of any crowd to break into the logical result of the transformation through which the princely
parliament and to influence its deliberations. One had to learn state of the Continent had to adjust itself to the rise in the
first how to abjure the formula of direct democracy. Also, when power of the people. The prince could no longer maintain his
the shift was made to the formula of indirect democracy one had absolute power which, as a military and political leader, he had
to learn first
all young democracies
—
and this is true not only for France but for
that here, too, the mere formula was not
—
built up in the battles fought for the expansion of the continen¬
tal states. He was forced to reckon with the powers which grew
up as a result of the ever more prominent economic tasks of soci-
enough and that one first had to acquire the ability to develop
properly and to use the party as an organ of power. ety. He couldn't expect to be able to handle the aspiring popu¬
lace as easily as he had been able to manage the estates in the
preceding period f or the military power which he could use
C. The Political Parties in the Old and in the against the estates was no longer available to him vis-a-vis the
Young Democracies populace now that public opinion also dominated the army. In
many of the fights which the princes had to wage against the
l[ii1lli1''[
i

1 . The Special Interest Parties in the Constitutional System of liberal revolution the army went openly to side with the popu-
Government lace. In others the prince succeeded in crushing the movement,
lss'3Er?:i;IgHill[[iF;fi" FlEflHisqE

but circumstances were still such that even after the military
Two states may have the same constitutional form to the victory the princely omnipotence was forced to come to terms with
letter, and yet in reality one will have to have the parliamen¬ the new powers in an accommodating peace. In its beginnings the
tary and the other the constitutional system of government. The liberal movement was so strong that at one time or another the
decision rests only in the political maturity of the population, monarchial form of government had to yield to the republican one
or that the prince was forced to fall back to the line of the
which expresses itself in the design of the political parties.
Matured to the parliamentary system of government is only that parliamentary system. The latter, for example, was the case in
people which musters state parties. People which muster only Austria when the liberal wave united into a state party almost
special interest parties must content themselves with the consti¬ the entire populace under the leadership of the educated middle
tutional system. classes. But these fluctuations were soon overcome. The general
political sense was still too immature, and the state party
The state parties are a political superstructure of such formed in the first burst of enthusiasm irresistibly broke up
iip,riiiiiliiliililgl1

large design as to reach across the boundary of the classes and into smaller factions of special interest, splitting the proper¬
of occupational configurations. The special interest parties are tied class and to a certain extent also the proletarian one along
unable to rise to such a broad perspective, but are oriented to such lines. The old middle-class party, which had led the move-
the individual classes and the economic or national or denomina¬ ment was far too little consolidated to be able to absorb all
tional or some other important occupational configurations. As a the new economic factions which became prominent everywhere.
matter of principle, the state parties safeguard the totality of Over and above that, in the nationally mixed countries there
all occupational interests and beyond these always the general arose national and, in the denominationally mixed ones, denomi-
interest of the state as well. The special interest parties national parties. The electorates, after all, simply were under¬
serve primarily the more narrow interests of their group and standing and willing to follow only as far as their closest group
accept the other interests only to the extent they have to for interests were concerned and for each of the emerging interest
the sake of their own interests. A people with state parties is groups the leadership organ was also available, eager to gather
a true state people; its representative body is truly represent¬ the prospective voters and mandates. The leaders from the time
ing the people; the parliament is ripe for organizing the state of the first general movement, still imbued with the great ideas
as a healthy republic which provides its own president and of liberty of the first burst of enthusiasm, had to withdraw from
government, and in the monarchy it is mature enough to present to political life or limit themselves to the range of interests of
i;;;:*e

the prince the government which meets with the approval of the the groups closest to them. In the long run, the prince every¬
majority and which the prince has no choice but to install in where looked after his own interests, and thus it happened
office. A people consisting merely of special interest parties once the first turmoils were over, he again became master ofthat,
the
is by itself not a true state people as yet, but becomes such situation. It was left to him to conduct high politics, exter¬
only by making itself available to the prince in joint following nally as well as internally, which basically were beyond the
for the performance of the tasks of government. Its representa¬ nange of interests of the parties. The prince could feel assured
tive body is not really representing the people but is a mere of the consent of the populace if he took care that the parties

322 323
 within the framework of their special interests were satisfied f of the populace. He had the historical power on his side, he

i;; 1i;11iIi igifl;aF=;iF* :aF[;su: r;:r; ;

g"ei.*qEH*Esi* Fi
lgs;i s,Iriirltt i[i-+; r[rl;qt*t;;l;il;l*t i;
cf

:
qBs gl-iili;:l;q*3i[;p;;[EIuu, ilg;ti$;;i;U;:*[i;i:ru*: IE
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55
whenever practicable. alone could count on the willingness of the masses throughout the

Ep-q
state to follow him, it was his task and the task of his govern¬
The large number of special interest parties into which
€ H9.g:.flE 8',H F6E $# $[E-3 6 E cror F: ment to construct from the components of special interest demands
Parliament split under these circumstances made it unavoidable the resultant for the state as a whole and to stake out the great
that no single party could command a majority of the House. The policy objectives. Where a judicious monarch ruled or a great
OOSOcrP

interest parties focused so myopically on the wishes closest to statesman seconded the monarch as an adviser, the state interest
$!

them that they were also not easily able to form lasting was fully protected. During Bismarck1 s years of greatness the

;:*;E;r3tl,'
! 5 fD o u o 5 P'5 o 5 "J D 5 ts'o o o ctP'o

unions. The parliamentary majority needed in order to approve by German people had a form of government which gave full vent to
vote the state requirements or other state necessities had to be all of its abundant energies. At the outbreak of the World War
secured either through changing coalitions or even on an ad hoc nobody could doubt that the German people, which agreed with the
basis. This called for a government which stood above the par-
ties and which the prince had to select in his own right. He did
government to see the war
— to which it felt challenged
through at all costs, was a national power of no less cohesion —
Ocrcto.,AP.l'

this either by appointing politicians from the parties most than were the democracies of England or France.
agreeable to him or by creating civil service ministries. But
that doesnft take care of the case yet! The special interest
parties were not only incapable of governing, but in fact they 2. The State Parties in the Parliamentary System of Government
were not even quite willing to assume the reins of government.
ir' *;ii[a[*ifiil*lu;siip:i:s;: s]Trg:t=;n;.
:rx,g=ur;;
The status quo freed them from the worries of government and The specific formal characteristic of the party of being a
permitted them to recover from time to time by the popularity of leadership organ under the basic requirements of the constitu¬
being in the opposition. It could happen that just about all the tional system subjects the party leaders to a condition of
parties represented themselves to the voters as opposition par¬ dependence on the masses, who are willing to follow only to the
ties, but in doing so they certainly had to be more forgiving extent allowed by their own limited range of interests. But this
op.F5t(ncr53

vis-i-vis the government than was compatible with firm opposi- very characteristic under the requirements of the parliamentary
t ion. They could be bargained with. Circumstances were espe- system places the leaders into a decidedly strong position vis-a-
cially propitious for the government where the power tradition of vis the masses. This is explained by the fact that the require¬
administration and the weakness of the populace opened up an ments under which the parliamentary system develops are such
opportunity for them to win the election. that, instead of more parties of special interest, full-fledged
state parties are formed, and that via the state parties the
For the most part conditions were such that the constitu¬ leaders are faced with incomparably more demanding tasks and thus
$qE 3$S

$r *,s;-t[;ig;iiiisil;li[E;i,[

tional system couldn’t be considered as a transitional system for are accorded a great deal more weight than is true for the spe-
5
o { o o o "J o o

the short run or so, but had every chance to settle down for the cial interest parties.
duration. During the time when the parties were still in the
process of development, one expected the newly rising parties to We have already mentioned the prerequisites for the coming
{o0)

grow from one election to the next, but as soon as they were on about of the parliamentary system. They comprise the greater
the whole fully formed, one could hardly expect that a party in political maturity of leadership and masses foreshadowed already
new elections would gain noticeably at the expense of other par¬ in the character of the populace and furthered through historical
$$'-6P qEo SB

Every national, every denominational, and probably also education.

13

ties.
every economic party had its solid election districts, the number
of wavering districts being relatively small. The national as England, the prototype of the parliamentary system in
cr6--5u

well as the denominational settlements in the old Europe are now Europe, thanks to its island position was isolated from the vor-
almost immovably demarcated from each other. It is true, though, tex of the continental wars whose embodiment were the standing
=

that the mass of settlers in the economic groups shifts during armies through which the princely commander-in-chief on the Con¬
p s o oiD ts.o rD 5 o o p

='1i';Ireei ll;

3 ;uiln qrE;-;;;

the transition from the agrarian to the industrial state and with tinent gained complete control over the levers of power. In
the expansion of industry as well as in the wake of the contin¬ England the princes never became so powerful as to be able to
5'9'$5'$9s.8:.$

-l; i::r:HsiqI

uing pull of the cities. But even these shifts generally take interrupt the tradition of the freedom of the estates. In the
rlo.ooq

place only slowly, and none of the groups making up the proper¬ course of the revolutions the power relationship shifted still
tied class could reasonably expect that in the near future these further in favor of the estates. The second revolution, the
shifts alone would enable it to obtain an absolute majority in Glorious one, changed the kingdom by the grace of God into a
the representative body of the people. Even the growth of the kingdom by the grace of the people, but the exercise of power
industrial labor force does not proceed at such a rapid pace that fell neither to the populace nor to the king. The populace still
c

the proletariat could hope to rise so quickly from a minority to fell short of political maturity, and the House of Hanover, hav¬
a majority party in the House. For this to occur there had to be ing been called to the throne from alien Germany, did not have
changes of the kind which happened during the revolution, changes the dynastic tradition. The actual exercise of power fell to the
u3o:

in public opinion which unhinged the constitutional system. great Whig nobility which had directed the Glorious Revolution
and had pushed through the protestant succession to the throne.
nrr

As long as the constitutional system existed, the prince was England during the first decades following the accession to the
5'

in a deeper sense the representative of the people than were the throne of the Hanoverian kings in its actual constitution was a
rE
crN

parties, each of which only represented a single interest group republic of the nobility rather than a monarchy.
E

According to
\

324 325
 Disraeli’s' judgment the king vis-a-vis the nobility was no bet-

i;
general interests on which all groups can agree. The state party

llii;Hrllllgil*lii liilllllilil]le
p.

[f,i;:;i;fi Et1ri;u ;* 1:fa*F*fii;i:i i*i;-*iglriil;;

1
ter than had been true for the doge in Venice. As the Whigs is referred to the ways of high politics as previously intended
p o o pJ .'5 o p o
faced the Tories the two great English state parties were being by the far-sighted prince. It will recognize that all interests

g€illi]ii;[*
formed which vied for the favor of the majority in the country are solidly united in seeking to secure to the state the external
and for the government. 5
The upward movement of the masses respect commensurate with its power and in smoothing the path
<OC0{5PP'5O0tO.5O5 r,
changed the aristocratic rule gradually from liberalism to democ- domestically so as to assure the unfolding of the most vital
5
racy and the parties of the nobility had to adjust to the modern energies. The top leaders of such state parties must be the most
lJ O<

cond it ions. Their being able to do so earned them the reward of high-minded politicians. It is not enough that they have the
being able to maintain control over the leadership of the politi- mentality of politicians a la the leaders of parties of special
cal parties. Traditions of long standing and new achievements
were merged in a most intimate manner. Both of the great parties
interest, mere party politicians
— rather they must be statesmen
as formerly were the great princes and their advisers. These top
q-01 o
'-o

always were receptive enough to further educate the newly rising leaders need the kind of training which can be acquired only if
masses in the image of their own historical education. Both of politics is not pursued on a part-time basis, and again they must
p 5p

the great parties, whatever new foci of interest they absorbed, not pursue it merely for money-making purposes, but they must,

I
have remained state parties. financially secure, have spare time for persistent political
o

work. Training of the kind they need can be acquired only by

[; ipiI l[itgriIi; ii:i i;liriIl;effi fl$iriil'll

Every state party must have the will to rule and must remain continuous practice, experience not acquired overnight but over a
pr
0)

capable of governing. Thus there can’t be many, but really only long period of time and which has been tested by historical suc-
two, effective state parties for once there are more than two of cess. For this one needs the tradition of a great party with an
g3$3gq $3 3E $g 3q':5{
O 5 5-

them, the chances for one to gain the majority in the House, the established history.
prerequisite for ability to govern, are already too small. In
P.ts' 50JcrooOcrlt5OcffDO.OOOr3

order to gain the necessary number of mandates, each of the two State parties of such a design and with such leadership, if
state parties must strive to unite under its wings all the inter¬ they are successful in politics, may expect to win over as addi¬
c-f

est groups, if possible, and it must not exclude any that declare tions to the firm core of their ever faithful adherents the
themselves for the state altogether. In the two great historical voters still vacillating between the parties, whose attitude is
r, P.cf F

parties of the English Parliament, landed proprietors and big determined by the big sweeps of public opinion. If the party in
capitalists, the middle and lower classes and the agrarian inter¬ power has suffered shipwreck with its policies, the opposition
ests, insofar as they were still able to hold their own against party whose criticisms were proved right will be able in the next
the big landowners, and finally until very recent times the work¬ election to defeat the old majority decisively and move into the
ers as well, have always been represented, although the composi¬ new House by a wide margin. The old government then has to con¬
tion of the groups in the two parties differs. The difference tent itself with the position assigned to it by the leaders of
^ cr 5 { 5

between the two parties related more to the speed of development the opposition. This does not by any means destroy its prestige
;,;Tr3 i'e *:

than to the choice of the interests to be nurtured. Each put in for good. The day will come when it will be recalled to power,
first place the great state interests of high politics, and each and when it then picks up the reins of power again, it does so
of course was a state party in the sense that the continued not as a novice in the functions to be performed, which of course
lriiitiffil

existence and power of the state were considered paramount. To it has known from earlier times and in its opposition role is
(,
B f g F Sf SS'$9

this both parties agreed, and this is why they could take turns called upon to criticize constructively nor does it do so as a
in heading the government without rupture of the leading state novice in enjoying public confidence. It takes up its office
H.o 5O<0

traditions being a necessary consequence. When somewhere in the equipped with that historical power which is in line with the
Balkans the ruling party was pushed into the opposition, this, in glorious traditions possessed by both of England’s great par¬
O<O.OO.)q3tsp

times not very far back yet, might have had the consequence of ties. The new ministry enjoys the same full authority as did the
making it willing at once to resort to conspiratorial activities preceding ministry and at an earlier time had been enjoyed by the
; r:'[e*[.i;-

and revolution and to oppose the dynasty to which it had still princely government.
been submissively devoted a short time ago. In England, peace
3

and order remained unaffected when the Whigs overturned the Tory The ballot cast by the voters on the judgment day of the
government or the Tories overturned the Whig government. However
O O D n, cro O

election by no means cancels the historical power of the party

F'-95'EE

gri i:liiil

passionate the political battles, especially the election battle, leaderships. The voters by casting their ballots by no means
in the mind of every representative and every citizen the thought become the leaders’ leaders, they continue in their role as the
:*;ii

of a recourse to arms was simply ruled out, and everybody was led multitude. Always during the period of the two-party system
always ready to put up with the outcome of the election. The one of the existing party leaderships had to emerge victorious
tCo.g

majority of votes cast settled the issue. There was only one from the battle, for these leaderships alone are qualified, by
appeal from the poll in the House: to the poll of the voters. historical selection and the willingness to follow of accustomed
€

electorates, as candidates for government office; but on the

$raixi;
; xll s"

A state party bent upon winning the majority of votes on other hand the size of the voter majority also weighs heavily.
iiil-;-
3'g$3gg

election day has to conduct its political business within a Thus leaders and masses always remain in their functions which
o pl 6
OO

broader scope than does the plain party of special interests. To under healthy conditions find their healthy balance. Under the
do so, it is necessary that it meet the special interests of all conditions in which England found itself until the beginning of
n

the various groups halfway inasmuch as this can be done without the 20th century the balance was so even that it could be said
g*:
Op)O

clashing with the other participating groups, and this in turn is with equal right that England was an aristocratic monarchy as
.rtn

best accomplished by seeking out and effectively representing the that it was a democratic monarchy.

326 327
 Nor has the monarchy in England yet finished playing its economic crisis which had befallen England as a result of the war

r'$L'*:Is'*n:r

;;;3:iiisci€i [ill :H fllt;;itlFli tg;[i;ii:ffi illffi::ff ffiEri[*

Eii;iii!l;l;;fll:iIlii5llli:l
Hlil;iisIi
Disraeli may be correct in saying that the and which was especially hard on its workers greatly stirred up
historical role.
5 O 5 F.O 5 P.F. class consciousness and contributed to labor’s interest in a
5U
first kings of the House of Hanover were nothing more than doges political organization of its own. However, not only proletar-
in an aristocratic republic, but gradually the dynastic senti¬ ians have joined the new party; it is a party of labor not of
ment for which the English people have a historically condi- laborers. It also attracted those truly democratic circles which
tioned predisposition, also turned to the regents of this House were uncomfortable with the middle-class narrow-mindedness of the
and the following House of Coburg. The peoples of the English two state parties. The Labor Party includes among its leaders
50)OOO.ts'FO-O!J

colonies view the king as the personal representative of the not few men with the finest education from among the propertied
unity of the realm, and the same is true for the English abroad classes.
and in the mother country. For the English psychology of power It is therefore not permissible either to place the
English Labor Party alongside the proletarian parties of the
the idea of the historical glory of the realm is associated with Continent. It is not a party of special proletarian interests,
E O 5 o pJ O C O O 50) Ord +rO 5555

the person of the king. Authorities on these matters believed

at least it is not yet today, although it does have a radical
:il:;*;q5;eE;xa*r

that the colonies would break away from the empire as soon as the wing which so represents it. In its majority the English Labor
monarchical bond would cease to exist. The imperialistic notion
of the world empire demands the prince on the throne. The Party is a state party, having taken the old state parties as an
educational model, and this is true not only of its leaders but
i;-3i,It:;ssfu
appointment of ministers by the king is therefore not a mere also of those segments of its masses who had already had the
formali ty. The leaders of the parliamentary majority would
hardly command the full authority of government in the realm if franchise before. Also many of the new voters had learned in
l--FO55€

they had merely been selected by the majority without having been their labor unions how to put free power organs to successful
confirmed by the king. Only the endorsement by the historical use. The Labor Party already once before had taken over the
holder of the supreme power of the realm provides them with the reins of government and, to judge from the manner in which it
full historical power which lifts them from the level of a party conducted foreign policy, it passed the test of statesmanship.
UIOC Fl)

government to that of the imperial government. What Polybius The rise of the Labor Party did not throw England back to the
says of the Roman state, namely, that it can be called equally stage of special-interest governments the country now having
P.OoCP<<F,

well a monarchy, an aristocracy, or a democracy, also applies to three state parties instead of the preceding two. To be sure,
England. The perfect blending of the elements of state power the maintenance of the parliamentary system has now become more
bestows upon it its vitality, just as, according to Polybius, the difficult because the rivalry of majority and minority no longer
:dl{{

"mixed constitution" gave to the old Rome its strength. yields the same clear signs. The political flair of the English¬
man, however, certainly will find a way to so reconstitute the
t*ilg*ruiy;

parliamentary apparatus as to make it suitable for the parlia¬

li;il;*; ;;Es=;,sili
il;t;i$iilf,
rtl;llliil-

The English people matured to the democratic form of govern¬

ment as a result of the fact that it fully learned to perform the mentary system.
O 5C (' Fi)C O O Pr O
Ocr(, P.O 5 Hrr3 3 B

mass function of following. Certainly, in England, too, a large

In Hungary the tradition of the privileges of the estates
5P5CnP

portion of the electorate is bound by tradition and interest to

follow strictly the party line, yet there exists a considerable was maintained longer than elsewhere on the Continent. The Revo-
number of voters whose maturity has made critical followers out lution of 1848 was still able to connect with it. When the set-
of them and who on the judgment day of the election decide the tlement of 1867 made the Hapsburg monarchy dualistic and restored
issue. As was shown in greater detail at an earlier place, this Hungary to freedom, the leadership of the parties fell to the
subjects the English party leaders to that effective control over nobility. In the process it benefited from the historical educa¬
crOdO

the leaders which constitutes the crucial element for the self- tion of centuries. It proved its maturity for leadership in the
determination of the people. formation of state parties which assured Hungary of superiority
in its political battle with the Austrian half of the realm. Its
-,inirxqFi[slf'lt,;
ig
;a

Most recently England’s classic two-party system was broken leadership power was all the more conspicuous as the mass of
by the rise of the Labor Party. This is an after-effect of the voters was extremely immature in political matters. Through
O<

*€*s*.€*;':;1ti;g

World War which, however much it is sensed as a disturbance, is centuries the masses had been conditioned for submissive follow¬
{d

1;ii;;:Al;tE;iil;

quite mild compared with the shocks imparted to the historical ing. Apart from the Croatians and the Transylvania Saxons, the
O € o.crU hrlD t!Cr,O

non-Magyar peoples of Hungary were so devoted to the traditional

O f *'::yOl *.Or g O J 5 crg

state systems of the vanquished peoples. The World War -forced

H.rrcL':H)FJo.Ogo)p'FJ

England to expand its enlisted army to the status of a militia, Magyar rulers that the latter could almost completely count on
and the democratic sense was so strong that one couldn’t help the loyalty of the election districts. Certainly, the political
following up universal compulsory military service with universal horizon of the Hungarian party leaders was limited by their
rs; Fusq; ;,r;

suffrage. All of a sudden there were large numbers of new prole¬ national interest, and they had no feeling for the importance of
tarian voters. As already mentioned, a large portion of these the unity of the realm. The Hungarian state parties were not
did not exercise their new right, but the number of those who did also parties of the realm. Their strength as state parties put
was nevertheless so great that there occurred a considerable the unity of the realm in greater jeopardy, and more than all
ESsggfr:

shift in the composition of the parties. Until then the majority other parties they contributed to the loosening of the realm’s
of the workers had joined one of the two middle-class parties, coherence. Without the historical power of the crown and the
5€ 5 o fD O

and an independent labor party which controlled only a few personal authority of the joint monarch, Emperor Francis Josef,
seats had existed for only a short time, to boot. It was it would have been altogether impossible to keep together the
crts.crtno.

natural that the new voters, above all, flocked to this party, parliamentary ministry of Hungary on one hand and the civil ser-
which was subsequently also joined by most of the workers who had vice ministries of Austria and Austria-Hungary on the other.
H.tg)

hitherto belonged to the middle-class parties. The severe

:

328 329
 1 to any danger. According to Thucydides, the war was lost because
Through their English base population the United States

; iE
: :r-s
_
:5

;
RgIE -"'k= !,*, o $*.i *q
=
X 5 O F.O ts'ni i 5 +3 ct5 O O < F-:

o
O 5
the leaders coming after Pericles did not stick to his advice but

O.5

l;q}gsle*q

6fi:-ls.fr;3:1:9
5u)+c
received the heritage of the political education of the English
ts'l cf OP.orO o
(D tr o f-o o o o Po o 50q o-o o
undertook things which, if they turned out to be successful,
FJ

*;€*:fi
6 ts' O F.515 Pts'
people. Set up as a republic from the time of the Declaration of

g; _{.9 ].
surely brought honor and profit to the various leaders, but if

;l'-Xr[E
5OnoO<0a
Independence, it depended on being able to create from the very

B."=i-*[i
o
they failed, had to ruin the state and the allies. Pericles had
r/JOdHl3

P. -0J O fj O,: F.oq H.. ts'P'5.

beginning parties capable of governing. They were historically
—
O5o. —
been so Thucydides
5oc
of high repute and insight, incorrupt¬
conditioned to form state parties in the manner of the two-party ible as none other, and able by his candor to keep the masses in

559il'_
system. This state of affairs was not changed by the immigration check. "He was not guided by them, but rather he himself guided
over time of great multitudes of persons. The immigrants were
P.o, -o-5 *;..:'--lo

S=
them , because he had not attained power through illicit means and
i

willing by nature to yield to the American mass psychology, and

-f.fi fr
5O3O5O55ts.<<Oo5oo

3d'' *"giifist
therefore didn't have to tell the Athenians just what they wanted
crrC Hcr{O

the existing parties could count on their readiness to follow.

I')l+X

*B
;*

to hear, but took the liberty also to contradict them vehemently.

:q 61xE'3=g
The rapid rise of the masses did not improve their political
*9il$g*s
i' ix-;FBB
YqETEE9
. . . So in name there was democracy, but in fact the rule was
position, but on the contrary, it strengthened the superiority of
P'J ts. P'

tr

o"_o in the hands of the foremost man. But those who came after him
O O,F.cttscrF

the leaders. They alone were experienced, in their hands was the
- P.3.

were men who held the same rank as between them and of whom each
UcTIPO-5:."

political apparatus which true to the gigantic dimensions of wanted to be first , and so, in order to please the populace , they
The new voters
5^P--0d

American life, had itself to be gigantic. condescended to entrust the reins of government to it."
cro>rJ

couldn't do anything better than to entrust themselves to one of

6: F E&
oq

the existing state parties.

ct

In the young democracies at issue here nowhere has a

Fg3
g

*9. Pericles stepped forth, but even if somewhere there should be a

:*;

In the conflicts of power which eventually erupted in the

o."
H
5

man of his stature, he would nowhere find the masses willing to

o [ *
o.'+ ;

World War even the old democracies turned out not sufficiently
O,O-
ts.Fr

3E

follow as the Athenians had been vis-a-vis Pericles. The will¬

t, {
OO

P.;i
P5

solidified not to be overwhelmed by their national passions.

F.

q
?
bf

ingness to follow the great leader must have been historically

instilled into the masses, the leadership position which becomes
the platform from which the great man sweeps the populace with
Young Democracies After the Revolution
Cr
F

3. The
o
a

o
F
Fi

p
o

)q

him must have been historically readied. The peoples of the

Germany, Austria, Hungary, and the new states which were
_ young democracies had all been trained to follow the dynastically
l; ;: :i;Ir H;!;;;; ;F i lg:e nl A [r,
EilHtE'xtr3; 3;al:sfi ;:i;;sfi ;Hi.:iiFni=
+18; q -3-I&3 q 3.&.'

e;
a

3.' s"5d r r-3TH

s' HsE tdsl -E;S

ilfiFFH*;

appointed leader, but the dynasties were uprooted by the gale of

formed by regions detached from them and from Russia all estab¬
ts | cro OC € O.tsFi)
| 5P'O 5 5(D F'O

frsrA;:; rluj;:IrgFiIi; a:

the revolution which had been provoked by the disastrous failure

D d Op. (, 0J cf5 O 5ts

lished themselves as democratic republics. Why are these young

e I {E l; s s r 3 '- 5 * [ - o ^ p . . * i : s a I I i

of the World War and the magnitude of the sacrifices rendered in

-i

democracies weak and in part ruined to the point of impotence,

OOcrP'OEo5

vain. The dynasties of the Romanov and the Hapsburg-Lorraine had

whereas the old democracies in England and the United States are been granted half a millenium or more during which to take root
united and strong? The reason does not lie in one or another
detail of their constitution even if one of the young democra¬
— in the minds of the masses, and the Hohenzollern , too, enjoyed a
'

similar span of time in their Brandenburg-Prussian heartlands.

cies followed closely the precepts of the constitution of one of It is true that as leaders of a united Germany they were active
the old democracies, it would nevertheless remain weak and rutty for a much shorter time, but they made their contribution
—
it lies at bottom in the fact that in the young democracies a period of enthusiastic receptivity of the masses. Theirduring
r** sEs;;*;s;aifnE

leaders and masses through education have not become sufficiently work
5rO ct5 O @ P'5 E 3 o

was crowned by extraordinary successes which made a very deep

mature to be able to set up true state parties. They did not
cf 5 o 0J 0t

a;

impression on the minds. Their fall affected the minds as does

manage to get beyond the form of special interest parties. But
;o

the sudden tumble of a tree many centuries old under whose canopy
now their young polities are confronted, externally as well as
=p

flH,ig:: il; F::: i." -r"

of leaves one had felt sheltered from sun and rain. Where could
internally, with the most difficult tasks such as the finished
5 c o 5p o5crPJ

a leadership person be found in whom the multitude was willing to

P FO O 5 O < cfo
-3'3.= . g5'.3'€9'3

state parties in the old democracies do no longer have to

B

lodge the same trust? This does not mean that again half a mil¬
solve. They are incessantly exposed to internal crises and not
E
i-3; [-

lenium has to pass before the willingness of the masses to follow

p<d<'3O5tsojcrd

rarely to external ones as well. In times of such severe crises has become equally general. The feat of unification by dynastic
there is a need for leaders who, thanks to their outstanding leaders is not entirely robbed of its effect, and a victorious
personal authority or to the weight of their historical power, leader a la Napoleon would again have been able to rally the
have enough stability to avoid being swept along by a vacillating
P.'DrC pJ

public. Leadership personalities of this kind are not at hand in

masses around him by a series of lightning successes. The medi¬
ocre leaders on hand did not have available such a telling means
any of the young democracies, and the previously existing histor¬
_
=;

of success. If they wanted to maintain themselves in their posi¬

ical powers have been demolished by the revolution.
g
o

tions, they had to allow themselves to be directed by the masses

instead of directing them. They could not dare to contradict
I ; "'r=-$x fs
;:r

While the author of this book was lost in such thoughts he them vehemently, as Pericles had done. What could be the upshot
cicrcrp ddrl) P. l--

looked up Thucydides "History of the Peloponnesian War" and in

O
o cr'cf o
p.p.ctC Fr;{

other than continued blunders, weakness, and impotence?

it found a passage which presents everything there is to be said
:gl'*Fa
ii:;-g:

about the topic with such clarity that he believes he can do no The unsuspecting democrat anticipated with confidence
better than to let Thucydides speak. The passage in question as soon as the impediment, adverse to the populace, of that
Ft<OO<Oqcfo
3

begins by telling how Pericles at the beginning of the war the

iS fr [il

princes had been removed everything would be in the best way.

advised the Athenians to be circumspect about their fleet and for He
r
o !t5o.o

was surprised to see that the historically accumulated power of

:;;i

the rest to remain calm and then gave them the prediction that the princes, after it had been broken up by the tempest of war
they would remain victorious if during the war they did not try and revolution, couldn't simply be replaced overnight. One first
to farther expand their domain and did not expose the city itself
H
il

330 331
 with traditional interest of their party, they must not veer from
had to get an appreciation for the fact that even democracy

i; rE i- ils 1l I I rg l1l *}ii li iil [ [l 11g [Hl i lil

[i

;ir![il:;il i; Hiltii:l1ll;ftiiiiiil
historical require¬ their prescribed paths, and they must not rise to the level of

E;Iig;;IiigI3frH.E*l.*sEr
all the clarity of its forms, has its basic state politics but must continue to pursue party politics
ments, which cannot be made up for so quickly. One couldrepresen¬ elect a in the
of traditional narrow manner. The great leadership tasks

Ii lI i lii
state president on whom the privilege and the honors itself undone. The leaders go along in the trot of the masses, remain
tation of the people would be conferred, but did this in of the guided by these instead of guiding them, as
being
make him the full-fledged representative of the majesty observed
Thucydides; they act to please them, they flatter them, and theyby
populace? What had been done in the name of the prince was con¬
support them in their shortsighted narrow-mindedness.
sidered valid throughout the populace. In the majesty of the Under
these conditions, who is around to safeguard the general interest
prince the majesty of the populace also gleamed. It served to
servants, by popu¬ of the state, which never was more gravely threatened? What
elicit a commitment to duty by army and civil power is in sight that might replace the collapsed,
had
lace and party, and even the basically reluctant proletarian if powers of the old state? Here is the source of Fascism.historical
ifE Fi
to acknowledge as a datum the prince’s historical power. all Even
the Fascist dictator appeals to the national consciousness in The
the young republic succeeds in finding the man who meets fight against party stupidity. The proletarian dictatorship the
prerequisites for the position of the president, then, if he has of
councils has a different origin: it is narrow-mindedness of
been drawn from the parties, he first is viewed by his own party
as simply the familiar buddy and by the other parties which
— classes driven to excess. It turns against the democratic prin¬
ciple, it calls upon the proletariat against the nation.
[i:

means the majority of the populace, under the given circumstances proletarian leaders so long kept telling their buddies that
The
— as the rival who is not to be trusted. If a government is put
together by allowing a number of parties providing a majority in
the House to combine, such a government by the mere fact con- that
are the populace that they themselves can’t get away from
they
doctrine and feel justified to control the people in the namethis
iil

the people. of
civil servants place themselves at its disposal and that it
ducts the state affairs is not yet a state government, but
;; i;l;i; igurii,*;*
i i I it- ; I

remains what it is by virtue of its composition: a mere party D. The Daily Press
government. Again the men conducting government affairs are
viewed by the friends in their own party as buddies whose oblig¬ 1. The Press as Leadership Organ
;n TiriqlsiIiEiig[E

ingness is counted upon, whereas by the others they are seen as

r i I

rivals blindly addicted to the party. Even in their attitude When one talks about the press in short, he means the peri¬
toward the duties of their office they differ from the old odicals, and within this group virtually only the daily press.
governments. The honorable among them, who can always be found, This is what one has in mind when designating the press as an
will undoubtedly feel called upon by their conscience to admin- organ of public opinion. All other versions of the press are,
ister their office in the social interest. But even these almost without exception, addressed to a limited readership,
upright men may subsequently turn out not to have a trained eye mostly to specialists, and even when, as is true for the great
F

for the general interest but to be fettered by their party

',l

reviews, they deal with topics of the daily press, they do this
attachment: one may be personally honorable and yet politically
5o5-o,

for the few readers who are not only currently informed of the
lia;;iqti; ;il[rlE

controversial. The others, sitting next to them, are guided events of the time, but who also want to understand
;'' i

ruthlessly by the party interest, and many also by their personal larger context. them in their
interest, which does not encounter resistances of the kind found
within the scope of the former, firmly defined responsibilities,
——
The press we will use this short-hand expression for the
for which, of course they have not been trained. daily press
qi

was known for a long time as an organ of freedom,

as the organ of freedom, and it still likes to be so referred
i I I I I I ll I ll I I I I i 16
; si u't;*s*

For this to change, a great impetus must seize the nation, to. It was the strongest weapon in the fight of the
set in motion by one of those wondrous uplifts of the minds that parties, first the middle-class and later the proletarianfreedom
;

arise from the reservoir of energy of strong peoples at the turn- against the government. The government suppressed it as ones,
'

ing points of fate. Where this is the case, the traditional it could, and it is understandable why the demand for freedom as
much
; # **;, :'-

are to their nearest interests, are

r*

parties, beholden as they the press was included among the most urgent demands for of
upset, and the nation turns toward its great goals under new dom. How differently things are viewed today can be seen free¬
!xxs:eB?sas#Fri
X'[:'-E'8*I*."'-8.3]*;'

leaders. Such a turn of events led to the rise of Fascism in Spengler’s remark that freedom of the press, such as it is tofrom
Italy, leaving aside the question of whether or not it has used understood for our time, must be freedom from the press. Today be
the right means. But in the absence of such an impetus, the law the press is no longer a freedom organ in the fight against
of inertia maintains the traditional parties of special inter¬ power, but it has itself become a power organ, reinforcing the
est. The proportional representation system, destined to assure
*

power of the rulers and having won much power

r4;r

of its own.
;Ili1Fiflu

to the minorities their just representation, by means of voting Indeed , it likes to refer to itself as a great power alongside
from lists has become a welcome instrument for party leaders to the great world empires.
5c

maintain themselves in their positions, and in effect it turns

*s i i

brief
out to be a mutual insurance of mandates. Since during the groups
H

The reason for the magnitude of its power lies in the fact
5Ocr5otrPJ5

period of the election campaigns the existing interest that it rallies the masses around itself. In its external struc-
,s*;e
5€

shift only little, each of the great parties may view the bulk of ture it is a leadership organ in the very sense we have just
its mandates as secure, and the top leaders of the party at the shown for the parties. Every newspaper is a leadership
head of the lists are absolutely assured of their mandate. But organ
which, pointing the way, expects the following by the masses.
[
<c
';

in return the leaders have to be loyally devoted to the A

-

332 333
 __
•1 for someone to take it upon himself to argue with the paper over
board of editors with the necessary assistants and facilities is

lIrT"i; r*;i:;H;f;; E*=xs;gilE [;;;l'r; ige:i

"
r:;,.?p* irq=;

iIIEE ]* lgIf 3E^;- ;fi*xa

"-i:3i:ln[.xgil;llr=:gI
sE:E E FFi A gqFS.FFE ;+qH

"6'€E?=3Bi.l.$;[f3]X8f;]Fl
5
\ \' P

;'*Bsg=[El]ni,XiHo srp:6; ,=,g.lBs,-,""r.,

a remark he doesn’t like; to send in a correction requires a

*qe"_iii.;iisslE[.;EB o€6 edrEIa"s[;,+6sFBr:

t$Hrga6
,5ii"i
set up. Subscribers and other buyers and readers as well as courage which only few very determined people have. By the way,

t3-5;_;[g';d-,F;.lFBI.o_
advertisers are wanted, and they form the masses whose following readers as a rule do not use such a critical eye at all. They
is expected. In the beginnings of journalism these "masses" were critically read only the opposition papers which are taken up
masses only in a theoretical sense, but not practically, because
ca P'5 5 cr5 o o p rD D crtr o P'o o o
Folior. lyctca 5c|o, d<cro<ooo
true today for all
i or i±±±
only with deepest mistrust, with the preconceived idea that
very small. This is still toaay

0ss+;i:s3'p
they were still
x
„ everything they say is wrong. For all that, the majority of
those newspapers which stay alive only with difficulties as the
editors are unable to win sufficient following, be it because H readers hardly get around to reading opposition papers but con¬
fine themselves to their own. But the latter in turn is read
they lack the necessary talent or material means, or because they

i+:,8**EEss;s
stubbornly cling
But in our times of mass living the large press has gained
tea.
„ to- views which are not the masses* cup of tea.

readership size such as the founders of the press couldn’t antic-

ipate in their most extravagant hopes. Every large newspaper is
a
planned for mass consumption and must therefore have rapport with
Since each of the many groups making up the
the mass soul. I
---- quite uncritically. It is seen by its reader as a well-meaning
friend and counselor. He swears by everything it says, and he is
willing to keep the kind of faith with it which the masses are so
willing to bring to their leader. But this is by no means the
worst that can be said about newspaper readers. One must admit
_ that what the theory of mass psychology says to downgrade the
‘
masses applies to them by and large, and above all is this true
f;;i;lrH

masses has a different disposition, the paper must declare its

for the statement that animal-like qualities come out while
party allegiance or even lay its cards on the table of those intellectual ones recede. It is distressing to realize how few
v$3sS''il;*:5

without a party. But if this is so, isn’t it then the sub- the people are who can read a paper.
scribers, to take the position of Editor Aslaksen in Ibsen’s Illiteracy statistics
really should be amended to bring out the fact with how little
"Enemy of the People," who rule the paper? Is it still appro- understanding those whom the statistics list as being able to
priate, then to call the paper a leadership organ, as we have
EE

read make use of their knowhow. The paper which knows its
just done? readers makes things easy for them by cutting down on and cate¬
iFBr;''nBffHtst:te"

;;[rxrr
;.- r,ooq-eoo

gorizing the information content and beyond that by making it

-
53FF$

One may do so, indeed. The relationship to the masses in

i

n-[

more conspicuous by headings and bold face and occasional summa-

the case of newspapers is no different from what it is for all
s F; Ep!; -ie[#xgnil B
6 *.tp p.r p) i 6q o ts'{ o ry o

il

ries. All for naught! All these expedients are so many tempta¬
leaders who find for the masses the ways and means which permit tions for the ordinary reader. He is satisfied with reading the
r'ilgreilss;::

them to reach their goals. Only the great soul leaders point to
3E-3E:P9. ;'.A'B-e.

headings and what appears in heavy-faced type. That he be

new goals, and even the greatest among them are given the defin¬ to discern the news sources, or even only whether the newsable
Foavjca<_go

itive endorsement only by the weight of the joining masses. The is

offered as authentic or unconfirmed, one must not expect of him,
Ig;'*iiEIx=

press doesn’t seek soul leadership, and even with respect to its
u,rgIf:fr*nt3

nor that he correctly appraise or retain figures. The number of

il$3'*;s$$3s;fiE

ways and means it puts itself on a level which allows it to be those who accurately absorb the essential content of a piece of
readily understood by the public. Nevertheless, it performs a
information is very small, and the number of those who are able
true and difficult leadership service which must earn its sub¬ to reproduce it faithfully cannot be underestimated.
Soouo i.cF"

stantial leadership power. Even if the general direction which A large

portion of the untrustworthiness of which the press is accused
the public wants to follow is known, it is no cinch to navigate
?o

The leader performing must as a matter of fact be blamed on its readers. Even for the
through the turmoil of current events. majority of the ’'educated" public for whom the leading papers
this task is unlike the leader in wage negotiations who can be write one can take only a modest level of understanding for
d6{p'

readily obtained for a small compensation and who is dropped granted. The multitudes who in the rush of modern developments
after he has done his job; rather, the service rendered by the become part of the public are too little prepared to find their
former is such that the public becomes as dependent on him as is way without gross misunderstandings
—
*,

the traveler in the desert on the bedouin chief who is to escort they are not yet ripe for
the organ of the press. A majority of them lack the ability to
.=

him. perform the mass function of following with critical judgment.

$
B
P
:fi
s
;g
d

'

2. The Readers of the Press 3. The Press as a Business Enterprise

To a large extent it is the quality of the public which
I *e ts3
3" 6 *_;'B oX.'r 9.._.
;$q_aFfirif,$sr-
r FE s 5'" ,.E [' il s.5 il;'

l-3F;*lx+f'=.h';'
F[E=E*3fE]$srF'
F iEFEt:; i rr=:;

ii
I SIfr

The men who felt a calling for the press couldn’t help
rsl.;43'"-;H.,.'?^

provides the press with its leadership power and along with the ing out very quickly that their place was on the side offind¬
Hrli9erEl;eE
E cr Fl cr cr P'Fi.o rd
5C 5
P'fDO

quality also the situation in which the public finds itself.

P<

the
masses. Governments, too, couldn’t help recognizing what immense
This situation is by no means as favorable as that of the public
crCD

assistance a press favorable to their views could offer them vis-

in the theater or in the market. The theater public consists of
li 5id..e..i r'l

a-vis the masses, but they had to recognize just as quickly that
theater experts and fanciers who deem themselves qualified to let
0)

it was not their line to conduct a successful newspaper busi¬

P.O o ftc 5O 555

the impressions received be followed immediately by their judg¬ ness. This takes a combination of attributes which are foreign
ss e g[.:;

ment and who in the process have the opportunity of expressing

dOEoO

Also, the to the civil servant as such. Moreover, the manager of a news¬
their approbation or displeasure most effectively. paper enterprise must be granted a measure of independence
aFP'<f

public using the market knows its wants and has the opportunity which
government cannot yield to any of its employees. In the govern¬
of telling its verdict to the seller right into his face. The
€ 5 5 O

ment plan which occupied Napoleon’s attention at St. Helena, from

newspaper public is worse off, for it lacks togetherness and does
(/)

where he expected to be recalled, Napoleon provided for an

not stand face to face with the editor. Every reader is alone cial press as an indispensable organ of the state, and it offi¬
dcr{

with himself. He must form his own judgment, and it is not easy can’t
5

334 335
be doubted that he would have had enough strength left to make

li;lIilill*liiiliiilgii
thought meet with the interest of the public at large. It

r'qs' r;; gil['ill*:,-x;[i*n [;*sfl

f[iierq*ilFIHnxr

lllllili i ; i, ;,:ll;iiEliiiliilil*iiliiiltlifiliili;iiliiii
~
Ihas
the masses pliable through leadership of the press just as he long ceased being the mere dispenser of news serving to satisfy
was able to crush the enemy on the battlefield by cavalry attacks public curiosity. Its news service at the not too frequently
and sudden concentrations of his heavy artillery reserves. Today scaled full height of its capacity has become nothing less than a
Fascism knows how to command the power of the press for its own
purposes by either silencing opposition papers through official
channels or keeping them at bay through using its partisans in
research service
—or is it not research service when a great
American editor equips an expedition and picks its best suited
leader to look up Livingstone in dark Africa? The feats of many
the street. On top of that, Bolshevism utilizes the press addi¬ with war correspondents attain the full measure of male prowess. But
dictatorial severity for the education of the public; infor the
there now has been added to the news service the extensive ser¬
tion, it doesn't fail to use the movie and stage theaters vice as an organ of public opinion which covers not only the
selfsame purpose, thereby attempting to complete the indoctrina¬ political area but also just about the whole area of social
tion of the populace which it begins in school in its own life. The great press nowadays sets the tone for critical
spirit. The old-style governments confined themselves to pub¬ reviews of productions of stage theater, music, fine arts, and
lishing official gazettes for public information purposes and for literature. In its literary supplements it offers novels penned
the rest to making do with a semi-official press by using the by the most widely read authors of the time. Besides it has the
private press to the extent needed. Even the great political unique opportunity of attending to the special form of the short
IFFE 3Hs-s3;sfl[r*EoHls =g ts*g[gfg;EtrE*ii

parties normally dispense with publishing their own party story in which think of Maupassant supreme mastery can
papers. It is more convenient for them to use private organs of prove its worth within the most narrow confines. In its feature
publication whose editors belong to the party and are aware of supplement the press expatiates on all domains of social inter¬
the interest they have in keeping their columns open for the est. In all these respects the contemporary press has become the
spokesmen of the party. Every great newspaper as a mass organ is most important aid for the social leaders, and on occasion it has
a large-scale business enterprise which the party leaders cannot itself taken on the leadership function. Is it not the press
well cope with, and its editor must therefore be able to perform which gives directions for forming a world view to the educated
the tasks of a big entrepreneur in addition to his editorial public of our skeptical time which no longer attends the ser-
responsibilities. The large newspaper, aside from its political mons? As a political aid it is indispensable for government
ii *liiiiliilllliiiilillllElifi
and
section in which it follows the party line, must attend to a parties, both of which have to reckon with it, and occasionally
number of other sections which are no less important for its it expands beyond their control. In its business section the
sales success. If managed well, it will find readers interested press is an aid for the world of business on which every entre¬
in these other subjects not only in the given political party preneur depends and whose influence on the public at large cannot
camp in which the main stock of its subscribers are located, but

___
be exaggerated, especially as far as the latter is involved in
I*;

it will look for and find them also among the many vacillating the stock market operations. There is no need to expound the
people who only on election day, if then, declare for a certain contribution of the press in the field of advertising, particu¬
party, or among the unpolitical who are still fairly numerous, or larly as an aid to business firms. The weighing of the nearly
among the businessmen who have to look all around themselves, or
{iiFlilll[$EaH:iril

superabundant raw material of a modern newspaper and likewise

the
even in the rival camp or abroad. The party interest is too fixing of advertising and subscription rates demand most careful
narrowly defined to permit the market-oriented editor, all party reflection in order that the requirements of mass circulation be
loyalty notwithstanding, to confine himself to its horizon. In met. The success of a well managed newspaper amply repays the
this sense the great press developed quite predominantly as an editor for his labors: he receives a high income and has a great
independent press. On the other hand, the influence of the press social impact.
has brought about a situation where owners of large capital seek
to obtain control over the large newspapers, and in doing so, If one looks at the daily press as a whole one finds
incidentally , they find it advisable to allow the experienced lions of readers who obtain their intellectual nourishment,mil¬in
editor free rein insofar as this non-interference does not part before they go about their daily work but also
during the
threaten their own specific practical interests. The strong rest periods of their job. Not only is their news hunger
editor will know how to make his personality prevail externally appeased, but they also obtain from the press, which acts as an
as well as within his enterprise. Generally, he will give his intermediary between them and the existing top leaders, the daily
co-workers little freedom, conceding it only to the few strong reading of the social and business barometer of opinion, the
personalities whose cooperation he values especially highly. All order of the day as it were, which they need
the others have to obey his command as the troops have to obey ings in the chaos of events, or at least to find their bear¬
to keep themselves
their leader, and sometimes they have to perform their nerve- informed. The achievements of the movie industry, impressive as
racking job for a pittance. they are, still fall far short of those of the press.
the cinema is able to shock the viewers' nerves by itsPerhaps
The press has most perfectly prepared for doing business on graphic quality. As a means of war propaganda it has been vivid
BB?3Eq'
'*i=*;, *

used
a big scale. In its ingenious machines and highly functional in a way which would have moved Dante tcÿ assign the slanderous
equipment it has kept pace with modern technology, and in other originators to one of the worst habitats of the Inferno. But
respects, too, has lived up to its business responsibilities very normally the movie theater is not visited before the evening
Its news service is comprehensive and quick and from a
H;; H

well.
global point of view magnificent. The discipline demanded of its
co-workers with a view to meeting its deadlines is unsurpass- *There does not seem to exist such a word
able. It has discovered with excellent flair which lines of 463) used by theauthor
— (Tr.)
as "Bulgen" (p.

336 337
 parties. Everywhere there also was a counterpart press which was
leisure hours whereas the press issues daily and hourly direc¬

lr ;Fril;;
ii:i
;i;s[;*r[;iil:l;r;ii:;e:s;;*r:; ;it[;i;rt;E*ii:i l:,'*[i[;;
€EsEIrip,

lt l[;$
mag¬ peace-loving and counseled accommodation.
tives. In its own way it matches or exceeds even the mostone may
But the governments
also had to take into account the mood of the warmongers who had
nificent technical feats of our machine age. However guid- found strong expression in the public opinion of the country, and
assess its intrinsic worth, whether on balance it provides
influential perhaps one government or another even welcomed being able to
ance or misguidance to the people, it is the most creates rely on it. If the world press had previously been as united in

'*,E
1g i: [;
regulator of mass thinking. With amazing speed it con-
arguing for peace as later it advocated war, the peace could
curring images in millions of brains. It is a brain machine of never have been ruptured.
supreme capacity.

li
Although in ordinary circumstances the press, being inter¬
:'

nally divided, is not apt to be able to cast such a strong spell

4. The Power of the Press and Its Abuse on the minds, its effect must still be considerable. The masses
of each party swear by its press, and they take only little
8ry3?5 fi;nil15i€iE*gElr

It is clear from the start that the press wasn’t capable of

Et{ti[!l:;Ei*: [[
r;;€;;l;l t:il5l-= si;g "*:g$gl;lH;,

EF;s';*i;i:i;i;;ii;ilili;;i*iit g;firiiii;;Fi;;
technically and commercially supreme achievement without
notice of other papers, at least as far as political matters are
its concerned. The doctrine of free competition has even less cur¬
bringing a considerable dowry of talent to its broad tasks. rency in the opinion market than in the goods market, for in its
Without extensive knowledge, without keen judgment, without mas¬
tery of form, and one must not be kept from saying so by
apparent examples to the contrary
impulses, the press could not have
also without strong moral
made its contribution. The
— —
own camp the party press has a monopoly. The large newspapers
and only they matter for the public at large
—
capitalist enterprises. To bring out a large new paper requires
exceptional experience and the accumulation of a large staff of
—
are large-scale
history of the press at the time of its fight against state co-workers and of capital, but even then such a paper will not
supremacy is filled with deeds of high verve and true valor. It easily be able to cut the ground from under the feet of its rival
would be a grave error to believe that these shining motives are no
today. He who doesn’t see the virtues which it confronts. The newspaper which has won its circle of
longer operative readers is a historical power which cannot be got out of the way
in the work of the press must be treated only with distrust when
he raises accusations against it.
does have grave ones at that are,
Its shortcomings
above all, faults
and it
springing
— — unless it contributes to digging its own grave by committing bad
blunders, or unless it is hit by special misfortune. The liberal
bourgeoisie for a long time benefited from the fact that, thanks
from its great power, yet it was not able to achieve such power to the advanced education of its partisans and to its ample cap¬
except through the expenditure of great energy. ital, it first dominated the newspaper market. The lower
class, the proletariat,- and the landed proprietors obtained middle
E;

The press reveals the fullness of the power emanating from their
iliilli*liillllllli[l;
press only late, finding out that, equally applicable to their
it on occasions when it takes a firm stand in a matter, as it newspaper consumption as to their other consumption, they had the
does in conjunction with movements which carry the populace away ready masses at their disposal. Those circles who have remained
completely. Thus during the World War the press of the Central
gll;[3;[[i;';;:i*;rilp9ir;;qi

without their own press even today are thereby relegated far
Powers on one hand and that of the Entente on the other were the background in public life. As late as today the bourgeois into
united in backing the war effort, and in addition the govern¬ press, although having lost all political influence on the
ments, which usually hesitate to offend the press, in this case
ig;$fgrE:8f;:g3i*3Hgs$6856

readers affiliated with alien parties, in matters of business

invoked martial law against it as well, subjecting it to most interest, criticism, literature, and general world view still
incisive censorship. For the outcome of modern international wields a not inconsiderable influence in other camps. This is
wars not only the spirit of the armies but equally the spirit of the last remnant of liberal splendor, which by the way shouldnft
the population in the hinterland are decisive, and one can think be given such a low rating.
of no instrument of war which could have had a greater impact on
that population than did the press. It could trumpet forth and The work of the press rests to a very large extent on the
accompany with loud fanfares everywhere the achieved successes, wire services of whose significance the public hardly has a cor¬
and it could pass over in silence, or at least find excuses for, rect view. In the nervous system of the news service the inter¬
the failures, and it could raise again the depressed spirits by
offsetting news or by promises. Every opposing voice had to be
drowned out by the resonance which the general war enthusiasm
national wire offices belong among the most vital organs
— one
might view them as central organs. The wire service of the Asso¬
ai

As long as there remained the slightest ciated Press in the United States of America provides some 900
found in the press. newspapers with telegraphic news. Upton Sinclair, the eminent
prospect for victory or for seeing the effort through the press American author and journalist uses a felicitous term
'5 ' 'crcr:"'-in-;f

was able to maintain, and did maintain, the determination for when
referring to it as the canal system of public information. As a
war. One of its most effective means was the branding of war well structured canal system distributes its water, so the wire
crimes committed by the enemy. While the press on both sides service distributes its news all across the country to every area
amply availed itself of this tool, it may still be correct to say
g <

of need. We will later have to return to the point that it

that on the side of the Entente the propaganda of slander was is
also able to bring its power to bear, and most strongly at that,
conducted much more extravagantly as well as skillfully. humanThe
when it denies its cooperation. The plans of reformers who pro¬
then planted seeds of hate have penetrated deeply into the pose to improve the press are therefore rightly and in the
hearts, and their effects will outlast the war by much. The first
place intended for the center of the
press also had its large share in abetting the spirit of war and international wire ser¬
vice. That reform is not so easy follows from the consideration
thus the war itself. Everywhere there was a chauvinistic press that by its design this service is either an outright monopoly or
which became an organ of the anxieties and the zeal of the upset

338 339

is in the nature of highly restrained competition, and those in
*x
rrx;F.i rr-i --.-".{5A;;l[[=;r s;
s$E sB B sE 3;
control of it will do all they can to maintain their supremacy.
There has never been great power without abuse. Should the
:;E::;i.f
press be able to constitute an exception from this experience?
Surely not, and we must therefore not be surprised if numberless
accusations are raised against it. He who would want to form a
correct judgment about it must be neither squeamish nor plain¬
tive, for everywhere in public life things happen in a somewhat
more ungentle manner than in private life, and the press is in
the full public limelight. We will therefore not bother at all
to dwell upon the evils of the gutter press and the outright
yellow press evil things, no doubt, but on the whole of no
[*B;
3ga:: :*Anf;;;ui:g*EeFifte:ef['*';;t€gt;H;
consequence, though perhaps unavoidable. There have always been
highway robbers, so why not also on the highway of public commu¬
nication? It is more worrisome that the outright yellow press
unnoticeably passes into the sensational press and that the lat¬
gE
ter occupies much space in the lowland strata of journalism. If
one imagines the figures of the newspaper people who are spokes¬
E f;
men in these strata, he is startled by the thought of whom the
spirit of the masses supplicates for its daily bread. Worse
E;6lt
still is the fact that we encounter abuse of power also in the
highland strata of journalism. There is no use glossing over it,
abuse is entrenched even there, and it has to be because there
concentration of power leads into temptation. The articles of
the choice critic of a great paper are read by tens of thousands
FiaEia'iif
whose applause matters to the victims of his critique. He is the
artistic judge of fate not only for the capital city but for the
whole country, and his objection can place in dispute the success
of a masterpiece for quite a while. Nobody possesses the infal¬
HuIbcax:i'
libility which would be necessary for the serious exercise of
such office, but there must be quite many whose judgment does not
withstand the temptations of personal favor or ill will.
Although the camaraderie and cliquishness are only too often
encountered in the critical or literary parts of a paper, it is
o FE
He who cannot
also seen to it that their effect is limited.
return a favor will be forgotten in no time. The cliques his of
posterity do not bind a wreath for the dead buddy; he takes
E'a ! rE E E6 sH rE
fame with him into the grave. Lasting posthumous fame must have
access to deeper sources than can be found in the shallow ground
: rr;;: ;;;rEg'=
3FliiHi;fl
of the daily press. There is no end to the gratifications of
vanity for which the press is abused. However, thase are ridicu¬
lous rather than important. The worst things happen in the busi¬
ness section of a paper, especially when the latter is owned by a
capitalist power using it with a view to putting the public in a
favorable mood for its machinations and setting itself up as a
judge of its own concerns.
The owners of large financing funds have the resources to
;IIi;i3*
make the press serve their own purpose on a grand scale. In the
large combines the press must also be represented, and it must be
so represented that the owners of finance capital can exercise
$s
their control toward all the political camps in which they have
to safeguard their interests. To a modern gigantic enterprise
s Fs
aiE
the amount of money which must be raised to obtain that control
carries no weight.
l
b. me
I News Service
r;
ig
ii
No general verdict can be given to such accusations. It
depends on the number and gravity of the cases of dereliction.
,ai$;a
rr$*i[i*;illlliEl*il:i;1ii
frli:tllillllI
Cited against these must be the entire weight of the performance
of the press and of its sense of professional duty, without which
such performance is not possible. It is clear from the start
that the more mature nations and parties will have a press
mature in every respect and hence also in its sense of duty. more
It
would not serve the purpose of our investigation if we were to
dwell in detail on what would have to be said about this __ in
l[;[lil '[:i llflli iiilllifilEii;rii'Effi;riil;;;.:
accordance with the differences in time and place and circles of
readers. We will let all of these accusations rest and confine
— ourselves to those evil effects which are said to be part and
parcel of the character of the press. We only seek clarity about
the extent to which the press in its grand design is suited to
become the organ of public information affairs and of public
opinion.
i,ill;:iltiElifi[i;lll
One must from the start give up the expectation that the
press might be able to perform its service in the manner of a
public office. This purpose is served solely by the releases of
the official papers, which are as reliable as they are jejune
wherever the government is not the party, but which lose this
character as soon as the government itself has to be a party
spokesman. One must proceed from the fact that the newspapers
are organs of the party or at least are written in the spirit of
the party. Considering the formation of public opinion this
couldn't be any different, for what is called public opinion is
nowadays as a rule merely the party line. The time is past when
the press stood with one voice for the idea of freedom against
;riil;Fgilt:
the government. Today it is no longer the organ of public opin¬
ion but the organ for the party lines and thus the organ express¬
ing the dissension of public opinion and at worst the general
perplex ity. With an eye to the news service one might of course
imagine a different state of affairs. Could it not be arranged
that all news of public significance were announced with the
dependability of the official stock exchange list as published by
the exchanges? To this end, however, one probably would have to
equip the whole news service in all its branches with organs of
the degree of dependability which put together the stock exchange
tliillil
quotations. This is hardly feasible, and for the time being, as
usual, it will be necessary to entrust the news service to the
zeal and the flair of the journalist. If one wished to surrender
it to the f,most virtuous and wise of the population,” one could
be sure that all news, down to such simple facts as deaths,
births, and weddings, would be published too late. Communica¬
tions, if they are to be prompt, must not be entrusted to the
kind of people who know all the things that must be borne in mind
i
before the full truth, and nothing but the truth, can be ascer-
tained in a given matter; rather, they must be taken
ell111;
the more unhesitating minds who nimbly and resolutely care of by
grab what
can be found out. The public is obligated to them even for the
half-truths they seize, for without the aid of the press it would
be at the mercy of the most absurd rumors. One gets a sample of
E
this as soon as the press happens to be interrupted for a few
days by a strike. On such occasions one becomes acquainted
'
the exaggerating force of rumor, of ”fama,” whose deformity with
the
ancestors used to depict in such glaring colors. Incidentally,
one must not overlook that the daily press may disseminate its
341
l.
340
I
 to
news only in proportion to the daily need. It must not begin
iillli liiiiiliiiii liiillilllliilliiiiiliiiliiil illilliliii
*-'"'
g]f?*[[*iig
bother the public by too great accuracy and must not dwell upon a
matter too long. The public is not at all interested in learning
the full truth and nothing but the truth. As soon as it is suf¬
ficiently informed to satisfy its curiosity, it objects to addi¬
tional information with boredom. The interest of the public sets
the standard for the degree of accuracy which the pressrepair must
observe. Regrettably, one must add that it is not easy to
iiii
the inaccuracies once they have happened even if there is no lack one
of will to do so. Weeds once planted grow exuberantly, and
cannot keep up with them everywhere in order to eradicate them.
One must also add that only too often there is a lack of
EsI Es]gFsErEsf€gflifgfti'iIEg:iE
good intentions, for the press is and remains a party organ,
after all, and its news are collected and written in the party
spirit. A party paper cannot feel called upon to disseminate
news which favors the interests of the adversary. It will assid-
uously disseminate only the kind which serve its own party.
Besides, it must give out news of general interest which it must
not keep from its public even if they are unwelcome. But where
is the line between what one still has to say and what oneparty may
risk excluding from what is to be said? No doubt the
spirit will draw the line in such a way that it must appear to
the reader demanding the full truth arbitrarily and unjustly
___
drawn. Upton Sinclair has something to say about how rarely he,
the socialist,, succeeded in getting into the channel of the
middle-class-oriented wire service of the Associated Press infor-
mation which was detrimental to the capitalist regime. In most
cases he had to give up the attempt. The "channel” was not
opened up to him, an impenetrable "wall," as he puts it, barred
the access. Doesn’t such a denial of service amount to a denial
of justice? He who considers the press to be an organ oforgan the
public news service will react so. The press as a party
feels differently: it believes to perform an act of sovereign
justice, and if one were to accuse it of meting out justice based
on class bias, it may perhaps plead that as long as there is
class war it wouldn’t be justified at all to follow a different
course. To be sure, it must not be concealed that there appear,
along with the more excusable cases of class prejudice, also
cases of star-chamber justice. Not infrequently the press
reveals itself as a master of the style of clever concealment.
Less conspicuous than the outright refusal to reveal the
facts, but much more pernicious in its effect , is bending the
truth, of which the press following the party line becomes
ansFsFFrssiEsE
guilty. No party member has an unbiased view or is able to think
impartially. The press as a party organ is least able to do so,
for it must see with the eyes of the masses and think with the
mind of the masses, which are always more impassioned than is the
individual by himself. For the masses what is individual never
counts, only what is general, only things with which everybody
can go along, only what is strong, simple, and can be said and
felt without reservations and qualifications. In every assembly
(,(DF
the loudest orator wins through most easily, the one using the
most drastic language, and the press cannot obtain the attention
of its readers in any other way. The overwhelming majority of
them do not read the newspaper like a precious book where every
word is savored but they skim over it in great haste, quickly
ogr5(D
searching for the most spectacular only, and at bottom they
accept only what obliges their prejudiced mind. After reading
342
the morning paper they do not want in their daily activities to
have to bother with new ideas suggested to them, rather they seek
confirmation and reinforcement for their conventional view. Just
as is true for the party jargon, so in the press, too, all public
affairs are governed by accepted beliefs which one must adhere to
lest one abandon good form and run the risk of not being listened
to any longer. When among themselves, those in the know
quite differently, making fun of the ringing phrase which talk
they
keep trumpeting forth before the masses just as soon as they face
them again. When one personally runs into the political adver¬
sary he is met with the accustomed good manners of human inter¬
course, but in public and in the press the political rival and
the masses belonging to the opposition party find themselves,
even more so than does the individual, deprived of the protection
afforded by good manners. One may cast suspicion on him, nay,
the party spirit demands that he be suspected of every possible
rancor. Not only the opinion of the press but also its news
service is colored by the party. Where the "channel” must be
opened its water becomes muddied; the well is poisoned, although
one does not always become really aware of it. One of the most
widely circulated accusations against the press is that because
of its daily distortions it is chiefly to blame for the heating
up of passions. This accusation is hardly justified in full. As
organ of the party the press is the echo of the party voices,
with all other voices being drowned out by the noisy voices of
passion, which indeed gains still greater effect by the aggra-
vating resonance of the press.
A large portion of the newspaper columns does not serve
party interest but the general interests of the public. Here the
press is free of factionalism, but even here it must placate the
the
spirit of the people; here, too, it remains in the service of the
mass soul. As spiritual leader of the masses the press does
much, one may say extremely much, by all manner of instruction
and education, but all the same it does not get out of
of the mass soul. It will teach the masses, but itthe domain
will not
improve and convert them. It doesn’t even try this. The
press stays within the horizon of everyday affairs and must daily
stay
there. What is not situated within this horizon must remain
alien to it, and it must not burden the public with such matters,
at least not on weekdays. Only on Sundays, and still more on
certain extraordinary occasions, does the public have sufficient
leisure for and interest in ideas aiming beyond the narrow
bounds. On suitable occasions a large newspaper will open its
columns to the nation’s leading minds. These must welcome the
opportunity to present what the hour calls for to a host of peo¬
ple and with such special effect to boot, that at the same
time a
general impression is being evoked which becomes a
daily conver¬
sation piece with a more lasting echo than other utterances of
the press are granted. Attentive readers clip
passages with a view to preserving them with care. the respective
However, this
still doesn’t help one to get over the fact that, all told, the
general tenor of the press, which takes its cue from
daily life,
is dominant. The multitude amidst the variegated material of the
paper does not spot the rare pearls offered to it from time to
time. The regular subject matter of the paper can be worked
through by the journalist only just to a degree compatible with
the speed which is the supreme canon of the daily press.
issue must be completed within a deadline, and nothing must The
absent that can still be communicated before _ - it has elapsedbe.
343
Nothing is worse than to be bested in this by another paper.
Itf;ir[[;;[ey:Ha: si:pl;iiliTl;t:;[
fr=*ss*E*-riFgi;:i
ef,E;E::g;f;5*[EE3 ;HH]38gs[;I;s;rqEg
Speed is the foremost professional duty in the nerve-racking
service of the journalist, and thoroughness has a place only to
the extent that it is compatible with speed. What’s lacking in
terms of thoroughness must be compensated for by authoritative
presentation And as is well known we have mentioned this
before —
to the public itself thoroughness doesn’t really matter
a great deal. One might almost say that within a large area it
isn’t even concerned about truthfulness but only about the kind
of mental satisfaction reaching from sensation-seeking to the
sense of well-being caused by refined artistic enjoyment: one
wants to be entertained, stimulated, flattered, and to the
extent necessary and attainable without too great an effort his
also educated and advanced. From this the journalist derives
second professional duty, namely, to offer an interesting
account. If it is impossible to attain full truthfulness, one
must compensate for this by elegance of presentation.
In the rush of daily service the journalist of average tal-
rq:
ent must content himself with using the press jargon which the
journalistic craft has worked out. Even the most competently
managed and edited paper cannot stay completely aloof from it
i =[i;lfi;:;;u'1
because it cannot carry out its far-flung task if, aside from the
distinguished collaborators whom the far-sighted editor attracts,
it doesn’t use on its staff some lesser talents as well. Every
issue of a large paper offers examples of the good and the infe¬
rior types with whom the press works. Side by side with the
conscientious critic, who weighs every word, and the experienced
professional, the man of routine and of the careless phrase
writes. Aside from the language-corrupting and thought-abhorring
jargon of the craft one finds the virtuoso who masters in supe¬
rior fashion the so intractable instrument of public opinion, and
in between from time to time a pure note rings through, clearly
discernible amidst all the noise, without losing any of its truth
and beauty.
n
3
6. The Impact of the Press
The formerly customary glorification of the press is as
=ts flq|Q.f F
;" r3.q*ss"FoE
unfounded as the now customary rejection. Inasmuch as it is at
B. - 9'il53.,
igH:*EPB,36'38,8-3i
all admissible to judge the press as a whole, behaving differ¬
Or
*,.t^doi
ently as it does at each of its stages and in each place, it must
0l<
be said that the accusers of the daily press demand more from it
6.': *.ct
than it is inherently capable of doing, much as it may try. It
O HrogOcroOO>SOEcro'OPC
must currently relate the course of events to the masses of edu¬
ge
s oC-d*.oPoP.(/)CPg5oFPE
O.
cated and uneducated and in agreement with the existing leaders
must issue the slogans conducive to understanding those events.
q.'-eE.ssiHr
As a business enterprise it cannot help safeguarding its commer-
^ o i.i
cial interests and to pay heed to its sales. It will therefore
gH,A
seek to offer its best, yet it must nowhere exceed the mental
capacity of its circle of readers, and least of all can it afford
^YnK 5.: r-*1O
to fight against the basic views and passions prevalent in that
-*
It only has to have a feel for the emergence of new
o..dE
circle.
general sentiments and must aim at going along in good time with
B'3 3
cttr o
future turns of events, yet it must steadfastly cling to the firm
core of the party line and of the prevailing general view.
<dc
3-:.
Nevertheless it is utterly wrong to believe that the domin¬
5
cro
ion of the daily press is only a fleeting dominion, unable to
p.
o
[a;*;r;ifl;
;lIiIl**rq; sE; rr ;;Fflu[; g3;;a:ri'
*g;giflll:*ra;
prevail against the power of the status quo. The mountains of
paper piled up by it daily collapse in no time, it is true, yet
its dominion is still no mere paper reign as is that of the many
paper constitutions of the present time. The mass impressions
repeated daily by the press in its capacity as a brain machine,
. fleeting as they may be in particular, _in toto contribute cru-
; Iif;lrl::'i1rIii l=r.i't*iIa'!
cially to the state of mind of the modern masses. Notwi thstand-
ing all the instruction which it gives them the much
overmuch
— the
it brings them daily severely blunts their desire for
education, impairing the vigorous receptivity of the minds. A
aIiit — — press which presents the much the overmuch in a hasty and
superficial manner, to boot, depresses the love of truth of the
masses.
Aside from these internal effects one must not overlook a
;:
drastic external effect. The press massages the masses who at
the present time newly throng to the political entity, it is
called upon to turn them into the same direction and bestow upon
: *ffi *fi*;gailli;
It;riilat;ri;;r;
them a rudimentary discipline. It provides for the masses of
voters and those who want to become voters the kind of service
which the parliamentary floor leader provides for the representa¬
tives, and has to provide this service not only for political
affairs proper but also for public affairs in general along a
whole series of directions. It must be admitted that the press
has rendered this service with unusual vigor.
Guided by the
scent of its interest, it recognized earlier and more fully than
did most of the old historical leaders the peculiar character of
the modern mass. It is indefatigable in rallying the masses,
putting them in rank and file, and mentally uniformizing them.
If the old historical leaders had been as adept as the press is
adapting to the new ways, society would be much better off.
The rivalries of the political parties are severely aggra¬
vated by the interference of the press. The members of each of
the existing political circles by the solidarity of their press
obtain a clear awareness of their coherence, they gain rapport
if'
with each other, they become conscious of their numbers, they
receive the catchwords and slogans by which they recognize each
other and with which they confront their adversaries. The party-
q gt e s
r
se;.?:l;i*fIpA;l':.?
ff
F: b 4- .9 '' q o6g ^..3E
;$ 33*rtnai=F;aE5',s:fgi
line-oriented news service of their home journals conveys the
s-as
facts to them in such a way as to convince them fully of them¬
selves being right and of their adversaries being wrong.
oi
ss[H
By organizing the masses the press, acting as an interme¬
sn
g'i -3e!:.8.-3"8",:F1
diary, helps to subordinate them to the existing leaderships; it
represents the leaders vis-a-vis the masses. But in doing so the
l
press also reduces the degree of superposition of the leaders,
fi''
:gi; ;*l ililFrsiE
i.e., by acting on their behalf it deflects from them and appro¬
?oii.rif
priates for itself a not inconsiderable portion of their leader¬
3:
ship power. It cannot avoid paying heed to the mass sentiments
E sB s F il{
which it clearly reads from the sensitive barometer of sales, yet
it is far from being the submissive servant of the masses. It
;'';-s"
cn
has to meet them half-way in those cases where it is particularly
*!
sensitive to their interests. For the rest, if it uses some
sense it can feel assured of its following, for it is equippedgood
P
to
satisfy curiosity, that most typical attribute of the masses, and
PO
to interpret for them, in the manner of a modern-day oracle, the
--
E:
meaning of the public events which arouse their attention. By
€11
flF
H'
"
setting itself up as a mass organ it manages at the same time to
obtain the following of the masses which it gathers, thereby
*
344 345
 becoming elevated to a position of equality among the top social To stand for freedom of the press under the given circum

Hf;;;i;g;il;:i3;$FIFx-r;.;n[ l
s;*;; Is
ii$gi[r;ggg5il[:tl;;;g:;lg; fil

:+gil*r;rs;;;-tgl;;rt:rr;5la;r ;qHi,f;;*g;i;giii1;;rs;;€il1g ;
;;;:Fi;; rtt-$iF;;;; rsprra;= ai
$B
Fd
leaderships. stances is unnecessary. It has power, and thus it is free. I

[:;;;srr.;frll;5;;!!#;r#spqrq
is one of the great realities of modern life to which every othe
The press is of greatest service to the lower strata, which power in state and society must resign itself. He who is seriou
iE
o o crp.0) o (, o o ts.o E p p.
in its absence could not become aware of their own special needs
and of the weight of their numbers. Therefore he who views the
about "freedom from the press" must have the determination an<
the strength to plow more deeply than the press is able to do oi
masses as the real champion of freedom will even today still the level of the masses on which the press has won its power
FH

elevate the press to a position of eminence, whereas he who sees The great intellectual leader will overcome the power of th<
in the masses the enemy of true freedom, the freedom of the lib¬ daily press.
te6E.r; a; I eeil; iB B;;;

;l$;;=ii;;ie*fs*s;;i's
erated minds, will reject the press as by far the most oppressive
organ of power. Both observers are wrong because each is able to E. The Economic Leadership Organs and Mass Organs
see only one side of the given state of affairs. Genuine freedom
can exist only when it is safeguarded by the coherence of leader
and masses. The highest freedom must always reside in the lead¬ 1 . The Capitalistic Enterprise
ing minds, which have to be pathfinders for society. But since
the masses have to legitimate the leader, they must also have the The modern large-scale enterprise stands in the same rela¬
option of following, i.e., they must not be forced to follow the tion to the large enterprise of earlier times as does the moderr
chosen leader in the manner determined by him. As the leader steamship to the rowing galley. The latter was powered by th(
needs guiding strength, they need supportive strength, which is human force of slaves or convicts, and the former also requires
5o crF,crL.5

just as necessary for the well-being of society. It is the noble many hands to operate it, but the driving force comes fron
task of the press to serve the cause of popular liberty by advis¬ machines alongside which still other substantial capital goods
ing the masses with respect to their supportive strength. Where have to do their job. The older version of large enterprises hac
the press is missing, the leader is less constrained in his deci¬ achieved it stature, above all, by the large number of employee
sions, being able to proceed more readily in accordance with his workers, while the modern version demands, in addition, a large
high-minded ideas. Where the press is well entrenched, he must amount of fixed and working capital. It is a capital-intensive
pay more heed to the mass sentiments, and his work will be enterprise. In addition it is characterized by a second ele-
slower, though more solid, if the masses are soundly advised. ment. Its types are in an unending process of development. As
5 {.{(r!

Where immature masses are badly advised by an immature press, one strives continually to enlarge and improve the steamship and
Tif

which is only too willing to do their bidding, progress and secu¬ especially to refine its motive apparatus, so within the entire
rity are threatened to the same degree. range of the large enterprise one harnesses the progressive tech¬
nological know-how in order to employ more efficient capital
F,rF;s r;,rfi
:flgr

i;qq:rIs;gr;lfl[;le;1[ggf|3;r

The observation that the press is said to bring about mass goods to cope with the rising demand.
;;1=rtli;i;;Fr;;urr:lu$*t;;i

Thus the modern large

education will lead all those who believe that mass education is enterprise demands of its chief an ever alert, enterprising
i
p o crcro

tantamount to the end of culture to condemn it without reserva¬ spirit. It must be a capital-intensive enterprise, geared to
r,E ?E.B

tions. A misapprehension which can be easily corrected! Mass highest efficiency of the large capital put to work in it. From
education always follows later. Culture can be disseminated the point of view of the entrepreneur it is a capitalistic enter¬
among the masses only after it has reached its peaks, but it is prise where concern with profitability, the highest personal rate
ilii;$

quite wrong to believe that when it begins to gain in breadth its of return obtained from the capital employed, overshadows concern
qt0q,o

growth in height must have come to an end. It is true that, as a with technical efficiency. Productivity increases which do not
s_IFi]E [fi " q,. F: F;

rule, some time will lapse until society has rallied its strength raise the profit rate are disregarded by the entrepreneur.
to ascend to new heights, but no nation would have been able to Increases in profitability are striven after even when perfor¬
scale cultural peaks if it had not had within itself the strength mance remains the same, let alone recedes. Nevertheless, perfor¬
iiilnll
Bd(,

to rise above its first attainments of cultural progress. The mance remains the most important foundation of revenue.
r3

fact that the press helps to spread education among the masses in
no way prevents the great minds of a nation from continuing to Public opinion does not know how to appraise properly the
s

lead the way. Surely one would not want to believe, for example, share which the capitalistic enterprise has in the rise of eco-
crcip5

iu+

that Christianity, having otherwise triumphed over all persecu¬ nomic productivity. It is customary to attribute the merits of
tions, would have been unable to rise above the levelling power economic progress to the discoveries and inventions of modern
ffit't;;5x$

of the press if the Romans had already had their press. Or is it technical science without giving special thought to the entrepre¬
g+*:
€F.cro

thought that the spread of mass education would divert tensions neur. In reality, technical progress could never be realized
inhabiting the popular soul that are conducive to new takeoffs? without the great entrepreneur. By organizing his enterprise, he
While not being itself able to bring about great social develop¬ also acts as a discoverer and inventor. He resembles a social
ments, the press will not stand in their way either. Great dowser in the scent he has for how to get hold of the varied
=r*=
o cf o-o.ts''iE

forces always awaken in the hidden recesses of great souls, and complementary factors which the modern capitalistic enterprise
[.[H,e -i

it will take time for them to emerge from the dark into broad has to combine and for the turns which supply and demand will
daylight. But only then do they come into the purview of the take. In addition, the great entrepreneur must be a strong-
daily press, and why should the latter oppose them as soon as willed man comparable to an economic Wallenstein who conjures up
c Ev

they have come into their own? The great force which has suc¬ armies of salaried and wage employees and trains them for their
ceeded is bound to have a good press as well. jobs. It takes a strong, untiring effort to think through in
every detail and to put into practice the entrepreneurial concept

346 347
 which corresponds to a given state of technical knowledge andcopy
to *

l;lil;iiltl liiliitii[
fraught by the work load to which they committed themselves and

* g:lirsiisgiiag;lli$ilrIi[;ii; r;:;,uuig[;ig:iiH 'E$iFIit;-

Eliliilfi[i
r:aes:s:nIt{#FIqts*$sB$iilisf3fF5* $3;'1iLif,[i€iI Eiffrg;nr:r

tillf iliii
a given market situation. The subsequent entrepreneurs who by the difficulty and insecurity of working conditions in their
the new model don't have to be such dominating types any more as occupation.
rapidly chang¬ Perhaps they were also lured by the prospect of
were the innovating first entrepreneurs. Yet the having their income supplemented by the earnings of wife and
ing technical and market conditions of our time keep posing quick ever child, without being able to gauge the consequences arising
new tasks calling for the great entrepreneur, just pose as the therefrom for wife and child, for family life, and in the end for
changes of arms technique and political situation ever new the husband and father himself. The predominance of the capital¬
to the tactician and the strategist of our time. Setting ist entrepreneur strikes particularly hard, without any compen¬
tasks entre¬
up a modern gigantic enterprise presupposes a measure of sating advantage, the weaker competitors crowded out of the mar¬
preneurial energy which itself borders on the gigantic. ket by him. They either find their income reduced or they lose
their social position and are pressed down into a lower class
and inventor, as does a military
*-;i'
As a discoverer
ii-l;=,isi3-i'--cIiiiliitrEi;i1[*g lirliiilillil
does where they cease being independent businessmen and must be con-
leader , the great entrepreneur needs a free mind and an unfet- tent with finding a job as wage workers.
tered will in order to live up to the constantly changing
requirements of the time. The doctrine of individualism The groups injured by the capitalistic predominance in
expounded by the classical economists is tailored to fit the feel challenged to confront the capitalist leadership organ,turn
the
person of the modern entrepreneur as it became prominentWhen in entrepreneurs, with their own mass organs in order to offer
lllil'i; r{;I-:

England and France beginning in the mid-l8th century. resistance and to afford as much relief as possible. It may be
classical doctrine demanded freedom for the economy it fundamen¬ that , where they are too weak themselves, the state or the com-
tally meant the freedom, the right of self-determination, of the mune or some other polity takes it upon itself to perform the
entrepreneur. It did not know yet, nor could it know then, that service of such a mass organ. The number of such mass organs has
with
with the further development of the capitalistic enterprise,self- become quite considerable everywhere today. The impact of many
its growing tendency to monopolize, entrepreneurial of them is very significant, but none of them so far has sur¬
determination had to entail constraints on numerous social mounted the function assigned to the mass organ by the nature of
strata. things. Under the given circumstances of today none of them is
5 ilglilalig;lillllllilllssilil[ili;
quite able to replace and dislodge the leadership organ of the
The development whereby the free leadership organ of the capitalist enterprise.
enterprise becomes an organ of self-serving power was already
pursued at an earlier place inasmuch as it concerns the relation¬
ship to consumer demand or, more generally, to the demand of the 2. The Large-Scale Enterprise
buyers of the goods and services supplied by the large-scale
enterprise. This portrayal must now be completed with respect to The excellent men who founded the party of the Christian
111$t;

the effect imparted by the capitalist enterprise on the weaker Socialists in England around the middle of the last century aimed
firms displaced by it and on the workers employed by itself. at creating producer cooperatives of craftsmen which would free
These two groups are hit much harder by its superior strength the latter from the exploitative domination by capitalists. The
than are the buyers of its goods and services. The buyers always attempt failed. The capital had been raised to set up an asso¬
find the large-scale enterprise to be clearly advantageous
ciation of tailors in London, but much as the London tailor jour¬
because it produces at lower cost and they thus benefit from neymen suffered from the exploitation by the sweatshop operators,
lower prices, not to mention that for the most part supplies nobody among them could be found who would have had
to experiment with a cooperative. The failure of the courage
llllgiiF;ilf ffi[ii;{Eii

reach the market in greater quantities, more quickly, and not this well-
infrequently in greater variety. Why else would demand turn to prepared endeavor clearly proves that in the final analysis
the large firm? By patronizing it, buyers confirm the superior¬ not due to a lack of capital if the producer cooperative doesit not
is
ity of its economic conduct. Causes for buyer dissatisfaction succeed, for in this case the necessary funds had been raised,
build up only when the capitalist enterprise, having gained after all. The decisive circumstance is that the idea of the
superior strength puts regard for performance behind regard for
OOOts

producer cooperative does not take the basic relationship

one
revenue and raises its prices. Even if it doesn't go so far,prof¬ leader and masses sufficiently into account. It expects between
of the
already becomes annoyed when learning that entrepreneurial masses functions which simply can be performed only by
its increase without the public being any better off. One feels leader, while not according to the leader the position which the he
that the entrepreneur's gain is the buyers' loss, and one demands claims on the strength of his ability. Entrepreneurial thought
Ocrcr

that even as a monopolist he set the price as low as he would and entrepreneurial will reside only in the mind of the
leader,
have to do under effective competition. Salaried and wage employ¬ and the great mass of craftsmen and unskilled workers faced with
ees of the firm also confirm by their following that the job the new entrepreneurial mode was in still more dire need of lead¬
opportunity provided by the entrepreneur is more advantageous
E.lfiErili;

ership than it would normally have been. The medium- and lower-
o P.5 C 5 5iJ

than what they otherwise might find. Certainly, this is not grade master craftsmen were so trained in their accustomed
proof positive that their job is really good or even befitting a shops
(,Og"Jo)OFO

that they could manage them as chiefs, but when the new situation
(,<@ci:'O0)€

human being. It may be that the men and women who followed the called for the large-scale enterprise they were unable to merge
entrepreneur's call allowed themselves to be deceived by the their shops into a large-scale enterprise to be conducted on
figure of the money wage because they were unable to foresee the joint account. They waited until under the kick of the capital¬
level of their necessary expenditures, let alone to appraise the ist entrepreneur, to whom they now guided by mass
loss of vital energy and happiness with which they were to be instinct to follow - submitted as dependent workers,their
-
o

they lost
?

348 349
 as well
their independence. Governments and society as a whole,
illll
taking place
as men of science, accepted the social upheaval thus
something final,
in large segments of the craftsmen population as
as a necessary consequence of the unstoppable trend toward large-
scale production which was not to be interfered with.
Whereas the cooperative strength did not suffice for the
illil|'ii illiil
formation of large-scale enterprise associations, it was enough
surviving
to bestow the advantages of joint management on the on rural
medium- and small-scale shops of craftsmen, as also
enterprises, at least in certain specific lines such as buying
and selling, storing, and credit extension.
In the case of consumers, cooperative strength was suffi-
iilgllll?liilillllllillllil
cient for the formation of consumer cooperatives. These associa-
tions are faced with a fixed demand as determined by the custom¬
ary needs of the household in a given social stratum and by the
number of households belonging to this stratum. The procurement
of supplies also does not make any particular claims on entrepre-
neurial ability , especially if limited, as was true for the first and
consumer co-ops, to buying from the nearest-stage wholesalers
pioneers there
producers. In the classic case of the Rochdale
[' ;;iirrlt.iilllriff1l*iilliillllili
were at first seven worker families joining forces, and from of
among these it would be easy to find a person fully capablecon-
conducting the small business transactions. Even when the
sumer co-ops by and by considerably increased theirtrained membership,
it was easy for them to find in the labor market per¬
sonnel of the kind offering their services to the individual
entrepreneur. It was then also possible to train people in one
own's shop so as to be able to measure up to the demanding tasks to
of a more far-reaching business management which had recourse a
the more distant sources of procurement and was commercial inco¬
higher sense of the term. From the platform of the consumer
op it was also possible to take the step to the producer co-op,
which didn't succeed when undertaken separately. It doesn't
require any special entrepreneurial ability to set up one's own
bakeries to meet the fixed demand for bread which the consumer
co-op has to satisfy and to establish one's own mills to meet the
fixed demand for flour coming from one's own bakeries.provi¬ In
advancing further one came to expand operations from the
sion of foodstuffs, the beginning stage, to meeting the members'
iigil*iiitilpllliilii
demands for other necessities. Many consumer co-ops arranged for
selling goods procured for the membership to non-members as well,
but even then the fixed demand of the members remained the secure
foundation of the operation. When after all this the business
assumed the dimensions of a pronounced large-scale enterprise but it
nevertheless didn't turn into a capitalistic enterprise
remained a mass enterprise , an enterprise conducted in the inter¬
est of the mass of members and limited by their horizon,with people
who did not venture out on the high seas of the market its
changing demand, varying all the way from tempest to calm. Inci¬
dentally we may here register the interesting observation that
with the rising demand placed on the managing personnel by the
siilr:iii
growing size of the business it might well happen that the task
of managing came to be too much for a majority of the members.
Under circumstances of such a vast scale as to require true
entrepreneurial ability, this ability was likely to be coupled
with entrepreneurial striving for power as well. The managerial
employees were able to use their position, in which they felt
g
they could not readily be replaced, to the end of increasing
350
T their incomes to a figure which, in addition to their customary
salary as officers, would yield them a certain entrepreneurial
profit. As is well known, such producer cooperatives
were not infrequently transformed into proprietorshipsofofworkers
their
managers after having achieved prosperity, thanks to the business
acumen of their leading member!
Still more far-flung, according to kind as well as size, is
the area of economic undertakings by the state , the municipality,
and other polities. It is not necessary for us to enumerate them
separately. Many of them attain an extraordinary size.
unified operation of the railways of a great state vastly out¬ The
strips in territorial extent, capital, and number of employed
persons any other business enterprise. But here, too, experience
clearly shows that with respect to the tasks which these enter¬
prises are able to shoulder they also encounter a certain limit
beyond which they must leave the field to the capitalist enter-
prise. Of the purely economic state enterprises which arose
during the period of Mercantilism, most have died on the vine
because they were no longer able to keep abreast of the capital¬
ist enterprises.
Left are mainly those which, like the
forests, were seen to be in the public interest, thanks to state
their
efficient administration. Added to these from time to time were
those which, as is true for the railways, were seen to serve a
public interest which private operation could not meet
desired extent. But not every enterprise demanded by the to the
public
interest admits of operation by the government. A polity can
successfully operate only those enterprises whose operation can
be so governed by set rules that it can be performed, yea must
be
performed, as a civil service, because only the civil service
creates the necessary loyalty to duties. In the formative years
of the railways, when their different types had not yet
been
demarcated both technically and administratively, the private
entrepreneur had to be called on the plan, and only after the
rules had been found and the multitude of clerical and manual
workers had been trained did the time come for the state to take
over. Now one could hope that training in the shop
develop the talents of those men inherently capable of would also
serving as
the top managers of the gigantic enterprise. Men who are to
measure up to this task must have the qualities of great entre¬
preneurship, not only in technical and organizational respects
but also as business managers. Of all the qualities of the capi¬
talist entrepreneur there is only one they need not possess:
that of a far-reaching imagination which seeks new combinations
of capital and labor. Their attention may, and must, be
devoted
exclusively to the delimitated mass enterprise, which they have
to superintend in the interest of the polity.
The capitalist enterprise got started as the business
single entrepreneur or of a small number of full partners. of As
a
the business grew to large dimensions it was impossible to stay
within these confining enterprise forms; one had to turn to the
multitude of capitalists and savers in order to woo them for
active participation and financial contributions. Thus emerged
the corporation , the "Rothschild of shares," which was
the economy because the private funds of even the mostneeded by
wealthy
families were no longer sufficient to accommodate the business
demands of the capitalist enterprise. The corporation embodies
something of a mass enterprise, giving the multitude of
large and small money capital the opportunity to put itowners of
to work
351
 reeling is most vehemently agitated. The
in enterprises. This to a certain degree balances
out the social mass of wage workers in large enterprises financial status of the

lllilaliliiiiilillffiilliiliillt*illlrii
ils
who labor long and hard

iifil[ltlerrE:Eiii;iigiIiifllluur;i':!E';
AHiE
g3's$Tt'38 SESgE$r.€5
upheaval which the large enterprise effected through the suppres¬ is precarious, with the lower strata living in
sion of medium-size and small businesses. To be
sure, it is not bottom ones in outright misery. Awareness of thepoverty and the
the same persons who are compensated, not the
adversely affected and usually at least good economic situation of theoften splendid
master craftsmen, but rather persons from quitealso different circles must have a provocative effect on the minds. Why entrepreneurs
and, aside from the middle and lower strata,
the top strata of the propertied class. But however enlists in
multitude of shareholders may be whom
this way, it thereby still does not become a
the corporation
the upper and
large the
full-fledged mass
lll-llilli
Isi$;i:;$aF cheated out of the entire surplus value! The
shouldn't the
proletarian put all his trust in the doctrine presented
his leaders to the effect that he, who creates all output
receiving only a meager portion thereof as wages, has while
to him by
been
enterprise but remains fundamentally a capitalist enterprise, hurled by the Roman poet in his "vos, non vobis"bitter
is
indictment
which solely in the interest of the mass of shareholders
is sub¬ today by the millions who tell themselves that theysensed again
are sacri¬
governmental controls materially inhibiting its ficing their strength, not for themselves but for others
jected to certain nothing to do with whom
free movement. The mass of shareholders has they have to serve. Without the power of class feeling the pro¬
the management of the enterprise. Even the share in the direc- letariat could never have become organized in its
accorded to them by law through the stock¬ Being congregated in the factory and in industrial labor union.
illiiilllilll;llf;
tion of the enterprise districts
holders' annual meeting is in fact hardly taken advantage of by facilitates the organizing task, but if the spur of class
does not feeling
them; the capacity for self-determination of the masses above the
were absent the workers of our time would no more have been able
suffice for this. Only the principal stockholder rises to offer organized resistance than in times past
P'ts'!to PH'ct(' op $g Fg

in this respect and, if he has the slaves, who

mass of the other stockholders only in the most extreme cases rose up to fight. The
tl:il*;Iii:ii:;ilslEra;;ta

sufficient business experience, can force through his entry into were directed by their solidarity to organize their union workers
in the
the circle of enterprise directors. The remaining stockholders only effective way, namely, by workers of all
are and remain a mass which as a rule doesn'tnecessary get beyond the ranks on an economy-wide basis. Their solidarity trades joining
status of blind followers and rarely has the under¬ to the kind of obedience to the directives of theircommitted
leaders
them
which
standing, more rarely yet the will, for following with scru¬ prof¬
trade unionists prove as a rule and which only in exceptional
tiny. It therefore does not contribute to entrepreneurial entrepreneurial
cases is violated by wildcat strikes and similar breakdowns of
its but is nevertheless exposed to the hazard of discipline. The union joining in solidarity all skilled
promot¬ workers
losses if it permits itself to be deluded by reckless in the economy does not have to fear a strike breaker. Its
deci¬
ers. The entrepreneurial profit is from the start reserved to sions to strike at one fell swoop forestalls the
the founders of the corporation who take it out when the those
share within the trade or industry so as to paralyzeentire following
issue price is computed, and in particular it falls to entrepreneurial capital. It doesn't mean a thing completely
to have a law
the
to carry
-'*HBq*-is |3 *lllilBllill

investment banks which in promotions see an opportunityone promo-

depriving the collective agreement of legal force; the decision
on the "undertaking of undertakings," proceeding from to strike is nevertheless effective since it
oo-ctqrde

is
tion to the next and basing their entrepreneurial profit on capi¬ power. It is sustained by the solidarity of thebacked up by
work force.
tal gains. The prospects of higher yields which emerge less by
during Hardly ever has an entrepreneur faced with a strike
the later life of a share-based enterprise are exploited peculiar appealed to a court to cancel the strike decision as declaration
not
according to the law governing coalitions of workers. Nobinding
the public than by stock exchange speculators, that else court
species of capitalist entrepreneurs who buy and sell,oformarket in the whole world would have enough power for that.
sell and buy, with a view to profiting from the spread a
price fluctuations which in turn reflect the rise and fall of When a strike has been well planned, a plentiful
orc

corporation. has been accumulated, and the time for declaring the strike fund
been aptly chosen, the entrepreneurs are hit hard, and strike has

__
riigililiiiI

be inclined to yield if their self-interest permits they will

'' 'i;lli;Ft,ri

all. The majority of strikes are waged during the this at

3- The Labor Union
:

phase of the cycle. During the downswing the prosperity

experienced leader
The labor union is the most decided of all economic mass will counsel a strike decision only in an emergency when there
is
organs. It has to meet a much more important task for the worker
g;ts8;E$5g $3

a need to fight wage reductions which the workers do not

co-op for the consumers. The co-op is believe
than does the consumers' they are able to submit to. During good times there is the pros¬
only designed to guarantee them a somewhat better use of their pect of gaining higher wages from the increased
income, whereas the labor union is to guarantee to the workers the enterprise, and the entrepreneur will probablyproductivity
prefer
of
their income in the first place. At the same time the workers' the increased yield with the workers to being deprived sharing
of any
power of resistance as members of a union is by far greater than profit during the period of the strike.
is that of weak competitors shoved aside by the large-scale
_ In this way, well-
organized labor unions in the course of development of the
enterprise. A large number of these competitors go down irrevoc- scale enterprise have succeeded in increasing notably overlarge-
;s*,
q;5 an*i

ably but the workers are able to strengthen their organ of the meager wages which they had to be content with during time the
resistance , the union, so much as to hit the capitalists at their originally bad times for the labor market. The entrepreneur will
most sensitive spot. offer strong resistance only if he is asked to pay the workers
,;,

higher wages than justified according to the laws of imputation,

3EE
f:s

The power which supports the union is the proletarian class taking into consideration the appropriate returns
iii

feeling solidly uniting the workers. Under present-day economic entrepreneurial services, for interest on borrowed for the special
gF

funds, and for

circumstances the anonymous power of the proletarian class
353
352
ground rent. When business profits leap ahead, the entrepreneur consumption law. But as long as the process of value creation

filliiliifili;fiEq1i 1;'ii1i:: i;illfitilE $i:i;

il;'gu'fllflliiii
will eventually even be ready to go beyond the yield attributable
to labor and to let the workers share to some extent in the
entrepreneurial profits, adding such share to their wages.
remarkable fact! It may be viewed as a symptom of the fact that
between employers and employees, much as they may be at odds with
one another, there yet exists fundamentally a far-reaching commu¬
nity of interests. In today's combative mood the existence of
this community is not publicly admitted, but it nevertheless is
at work , if tacitly. The whole circle of people engaged by the
enterprise, from the top managers to the lowliest workers, is
bound together by their common stake in the success of the busi¬
ness, and in the struggle with the customers and the competitors
it feels as a unit and as a companionship of fate.
The labor union has no chance, nor does it even try, to
-?r'rqEii:s'F5* rrsraFis*H1;l[E[f,11;il;li[-
llillilisillii
doesnft yet run of its own accord business law must be set up as
acquisition law that is, it must be so instituted that it remu¬
A nerates success in production by so distributing the proceeds
that the employed persons are thereby given the incentive to
conduct their activities and to make their investments according
to the prospects for maximum return. Whatever party doctrine may
tell the workers, their practical experience teaches them beyond
doubt that the activities of the able entrepreneur and that the
retained earnings enabling him to make the necessary investment
expenditures play an essential part in the success of the enter-
prise. When a new entrepreneurial idea vigorously pursued cre¬
ates new employment opportunities, the workers flock there in
large numbers, and through their ready following they endorse the
capitalist leader. As long as economic development proceeds in

the tumultuous fashion as happened during that portion of the

llililliliillE'li:liliiiiiii
obtain the full "product of labor” as postulated by the theory of capitalist epoch so far experienced by the culture peoples new
surplus value. This "full product of labor” is simply the enter¬ entrepreneurial ideas will continue to pop up, and the willing¬
prise's total output, and the workers could demand it only if ness to follow will continue to attest successful leadership.
they were able to perform all the entrepreneurial services and The workers, in turn, will not miss the opportunity to become
if, in addition to providing the services of capital, they could organized in order to raise their wages to the possible maximum,
also fill in for entrepreneurs as managers. This they cannot do, and to this end will everywhere confront the capitalist leader¬
lrs;;lq;*;
and they know that when nowadays the leadership top of the pyr¬ ship organ with the mass organ of the trade union so that entre¬
amid is broken off the worker base is also put out of commis- preneurial power has to reckon with worker power. As long as
sion. The union leaders are smart enough to adjust to theÿ given this is the state of things, the taunting proclamation of the
circumstances. They do not consider making the union into a Communist Manifesto that the entrepreneurs will dig their own
leadership organ for the enterprise, but they manage it as a mass graves and will train the proletariat as their heir will not come
organ of opposition. Success has proved them right: the down- true. The trade unionist mass organ will remain an organ of
to-earth struggle for higher wages has been of greaterÿ benef it to opposition , and not only will not be able, but also will not
the workers than has the feeble wishing of the socialists. Dur¬ want to oust the capitalist leadership organ from its position.
ing the years when the British large-scale enterprises flour¬
ished, the labor unions became conservative and gave up the When we talk of opposition here, we certainly have to
ii:[$lif[il

socialist theory, to which they only later gave somewhat greater include the rise flowing from the strength of the organized pro¬
attention again. In the United States, where the unions are letariat by which it lifts itself up to the maximum height
extraordinarily strong, socialistic ideas are less widespread attainable within the employer-employee relationship. The proc¬
than they are in Europe. That the great majority of German pro- ess of superposition through which the capitalist power has
letarians after the revolution were not interested in the Bolshe¬ pressed down into the proletariat large groups of independent
vist experiment may be ultimately explained by the fact that craftsmen is followed as the proletariat rises, by a far-
their mind, steeled in the school of experience, didn't quite reaching social equalization. In the countries of strong eco-
trust the socialist program enough to put it into practice. The nomic development, such as England and the United States, this
Russians took a chance with the Bolshevist experiment because equalization has proceeded very far, the upper strata of the
their ideologists were in command. proletariat being in economically adequate circumstances there.
In Germany, too, the economic betterment was not inconsiderable,
According to socialist doctrine, the entrepreneur is simply but there it was still surpassed by the political rise in that
:-l1;illll

iiliillllgtiiill

the organ of exploitation. He is seen as the man who takes the the organized proletariat has become the strong champion of the
surplus value away from the workers as soon as the time comes for democratic movement. Already before the revolution it gained
the distribution of the proceeds, whereas he doesn't take a pos¬ respect as a political party, and during the revolution itself it
sibly active part in the creation of value which precedes distri- took decisive action. Although the hiatus in the economic compo¬
but ion. He is said to use his power as owner of the means of sition of society, opened up by the downfall of the independent
production for the sole purpose of withholding their use from the craftsmen, still hasn't been closed, the position of political
workers as long as is necessary to make them willing to consent power gained by the proletariat is markedly superior to that
to wage agreements which leave him the surplus value. This view reached by those craftsmen heretofore.
would make sense if the tracks of value creation were so worn out
i[*i
ilf;il-
x

that the whole process would run its course automatically without As long as the capitalist leadership organ and the trade-
leadership, so that practically it would merely be a matter of unionist mass organ confront each other ready for battle and
clP.

distributing the ripened fruits for consumption. If this were continue to grapple with each other through strikes and lockouts,
the way matters stand, then distribution would have to be the state of equilibrium between the classes which social welfare
sae

governed by the oft-quoted formula, "to each according to his demands has not been attained yet. It is like between the
reasonable needs," and business law would have to be set up as nations which outdo each other in armaments and treaties, meant
F

to give protection from war but unexpectedly leading to war

E

354 355
 itself. A full equalization between the classes would be reached

l;r:g$;:i ri Iriilila[i[;IlEigsE;lE1[E
i|1=*=
:xr ; ]g3sraF

i iiriliffi i lE;lEg:r;' ;ilflFiil

0J O O ts5 5 ct
it plies vis-a-vis its customers and workers merely the same

< tr< o

-e3E=il$r. *;s: -;:;it5Il:$fr9f;3;lFlFq:s

only when the tension of class feeling had been overcome and the
5 Ooo.Prn
private contractual power which is held by all the other parties
industrial worker not only through universal suffrage had been in the market, yet in terms of its social effect it wields a kind
elevated politically to fellow-citizenship , but also through of public power rivaling in many respects and even exceeding in
codetermination economically to propertied citizenship. The some, that of the state. The power over its weaker competitors,
prc crP'o.o

condition would have to be reattained which existed prior to whom it deprives of sales, is pernicious. The power it wields

[ ;i 1;l3ii=is:Iq;fisil::[;
capitalist superposition when the small crafts and trades brought
O-10 r5

over the workers, whose services are in oversupply, where this

crO clP'O crO

to the mass of economically active persons the satisfying feeling power is not constrained by organs of mass resistance approaches
of property ownership. That of course is also what the socialist the authority of a lord over his slaves. It wins over its cus-
idea is after, which would like to supersede the rule of the few
o

tomers by the mass suggestion of its supply of goods and ser-

by ownership by the many. Might one not conceive a constitution vices. It benefits from the fact that, as long as it avoids the
o f! o ts.*o

of the large-scale enterprise which would assure the many of worst excesses, its power is recognized by the law. It is a
555b<

their rights without jeopardizing the exercise of leadership with power by rights which is acquired and exercised in the customary
P'o

-:is,rc*';

which, after all, only the few can be charged? A constitution of legal forms and which must be accorded judicial protection. It
5 o.O-5 5C C O -€

the large-scale enterprise which would transform the absolute breaks down only in the face of mass acts of resistance, such as
p o <f O.cf5o

monarchy of the entrepreneur into a constitutionally limited one, the boycott and the strike, which are designed to stop by joint
P'P'O crdo.'E

but with sufficient basic rights for the participating multi¬ resolve the mass following by customers and workers. When fol-
tude? Such a constitution is, indeed, conceivable not only lowers stream towards it, as is usually the case, it is able to
that, but it has already been put into practice in a handful of assert itself in directions where the armed power of the state
p ocrlu

enterprises and has proved a success there. It starts from the fails completely. The most convincing evidence of this is its
idea of profit-sharing by the workers and also incorporates the penetration into the far corners of the world from which foreign
idea of industrial partnership while carrying it much farther,
O o o u O.o

arms are barred during times of peace while this world eagerly
and is crowned by placing an elite selected from among the work¬
p)

receives the tender of the foreign businessman unless the border

[;l s r:;.;: ; rr[F;

ers alongside the entrepreneur, inasmuch as this does not cramp is closed by special governmental decree.
the freedom he needs in his decision-making. The private heir of
crdcro
5555

the entrepreneur is not also heir to his leadership position, but The constructive achievement of the capitalist enterprise is
the latter devolves upon a member of the elite. recognized even by its socialist critics. The accusation raised
by Marx is aimed at the shocks caused by crises and social
l;i

A development along these lines is not preordained for the upheaval which are concomitants of the activities carried out by
crO tsrts
5 i p.p! 5H)o 0)

labor union. Even mere profit-sharing does not lie in its path
o

the capitalist enterprise. Its accomplishments as such, which

s:*[inllF
5d

for it threatens its solidarity, removing as it does the workers through irresistible economic concentration move decentralized
of a single enterprise from the association as a whole and tying
cro 0J o 5 s

i I ilii11

private economic decision-making closer to the centralized system

them to that enterprise. For the labor union is a mass organ of
H.0q o ori o

of the future state, must be applauded by the socialist

opposition, shaped for the economic mass struggle. Once peace observer. As for us, we would like still to direct the reader’s
C O O.5O

has been made between employers and employees the tension will attention to certain effects which, though having for the most
disappear which now exists between leadership organ and mass part escaped scientific observation, yet have their special sig¬
organ, and then the time will be ripe for these two organs to nificance. These effects are rooted in the "overcoming of dis¬
unite and balance each other.
I

tance" as made possible by the railroad, the steamship, the tele¬

graph, the telephone, and lately also by aviation and radio com¬
munication. It is a feat largely accomplished by the capitalist
4. The Contribution of the Capitalist Enterprise to the Building enterprise , even though the state in considerable proportion was
of the National and the World Economy an active participant. Although it is not possible to talk of
"overcoming distance" in an absolute sense, this being rather a
Notwithstanding all the damage inflicted on the capitalist
9H 6 3
t 6 t- " crclo '',': ' ii ^. lY ^.'< :]

le$ xfl$rE;* BFgs+i

P'lF:133 " 9.ff3'il'S

I'"rn=slYE!e;;eE$Q*
olo ol's:E 3qqgil

qE.E rg E.ir$ Q'

F ao z

-$E
i lF*;€l-' rf; [Fi strF
5 O

case of extraordinary reduction of economic barriers hitherto

enterprise by the giant concern and by the labor union, it still
t9.'"'"'I
c, o< 5
H.cr5 5
F]) Ho o

Lzr 9.3'6 r'" j

presented by physical distance, the effects on the development of

5 (,o.cr
oo

enjoys a very large sphere of action and very great efficacy. the national and the world economy are nevertheless exceedingly
Its sphere of action comprises not only the home country; it also
P.5

I: '*.'H

great. They tend in two directions: the localization of produc-

finds its path to worldwide development. It attains its efficacy
I.lg iiFrF'o

tion units and the stratification of firms. In the national

by exercising a leadership role in the utilization of the immense
OX
Bo
< Y.a P.e.tclo: crlo tso d

economy the process takes a course different from that in the

o<iC Olo 016 5 F'5
ts.5 o 5 ctolo 5lO O o<
c.lc. loo5oo.

economic forces which are released by modern technology’s fabu¬

o.oq o0q o (,15(D15 c o

world economy, where it encounters much stronger obstacles. This

lous progress. There is no social undertaking today which in its
$-o x 313=.1:3

is why we must provide separate treatment for the national econ¬

(,ct5 c do cilo Olcr

constructive results could be compared with the achievements on omy and the world economy.
.< o c c P.l< olr!

the economic front. Economic achievements constitute the social

il x 5'r':';'l-:

achievements of our times. This explains the dominating market In the national economy "overcoming distance" has provided
position occupied by the capitalist enterprise. It eliminates by the opportunity to bring the movable factors of production to the
its superior bidding the medium- and small-scale shops, attract¬ largest possible extent to the sites where nature has displaced
o fi

ing buyers to its cheap, mass-produced goods. Just as it hereby

?
-u 3tj
5s*.P

the fixed factors. In every economy where a compact population

9.8:

secures its clientele by its call to work, it ensures the follow¬ is active, ideas spread without being arrested by local obstruc¬
ln:

ing by the masses whom in its extensive factory premises it pro¬ tions. Technical education in a given stratum is the same every¬
56
'R

vides with a vast arsenal of work tools. From a legal standpoint

$
o

where, and the same is true for the social character, as well as
{

356 357
for the energy and training of the masses. Therefore, the state f inhibit the migration of ideas, individuals, money capital, pro-

= *. t-' : 6 s H;-.: d l" ::ilEi B l3-g3, rEg *; [3 : -E o{ 33 * : -f& q q

l: li€ **;:;ig
su_g t; I s* n-si e€ 3E r:
*r*if:,t A nre

3r" sE :;f FE:1-3e,o l- ;'f e q*=** n gii'-E : * 3; r*r; iig*:

*sIts*E :; :.E
':

*' :s! rg':,;il*gEf;il[1gfgn ;i$qiifil*

f='".5HUHt?:-'6
citizen feels at home wherever he may choose to reside. This is ducer goods, and finished products. The peoples inhabiting the

f F"ff g I F I e [ * * ] { H
P.
why at the sites where nature has displaced its stores of wealth 5Opr55P.O earth differ fundamentally in their economic endowment and their

a
r,cD50rr, -B8Er.Br,.BH$
there will never be a shortage of entrepreneurs and workers who historical education. An economic method which in one country
take advantage of the opportunity to earn a living. They will has long been established will never, or not in the foreseeable
P OF.cro.FbEcf tDPoJgP.oo5ooxo<cf5O':

soon appear on the scene in the necessary numbers, and likewise future, become indigenous in other countries. It will never be
the necessary capital goods will be brought there, while on the possible to train the population of certain countries to work in
other hand the finished goods will be removed to the places where large industries, nor will it be possible to attract from afar
<O

they are in demand. In the same way money capital flows to all the multitude of workers who would be able to exert their
the places where it finds remunerative use, and therefore enter¬ strength in the unaccustomed climate or to live in strange and
prises can be located according to efficiency criteria. Of unusual circumstances. Economically weak countries with a lack
course the element of transport costs always remains a signif- of legal security will find it impossible even to raise liquid
OoOF})5 l. cf 'loOX':P.oO"J55cf

Many a natural resource g funds. Once the means of transportation have been provided,
icant item in the economic calculus. q E r d ri df
fipx'st i:!;;g{i r$;i?=

[* :illgfl]:'=lnsF
will therefore have to remain unexploited on account of high
i
t goods are more mobile, but completely mobile is only the spirit
d
O'JF.Or3O5F5':u

of daring of a certain group of profit-hungry individuals who are

crocrcr{OHr

transportation costs, or at least will not be utilized to the

g
3 i,i"

extent that this would happen in a more favorable situation. But able to adapt to all circumstances which lead their imagination
q + ili=
-*{ry{*-llii;[;1

compared with the localization of enterprises which was necessary to expect great successes. Given these circumstances, it will
before the ’’overcoming of distance,” it must be viewed as extra¬ not be possible to organize the localization of enterprises on
E'

ordinary progress that now one is confronted with localization on the same scale of world-wide economic efficiency as is possible
q

$135:;'s
a truly economy-wide basis, whereas in earlier times only commod¬ within a single national economy, nor will it be possible in
Olp.H.0)OdOOcr{F'Orodcro

sgpF E:

—
*6;"€
ng*d _fi::g:;

ities which in an economic sense were especially transportable anywhere near the same degree to exploit the natural resources as
i.e., those of especially high value relative to weight and bulk can be done within a nation. The more exotic the conditions
g
x

-- had an economy-wide market. All other products had as outlets abroad, the more paltry the investments that can be placed there
i

only the limited markets of a particular region or town or even and the number of workers who through immigration or training can
n
:yg;.3.o,-

of only a village, and therefore localization of enterprises had be supplied for the exploitation of the resources. The plant
A:
3rf

installations in the old culture nations are of an incomparably

OO<OBEdO<5.

to be geared to these geographically narrow districts. It was a

[*:r 'l]x :s"3

deep-seated change when localization of production was trans¬ greater capital intensity and are more efficiently utilized by
=
t

formed in accordance with modern technical production possibil¬ qualified workers than is the case in the remainder of the world
c0Ep.p)P.5O

E=aQ
H
.

ities. England of the machine age shifted its economic center of and than would be appropriate in the light of their natural
qg i *
l
E-}:-qA igil:B:FlBs'i;=B'F'-':

gravity from its fertile agricultural regions to the coal dis¬ resource endowment. Many precious natural resources are
r

; ;* l-: 3i'=f* ?r.- d q; slss",-i.*

tricts, a process whose origins go all the way back to the time neglected because of their location beyond the range of entrepre¬
B'
.
E e*'*"1fiE$
*srE ifiisotljE' E|;lss"*[XB! Hr.r

neurial intentions. A single adventurous settler cannot succeed

OIOOSO jcr(,0ro':5cf

before the development of the English railway network, but which

O'JHorrCO.crdcrcrrCOts{O.bq5crd{Crp{dcrOCp'H)ocfo

o : i.E
IE;3

was immensely accelerated by the latter. In the process London on his own. Only joint action by the many makes possible the
as the economic capital did not lose weight, rather it gained spectacular successes, and it is therefore necessary to initiate
: H,l E B ; $ b' p= " l t lq 1 - H fis FE

large migrations of people if even the best virgin land is to

OOts+

still more with the growth of the country’s total wealth, to

.9."icirr:.^Bl;"f,E.r-Xl;f

r*e
qsEl; =i; HIFT sq stlr"

which must be added the further enhancement bestowed on it by yield good results. How long has it been since the European
Sls'-*illl

becoming at the same time the economic capital of the world. In migration to the United States was substantial enough to fill the
s, (u

the main, in the old culture nations today the process of eco¬ central and western parts of the country with people working the
"
.ror*.rrlp3ioop.p.

soil! How much fertile land, indeed, still remains untouched in

B-

nomic localization has come pretty much to an end, and thus the
g
;'6

general structure of the national economy is rather sharply Canada, ready to be subjected to the plow!
-*. i ii;;4:nrdl5
O ^OCoqop.loH.

defined. If the general structure of the old national economies

i :. 6*Ee :etr' e33x = ; " F e

were once more to change drastically, it would be necessary for The development of the world economy is still in its begin¬
id

!-g

large new shifts in the available resources of technology to nings, but there is no doubt that it will advance very rapidly if
occur , e.g. it would be necessary to increase greatly the the world is granted peace. The acquisitiveness of entrepreneurs
"

and masses of workers, directed to the realization of the many

6_

potential use of water power, or progress in aviation would have

[:

to create entirely new conditions for ’’overcoming distance” if opportunities which still remain unexploited today, will not rest
oniS€F-F.5g5OOoA)cj

05

the old economies were once more to be extensively restruc¬ until the use of capital and labor has been brought into harmony
*oooc o.

lEItt--Bs!

tured. This statement is true, though, only to the extent that with the geographic distribution of the world’s mineral
pcaoSo

the worldwide interrelations of national economies are resources. The focal point of the world economy is likely to
€e 6 iiB

disregarded. Inasmuch as international economic reactions take move — partly by gradual shifts and partly in rapid jumps
—
rla

place, national economic development may be significantly altered from Europe toward the new continents, and perhaps it will also
*o':

by the need to adjust to the international economic structure. tend toward the old Asia wherever the latter is able to accept
55::X-

The far-sighted businessman and politician therefore has every economic modernization. For the time being Western Europe, fol¬
iXg
tH
oo,

lowed even more closely by Central Europe, still takes distinctly

oolo

reason to observe attentively his home country’s international

s:
db

economic relations. first place in the acceleration of economic development. Not

y

only have enterprises been made more capital-intensive, but they

In the world economy apart from the obstacles imposed by -- also operate in closer propinquity, and
— of particular signif¬
I" oo 5lo
cr

—
15
lo
^Ylo
x\Y

ctlO

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tp
Y ol€
. o0r5

lx
0r crolo

icance
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they are designed for higher profitability. The coun-

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national governments on free economic intercourse increased

OI
xlX
H)P ct

t!am
FJ5 PJ

n
O cr5

J
-3.
}fF

try amply endowed with capital wherever possible gathers within

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transportation costs will have an additionally inhibiting

cf
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eff ect. But also added in must be the historical forces which its confines the most profitable enterprises, leaving the less
o
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^
-

358 359
 ioreign states. Here the community of interests of capital and
productive ones to weaker foreign countries, which may have to be labor becomes plain. Henry George, who refuted with brilliant

l;isiiii;;u:ii=r;;;inr; ;,fffi:;:; IfigiliiFiiii-liiil'ii

fgfH sS** ig:
i*;lislilli;iia';;s:n,
;,ur$*,*rqeassBlfii;lli E[i;;lIlqll uilli:i*i:l;lru'*is;q1;
content with shouldering the more laborious tasks and to get satire the customary arguments of bourgeois protective tariff
along on more meager incomes. England presents an instructive policy, from the vantage point of proletarian interests opposed
example of this. In its prime it kept for itself, in addition to the free-trade doctrine most emphatically.
the most remunerative industries, the business of international
finance and of world shipping. In order to take full advantage Among the capitalist powers the power of financial capital
of its manufacturing opportunities, England whenever possible is the most effective. Apart from the fact that it is less
amassed its workers in very lucrative industrial enterprises, and exposed to attack by the proletariat, it is also superior to
therefore neglected agriculture on its rich soil because it was a industrial capital in its ultimate effect. For the time being,
better deal to obtain the cheap products of the soil from abroad it is true, it must give precedence to the latter in the develop¬
than to use the precious manpower in domestic agriculture. The ment of production, for it is lacking the latter's creative
conventional theory of the division of labor doesn't bring these power. Instead, at a later time, after industrial capital has
gg

conditions into clear focus. It only pays attention to the hori¬ performed its founding work, financial capital in a great many
zontal division according to branches of industry and other busi- cases manages to obtain control over its enterprises. With the
gs;lgqSil l

ness occupations, without keeping an eye on the vertical strati- general trend toward doing things on a big scale, industrialists
fication according to the degree of profitability. In the continue to need injections of funds, and only the strongest
development of the world economy a law of international stratifi¬ among them are able to draw for these on retained earnings, most
cation of work applies which favors the capital-strong economies of them depending on external finance. This is especially true
over the rest. they have the personal as well as material means during periods of crisis, when financial capital manages to bene¬
to build up enterprises of highest profitability, and they take fit most from its liquidity. It is thereby placed in the same
fullest advantage of the means at their disposal. favorable position vis-a-vis big industry as is the usurious
small capitalist vis-a-vis the indigent peasant. It can convert
iH:liisi'i1

The capital-poor economies also must resign themselves to money capital into real capital at a point in time which is most
$

the fact that the best they have in mineral resources and other propitious for money capital. It can acquire at lowest prices
site advantages will be bought up and seized by the powers of the naturally most durable works, or it can find it useful to
3

international finance. Looking ahead, world capitalists acquire bring the works, in some legally suitable form, under its eco¬
iS!

the localized sources of supply of the great primary commodities nomic control, thereby assuring it the bulk of the entrepre¬
whenever there is a danger that foreign competitors will get neurial profit. The business of large-scale promotions has
control of them. As English and American financial powers today fallen almost exclusively to the banks, which pursue it for the
FE',eFs

fight over the petroleum deposits of Mosul

agreed to checkmate Turkey
where it is only
so big capitalists seek to secure -- -- most part by buying up prosperous proprietorships and, after
suitable expansion, converting them into corporations. In the
for themselves in so many other places the strategic centers of process they pay themselves for their capital investment by
the world economy. issuing a suitable number of shares, and in addition to the pro¬
motion profit, which they secure through the high issue price,
;*;iaI;;[:

The boundaries for the economic sphere of action of the they continue drawing a profit from their effective control of
s!

capital-rich countries have been extended by the capitalist the enterprise. By acting as intermediaries in the floating of
enterprises far beyond the political boundaries of their mother public loans, financiers obtain far-reaching control over the
countries. Their adventurous spirit, fortified by the power of governments of the weak states, and they extend such control from
5! L6 E; E 6,s,sE S3

their economic resources, bursts open the bounds which political their purely profit-oriented interests to the preservation of
and armed power are unable to transgress. It would be inform- their more general stakes in economic policy. Since economic
ative to indicate on the world maps the spheres of economic power policy finds its ultimate support in national political policy,
of the great nations as they reach across the state boundaries. financiers will also attempt to bring the latter under their
For this purpose one would have to set up maps indicative of control, and frequently enough with success. Even in its capi¬
a
fii ;$l.ix'e;;s-sfi;i
r';; *Fsrqsglffir

economic ownership the way this is done today with maps indicat¬ tal-rich home country, the political influence of finance capital
*; *n ;gts ; li; [i :;;

ing the distribution of national settlements. Such maps would grows to large proportions. For the government as well as the
have to show not only all foreign possessions of lands, factor¬ political parties economic policy-making is a task whose
ies, trading and shipping companies, and other investments, but discharge makes them dependent on the self-serving advice of the
also the number and the economic position of native persons who owners of finance capital, and since economic and political poli¬
are active abroad. They would also have to bring out the size of cies cannot be separated their advisory influence will be felt
loans which make the capital-rich country a creditor and the in both. Even aside from this, finance capitalists have plenty
capital-poor a debtor. To use the summary term which has become of means to ingratiate themselves to the government and the par-
sE

customary in the United States, one would have to be able to ties, thereby also gaining influence on the formation of both.
express the degree of economic concentration which the capital- They are able, better than any other power, to make the press
qi3
o

rich country exerts throughout the world. In this way one would orchestra of their own country as well as the orchestra of the
3

obtain a graphic picture of the international economic balance of world press dependent on them and thereby to manage the public
r

power, where the strong, economically controlling countries would mood and opinion. People who have got around in the world are
s'E

"

be clearly set off from the weak, economically controlled ones. occasionally heard to offer the view that today the real rulers
H

of the world are the great world bankers and that Mr. Morgan now
=l
E

;;

Organized labor in the weaker states makes common cause with is the mightiest man in the world. Though this judgment may
entrepreneurs in the battle against the capital predominance of
361
360
 overshoot the mark and this name may have been picked quite arbi¬ structure. Whereas the nations are not yet politically well

*=1

a
Ei;i;i;fruE:t
;xrssElr,i; Ji*g|xi iiq;trs**3aerq-i[;tltu;r;; [;-[Ht#p 3j[;;
;:lrE;sliHurisgle€ srXgilii;gl;;;;fi:eqaEiry ;ItHi1llfl;n;t
HgIfrflgF3sgg3gE $$iEESiE=$BfgFIEE*rlgfEa Esg€EE3tgg3t:

il[,u,
trarily , it certainly is still not erroneous to assume that enough organized to be able to agree on a world order, the capi¬

trLJ:'

3s3.-fEEq$F
talist entrepreneurs, after having completed the national eco-
O<5F.(,
owners of finance capital in the secrecy of government cabinets
today exert a power comparable to that of the Jesuit orders over nomic structure according to the contemporary conditions, carry

-re ig:; sllnE* l€ 3-l:;e;;;*:;;:-f[ ilp;*iH [;;:

Catholic governments in times lying not very far back. In his their conquests out into the wide world to achieve a victory
role of financial father confessor the banker has access to gov¬
5Ots without arms. National idealism accompanies them on their paths
dr3p5o5po5\

;if,ti;F*
ernment secrets and influence on crucial government decisions. and is prepared to employ national power on their behalf if a
If at some future time all archives should be opened up for the foreign national power comes to pose a threat for them. The
purpose of ascertaining World War guilt it will not do to pass capitalist entrepreneur himself thinks he is acting in the
national interest when he expands the sphere of control of his
5crE50cro

up the bankers1 archives. Isn't it conceivable that high finance

*eA@

had much to do with the declaration of war of the United States native country, and for the time being it is, indeed, so. But if
by utilizing, in addition to its other controlling influence, the one disregards the accompanying sentiments of the people and
assesses the accomplishments of the capitalist leaders according
og

power it exerted on public opinion through the press?

to their lasting results, he recognizes that the national leader¬

ss,:,s3fr[*:n3IsE$eFIggI5 3
I;
All along the economic interest has been one of the strong¬ ship organ is active as a world leadership organ by creating a
est motives in abetting war. This was true for the barbarian supra-national , global work. This global work today is still in

rf,:istt$
cits.OX>

peoples and has remained true for the culture peoples. Strictly its infancy. While its outline is not sharp as yet, no attentive

f;c$;*
speaking, the only difference is that in earlier times of naive observer can miss the fact that it harbors a strong force, draw¬
honesty one did not hesitate to acknowledge the economic objec¬ ing new lines not only for the economic development of the world
tives of war, whereas today one knows how to cover them up but, from its foundation for the political and general social
rD 5C5cr5U(n7iFE
5o5ooo0Jrc

discreetly in front of the public. In turbulent times the mer¬ development as well.
O

chant went on his expeditions in arms, as was still done until

recently by the Arabic slave trader who went to Africa on his
rsil;;ffii
;i:;IiIi;gf*;;gf
manhunt. The Phoenician towns were armed merchants1 republics, 5. Modern Plutocracy
Carthage came to the brink of world domination, the Greek repub¬
C05nr50JfD5cr

lics as well as Venice and Genoa were armed, and the East India At their peak the great capitalists form a plutocracy which
Company did more for the expansion of the British World Empire appears alongside the aristocracy by birth or penetrates it, or
—
o55ocf

than any other organ of power in England. Still it would be

incorrect to claim that the merchant as such is the founder of
where such an aristocracy does not exist
— takes its place.
Such plutocracies existed already in earlier times, but none of
states. He merely assumed in certain cases the tasks of war. these could be as powerful as the contemporary pl.utocracy, for
never before had the economic task been the constructive social
lgEfl[rq

While one time or another he was successful in setting up states,

ocrtscf

task.
OtsOtO5OO':

in the majority of cases the task of state founding was performed

independently from the merchant by warriors and priests, nobility
and clergy. Upon these two leading estates, and among them pri¬ Plutocracy does not have a constitutional claim on partici¬
OO.oJ5<F-OO

marily upon their secular and spiritual heads as leaders in the pation in control. It is only weakly represented in the houses
performance of contemporary social tasks, also devolved, along of the legislatures. It does not become an organized political
ts':5Fr)p.

with all other successes, the contemporary economic assets. They party of its own, but exercises its influence on the existing
shared in the possession of large landed estates and in the con¬ political parties and through them, or also alongside them, on
O

trol of human labor. the governments, the offices, and sometimes also the dynasties.
f;;:€spgH'*sEEf-I s

Through the press and through public opinion it also exercises it

;I

During the capitalist era the process of power formation was on the sovereign people. It enjoys its power without having to
fJp.C,

peculiarly reversed. Now economic tasks became the constructive become conspicuous in the external arrangements of the state. It
Ftlri;t
@<p. I

:E rrEi*.ru+rt;:;s

does not like it at all to stand out in this way, for as a shadow
O0)P

social accomplishment of the time. The capitalist entrepreneurs,

above all the mighty owners of finance capital, as leaders in government it can wield more power than the official govern-
this movement not only acquired capital, the wealth of the times, ment. Without himself being a state functionary, the financial
F ! ='-:?g

but through it they also acquired social power in general. Now baron makes the representatives of the state dependent on him, so
={J".,"gBlS'":"

it was the capitalist entrepreneurs, and especially the mighty they act as he wants them to, as the Jesuits at the time when
POcol3of .Jdc

owners of finance capital, who were elevated through superposi¬ they held power educated the princes in their own way and managed
p'p.Dryt,+@ln:Jts

tion to the towering heights of society. Today the great suc¬ to place their products into the decisive positions, or as
E:s E': af

ligit;;

cesses which assure the social leader of a mass following and Warwick, the last of the barons, was a king maker rather than
O

make him ruler over the minds are won on the economic battle¬ being a king himself. Plutocracy exercises its power in the
fields. Economic perspicacity devises the crucial war plans of modern form of control, and in doing so one resorts to any means
the time. In the bold logic of their combinations they are not suitable to wielding power over the minds. The secret of the
inferior to the strategies of a successful general, and the large power of capital is its ability at all times to change into that
555cfo

srq

shape which, depending on the situation at hand allows it to

crDo

human toll taken by the triumphant advance is as calmly accepted

as the toll from a murderous war. exert its strongest effect. It is because it immobilizes him
O

that the plutocrat avoids public office. When he instigates

Most curious of all is that the rise of the capitalist revolutions, as foreign plutocrats, for example, have done often
_Fb

0p.
Fb i-.
OG
ct P.A

@
Ia

in certain Central American republics, he does not step forth

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enterprises is not confined to within the national boundaries.

Cr

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a a

o
o
o
o

Across those boundaries they are building a worldwide economic himself as a dictator, but he directs his middlemen to act on his
a

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362 363
 empire ana that a new constitution had to safeguard the
behalf. He leaves to them the honors thethe worries, and the dan- ! of the realm and had to include in its horizon, aside interests

o E.a
Roman citizens, the whole caboodle of subjugated people. from the

crP H)

c ts'(,
O- o
Ft)Oq Ct

o0r

pox
(, {<
5o
expenditures necessary

5;:

0c 5-
ooo himself defraying

ooa
gers of power, while The new

a0J
o{o

5H
5O
for the show of strength and collecting its golden fruits.
constitution was in need of a supreme ruler because the subju¬

(r!
{o
gated peoples lacked any sort of strength and even the Roman
strength for freedom was diminishing. Ceasar
The Modern Dictatorships given to him to be this supreme ruler, and his felt that it was

FJ

3
F.

El

o
nature
ibly pushed him to assume the immense task of such airresist¬
. supreme
The Classical Dictatorship and the Autocracy ruler a task which had to be done and no
1. At the same time he could tell himself that one

P.
cf
Cr
else could do.

ry
H
P.

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tn
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a

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o

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he didn't
from the democratic way of thinking of his younger yearsdeviate
When the Roman people had got into a dangerous plight, dur¬

ii;;;f:g:f;
by so
s;; i' r. $F +rrii= i; - 515E';rt:i r*g*;qg -;Il3[gB;,1 pr

tIEACg
tr;iiiliiiIf *r,; *i,
;itrisie;;Ili;;:Iaa
remedy in acting, for he thereby would serve the interests of the populace
ing times when the republic was strong it found the
gi13i;F:*1si E! a [$-

dictatorship. The Senate resolved: "Let the consuls take care which couldn't be served in any other way, and thus
expect that the following of the masses would put the he could
the
lest the polity suffer any kind of injury," and thereupon of office
stamp of
approval on his rule. In this respect he would fulfill the pur¬
consuls named the dictator. The latter during his term
him pose of dictatorship, since he wanted to rule for the people's
enjoyed unlimited and absolute power, all citizens owed and he sake and through the people. His profound insight as a statesman
unconditional obedience, he was master of life and death,
g3ii:$
the told him that the most complete military victory would not be
was unaccountable. Of its own accord and sanctioned by law, leader, enough to give him undisputed rule. He had to fight for victory
populace in its distress submitted to the most competent
:=EEq:[$
pre¬ with arms in order to gain access to the rule which his
who was released from all legal restraints which might have populace. disputed, but in order to stay on top he had to be able torivals
from eliciting a supreme effort from the
vented him from on the following by the masses. This was the way he had rely
The person of the dictator, having been selected as the best ceeded in Gaul.
pro¬
among the people, provided the guaranty for the absence of misuse Through struggles lasting for years he had
t:1:l;;

of such a far-reaching power. Moreover, his term of strength office was broken armed resistance there, yet at the same time
span of a half-year, and given the of through judicious accommodation placated the spirit of the
set for the short that on lace so that no sooner had he brought that country to heel popu¬
the public spirit it could be expected with certainty he could safely leave it again and dare taking on his Roman than
the appointed day the normal rule of law would be fully revived rivals in the civil war. Along the same lines he intended to
and that the dictator, like all the other Roman peasants, would build up his dominion of the realm through victory by arms and to
return to his plow again. consolidate it for good by obtaining broad-based consent. To be
ir;;i:itrt
eqi"s[-g: [:rql;$rl I*-F]q"rq=

emer- sure, except for Caesar himself no other Roman ruler, not even
t

The ordinary cause for a dictatorship was a grave war

rerifi€

iifi
gl;;ii
Eiilia;u.;

gency. The half-year term reflected the length of the military Augustus, had all it takes to be an autocrat. Already among his
campaign. which had to be completed during the warm season since immediate successors weak men, faced by the temptations of pre¬
i

during winter the arms were put to rest. In the case of war dominance, fell prey to Caesarean madness, and
Marcus Aurelius, when the traditions of the goodlater, following
+qi':e
:;[:=q;

dictatorship the orientation to the commonweal is beyond the times had com¬
shadow of a doubt. It is a matter of a constitutionallyof pro- pletely vanished, the strong ones degenerated into mere military
vided, temporary and legally clearly defined suspension the emperors.
A$

undertaken for the sake of the common law. The

common law,
ra

extraordinary power of the dictator rests on the consent of a

ilE

2- Revolutionary Dictatorships and Law-and-Order Dictatorships

free people, intent on preserving freedom and order through him.
m

fl::#Flis

When the ground for dictatorship was internal unrest or The danger of war always, and so also in the
F:s;;[;=ir

s;iii
ii
s *I IF$ r*tt

civil war, it couldn't help veering the more from its pure form forth strictly exceptional forms of law which comepresent,
more
calls
toward a mere party dictatorship, the deeper were the differences close to the Roman military dictatorship. To pursue its or less
peculi¬
ri r: rs;*' :i 16: E;

within the populace. Sulla's dictatorship was a pronounced party arities in detail is of interest only to the jurist. On the
dictatorship. The terror of the proscriptions was one of its other hand, the sociologically oriented politician must dwell
means, and its end was party rule. The constitution launched by a consideration of those dictatorships which in the course on
modern revolutions have assumed such distinct features. It of
r::s

nobility. For
Sulla was designed to strengthen the rule of the dictatorship is
the rest Sulla lived up to the orginal idea of by they which we will call modern dictatorships. They are clearly
resigning from his office as soon as he deemed his task com- distinguished from the classical Roman dictatorship by having
pleted. been constitutionally neither envisaged nor defined. At first
Jt*tggHAfi

glance they seem to be party dictatorships, like

rt;si3
i;*l;isii

many of them, like the latter, made frightful use of Sulla's, and
u;[:i$$:n

Caesar, in addition to all the other offices he held, also the means of
had the Senate confer on him that of the dictator, and after terror against the opposing parties; yet they all envisage
expiration of the legal term he asked for a renewal of his higher than that of mere party dictatorship. They all are an aim
meant
to promote the welfare of the whole populace, which is to be
aA$itst

charge. He thereby negatived the idea of dictatorship in its

very core. He escalated it from a temporary to a permanent liberated by force from its autocratic rulers. The originators
in the name of dictatorship he founded the
of the modern dictatorships intended them to be forms of
power;
extreme
Caesarean rule. He couldn't act otherwise if his rule was to which should eventuate in higher forms of law. They arecoercion
there¬
Frs

meet its purpose. He had recognized that the old Roman city fore at one with classical dictatorship in that the force to
constitution did no longer satisfy the requirements of the world
365
364
 state of brothers were able to subject the Roman state of affairs! Even
which they lay claim is meant to hold good only for the it

s;q
a:lit#;;lg;;t-i:tg;i[ ;;-::litlcs*ae;;i*l;r+;;l;lgl i:;
iffi ;
3 —

;$$i-ie;Flilll*llil;l1 El;llilliiillllillfll[;iii;li[a'I;i
of an external enemy is an the slave uprising under Spartacus, from which a radical
emergency
$!'9 except that instead the German proletariat took its name after the upheaval, group of
internal one which is to be got under control in the interest of does by
no means come close to the dimension of modern revolutions.
the populace. was an act of desperation by a multitude having no rights and It

e3"'H;u=i;*l;rlt*'uglia$;i*[
which was not concerned with reshaping the state but only with
To the classical dictatorship, as well as to the modern one,
l[''$$fri*;'
33
escaping from the state. To master the far-flung tasks which the
belongs the exceptional person who justifies the emergency, the mass movements of the present time pose for modern
dictator who must not be cramped by the law, becausebehalf otherwise he
peculiar strength on of his the half-year duration of classical dictatorships dictatorships
will not do.
wouldn't be able to prove his
3

must possess an even much stronger Their duration is determined by the unpredictable course of
people. The modern dictator events.
5[';'336; g;'ss; 5'$]'3383

personality because he must be potentially able Roman to affirm the

dictatorship on his own volition, whereas for the dictator
dictatorship was ready-made and he was selected for his office by 3• Cromwell
rights. On the other hand, when the modern dictator is over¬
thrown, there is no need for the dictatorship as such to be erad- The first of the great modern revolutions, the English one,
icated at the same time. After the fall of Robespierre the
dictatorship continued in force because the opposi¬ elevated Oliver Cromwell to supreme power in the state; in him we
revolutionary confront the first modern dictator. He began his career as rep¬
tion parties were still too weak to cope with it. It is true, resentative and general of the Parliament, which had to defend
though, that with Robespierre the dictatorship of the rule of
;; ;--'il[.flflllr;l[$

on England's constitutional freedom against the power schemes

terror had passed the culmination of terror and of the holdtime Charles I. The aura of the invincible strategist enabled him of
human minds. Although its system could be upheld for some
after the victory to move into the leadership position
yet, it was still only a matter of time before the strongman who state was being reorganized. As a Puritan he belongedwhen the
was chosen to bring the reign of terror to an end hadproclaimedreached his
Robespierre was not formally a left wing of the constitutional party, and as a result to the
he got
full stature. That into conflict with the majority. Since the Puritan army was at
dictator doesn't mean anything; he was dictator just the same.
particu¬ his disposal he was able to settle this conflict in his favor.
For modern dictatorship, of course, is not wedded to anyfixed, as England's liberal system was not strongly enough organized as
lar form of law, and as little as the form of law is to be able to cope with the self-assured army and its general.yet
little is its name. Napoleon called himself consul and then
again emperor, craving to be the modern Caesar who established a
Nevertheless, Cromwell's dictatorship is by no means a military
dc'ic'cfo 5rrs

toppled dictatorship in the usual sense. It was raised above this base
permanent rule. But since the times were against him anddictator, type already by the puritanical earnest of the soldiers who felt
him from the throne, he was unable to assert himself as
His rule was not one of permanence but a committed by a religious duty, but foremost by Cromwell's magni¬

_ _ __
except temporarily.
transitional one, and if we value clarity of terms we will have
to designate it a dictatorship because it had that character of
ficent personality who
centuries
— —
anticipating future imperialism by two
used his power to the end of making England s name
famous in the world. That his personal stature was decisive in
temporary emergency power which the Romans associated with dicta¬ keeping him in command is revealed by the fact that his insigni¬
torship. ficant successor son lost the reins of power immediately. Still,
uiF;*igr[;ffisil;t;ill=r

the English populace felt Cromwell's dictatorship to be a minor¬

r3f,SFf-

The modern dictatorships have been called into being by the

lEllffif::F;ei':ffilii;'

ity dictatorship, and it joyfully welcomed as a liberator its

fact that the stirred-up contemporary masses of people craved for recalled king. But the real liberator had nevertheless been
freedom, but had not yet fully matured to the use of freedom. Cromwell, without whose victory Charles I would have brought
They pressed so impetuously for freedom that they were of no mind England's monarchy considerably closer to, if not having put it
to follow those leaders who wanted to build the new law in peace- on a par with, the absolute monarchy of the Continent. His
ful transformation; they followed those who were bent on force of Charles II, after the Restoration had to content himself son,
and breach of law. Inexperienced as they were in the use these plying his royal rule within the old constitutional limits. with
freedom, they needed for their revolutionary outbursts, if
were to overcome all opposition , the firm hand of the dictator
Cromwell's dictatorship preserved England's freedom.
frE *fF;.59*$3E

I i set the goals for them and maintain their united

who would
strength, and after the revolutionary excesses they again needed Revolutionary Dictatorship and Caesarean Law-and-Order Dicta-
the firm hand of the dictator, who would provide law and order
for them.
lowed by
The revolutionary or leftist dictatorships are fol-
law-and-order dictatorships or dictatorships of the
torship in France —
-
Jacobinian dictatorship was and is seen by the general pub¬
right. The former, as the latter, are transitional dictatorships lic as a reign of terror, having originated in the bloodlust of a
leading to an improved state of law. The ones, as the others, in few criminal fools and being raised to the top by the armed
their time capture for themselves the mood of the masses, without mob. This view is self-contradictory, for how could the strength
which, notwithstanding all means of force at their disposal, they of a handful of people suffice to overcome the determination
wouldn't be able to assert themselves for long. The constitu¬ population of 25 million? It happened that the
of a
tional changes at which the modern revolutions aim are geared to had seized the overwhelming majority of this body movement which
the constitution as a whole, and the same is true for the meta- of 25 million
irresistibly led to the Jacobinian reign of terror. The movement
morphosis effected by the law-and-order dictatorships. In com-
q

derived its impulse from the fact that the idea of popular
parison, how modest look the changes to which the Gracchus
E

366 367
 does every
sovereignty had infiltrated into the masses and, as All

llli iiiffiiri riii r

li
its power. The French populace needed a new mediator to shake

[igiliii I ii I llllqlllt
idea, filled the minds with inflamed passion. at once off the revolutionary dictatorship which had rendered its transi-
mass transposed into a lawless state of emergency,
one found himself tional service. It needed a law-and-order dictator, whom it

I
for if one believed in popular sovereignty he could no longer found in Napoleon.

lli
acknowledge the old law resting on the sovereignty of the king.
But the new law didn’t become fully effective by the mere fact The path on which Napoleon climbed to the summit of power
that its fundamental idea had been grasped, nor was it anywhere was the same that had lifted all strong dynasties

I
near sufficient to have completed the wording ofnew the new consti¬ throne. The armies assembled by the successful leaders to the

1i[l
The constitution during
tution following heated deliberations. the time of the founding of states were the first compact social
first had to become familiar to the minds and prove the
itself
right
bodies in the state, and free disposition over them made the
through success. The most important thing was to find general at the same time the state ruler. Napoleon was
men who had to lead the populace on its new paths. To find these history’s greatest victors in battle, and it couldn’t be one of
Ii
helped
was far more difficult than had been supposed. One didn’t know that he took by storm the minds of his people, who recognized in
yet that the right men can come out of elections only if previ¬
ii* him the strongman who would restore the order shattered by the
ously the right parties have been formed. The elections of the revolution. The directors themselves had partly submitted to his
first years of the revolution were most heavily influenced by the authority. The Council of Elders also bowed to him, and the
parties of the agitated. In the convention were men who knew how protests by the loyal republicans of the Council of Five Hundred,
llll,tr
to give fullest expression to the all-dominating idea of popular which died away in the populace, were impotent against the bay¬

iiliii lilililill lllltlilig

sovereignty, and among these impassioned men the most passionate onets of the grenadiers devoted to their general. Napoleon
again were heard above all. The masses, excited and enthused by largely justified the expectations placed in him. Nature had
the sentiment of freedom, saw the gravest threats to popular endowed him with all the qualities of the great lawgiver and
sovereignty from within and without and declared for the men who administrator, and he was about to do what the sovereign people
I lEi lg

were determined to resort to extreme measures in order to save had not been able to accomplish. The institutions he gave to the
the precious achievements of the revolution. As long as the French people have endured because they matched the disposition
III

public mind remained in a state of agitation the convention could of the populace. It became his undoing that he didn’t want to be
count on overwhelming assent to its merciless decrees ruthless of vio¬ content with being a legal dictator, but wanted to be Caesar. He
lence, and who knows whether in the absence of such couldn’t bring himself to giving the French, in addition to the
li i I

procedure it would have been possible to eradicate the histori¬ institutions he set up, the constitutional rights which the
cally entrenched powers of the absolute monarchy and of
il :'; * 'fi

national love of liberty demanded, nor could he resolve to bring

*i

feudalism? Undoubtedly the men of terror themselves believed the succession of his wars to an end. He claimed not to be
that they had been called to safeguard the revolution and felt a the position of the legitimate ruler to whom the populace in
i i ii r i L *qi

deep commitment not to avoid any means of terror which might
serve the sacred cause of the revolution. Great were the resist-
ances which they had to overcome not only with the adherents of
the old regime but also in those freedom-loving circles who were
not inclined to join the tempestuous pace of the revolution.
Nevertheless, the number of those daring to resist openly was
small, as compared with those who supported the Jacobinian gov¬
ernment or gave it full scope. While the convention dominated
';i
is
attached in accustomed loyalty, but that he had to bind it to him
time and again by new armed successes, and he expected that his
son only would be able to rule as emperor of peace. Perhaps this
consideration would not have convinced him had he not been pushed
by his natural disposition to relish the triumph of victory time
and again. Whatever were his motives, it was a pernicious mis¬
take for him to want to rule the freedom-loving French populace
like Caesar. Apart from the small residues of republican
the latter had been faced with a subject and submissive Romans,

the minds by terror, it drew even greater strength from the fact popula¬
that it was the supreme authority of the land. Even the tion, and it would be equally mistaken if he were to subjugate
Girondists, when they turned to the populace to oppose the con¬ with arms a world of culture nations like Caesar, who was con¬
*

i;

vention, had to find out that almost nowhere did they find the fronted with just one party of the Roman people and for the rest
expected following, whereas the ’’men of the mountain” received a
liiiii i *iil:: illl

with a barbarian world.

i IEF

As have all modern dictatorships,

throng of willing helpers. When Robespierre hazarded to pick his
li$ii ii iillliiili

Napoleon’s Caesarean dictatorship of law and order met with a

victims even from among the most resolute leaders of the ”moun- violent ending. He succumbed in battle with the external ene-
tain,” the latter fearing for their lives
— united with the
"plain,” managing to bring about a resolution of the convention
mies, and the French people, too
defected from the beaten emperor.
led by its marshals
lii I i i [:llt

directed against Robespierre. Again the convention proved its

authority, the multitude sticking with it and Robespierre bound
to be toppled. Only after the revolutionary cause could be con¬
sidered as secure did the desire for order reassert itself in a
notable way. But now it was revealed that the sovereign people
were by no means ready to supply the leaders and the means called
for by its desire for order. The Directorate had at its disposal
the army trained during the revolutionary wars and thus was
strong enough to escape the verdict of the voters which turned
out against the Directorate. The dictatorship, which was to
cause of freedom, had found pleasure in the exercise of
serve the
ffi
It was still a long time before the French were far enough
advanced to institute permanently the constitution of liberty for
which they yearned. It was still necessary to stir up a series
of revolutionary waves, though none was as tempestuous as the
first, that of the great revolution, and none accompanied any
longer by a pervasive revolutionary dictatorship. By and by the
middle classes had so familiarized themselves with the use of
liberty and had so chosen their leaders as to be able more and
more to do without revolutionary excesses, finding ever
more
rapidly the path to a firm order. In contrast, the rise of the

power and refused to end the state of emergency to which it owed proletariat entailed violent movements, which had
l

their strong

368 369
 countereffects in the June battle of 1848 and in the fight with pursued their narrow interests, within which the influential

Eli tillllilliiiiiiliiilllil
the Commune of 1 87 1 • The law-and-order dictatorship of Napoleon persons only too often pursued their personal interests.
$g3E_1pf3rilgf;;fi'e5",corrrg
The
III, too, was in the main a reaction against the proletarian Spanish patriot couldnft help noticing with concern that as a
unrest. As such it met with the consent of the bourgeois and result of the malfunctioning parties government finances and
peasant masses. leaning for the rest on the Napoleonic tradition public morale became ever more deeply disrupted and that one was
in the army. The dictatorship of Napoleon III was an imitation unable to bring Morocco’s dire• condition, which drained away
of the model created by his great predecessor, an imitation based money and manpower, to a rational end. Among Italy’s nationally
on incomparably weaker resources. Napoleon III fell prey to the of
minded youth and in the numerous chauvinistic circles of the
same mistake: he wanted to be a democratic Caesar in theatface country the new movement could count on thousands of combat-ready
the conflicting modern circumstances. The defeat Sedan disciples. Everywhere Fascist organizations emerged, and within
brought his career to an inglorious end, and now, at long last, a short time a militarily organized militia numbering in the
the people’s urge for freedom could be fulfilled and the republic hundreds of thousands was at hand. In Mussolini Fascism had a
instituted for good. The point nad been reached where a guardian leader of electrifying eloquence, eyes for the future, and deter¬
was no longer needed. What was still missing in the national mined energy. The king lent his support to the movement which
education was completed by the powerful ebullition of national acknowledged his authority, and the army gave its consent. In
feeling prompted by the desire to restore the state to bril¬ Spain the army with its officers was the backbone of the move-
liance, wealth, and military power following the military catas¬ ment. The army had kept in perspective the state as an integral
trophe of the war with Germany. Boulanger’s attempt to exploit whole and Primo de Rivera, who took the lead, could feel assured
the national mood for furthering his dictatorship failed miser¬ of its following. Mussolini and Primo de Rivera, much as they
ably, being a foolish, inopportune caricature of the Napoleonic rely on the military power resources, are nevertheless far from
model. The national feeling had become so self-assured, the bent on a military dictatorship, let alone a Caesarean rule.
national order so firmly secured, that it was no longer feasible They do not want to rise against the idea of democracy, but only
irlaii;;itli;rilaIiii;ll;i;iFrl*liHti
to summon the army against the nation. The army itself was against its abuses, and they want to be guided by public opinion,
imbued with the feeling of having to serve the nation as its whose following they take as an endorsement. The goal they are
tool. striving after would be attained once the old party leadership
had been eliminated and the masses had been united under strong
national leadership.
v

5. The National Law-and-Order Dictatorship (Fascism and the

Spanish Officers Dictator ship) The national dictator doesn’t want to undertake anything
Fd-Ep"'!TrE_E63HFF!E$gg*f3$HrIr

against his people. He believes to act in its best interest when

If Russia and the experiments in Hungary and in Munich are seeking to wrest it from the inadequate party leaders whom it
lilliiill

disregarded, the upheaval after the World War may be said to have must follow as long as no better leader is at hand. Impatient to
taken place without intervention of dictatorships. The revolu¬ show the public what a truly national leader is able to produce,
tionary intensity was not high enough for that. To be sure, and believing that there is danger ahead, he dares to breach the
emergency powers had to be invoked in order to effect the transi- law, and with the help of a number of resolute followers he grabs
tion to the new order after the collapse of the legitimate gov¬ the reins of power, expecting that success will turn the voters
ernments, but the overwhelming majority everywhere met quickly on toward him who in the end will absolve him from his breach of
the new legal foundation. For all that, there were still groups law. It was thus in the case of the breach of constitution com¬
who resisted in words and even in deeds, as exemplified by the mitted by Bismarck on the occasion of the military conflict, when
Kapp putsch, not to mention the many people who resigned them¬ the Prussian House of Representatives denied him the credit which
liiiiliiill

selves to the new state of affairs only with inner reserva- he demanded for the implementation of his armament plans. It
t ions. Little by little the sentiments of the opposition became won’t do to label Bismarck as an outright national dictator on
more united, and the desire for a regulating dictator became account of this breach of the constitution since he acted only as
Po.O.tD O O !

increasingly more fervent. But, strangely, the reaction against a counselor of his king, but the advice given to the latter still
the democratic current did not openly come to the fore in the amounted to an unconstitutional usurpation of power, and the
states directly involved in the upheaval, but in victorious Italy attitude which prompted the advice was that of a national dic-
and neutral Spain. Mussolini and Primo de Rivera are law-and- tator.
order dictators of the most modern type. Their rule, in Italy as
well as in Spain, had been prepared for by domestic law-and-order Fascism has found an echo in all states where the young
movements which were caused primarily by the rising threat to democracies affected by the inner strife and the narrow outlook
liililliig

public safety emanating from the most radical groups of the pro¬ of their parties proved incapable of forming conscientious and
SC5CdrdOg u O-ctd<

letariat. In Italy an added factor was that the national feeling strong governments, as demanded by the national sentiment. When
had been vehemently provoked by the dissatisfaction with the in such cases the call for the dictator, the strongman, is
ii

results of the World War and the attitude of the allies. In sounded, this must not be simply viewed as proof that one wishes
Spain one had been aroused by certain separatist aspirations, but no longer to have anything to do with democratic ways. One has
crcrO o rD

g=l *;

at bottom, here as there, it was the failure of democracy which got fed up with the profession of democracy; one wants instead
pushed nationally oriented state citizens toward the right. In democracy in action, the strong populace.
-

the young democracies of the Continent the state didn't count,

but the party did. Instead of the powerful unity of the national An approach to the idea of national legal dictatorship is
interest one was faced with the inner strife of the parties which embodied in the laws of the kind represented by the German
:

370 371
 I ne±p ireeaom win through. A robust people easts its lot by indi¬
laws of 1923, which for a certain time removed from

[ ! Hr;;'r,:
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authorization

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cating the right leader through its own following.

rlr;:;
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ts'

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5':5 cr5 ct

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opotro,c the reso¬ A people
parliamentary decision, and assigned to the executive,tasks.

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marshaling the strength for this cannot be subdued by force
<p.DOts.O
3
f; 3:;it-
ocrBH'ts5
lution of certain complex and urgent governmental
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healthy definitively. The power rallied around himself by a ruler may be
Germany possessed a firmly established democracy with a nuisance to rival leaders, it may block up the paths for their
tstD<
parties fully aware of their political responsibility, such emer- followers while compelling a certain following vis-a-vis the
gency laws would have been unnecessary. ruler , but it cannot permanently force an entire recalcitrant
nation to follow. A vigorous nation will let the dictator have

3.8 * qI{ E; a
:".-p'q;53FE
5q;EffEglsr
Even in the old democracies one has become somewhat alarmed
o -' lL+5ni s o e.
his way only as long as it feels that in doing so he
ts. 5 <

success of Fascism. There is no cause for this. A and state is the ser-
a
by the vant of its interests. As soon as it loses this conviction
5
g

tiistgLP9
ts. ".'6 <tllof{

possesses such strong liberal leaders so it

O 5 O O 5 5 ,s

which
b:

like England, will , sooner or later, withhold its following from him, and a

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of
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firmly organized party masses, need not fear the usurpation single false step, a single accident will then suffice to topple
6;'A:;'I..r#

force in the course of its state affairs. The citizen of England him. As soon as he has educated his people in the ways of
or the United States of North America may observe the news about
.J501*+Op

national self-determination his dictatorship will come to an end,

the Fascist turmoils with the contented feeling of a man who for then it will be said: "The lord has done his work, the lord
o.|o +X

knows that his own household is in good shape. National dicta- must go." In the case of the freedom-imbued Romans the classical
torship is a concern for nations which have not yet completed
ts'u{

dictatorship was in all due legal form endowed with the increased
E

their democratic structure. power called for by the plight of the times, whereas with the
freedom-seeking peoples of the present time modern dictatorship
received this power through the use of revolutionary force.
6. Dictatorship and Democracy
p)
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Eventually, however even a modern dictatorship proves that the

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arbitrary power wielded by it is at bottom supported by the popu-

Whether the dictatorships in Italy and Spain really come up
l;tli
a_l:€ f a
gHIE : ;i sil; g;;: xE :1f, iHfi glIi i:tr[;;]E:sI
;t;;;li r;;;3$ ;;$; r:- ;$;1: sslriraers: l;q
liiIr

lace and serves its interests. This holds only for vigorous
to the idea of modern dictatorship, we do not want to examine.
ffB $B F3 f,Sfi'*b'.B 3 S[6 FE 5s'

peoples, to be sure. Weak peoples fall prey to military dicta¬

it serves a
In the way this idea conjoins authority and freedomHistorically, torship or to some form or other of autocracy.
principle which pervades the periods of history.
O F F'o 3 O O O O O (, O o crp < p O < o O H'

the road to freedom from the very beginning has been paved by the
use of force, for it so happens that the masses do not instinc¬ 7. Bolshevism
g;:;l'ieu5i;l+l;sIal;;itfi;f,=il*=fi

tively join together to form a national unit, which is the first

i;liffi

step to national freedom. The kindred tribes which eventually

gf€F

Prior to the Bolshevist dictatorship all modern dictator¬

coalesced to nations fought each other tooth and nail and would ships had a bourgeois-democratic orientation, although one or
never have found each other if the lust for power of strong war¬ another of them, and especially the Jacobinian version, had a
loads had not welded them together in the fire of battle. Even distinctly proletarian streak. Their goal was freedom for the
p.E r*H *i

__
after this had been done, the leadership activity of dynasties
; f ;l;'i f,gr iFS i;gtilio'?t"-tE fferF

populace, which secured to the propertied middle class a large

was still needed in order to equip the peoples with the institu¬ and probably decisive share of political and, beyond that, of
tions of the centralized state. Force had to perform a lengthy social leadership. The equality postulate, which had also been
ir rrui:

historical task until the national forces had been trained far incorporated in the battle cry of the bourgeois-democratic revo-
enough to permit dispensing with the use of force at long last. lutions, has by and large remained an empty phrase. The prole¬
Where the old powers did not yield their place of their own tarian revolution inverts the relationship, being oriented to
accord, the establishment of democracies was carried through with
—
I

where equality in the interest of the masses. Taken seriously, the

the violence of revolutionary dictatorships, followed
s

necessary by law-and-order dictatorships. If later, after

democracy is in the driver's seat, obstacles still turn up which — postulate of equality fundamentally revolutionizes state and
society. In order to succeed with general equality, the state
;

must draw within its orbit of power everything which would gener¬
prevent the national will from gaining strength, it is not sur¬
;li;;i

ate inequality if it were left to free personal decision-

B.ils; i's8 $5';O EFJOSS5 qEE!

ildilB

prising that one permits to happen what heretofore always hap¬ making. The state must become the master in the economic realm
pened in the face of obstacles to freedom and that strong leaders
_ and thus, in addition to human labor, must especially dispose of
are permitted to proceed with the aid of force. Whereas in the decisive power wielded by capital. It must also become mas¬
earlier times force was directed against the autocrat who barred ter over all educational matters, lord of culture. All the lead¬
Erg;E

the way to freedom it is in the end directed against the parties ership talent which heretofore enjoyed free range in economy and
ffii

calling themselves democratic without being so in fact. Democ- culture must be placed in government service and be equally
racy is rule by the people, but these parties suffocate the popu- subjected to certain norms as hitherto had already been true for
lar government by party rule. The modern dicatator must complete
g

the officer, the judge, the civil servant. Disregarding the

the task of education for national self-determination by
O r-< 5 o cfo PO'!

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church, which is a power apart, the entire social leadership

u, ni*

enlightening the reluctant parties with some use of force about function is nationalized and thus placed under a supreme lead¬
sI

the duties they have vis-a-vis the nation. Undoubtedly the dic¬ ership power, which is the only one left to exercise the right of
tator resorting to force in a democracy assumes a much greater independent decision-making. At the same time the idea of equal¬
':'Fg:'*3.x

responsibility than was true when force was used during chaotic ity demands that all the leading state functionaries in income
times, for in a democratic environment the populace believes to and standard of living be depressed to the level of the toiling
have landed in the safe haven of law, and a breach of law cannot masses. Altogether this represents an encroachment on the social
help deeply upsetting the public conscience. Eventually, how¬ constitution a more radical version of which cannot be imagined
ever, a vigorous people always commands the resources needed to
g

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u

372 373
 The' walking ahead or the leaders and the associated historical tradition, and perhaps it will have to yield

l;;sr, riHiiiilt*;;is ;il:*m *; *' ii5i;:$ ;3i illiiii{gi

at all.

irffirili;ri;; ili:fgfiiliffil: rffil;;[; ;riiigfffi: ! :;3ili1[*

lrs o.r
to other

illl;q ;[[
following by the masses is the basic form of every social consti- and freer types of leadership as soon as
5o ts.o B)p(,ro-l-
tut ion. Although this basic form is not to be suspended for task. If this came to be true, it would, it has accomplished this
like the modern dicta¬
there is still demand for leadership service without which the torships, have served the purpose
masses couldn’t progress the leadership function is deprived
of its momentum because, apart from the top leadership, it cannot
— force to a condition of exalted law.of having led through greater
be performed freely any longer. Doesn’t the leader whose objec-
Fo,<

tive and path are determined from the start cease being a
leader? And isn’t his weight reduced considerably by the fact
that as a person he is placed on the level of the masses?

itilir;sr[FgFf!iil;ElFfFii}illlgli
The extent to which the Russian Bolshevists have tried to

lilliillilifi[ rlililiIiilliiil;iililililiilillli
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apply the postulate of equality in state and society and have

succeeded in this, only the testimony of close observers of the
ooir.iioiosco\]

country can reveal. At any rate, they have succeeded in upset¬

ting completely the stratum which heretofore had led in Russia.
They not only removed the Tsar with his family and court, but
they got rid of a considerable portion of civil servants, offi¬
cers, intellectuals, entrepreneurs, and landed proprietors who
were killed in battle or executed, or ruined by privations, or
had to flee the country; they placed the pliable remainder into
their service. As with the Jacobians, with them, too, it is not
s

the terror alone to which they owe such success, but the attitude
of the masses also contributed decisively. The collapse clearly
showed that the old historical leaderships had not internal power
over the masses. The military defeat deprived them of all
authority. The masses not only denied them their following, but
lEE3E5;83-3'"3!r'10,':-oo

turned openly against them, and the preponderance of the masses

sealed their fate. Under these circumstances the Bolshevists
were the natural leaders of the masses. They both had the same
enemies, and even those groups among the masses who inwardly had
nothing in common with the Bolshevists, such as the huge peasant
group, found it to their advantage to submit to the Bolshevists
or at least to give them full scope. For did they have any other
choice than to submit to the Bolshevist dictatorship or to give
o p'o.dF o o c o ts'o

it full scope? Every people needs its leaders, especially under

such confused circumstances as had spread across Russia after the
upheaval. The Bolshevists’ leadership was the only compact lead¬
ership group at hand after the masses had shaken loose from their
old historical leaders and were utterly incapable of recruiting
new leadership from within their own ranks. How the relationship
between the Bolshevist leaders and the Russian masses will
develop once it may have been shown that the masses were unwill¬
ing to follow in the direction set by the Bolshevist leaders,
only the future can tell.
If the Bolshevists should undertake to realize fully the
'r o H)H,co o d o ts.'-5 -o.

demand for equality, their rule could no longer be counted among

aigg:.'"5'"o3gH',g

the modern dictatorships which sprang up after the bourgeois

revolutions. The purpose of their dictatorship was designed to
lead through increased coercion to a state where a purified law
is to hold without coercion. But a thoroughly conducted system
of equality would be a state of permanent coercion, for it could
Hgi=;.* ai
; a'E ;",r!

not be maintained without binding through strict norms the freest

of social drives, the leadership drive, the drive of the free
spirit, and to subordinate it to a single supreme leadership
force which in fullness of power would still have to exceed by
far Caesarism and Tsarism. Perhaps it will be the accomplishment
of Bolshevism through the excess of its dictatorial idea to
redress the excess of the political and social inequalities of
;:

374 375
 The Balance of Power at the Present Time could have wanted the war, and none did. Although for years

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already one had seen it come, it was, when it finally became a
reality, a frightening surprise for all nations, and not one of
The Crisis of Power at the Present Time

rc
A.

(n

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5
o
them could explain it in any other way than by attributing it to
the wickedness of the adversaries. But now that it had broken
out one was all the more determined on both sides to carry it

lil ]i
1. The Existing Power Qonflicts

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through to its victorious conclusion. When the toll in human
If it is true that with the World War a new era, the era of lives and economic values grew apace, both sides got into the

rerg
world history, opened up, then world history, asthe in their time situation of the entrepreneur who gradually had to add so much to
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the histories of peoples, has begun its work in conflict of his stakes in a seemingly sure-win business transaction that he

ilfflill
f orce. The World War was the first collective action of the could no longer withdraw even after having realized that his
states of the world which through the progress of the circular undertaking was unsafe, even hazardous. The war outlays had
course of history were linked up with each other. climax. In it the subjected the national economies to such a large drain of mate¬

s:cr;i:
historical work of force attained an unprecedented The rial goods and had placed such a heavy burden on the public purse
largest number of culture peoples and of semi-civilized ones that one could expect reparation only from a full-fledged
participated in it, though many only reluctantly under the pres- tory. One was confronted with the dilemma of being hammervic¬ or
sure of the Entente and not through military engagements but only
.
anvil, of either having the adversary wear the leaden chain of
through the formal act of declaration of war, intended to deprive
Erilil
defeat or of having to wear it oneself. The arduous work could
il

the Central Powers of certain advantages which the latter had not be left half-done; it had to be brought to an end, a final
been granted by the neutrality of these states. All the more end.
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deeply the principal nations had become engrossed in fighting. lll1;=t

For them in the circular course of history the war between peo- The war of extermination was the expression of intransigent
E .,[-]l;s.*sF*o:oI

pies had become a folk war in the old sense which it had been bellicosity. At stake was not, as had already been the case for
when war was not yet a concern of the supreme power of the state quite some time for the European wars, a piece of land here or a
and of the professional army, but a war of all against all, when piece there, but, as had been true for the ancient tribal wars,
,rirt$

every able-bodied man and youth went out to do battle and the who would be the stronger. Incidentally, the members of the
fate of the whole population hinged on the outcome of the war. Entente had granted to themselves and to the allies whose enlist¬
When the circular course of the history of states began, the folk ment was still necessary at a later time so many claims for land
;;lii;lfi

war had to give way to the war of professional armies because the and power that the military and political annihilation of the
*tFsii-

distrustful thirst for power of the rulers of the state had dis¬ enemy, alleged to be the ultimate moral goal, had become an
armed the masses. Subsequently, however, after the rulers indispensable prerequisite for satisfying the material demands of
illliiEls

believed that they were secure on their thrones, the historical the war participants. The complement to the military war of
cycle was closed when through universal conscription the populace extermination was the war of calumny designed to annihilate the
was again enlisted for war service. Giving way to the urge for enemy morally. Given that in their personal disputes individuals
s;,ia: Hrnil r"=ril.l:i*ii'fr

the maximum possible, the large state wanted to perform its already tend to interpret actions of the enemy motivated prima¬
greatest feats on the battlefield, and so, instead of sending out rily by caution, weakness, or imprudence as evil intent, how much
HleFf; ua-s"3e
;FEr*

the tens of thousands of warriors which formerly had constituted more must this be true for international wars, which are waged
the folk armies, it sent out millions. These, rather than being with no holds barred. The war of annihilation demanded the war
armed with clubs and battle-axes or with bows, javelins, and of slander because man needs to believe in the infamy of the
H

swords, were lavishly equipped with the precision instruments of enemy in order to consider as permissible the use of extreme
modern arms technique , being as well prepared for combat in the means against him. Standing one’s ground demands that one proves
air and under water as for action on the ground. The battle¬ to his own satisfaction the villany of the enemy one seeks to
:;g]3x*ll:''iqlll$

fields of trench warfare criss-crossed the continent, and in destroy. When the World War as it advanced progressively degen¬
r:rir:q

addition the Entente was able to conduct an economic war along¬ erated the hearts of the combatants, the war of calumny was fed
side the military one. As previously one had blockaded and ever more ammunition. One didn’t want to realize that
starved out a city, so one now directed the hunger blockade shadows of the World War, given its huge dimensions, had to thebe
against realms and peoples. In all its dimensions, world war is much denser than those of customary wars fought by professional
the most stupendous among the acute conflicts of power which armies. Each side readily appreciated it when its own fighting
history has to relate. men were pushed ever deeper into the darkness of savagery by
3 li;a;r*:rs

inexorable necessities, and it was bound to have excuses ready if

'q;

The nations of the Entente, like the Central Powers, had not it went beyond the call of duty. Yet neither side could under¬
rashly decided on participation in the World War. As developed stand it when the opponent also trespassed the bounds of what was
nations they were no longer in the position of the martial peo- necessary. If already the splinter in the eye of his neighbor
pies in the earliest times who were so little absorbed by the
cil[:s[

offends man, shouldn’t he be utterly annoyed by the beam in the

works of peace that they could always be ready for war. The eye of his enemy!
modern national war removed from the soil the majority of its
33

cultivators. It took away from the factories and other plants The starvation campaign waged by the Entente in
—
I

connection
not engaged in war production the majority of their workers. It with the war of arms was however difficult this may be for a
s33

disrupted communications, and with the first interruptions which German to concede
logical perfection. - In the modern people’s war,carried
the war of extermination to its
it brought it already wrought economic catastrophe. No nation in which all

376 377
 preserved a glimmer of national pride, it would attempt again to
able-bodied citizens are made into fighters and all persons of

1s s,,*ri:;*5$
iil[[
throw off the leaden chain with which it was bound.

l;*rn*;eu
f#qsgiEsFslfl;lSfirfs; *Er€i8F1a$H

l*==i:ii+i'
both sexes able to work are turned into military auxiliaries, the

--
distinction between soldiers and citizens is no longer feasible Of Germany's allies, Turkey and Bulgaria were weakened as
in the way it could be made in the war of professional armies. much as possible, while Austria-Hungary was dissolved. Between
Modern war resourcefully exploits every advantage which one side Germany and Russia and the adjoining states down to the Balkan
can gain over the other. How, then, could the nations of the new states were set up or the friendly old states were patronized

{lfgl;
Entente have abstained from exploiting the superiority conferred in order to establish a great system of military protection which
upon them by the wealth of their own economic resources and of would encircle Germany in the east and southeast and which was
the whole rest of the world to which they were tied by their rounded out in the south by ceding to Italy the German South
command of the high seas? This superiority was their greatest Tyrol to the Brenner pass. In the case of a number of the new
military advantage; to it they owed their eventual victory. state institutions one could plead that they were meant to fur¬
ther national self-determination which the Entente had hailed as

;iiiil}lS;i$r;;g;a;er:,:suuilrIrgi[ii
The dreadful losses of lives and property caused by the war
$, ig r;rt:-irrB*lE r* *sr; "-[;lr=a;;;[ *[;llgl
of extermination were not its worst consequence. They could have
been made up in a brief span of years of peaceful prosperity if
illllilli *i; one of its war aims, and indeed in a number of cases old national
wrongs were righted. That respect for national self-
determination was not the guiding light, however, is clearly
the World War had been followed by a state of moral recovery as
q6:llliir;l'ts''
shown by the fact that one had only to plead the argument of
had happened a century earlier after the Congress of Vienna fol¬ military protection as an excuse for subsequently creating new
lowing the Napoleonic Wars. But it didn't come to that; rather national injustices without hesitation. While one intensified
the acute conflict was condensed into a still more drastic the national feeling in the newly created states in a national¬
chronic conflict of minds. The masses of citizens had not had a istic manner, one most gravely injured the national feeling of
direct part in the war of professional armies, but now citizens the vanquished. All these newly created states are nationalist i-
had competed with other citizens, and the passion for fighting of cally oriented right from their cradle. They are bent on enjoy¬
millions could not so soon be calmed again. Added to the ing their young national life to the hilt, completely unmindful
entrenched hate was a suspicion which could not be alleviated.
rt;rt;llll;illillt:

of national justice, and in particular they also want to live it

Was it not to be expected that the malefactor whom to overpower to the full in economic terms. Creatures of power conflict, they
had been so difficult would become active again at the first aggravate the conflict of power.
opportunity? In this mood the victors rendered their verdict, in
which they made true in intensified form the well-known phrase of The collapse ending the war aggravated via the ensuing
General Clausewitz that war is the continuation of politics by upheaval the existing internal conflicts of power in the van¬
adopting a political course which was a further continuation of quished states. Most gravely so in Russia, a fact which once
war. The war was over without there being a chance for peace. before we had occasion to comment in detail. In the other coun¬
The victors didn't even consent to observing the usual form of
ritll';;ailtE$li

tries passable order was created, but nowhere do the new powers,
g EgsfftrqrFqlEsffr$ng'F;3

the peace treaty. Its terms were imposed on the vanquished with- which have arisen to take the place of the historical powers
out engaging them in any negotiations. As in the pursuit of war,
till*llilillillnilill*:

ruined by the war, possess that degree of dominion over the minds
in the determination of the terms of peace one reverted to the which is required for a strong government. Everywhere there is
old, crude ways of tribal war it was a throwback to force such
as had never happened before among culture peoples. The
— unrest, supporters of the old order beginning to rally for the
fight here and there. The Fascist dictatorship has provided a
German nation was forced to submit to the Caudinian yoke of model provoking imitation.
self-debasement, as the Romans had to do vis-a-vis the
Samnites. It had to accept the capitis deminutio of accusing The upheaval also aggravated greatly the existing social
'l;rE[iIyi;;r;[i

itself of war guilt and for the time being of getting wiped off conflict of power, with the Russian dictatorship of Soviets pro-
the roll of culture nations. The disarming which it had to carry viding the pattern for the use of force.
out struck it off the roll of sovereign nations, and the eco-
nomic-f inaneial burdens it had to take upon itself condemned it
to a bondage for which there was no end in sight. Despite all
that, the French distrust of Germany was still not about to be
_
The agitation of national and social passions has had an
after-effect on the victorious nations as well. The idea of
national self-determination appealed to by the Entente was avidly
allayed. Poincare didn't tire of noting German lapses providing accepted, especially by the peoples subject to English rule. The
him with excuses for stiffening the sanctions. Under his manage-
g uHt;lii:

colored troops used in Europe who became witnesses here of the

r:l ;sril*r

ment France got stuck in a policy which couldn't help aggravating conflict and difficulties of their masters took home with them
the differences still further. The more onerous the sanctions, impressions which gave them much to ponder. "The whites are
the more deeply the conflict had to sink into the minds. The
ata

people like we, after all," the word now is in India. A threat¬
French statesmen should have known from the experience of their ening cloud of fury lies over Asia, and Egypt, too, demands
own people how painful is the hurt caused by injuries to the national self-determination.
!:.;

national ego! The more violently Germany was pressed down, the
more certainly one could expect that, as long as it still The tension which took hold of the world after the great war
u

is most clearly manifested in the economic figures. The world

E

has lost its economic equilibrium. During the war Europe was not
I

fully able to maintain its dominating position in the interna¬

*From a battle incident in 4 B.C., meaning deep humiliation, tional division of labor; the rest of the world in many respects
debasement. (Tr.)
H

378 379
made itself independent from it. Moreover, the victor nations ultimatum had? If the national passions of the world had not

g;l;l:cr
gi'lIlt;[;i;;*s;* ir:l[;:;
rf:Fr;;l$:;ery ;$fi;ulIq
rg*rt:
q# [dEFa:{sBH}aigH 35I5[[Bf
['3'
3$EE$FSE

H";-1fi*Eq
burdens
through the political reorganization and the economicweakening been stirred up, the attempt on the life of Archduke Ferdinand
dictated to their adversaries have hurt themselves by The heavy
g'DaOOo5A' and his wife probably would not have been made, and if it still
the markets needed for the sale of their own products.
E
had been made, it would have remained the infamous crime of a few
unemployment which as a result is haunting England means the young people without any consequences for the peace of the
?'.€
paralysis of a large portion of its national wealth and those con- world. Serbia of its own accord would probably have extradited
stantly saddles it with losses and expenditures which match or punished itself those of its citizens who participated in the

'fr
caused by continued warfare. assassination. Or, if it had not done so, a storm of indignation
3

would have swept across the world, as was true 'earlier after the

:PFiii*rsHF=-9s
'53;S?$

l;r i:;;e: tar: r

*rsLixee-eE;[;
Awareness of the ubiquitous economic tension more than any-
T.s33'& - -H 6'H'sE

murder of King Alexander. The Austro-Hungarian government would

thing else has contributed to put public opinion in a more peace- not have had to press for their punishment, because all European
ful mood again. Lately, gratifying progress has been achieved in governments would have made common cause with it, and governments
this respect. The rapprochement in the matter of the German on friendly terms with Serbia probably would even have beaten it
p. o)550qOHrO0)gH'tsH '

reparations debt is a meritorious accomplishment honoring the to it. The ultimatum and the declaration of war would probably
statesmen who mustered the courage for it. The meeting in not have happened, or if they had still occurred, all of Europe
sgE,.EBEgF

Locarno evidences further progress. But how much is there still would have intervened to make them undone and to offer to the
left to do if it is already considered a great achievement that monarchy due satisfaction without breach of the peace. A people
the representatives of the victor nations sit around a table to with the moral and dynastic sentiment of the English would have
engage in peaceful discourse with Germany’s representatives! Thea
granted to the monarchy the same extensive satisfaction it would
more deep-seated evil, of which economic tension is merely of the
have demanded for itself if it had been Serbia’s neighbor and if
symptom, has not yet been touched upon at all, and none the Prince and the Princess of Wales had been assassinated. But
leading statesmen has so far found the courage to put his finger since Europe was split into two big camps watching with jealous
on the issue in which the tension of existing power conflicts nervousness lest any, however minor, shift occur in power rela¬
originates.

_ tions at the expense of one party or another, one could not come
F:

to terms on how the crime was to be expiated and on the extent of

;;
q[

i
The external power conflicts afflicting the souls have in amends to be made to Austria-Hungary. Austria-Hungary believed
$

the inner
the more sensitive minds awakened consciousness ofinstability. that if its honor as a big power were not to be damaged it must
"rQ5 ;
6

conflict between faith and knowledge and of moral not accept the terrible blow perpetrated on it without the most
o
{

Many pious people see the World War as the consequence of, and severe punishment. Germany believed that it must not abandon its
F'o o
e5 o.5 (,
- P -= craE
oE 3

?o
o P.(<

'J iioc cf d ci(,

punishment for, reckless acquisitiveness, being completely

o? o 5oo

ally without its own prestige and power position being damaged.
o5fl
<A

oEi

:ln^ cr P)H <x

ID X PS OO

^ ts" 0) 5E

Among Europe’s
obsessed with the drive for worldly enrichment. existing Russia, which for so long had let Serbia have its way, had toler¬
<A

"

educated the weak-hearted are certain that the power ated or even supported its doings, could no longer back out,
x I'J5
I B :'

r <+X
o
o;I '; o o
O

Fb O
r" tsO:

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conflicts must lead to the ruin of the world of culture, while

<Xori

believing that it would suffer irreparable damage in its Balkan

O 3 cf O

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<a

iT15p
o 5tr

the strong-hearted defiantly prepare for a new fight. But how and world position if it ceased being Serbia’s mighty protec¬
ooo

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P.^;P.cr

many of these may be confident that such fight will resolve the tor. France had to go along with Russia if it didn’t want to
a *i
o

^
Ft<

conflicts? forego the pay-off for the great sacrifices which for so long it
cf
F

had taken upon itself for the sake of the treaty with Russia.
Finally, England, which felt honor-bound not to abandon its
The Balance-Sheet of Social Forces Before and After the World allies, had to string along with France and Russia. The vessel
lf
lg
lr

2.
lHlil
N)

tet*:
'

War of power alliances was brimful, and when it was pierced at the
u €;3r;;riH;$[$sf;5,

point of least resistance, all the venom of mutual distrust

;;iqtil:,r*i;:xtr;:;,
il*gil:;g:*[;;;:t5;it
llll[[1l;';I;;i:rll
-.$-'--35FlB.';'F

The World War in its extravagance is the result of the poured out over the world like from Pandora’s box.
S

existing enormous national tension. Any explanation which would

p cr=*:r ctls': o
50 5p :rlp o x

reduce it to another origin is incorrect In the era of . One will be more justified in attributing guilt for the
O P 5 O crOlcro,ts'
eilffi - 5'33 3I;--E;5'"15'3

nationalism no ruler would be strong enough by himself to induce World War to the prevailing system of militarism and capitalism
the culture nations to fight each other if, abhorring any incli¬ than to any individual ruler, although one must keep in mind that
nation to fight, they were receptive only for peaceful work. in the era of nationalism it is not this dynast or that, this
Therefore, it will not do at all to blame the outbreak of the soldier, or that, but the nations themselves which had become the
World War on this dynast or that, this statesman or soldier or embodiment of militarism pushing toward war. Nor was it this or
that this group of capitalists or that. Perhaps one may rightly that armaments manufacturer , but the whole capital-intensive
accuse one or another of the participating rulers of having national economy , that supported the capitalism pushing toward
o 0, o

rashly or even malevolently ignited the match which set off the war because it was extremely anxious to participate in the eco-
—
o crp) E clo'J

colossal explosion. But if one raises this accusation he surely nomic partition of the world and here we must include in
,fP('

takes it for granted that there already existed an inflammable addition to the entrepreneurs, the industrial workers as well.
561 o A)

To illustrate this idea by a specific case, to raise The liberal bourgeoisie, as long as it was still in the opposi¬
fD 0a

mass!
dEqiS

against those rulers of Austria-Hungary who are responsible for tion, had emphatically resisted the military system of the
the ultimatum served on Serbia the charge of having, by their princes, viewing it as a system of unproductive expenditures
O

exaggerated demands, forced Serbia to offer armed resistance, may weighing down productive workers with taxes and threatening them
FD
H)o x

perhaps be justified. But is it not true that the heated passion with the danger of external wars while internally reinforcing
orc
5

of the world was mainly responsible for the effect which the princely predominance. But when during the era of nationalism

380 381
M' TTwTTT
 management of the multifarious relationships without having any firm global associ
the bourgeoisie was called upon to share in the

llliil
lilgEliillll
of a wanderer who ation , and could such a state of affairs be maintained in ti
state its outlook changed, as does the horizon with its long run without collisions? Imagine a condition where the mer
climbs from the narrow valley to the mountainthesummit tool for real¬ chants of a number of nations are induced by
Now the army became for it
unrestricted view. success to meet by the thousands and thousandssurprising economi
izing the national idea. Embodied in it for the German patriot on a world marke
which has no joint management to provide arrangements for th
were the glorious memories of Gravelotte and Sedan, for the maintenance of order and where each market participant would t
Italian patriot it was the weapon with which to liberate Italia means left alone to protect himself against attacks as well as possibl
irredenta , and for the French one it was the indispensable with the help of his compatriots! As long as transactions tak
of defense and perhaps of revenge. Little by little on the Con¬
place to everybody's satisfaction, commerce may flow smoothl
tinent the view gained ground which was held in its distinctive even in the absence of a common management, but it is
way by the citizen of England, for whom the superiority of the a differen
matter once the greed for gain arouses envy and jealousy,
home fleet meant the protection of its economic domination of the espe
daily if in the process all kinds of old resentments are stirre
world. The economic imperialism generated by the surplus labor
—
I
military up again. Then one will get his weapons ready
power of the great culture nations demanded sufficient
protection in case the economic competitive struggle were the
change abruptly into an
lllliliiilli
armed struggle. The build-up of
to
before
ments
——
treaties
and make agreements with friendly groups
system of arma
— system o
and then, once the atmosphere has been heated b
passions, it may suddenly happen that one finds himself engage
armaments system, which was decided upon during the years the approval in fighting, for the outbreak of which each side blames th
the outbreak of the World War, everywhere met with
other. Transpose this string of events on the national and th
of the people's representatives, although the government's pro¬ world scale, and what you face is the World War. It burst out o
posals were not fully accepted everywhere. Only the socialist the pressing fullness of world events for which the organizin
worker organizations remained in opposition. But, after the
World War it was clearly shown that this opposi- constitution was still lacking.
outbreak of the
tion was not irreversible because the proletariat not only failed The same pressing fullness of happenings in all economie
to resist the induction order but for the most part joined the had brought forth large enterprises, without previous creation
national cause with full conviction. an organizing industrial relations constitution which would hav o
pointed to an equitable arrangement between capital and
*llrglrliiliifi lil*g
Social movements of the depth and breadth of nationalism and labor
lililiil

In the plant, in which hundreds or thousands were

imperialism must have their deep and widespread roots. Looking
back upon the decades before the World War, we clearly see
roots before us. They lie in the abundance of the energies
stored up by all nations. The large nations had experienced
a luxuriant growth and development, especially of their economic
strength, that these energies burst forth across the national
boundaries into the world and led the civilized world to a new
age of discoveries during which the last hidden treasures of the
ii
brough
together, the entrepreneur continued to give his orders with th'
these
autarchic authority of a master craftsman intimately linked t<
such his apprentices and journeymen whom he trained to become mas'
ters. On the other hand, the modern entrepreneur became thi
single owner who alienated the minds of hundreds and thousand;
whom he excluded from ownership. The same pressing fullness o!
happenings had elevated the modern democratic masses who wante<
to, and had to, share in the exercise of governmental power

continents were disclosed and thus migrations and settlements of

such a size occurred as the age of a Cortez or a Pizarro had not leaders and masses were still not mature enough to establishwhil<
th<
known yet. The vast open spaces of North America and Siberia necessary organs of freedom. The same pressing fullness of hap¬
liiiiiiiiliilliilllillil

penings had introduced women into public life to take their plac<
were as much their scene as was dark Africa, and the Middle King¬
and, in alongside men, but in the process the time-honored domestic ethic
dom of China also had to open its gates to world commerce
as was broken without a new ethical code providing an alternative
addition to the Europeans, had to yield space to the Japanese form of security. The same pressing fullness of happenings
well. The work of building up the world economy was not confined hac
also made it feasible to be more permissible vis-a-vis the child
to closing the gaps in the colonization of the earth, but at the
were ever more closely tied who in the earlier constrained circumstances had to be kept under
same time the national economies strict discipline, but there was no certainty about the rules
together by the international division of labor which culminated which were to govern the sensible use of the newly won
in the international stratification of labor. But the state of The same pressing fullness of happenings also tore apart freedom.
affairs of the world economy which developed in this way was the ole
llis

lacking in any kind of stable political order. One continued to

unity of the cultural constitution in that the
dominant strength
the of faith was broken by the ascending strength of knowledge.
adhere to the principle of national autarchy, which has beenevery
natural political expression of a state of affairs where
nation in all important respects was on its own. One not only Many of the educated of the old school who were
to the clear ordering of things of earlier years couldaccustomed
t;;li*ls

upheld this principle but made it even more dominant by building
up the armaments to be held in readiness for an armed conflict
and by expanding dynastic autarchy into national autarchy. For
the purpose of regulating the thousands of relationships which
span world commerce one made do with bilateral national treaties,
which in matters of most general interest were broadened into
global treaties, but with the principle of national self-
determination always being jealously guarded. Was it not a dis-
cordant state of affairs to live m a world of the most
not feel
at home in the atmosphere of unrest into which the pressing
full¬
ness of events had placed the culture nations during the years
preceding the outbreak of the World War. They saw in this unrest
the manifest sign of decay, of decadence. One could hear those
intellectuals pronounce this judgment who had to run into the
uncomfortable experience of seeing their social stratum displaced
from its traditional leading position. Instead of recognizing
that it was their own fault to withdraw into their little shell

382 383
• M »« »•
 saw their isolation as proof of The perception that nations of highest culture went to the pir

liilll i ii
amidst the fullness of life, they

;i; l;; *
ffi$liHt[[iliiiil[li[illllllEll
holds "man's highest nacle of self-sacrifice may serve us as unmistakable proof tha
the disdain in which the modern world so easily, precisely their inner strength was not falling into decay.
strength." They didn't see what they could have seen
namely, that all those who applied their education to the tasks The balance-sheet of social forces which was available t
for them¬
of the time in the pressing fullness of events created good old the world of culture before the war was one of exuberant full
selves leadership positions of high rank such as the
to the ness. When today we think back to those years
time could not have offered them. What brought Lassalle he was judges raised the accusation of decadence they seem when unbidde
top if not, as he took pride in saying of himself, that to us to li

*
he conquered in the distant past, and they appear to us, as do the years
armed with all the education of the century by which o

i
childhood to the old man, as years of pure bliss. Here we fal
the spot at the top of the proletariat? And how many men of
the
i; i ia ffi'; victim to that delusion which so often allows us to retain in ou

ll I [Bl llii
by
educated class, indeed, came to power before him and after him In memory the good things while making us forget the bad. Althoug
making themselves available to the proletariat as leaders! the balance-sheet of social forces was of exuberant
another direction, but with the same goal of substantial power, there couldn't be any question of decay, the state offullness an
the great entrepreneurs put to use their knowledge of the world thor¬
affairs wa
nevertheless extremely unsatisfactory, because the forces were
and of human beings. The esthete , too, who seeks to enjoy which he a state of mutual tension which brought about more pernicioui
oughly all the refinements of the old forms of art in
terms with the new world results than even outright decay could have done. Human being
was trained, was not able to come to didn't know how to transform their abundant energies without los
which had lost the eye for many of the old manifestations of not
life
yet into organizing social power and to concentrate them, and this i
which previously had been the object of art and which was
why the superabundance of energies gave rise to destructive powe
ffi*

able to find the artistic expression for the new manifestations

conflicts. In the dense traffic of railways the inattention of
i lig$ H*i*i

of life. A feeling which is to find its artistic expression there must

the pressing contemporary world subordinate clerk is enough to cause a collision costing man;
but in
i; ; i:s asar; :

sure of itself,
s

be human lives, yet the number of accidents is not all that grea
were still too many unfinished and unsettled things; for were the time
because the railway personnel is bound by strict rules and thor'
;;

being the giant railroad station and the skyscraper the

oughly trained. But for the great social tasks of the worl<
figures which stimulated the artistic sense most peculiarly.
F

to there existed altogether hardly any rules and in any case n<
iil

That, on top of all that, the moralist of the old school had The organizing constitution. For the service to the state at larg<
be satisfied with contemporary affairs is understandable. and the general public the freedom organs called for by thi i
greater ease of living permitted a more comfortable relaxing.
I

service, if it was to be performed with successful vigor, wer<

The larger dimensions of the present era could not be squeezed
a

also deficient in many respects. At that, service in the gianl

into the old tight framework and dissolved the old orders before economic enterprise was best provided for by far, for here th(
it

new ones had been found. How could the inexperienced masses of available forces were so abundant and the unifying interest ir
;t I'
1$[itBss$;

voters, how could the multitude of proletarians, how could the

;$ ; r 1;

new the success of the enterprise so imperatively demanded the subor¬

women and children be expected to know the way to put their into dination of the workers to the management of the strong, competi¬
freedoms to prudent use? Undoubtedly, the world had slipped
tively selected entrepreneurs that the constructive work in th*
a moral crisis! Nevertheless, the stern moralist was wrong who
i;iilii:$iiliiir;ill*FFili

il

national and the world economy progressed rapidly. To be sure,

spoke of moral decay. The decisive reason why the moral impulses the confrontation of the two sides pertaining to the industrial
i I 1€ I il

didn't suffice for the new circumstances lay in the dimensions of relations constitution in large enterprises was only put off.
these circumstances, which made new and larger demands. Between
$

One of these days the power conflict between capital and labor
master craftsmen, journeymen, and apprentices the good old handi¬ will have to be settled, and who knows how highly charged it
I i f [ : s; i

craft order had provided a firm discipline, but as enterprise between entre¬ yet become! ma>
preneurs and workers in the large and the giant the
-i*rE

suitable order had not been found yet. However, this does not
a higher moral force might be at During its critical course the World War destroyed huge
out that nevertheless
I iE r

rule quantities of the available forces and enormously impaired the

work. Wasn't the discipline which internally bound together the balance-sheet of these forces. Especially grave are the losses
thousands of union members in spite of all the excesses induced of the best men killed by the war. Precisely the vital ranks of
by passion also a slice of moral self-education? And, to cite
a;

did the discipline which key and subordinate leaders were terribly thinned out, and in
most telling example,
—
F

immediately the those nations where these strata were thin to begin with
iiiig[ il{;

governed the army of universal conscription not reveal a great think

—
r]ii

of Russia, but Austria as well

ssiil';ia

moral force? Is the toll of millions who sacrificed their lives the social equilibrium was very
adversely affected. Nevertheless we may very confidently expect
in the World War not proof for the contention that all the peo¬ that, as far as the social forces are concerned, the rise which
ples participating in the war were imbued with unbroken ethical was under way before the World War will continue. The produc¬
strength? It is completely absurd, as is usually done, to regard tiveness of scientific techniques is still far from being
iii;l'

the World War as proof, pure and simple, of the moral degeneracy exhausted. Certainly it, too, will reach its limit sometime in
ET fi:3*sl

of the present time; above all the darkness of acts of savagery, the future just as handicraft techniques reached their limit, but
of which it is full, there is the bright splendor of enthusiastic today it is still a long way from this eventuality. Every day
performance of their duty by millions of people. This infinite
6 EE

brings something new, and why shouldn’t perhaps a day in the very
source of strength could have been put to infinite uses, this
s*

near future bring something amazingly new? Not f or a long time

sense of duty could have been most fruitfully utilized, but our
iII

will there be a shortage of manpower to continue on a large scale

regret that things took a different turn must not diminish the
a*
E;

the dominant work of our time, the building up of the world

admiring amazement over the abundance of the expended energies.
n.

384 385

>VI
economy, and to gain from it rich material rewards which could be capital must find, without vacillating search, the place where it

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fruitfully used for the culture of society. And don’t ever can perform its service walking ahead with success.
believe that material advancement is bound to lower the moral
f orces! The size of the material tasks always also assures the B. The Ways of Settlement of the Power Conflicts

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complementary growth of the moral forces. What keeps human

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beings from making up the losses of energy caused by the critical
course of the World War is its chronic after-effect of hate and 1. The Path of Instruction
mistrust between the nations and are its radiations through which
the domestic and social power conflicts and the existing moral The proximate path which appears to be suited to the settle¬
crises have been aggravated. The transformation of social forces ment of existing power conflicts is that of instruction. How far
into organizing powers has taken place since the World War at the can this path lead us?

i;tii:*i;tHrF;;:53[; s;;gnr:i
expense of still much larger frictions and losses than was true
before; many valuable historical powers were destroyed whose The eminent French physiologist, Charles Richet, who has
functions have not yet been taken over by other powers. The also become known for his works in sociology and cultural his¬
widespread unemployment clearly proves that one does not know any tory, in his little book translated into German under the title,
more how to put to full use the smaller forces that remain. "Man is Stupid," expresses the view that Linne had erred in
Since the World War, constitutions at home and abroad have been designating man as "Homo sapiens," the correct name for him being
still more inadequately organized than they were before. "Homo stultus," because he is said to make of his reasoning power

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-- which places him above animals the kind of use which puts
him below animals. He is said to use his acquired knowledge not
rtlaii:gi:: i
If the grave conflicts are to be settled, then the relation-
ships between leaders and masses which, as we know, is the to orient his actions accordingly; he is said to know what is
essential content of every constitution good while doing what is bad; he is said to be liable yet to sink
sIlisril:isr: r,;:-

in the world of
European peoples would have to be reorganized in accordance with below the most primitive and crude living beings if he doesn’t
the magnificently enhanced dimensions of modern life. Success manage to raise his intelligence.
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would dictate how to reshape the insufficient old leadership

The lengthy description of human stupidities filling
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powers or how to select new leadership powers. This would entail

a most far-reaching transformation because existing leadership Richet’s book reveals the warm sensation of a full heart and the
structures are inadequate in numerous areas of life, and even in rich experience of a serious historical scholar, but in his
the old democracies the historical leaderships are no longer social psychology Richet in no respect rises above the view of
firmly in the saddle. In the New World, wealth helps to blunt the educated layman. This gives us occasion to -examine closely
the sharp edges of conflicts. Japan occupies a special place. his book which presents to us the kind of view which contemporary
Here the deep ruts of a millenial tradition could not be affected educated people hold with respect to social action. One has to
g-q*E rl';ui=

by modern ideology. This youngest world empire has become Euro¬ get over this view completely if he 'would want to discern clearly
peanized only in its external institutions while remaining the paths which can lead to a settlement of the existing power
Asiatic in the core of its historical culture. It gave itself a conflicts.
democratic constitution according to the European pattern, but
the actual powerÿ the pervasive dominion over the minds, rests The fundamental error consists in a gross overestimation of
with the Genro, this self-selec tion of the most experienced the share occupied in human actions by the performance of the
*

statesmen whose world success confirms them in their office. intellect. Certainly any mistake concerning the prerequisites of
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[

such actions will lead a person astray, but merely having identi¬
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fied correctly the preconditions doesn’t by itself give him any

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;ii:;tilsil[f;

The number of proposals which have been made to ameliorate

conditions is well-nigh immeasurable. It is not our purpose to
add to it still another new proposal, as we do not want to go
assurance at all that he is on the right path. It may happen
and how often isn’t this true —
that the strength is lacking to
make the decision which the will has to arrive at conform to the
beyond the scope set for an exposition of the principle of
power. But it does fall within our domain all right to examine inference drawn by the intellect. Richet provides a neat illus¬
the proposals made by others with respect to whether they accord tration of this by reference to himself. After having pronounced
iu al ri 3! "

with the principle of power or run counter to it. To be sure, in tobacco a poison as widespread and noxious as alcohol, he glibly
the process we will nowhere go into details but limit ourselves confesses to being a heavy smoker himself. He alleges to have
to the most general aspects only. It is a matter of importance become addicted without having any excuse other than general
that the road to the settlement of existing power conflicts be
correctly chosen. One must face the testiness which is found
insanity — not even the excuse offered by many other smokers who
try to wiggle out by saying that tobacco is harmless, while he
everywhere, and one must economize the existing energies. The admittedly knows exactly that its enjoyment is unhealthy, nay,
leadership stock of Europe has been decimated, and its prestige frankly speaking, extremely unhealthy. Didn’t Richet with these
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crct

with the masses has been weakened. words refute his own contention concerning human intelligence?
a

What is left of this human

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If human reason should recognize all things harmful as clearly as

Richet recognized the harmfulness of tobacco, this by itself
would not suffice yet to induce human beings to make their acts
e
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conform to reason; it would still depend on whether they also

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Council of state appointed by the Japanese emperor. have the willpower to do what is reasonable. Actions in the
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(Tr.) final analysis are rooted not in knowledge but in the will. In

386 387
order to act reasonably it is not enough to instruct oneself in Frogs ,** that the genius of a Zamenhoff has created Esperanto,

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what is most reasonable; the path of instruction by itself does whose grammar, he said, can be learned in no more than an hour

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not confer power over the will. and whose vocabulary can be almost mastered within a month, but
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— he adds
— human stupidity does not permit through the dissem¬

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The social will, still more than the individual will, is

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ination of Esperanto to carry out a reform which would reshape

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deflected by the strength of passion from the path suggested by the whole face of the earth.
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In saying so he overlooks the

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reason because social passion forces even those who wanted to

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impediments to the act of volition stemming from the fact that
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keep away from it under the spell exerted on the minds by the within society each individual in his decisions is dependent on

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going together of the many. Furthermore, the process of social the decisions of "the others.”
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The multitude of the educated
decision-making is subject to the grave impediments which are would unhesitatingly learn Esperanto if they were sure that all
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occasioned by the apparatus of social decision-making. This is

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"others" would also learn it, but how can they make sure of that,
cto0.crdo.cfoooc55o

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the point where the layman1 s view of social action always breaks how could they dream that the wills of the millions on earth will

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down. The layman perceives the social act of volition as a car- start moving simultaneously? Instead of being annoyed that the
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bon copy of the personal one, he views it as no less purposive final step to adoption of the world language has not been taken
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than the latter. Nobody will deny that there will be special yet, Richet should be amazed that it was possible to take the
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difficulties if thousands or tens of thousands are to march in

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many preceding steps which were necessary to bring humanity to

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step physically, but nobody cares to understand that there will the present degree of language communication.
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be any difficulties if they must march in step mentally.

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In what Richet says about the frightening measure of social

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The inquiry into social decision-making which we undertook inequality, about the contrast between rich and poor, slave-
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in the first part of this book gives us a different slant. We

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holders and slaves, masters and servants, noble junkers and

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55

know that society doesn’t act entirely purpose-oriented, but acts serfs, kings and subjects he judges by the warm feeling of his
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power-ori ented. We know that always it acts purpose-oriented

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heart and from the cultural heights of the best men of our
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only to the extent that the powers which dominate it need to do time. He fails to consider, however, that force had to do its
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so for the sake of success. The social purposes themselves are

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historical task in order to unify the reluctant wills of the many

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overwhelmingly power-oriented. They are present as historical in such a way as to lead to these cultural heights, and that it
realities, being maintained by historically entrenched powers as
O Oirts'o

can’t be easy to obliterate completely the marks of the histor¬

long as the latter don’t crumble in response to major or minor ical action of force. The degrees of inequality which he
fgg[se

failures or collapse, or in response to success change substan¬ deplores are necessities of the historical circulation of power,
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tively or are displaced by new higher powers. The making of the which had to pass through grievous battles of superposition
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B B E'H.5'e d:.6 oqE Iq H.geig;EAf5;B

decision is distributed among the leaders walking ahead and the before in its last stage it can end on a balancing note.
masses following them. The leaderships to whom we owe the ear¬
liest formation of large social bodies were coercive leader¬ War, especially the World War, is seen by Richet as the most
ships. During the whole period of the founding of states the dreadful of all human stupidities. His description of the
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l5 O ts ts.C, O cro O o FP.P'iC

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social will was determined by compulsion. Even after- the great

Pts.

effects of the World War will shock every reader, yet Richet errs
social bodies have finally been formed it rarely happens that the if he believes to have been able to deter humanity from the next
whole body is the joint representative of social action. Rather world war by the forcefulness of his description. When the
Ian [$:F ftrg$ *fr r;i;i;iH

it consists of numerous smaller or larger decision-making bodies nations plunged into the World War they knew exactly what lay
FdD

side by side, each according to its special interests being one- ahead of them. It was not stupidity that in spite of their fore¬
^5{D<<00d

sidedly shaped by partial powers which intersect, rub, or comple¬ knowledge they plunged into war, it was the helplessness of their
o o P'Flrcroio 5 crE o

o*.f;

ment each other. Society is built up in layers* whi ch , following

O

frightened will. The experienced animal trainer knows that dogs

P'ocrPOO0J(rO5OO.

the law of circulation and in accordance with historical forces,

Og - 3 B 0l O p) r-

tackle each other because they are afraid of one another, and he
rise on top of each other or balance each other out. During the
O

3 -3.:' g3l$13 " o

therefore keeps them together in a stable until they learn to get

phase of the cycle which elevates the democratic masses, the along with each other and lose their distrust. The nations, too,
social decision-making process is particularly unsteady because
FD P

mistrusted each other, and historical experience gave them every

the masses have free play while their freedom organs have not yet reason for doing so. Their historical education furnished them
fully matured. If new stages of development are to' be entered no other means than that of combat in order to defend their
into, relapses into force frequently occur, and in the end it may national independence when the latter had been assailed, or when
5K5ro

even happen that the existing historical powers by obstinately they believed that it was being assailed. Every nation knows
F.<

clinging to power destroy the society which they are to serve. that "the others," the adversaries, think alike, and therefore
none has the courage for peace as each must be afraid that "the
=.ps^

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If one examines individual cases of social stupidity, as others" will all the more likely invade it if they see it
@ O P'H

described by Richet, one will almost always find that he accuses

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defenseless before their eyes. Nations can’t overcome the will

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human reason so strongly because he attributes to it all the for external war in any other way than they overcame the will for
I illff
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shortcomings which are associated with the process of decision¬ civil war, namely, by a historical education which sets up peace
making. Society for him consists of nothing but Richets who, powers between them. To establish these peace powers even the
o o o p p

-^
-e.:

aside from the irrational smoking habit, have complete control most apt instruction will not do; it will be spoken to the wind
OE< o

over their will and whose aberrations therefore can be explained when it turns to the immature will.
5K:y*.

3 fr r

The instruction of the

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only by their own foolishness. Thus he says, for example, in the intellect must be accompanied by the education of the will, which
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section entitled, "The Confusion of Languages: A Croaking of

E
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388 389
' !1 • V.
1 ’
:, . : '. .: .i ,
 takes place under the hard blows of historical failures and under the Edict of Nantes which had granted religious freedom to the

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cr ct

op)
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ots

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oo

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Huguenots. In England the Catholics and Presbyterians were per-

olc
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the blessing of historical successes.

0c
secuted; in the Netherlands the Arminians were vehemently fought;
in Switzerland the churches of Rome, Calvin, and Zwingli could
The Prospects for the Symbiosis of Power not coexist in peace, and when tempers were at the boiling

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cf
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(t

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point, the Catholic Forest Cantons took up arms against Protes¬
The circulation of power begins with the work of brute force tant Zurich and defeated the Reformer Zwingli, who died in bat¬

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*; e=,il; h, *= teas rs ]s * nt s is i*:q-t
and ends in the peaceful coalescence of the balanced powers meet¬ tle. Within themselves the Swiss cantons were ecclesiastically
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50 O O Fi)O C p) O 55'J 5 5
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ing each other. At what point of this movement has the present united, hence the situation was the same as in Germany in that
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arrived with respect to the powers participating in the tasks of the strong political units here the principalities, there the
P'

——
'
the time? The answer cannot be in doubt. The tension created by cantons adhered to ecclesiastical unity; tolerance here

i
the power conflicts of the present time is so great that it would practiced by the Reich, there by the Confederation • was the

I Fii i li ; I; I
$;i**l f:[.ig, i;;*;e; iA;,;;liEi

; iI I I i i [ii
be presumptuous to expect it to fade away peacefully soon. Per¬ obvious symptom of their weakness. Real denominational tolerance
haps the conflict between faith and knowledge has passed its was ushered in only by the Enlightenment period, but even so it
rC5(,tD3(,r3

culmination. If this is so, should it perhaps not be merely was not a matter of tolerance by the strong but of enervation of

;;igri;*li iliu;rl[l;[rss;l ; iliir;:

the weak.
d5 5rc P.do

because the strength of faith has declined? And what will happen The victory of tolerance during the Enlightenment
5CtO.rOtrP'

if some time in the future faith will quicken again? Anyhow, the period was a consequence of the fact that the power of faith had
point has been reached where the two powers have learned to lost its momentum under the impact of the rise of the power of
OctcoP.

respect one another, and it may be hoped that this feeling will knowledge. It no longer had the exclusive dominion over the
not be lost again, but that even a revived faith will acknowledge minds as during the preceding centuries, and the unity of polit¬
the power of knowledge and will not infringe upon its realm. ical consciousness was no longer threatened when the churches
within the state were split. The dynastic feeling had become so
Can it be said as well with respect to the other existing embedded as to be strong enough to maintain the state even with¬
out the help of the church. By and large the church had fallen
crpr 5 5 o--.lo o 5!J o 5 ar 50 5 o rFto H.o 5O 5X C O p.p 0) F.p) O

power conflicts that they have reached that place of rest where
s
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i $g ii! i lit ; il I iq I i f i ilFc i lia- i[ I I

crcrF) 0.Hor5 5 { cico cro o { H){F+Jo ord
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each has learned to respect the other? Can this be said espe- back upon tending to its spiritual tasks, only in certain border¬
;t l :; r; ; : iii ; r r : i *,:: u : : ; s i :e sfr

cially regarding national conflict? Shouldn*t the national line areas were there occasional animated conflicts. Then ,
5o,5pJEOrOcr5l5crpO{ P'|.
doqP

fatigue which befell many people after the furies of the World during the 19th century, the national idea as a binding political
War be the first sign of national tolerance? Those who think so power outgrew the dynastic concept. When the German Empire was
find a handy argument in recalling the outcome of the religious reestablished, the denominational difference had so much receded
5aaHO.

world war, the Thirty Years1 War. An Austrian statesman with an and the national idea had become so strong as to unite all minds
outstanding scientific education in a recently held lecture for the sake of the empire. In the struggle between State and
€lrOcto

expressed the view that the national conflict will end , as did Church by which Bismarck allowed himself to be carried away
the religious war, with the victory of tolerance. The idea is against the Catholics, he unjustly called their loyalty to the
somewhat captivating, but on closer inspection it will be found empire into question. During the World War the German Catholics
s
PcrO

that there is no definitive historical analogy between the two equalled in devotion the Protestants in shedding their blood for
world wars, much as they may have in common. One must only get the empire, and Germany *s enemies hoped in vain that after the
rid of the delusion of viewing things from a shortened historical upheaval the Catholic South, West, and East of the empire would
perspective, which results when they are viewed from the distance sever themselves from the Protestant North and Center.
ts' O..oca

of centuries and from the narrow horizon of German conditions.

CECOCCOTC)OOE--;lJOO.

If it is asserted that the Thirty Years1 War ended with the If the alleged analogy between the course of the denomi¬
;iirx;*:5i[=gil:r;*aa

denominational peace, this holds true only for the German Empire, national and that of the national power conflict should really be
and even within the latter it is not true for the various terri¬ valid, the lapse of still another century or so of greatest anxi¬
"_.,s$ rpFB;s*_:

tories; for the rest of the world it isn*t true at all. Within ety would have to be awaited before the national tension would
the German territories, as well as in the world outside the Ger¬ have calmed down, and at the end of such a century the national
man Empire, the idea of denominational intolerance first cele¬ idea in the state would have to recede as did the religious idea
brated a full-fledged victory, and a year of spectacular intel¬ during the Enlightenment period. It certainly won*t come to
that. What other idea is in the offing that might have the sup-
(na Fa 5 grc o Jdo.crEqF.<t5

lectual development had to pass until during the period of

Bl-H)5crop.gcro55Pop5o5O.5

Enlightenment the idea of inter-faith tolerance finally won portive power to tie the nations together? The predominance of
through. At first all strong states enforced the principle of the church within the state was a transitional phenomenon, a
HI iii;r ilgfrii

denominational unity with brutal energy, and they had to do so symptom of the unfinished nature of the state apparatus, which to
O<OOH'!i5F5pOOH'crcr

because, given the high degree of religious tension during the a large extent still had to be held together by force, whereas
17th century, no state without a united ecclesiastical front the church united the minds through its internal power. There¬
could offer a strong political front. The German territorial fore, it fell to the church to attend to a series of urgent tasks
;:.ls.sE'i

princes were a strong power, and therefore they stuck with which lay outside its true jurisdiction but which the state was
O5SOpOO-

unshakable firmness to the command that the religious denomi¬ not yet able to meet. Could it be that the national idea in the
nation of the prince determine their subjects* denomination. All state also has to perform a transitional function only? Does the
g
*r

strong states outside Germany, in which since the time of the nation as a political identity reach out beyond its essential
xcD E@

; H Ii

Reformation there had existed various churches, bestirred them¬ domain? Has it perhaps met its calling if it confines itself to
po o

;il

selves with zeal to restore ecclesiastical unity. In France the the cultural tasks of the nation? A historical expert of
same king who had taken up arms for the German Protestants lifted Kjellens perspicacity observed after Germany *s defeat that it had

390 391

.
 its political role in the world and that henceforth the
liliiiiilliiliiiiiilii iliiiiitiiiilit iiililiiltiiiliiilii
i;1l i;:.i;[:t[:i[
finished
German nation would have as its only destination to penetrate the
world of the victors culturally, on the analogy of what the
Greeks did in the Roman Empire. Which of the victor nations or
of the other large or small nations would be content with such a
fate? Which would be able to resolve to put aside the idea of
the national state? The exceptional case of Switzerland does not
disprove the general rule. If a world federation of states could
be brought about only on condition that the individual states
give up their national bonds, it would never come into exist¬
ence. The national instinct strives to grow from the root to the
crown of the state. The culture nation is an intermediate form
on the way to the political nation. The cultural tasks of a
nation are only a part of its overall task and the latter is of
such a nature that it can’t be separated from the political
task. Even those nations which on account of historical imped-
iments or the scattered nature of their settlements are prevented
from growing to full political stature will not be able without
i ;i
great reluctance to resign themselves to being incorporated into
a supranational political structure.
These words do not mean at all the absence of any hope that
El[HilllllIIllig
the overwrought nationalistic feeling will ever mellow to
national tolerance. This hope must never be abandoned, for
otherwise world peace would remain unattainable forever. The
idea is only that national tolerance cannot be expected to be
attained by the approach which has led to denominational tol¬
erance, not by way of governmental abjuration of the national
idea and the wane of the national feeling. Filled with the
national idea, the states must meet each other peacefully, with
confidence in their own strength they must trust and respect each
other. For this hoped-for tolerance of full vigor the alleged
analogy of the religious movement with its tolerance of decaying
strength does not present a model. A much more difficult per-
formance standard has been imposed on the social will. To be
filled with strength and yet yielding requires the greatest
maturity.
There is an analogy, extremely painful for the German
[i;iiiiii:lii[[ii1[Ill
nation, with respect to a point quite different from that
alleged, as far as the course of the denominational and of the
national conflict of power is concerned. The Westphalian Peace
condemned the German Empire to weakness because it put its denom¬
inational split under foreign control. In the same way, the
dictated peace following the World War is designed to condemn the
German nation to weakness because it bars Germany from fulfilling
the national idea, the prevailing idea of the time. Millions of
Germans have been cut off from the community of the national
state, and a large part of them has been forced within the power
sphere of foreign national states. But whereas its religious
disunion originated within the German populace itself, the
national fragmentation is thrust upon it against its will and
through violation of its original right of self-determination.
The religious fragmentation rendered 17th century Germany exter¬
nally weak without the country itself feeling that it had thereby
been injured, while the national fragmentation now forced upon it
is felt as a burning wound. This wound will not heal all by
itself! While there is no lack of German citizens whose fatigued
mind expects and wishes this to happen, it is seen to it that
nationalism is aroused anew time and again, for the Germans who
H
were swallowed up by foreign national states are the victims
there of a nationalistic striving for power which shoots for the
max imum. It is a vain hope to expect justice for the national
minorities from the free reign of nationalistic striving for
power!
What has just been said for the German nation also applies
to the other nations which were raped by the dictated peace. The
number of Europeans existing as national minorities has been
calculated at 30 million. Even though not all of them are under
oppressive coercion, the national feeling of millions living in
Europe has been gravely injured. The burning old sore is opened
time and again by crude interventions. The temperature curve of
national provocation is rising, and he who is honestly concerned
about world peace must not stand aside and expect that things
will automatically right themselves.
3. The Twilight of Arms Power
The terms of peace, however oppressive they were, didn’t gc
far enough to satisfy the French chauvinist. He mistrusted ever
;Ell{;iliii!;ll
a diminished, disarmed, and impoverished Germany, now deprived of
its allies. Germany’s population was still half again as large
as France’s, and this ratio, given France’s lower population
growth rate, had to become worse from one year to the next. It
is true that without arms and without capital the German people
couldn’t start a new war, but as long as it had not been deprived
of its martial spirit, suspicious hate still couldn’t help fear¬
ing that in the course of time Germany might accumulate arms anc
capital again, or that it might find allies who would provide it
with arms and capital.
Therefore, the French chauvinist pro¬
ceeded ever further on his way to weaken Germany and to add tc
the system of military protection encircling the country.
Lately, French policy abandoned this approach. It was real¬
ized that one harmed himself by following it. The sensitive
barometer of the stock exchange hinted at deepening depression,
as the leading capital markets of the world withheld confidence
from the franc. France exhausted itself by its armaments, anc
along with France those friendly states which had to encircle
Germany in the east had to maintain their arms posture. Income
was not sufficient to cover expenditures, and, besides, income ir
turn was jeopardized because a weakened Germany didn’t manage tc
make the payments to which it had been condemned. A debilitatec
Germany failed not only in meeting payments on its debt, it alsc
failed as a buyer, and the victors couldn’t help realizing that
in this way, too, they were harming themselves. England was
still more afflicted than France, and even the real winner in the
World War, the United States of America, was affected as well.
If Germany was unable to buy, then England and the United States
couldn’t sell to Germany. The world on the largest scale put tc
the test the correctness of the old doctrine of the division of
labor and learned to weigh the gravity of the error which hac
been committed when through the dictated peace the equilibrium of
the worldwide community of labor had been destroyed.
These were the reasons which removed from France’s chau¬
vinist leaders the following by a majority of nationals. But
with all this one had only arrived at the beginnings of a better
392 393
—
u m o 7TTT mm rn HUlHhU.
 understanding. One hadn't got yet beyond the point of perceiving

o { -

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o r^ tsc, c)F. " doj< 5 5
ii 5
rb Y 5
50: { o o oPr- u 1",5
one realm the tribes of the European west all the way over tc

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.
crC
the external symptoms which one read off the official stock

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oFrH ."'ostio

El ^
gE.-':ld
England, with an after-effect on civilization and culture lasting

*o.oc | 0r Podo9<
exchange list and the unemployment tables. One still had to gain
cTOOOOOO

cro!.ofot
a S ca5o.OoFP'i,P'

5*'- q*rct;,I^p:?o-
5ci'd?ts:O
5 until the present time. The subjugation of a culture people bj

o o co !rtrOO^El:cr
455Yr3H'
the insight, not easily come by, that the whole system of the vigorous barbarian conquerors produced new ethnic groups of s
5 P.PHO.c|O

F+rts.P'
dictated peace was an aberration which barred the way to peace.

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ct

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superior type, the very advanced civilizations of Asia having

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The dictated peace had been built upon a system of national muti¬
H P'O O C Q.- or D

55c;YPr-or
o dOPdo,icDOO;0q^cr
originated in this way. The European culture peoples of th€
lations and oppressions and of military safeguards which these, present acquired their specific character when the twig of

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HC0< O,P.-.P'

in turn, necessitated an abysmal error! Between finished antique culture was grafted unto the wilding of barbarian vital¬
rC (, p 5:5
:

nations deserving of this name and we probably need not say a

o:

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OsCEcrO

word about whether the German culture nation deserves it mili-

do'-
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P.B55cr

tary safeguards are senseless because they aim at arms power, but
65ro
The World War victory was as complete as it could be, anc

-.br-':
arms power has nothing left to do between them anymore, and if it
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yet it didn’t bring the world of culture one jot closer to the
nr5

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still tries to accomplish something, it, and along with it soci¬
X
A
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goal of unity. On the contrary, it brought victors and van-

-

o :
ety, collapse into the twilight of the gods. ct

5
o quished to an extreme confrontation of hate and mistrust.
o
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!)

Nations react with utmost sensitivity to encroachments of armed

We on our part in the preceding investigations assigned
15Igi;ia[,*_im ]
i* [ls lf :: fi $l5p;t"EF; F s s9f; t::it r:*

13;gi:
might. Louis XIV was able to seize the pieces of German Alsace
:ffiir;l;

ample historical space to the task of force. We assigned to it E6FEc*$:;;ElFue;il; IltlilFlal;ilf#;i'-r::;,' allotted to him by the verdicts of his ’’chambers of reunion’1
o 5g) 5B
g crcrFcro)
o5orJ

the task of opening up the path to historical development into without having to fear resistance, given the weakness afflicting
larger dimensions. It has to unify the peoples, who develop the emperor and the realm. When Frederick the Great grabbed c
their full potential strength only when united and yet are unable piece of Austrian Silesia, Maria Theresia in her pride as a ruler
to join together of their own free will. It has to get the cir¬ offered him resistance to the best of her ability, and he had tc
culation of power started and to ever expand the framework of its
(, o q E q

defend his acquisition in the Seven-Year War. The peoples of

oo 'bcd !oo<F

=;lilgl=liiil;;ga;liE

movement. Even when it has led to higher stages of development Austria followed their duchess faithfully in the wars she waged
we have assigned to it the task of clearing historical obstacles over Silesia, yet it was only their duchess’s cause, not their
;t;itt $ss 13iE;:|ii liil r;:ul[

out of the way during temporary reverses. Yet the highest state own, for which they fought. The French nation felt the loss of
of society must be able to exist without force; it must be Alsace and especially of the Metz region, which it had to cede ir
secured by internal powers. To be sure, the world as a whole is the Frankfurt Peace, as a very personal loss. Internal powers
not yet ripe for this ultimate state. In many parts of the
50 !,
p(2o5cro

tie a nation together into a unit down to its very depth. It is

world, also in large areas of Europe, and even in states priding a compact, inner aggregate of power; its national boundaries are
tcru olo s orc crsld

themselves of their civilization, force has not yet completed its viewed as its natural boundaries; and if a strip of its national
task, and hence even the state which has become fully ripe for
155oo?lt-ts' 'boar

land is taken away from it, this alienation is felt like the loss
nilrirrs=il

peace must not yet for the time being divest itself of its means of a limb which belongs to its body. To renounce its recovery
of force where it must protect itself against its bellicose would be tantamount to renouncing national independence and dig¬
neighbors. But matters are different between the fully matured nity. National idealism is primed to give its best in the just
o 5g olco

culture nations themselves; as far as their interrelations are fight which must be waged for the undiminished retention of the
concerned, there is no task left for force. The law of highest national stock. This is why those wars turn so horrible in which
success rules out the use of force between them. Between them the idealism of nations, all of whom believe in their just cause,
the principle of power demands the cessation of the use of armed collides. How is such a war to end? The ’’decisive battle” which
force forever, because such a fight between them would amount to used to end dynastic wars is not decisive in a national war, for
annihilation.
lp,
15

nations fight to the exhaustion of their strength. The enemy

must be worn out to a degree which approximates extermination.
E liri'iiffilrll'jllil
i'
sr6; B,.$=5:{

Among barbarian peoples, too, war occasionally ended with The World War with all its shudders still falls short of giving
annihilation. If we trace back the course of history to the ages
5
p'rd o o cro p

us the complete picture of a war of exhaustion, for the economic

5*r!

of barbarism we see it covered with ruins. But where during superiority of the Entente brought it to a close before it hac
;

those ages war accomplished its task of unification without progressed to complete military exhaustion. The next world war,
;:;i3;iti ilflii5i

exhausting the strength of the populace, renewed strength and

olv:'o

if one is to follow, will be started only when the masses on both

o 5 E.5px

enhanced vitality burst into bloom, and the losses of life and
qsH

sides have been lined up in a near-equilibrium, and this is why

property were soon made up again. Just as, according to legend, the determination to annihilate will then have to be carried
in certain valleys after a disastrous epidemic one young man and through to the end.
one girl who were spared founded a new generation of energetic
{'! g)t o

1rr

people, so after the devastations of war it happened time and What gives to the task of force its historical meaning? It
11:ili;

again that the survivors whom the sword of the enemy had spared
pt r-<tjni@

is rooted in the fact that by the forced superposition of peoples

<irEmp.olSgtoo

renewed their people in undiminished vigor, thanks to the natural

o. EEsrHE
8sE$ e53

the circulation of power in the world is brought closer to its

wealth of the land which they colonized; the forest always sup¬ objective. Complete nations do not tolerate any superposition,
plied the timber for the reconstruction of the destroyed cot¬
"rodr0 crE

they already have reached the end of the cycle. Between therr
tages, and the herd always replenished itself quickly, and every there is no room for any relationship other than that of mutual
summer brought forth new crops. Even where culture peoples and respect and equality in a free community of nations. Any attempt
;s::
p60rc

barbarians met in battle, the war might speed up the cycle of which one of them might undertake to elevate itself above the
development, nay, this very encounter has been particularly others to world rule will be resisted by these others to the
favorable to it. The superior strength of the Romans united in
3

point of exhaustion of their strength. Napoleon made this

394 395
: '
.
 him. There is for the most part served the domestic national confrontation, a
attempt but in the process even his genius failed

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enough to tear apart or to crush a demanded by later developments, which the Congress of Vienn.

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no force on this earth strong

:'ctP.XO
co<I(,
yl x t;lJ
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the more sus- hadn’t been able to foresee. Will it also be possible to sa;
living nation; the more violent the encroachment

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5-5XO(u,nO
(, ciO ts.<
of resistance. And could, for that matter, the after a century of the League’s peace work that this work wa

o!ro.r3trrc5P,;o
tained the energy
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victory? Through the stable and enduring because it was conceived in accordance wit

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victorious nation become happy about its
the spirit of the times?
extermination of the other culture nations it would have deprived

o. Hocr-
itself of the necessary complements to its own personality, and

ctEO
Hr.K*F.
it would have fully consumed its own material and moral capital
If the League is destined, as originally intended by it,

oogoS
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sponsors, to give stability and durability to the peace dictat¬
without which it could not maintain its ethnic identity and its
c tr

or its victors, one certainly cannot say such a thing. A feder-

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culture. It would have to pay for its victory by its own ruin.

t,
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ation which is to preserve the peace as it was dictated by th<

victors of the- World War is not a federation of peace but one o:
4. The League of Nations force, because this peace is not a peace but something ordaine<
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by force which militates against the thinking of the times. Th<

As Austria, Russia, and Prussia, the leading states of the thinking governing the times with respect to international rela¬

l;lqr;ri,lrq=i['lllllillrlilgllll*iiliil
;lll;gffii';
;:*ara:i;il.t,eE; Ig[ffi[egqilriirsfs-lF;*ilF
Continent, after the overthrow of Napoleon joined in the Holy tions was announced with apt words in some of its essentials ii
$Es

Alliance in order to secure peace for Europe, so the victorious the war manifestos of the Entente and finally in Wilson’s Decla¬
the Entente after the World War founded the League of ration of the Fourteen Points, which constitutes a historic doc-
states
Nations in
£>f
order to safeguard world peace against new shocks. ument of the time. Victors and vanquished came together in thii
t$* fg€ Fi 3T'E

In the case of the Holy Alliance its name already suggested the declaration, and the German people, putting its trust in it, laÿ
down the arms. However, the peace dictate didn’t adhere to th<
great significance attributed to its task by its sponsors. The solemnly rendered declaration.
name of the League is more modest, but its sponsors were no less It denied to the defeated the
original national right of self-determination, although to the
convinced of the sanctity of their cause. Just as did the Holy best of their insights and conscience they had to tell themselves
Alliance, they claimed, after all, the authority to intervene as that in the era of nationalism this original right must not anc
regulators in the affairs of states which didn ’ t belong to it as
# ;iilEiliiiilarl rgi[;l:qlgill1

cannot be wrested from any nation. What could be the fundamental

members whenever they thought such action to be justified in the reason for France’s mistrust of Germany other than the awarenesj
interest of world peace. As victorious England, bent on protect¬ that the latter would not submit to this forced peace in the long
ing its independence, had kept away from the Holy Alliance, so run!
the United States has declined to forego its decision-making
freedom by joining the League. On the other hand, the Holy Alli¬ In its deeds the League rose not inconsiderably above the
ance permitted defeated France, against whom the organization was
Eegfi gsg; ;

originally intended, to join. Likewise the League has left open sPirit in which it originated. In a series of important cases it
acted as a genuine organ of world peace. To judge from these
-tr'afi;r

the right to accede under certain preconditions to the vanquished samples, the world possesses in it the basic foundations of the
Central Powers, which at first were excluded, and it appears that constitution which it needs. The League has moral power which
Germany is now just about to seek admission and to be admitted. proved sufficient to keep smaller nations about to disturb the
Russia was not invited to join, but for the rest League member¬ peace in check, and in its statutes it also provided for the
ship from the start was left open to all nations of the world, material power resources which enable it to deter from war ever
and the preponderant majority have joined. It is almost a com¬ the stronger nations, or, if they still broke the peace, to calm
plete world federation. them again through military action. The League, however, proved
; ; lierrsns*;ir;;;

itself not only as a worldwide police organ, but it has acted as

ll;:e

The Holy Alliance deserves to be remembered more favorably a ready organ of assistance with a view to freeing nation and
than public opinion in the succeeding liberal era has done. One
i

is agreed to condemn it as representative of a narrow-minded

populace of afflictions
— or reducing them
—
inasmuch as these
3T;; t:

became a threat to the world. If at some future time Germany

police mentality. Though there was enough reason for doing so, should become a member of the League’s Council, national minor¬
one should not have overlooked what it accomplished in the matter ities will also have the agent whom according to the League’s
of European peace. The work of peace of the Congress of Vienna statutes they need in order to express their concerns. To be
tF ilra|iiiff!

for which it pleaded was a true work of peace. After the undig- sure, in those cases where the interest of the big victor nations
nified bickerings and petty jealousies which had imbued the Con¬ or of their close allies was at stake, the League failed. The
gress, it eventually still succeeded in drawing the state bound¬
$

decision it rendered concerning Upper Silesia was felt to be a

aries between the nations rather well in accordance with the
eAFH|3;

gross injustice not only by Germany but also by many impartial

thinking of the times, and, indeed. these boundaries by and large men outside Germany. What is still much worse, conflicts which
remained almost unchanged until the outbreak of the World War. immediately concerned the interest of the League’s powerful mem¬
The wars during the immediately preceding century were for the bers could not be brought before it in the first place if the
most part, as far as Europe is concerned, internal wars or grew danger of the League’s falling apart was to be avoided.
out of internal wars. The political changes occurring in Europe What
will happen if conflicts affecting their vital interests break
out between the powerful members of the League? The League may
be able to enforce judgment by execution on the little peace-
l
F

this will be shortened to ’’the League". breakers, but will it not have to give full scope to the big
ones? The fact that the big powers still maintain their
(Tr.)
'

396 397

STTT -iUV 1 i!ll}‘U •!*. Hi ilTi i :||

 nationalist ic aspirations collide with each other, the League
or even expand them can hardly be explained except by

alt
3i;g
llX sir: [s ; i:i;lils;i;
i;"38E ?ngir;H-s";fs
will break up completely, and arms will have to settle the

#l s:; ii;g:*qlt
armsmpnts

t'EsP

n:*l'; EFfi[H;nn6:i3
ilE Ig Ir rg;:as -: ?rH
they still mistrust each other, for it can't be

;-55
thP fact that issue. It would be necessary for the national idea everywhere,
mistrust
,
of the disarmed Germany which keeps them from disarm-
Everybody with eyes to see has become clear in his mind t .T.*gtFgb5 i as embodied in leaders and masses alike, to be cleansed of its
nationalistic degenerations if trust, sublimating the League's

,'iu; r;r;r;r:t
today that it wasn't just Germany with its absolutism
and milita¬

E
legal form into inner legal power, is to emerge.
oo.5ots. #338ss.:.f
that evil disturber of world peace. Clearly, the A genuine

| X:o
. Pr $ il+ii
rism was the national reformation would have to take hold of the minds, one
big powers still believe that they must not divest themselves of which is neither satisfied with mere tolerance nor stops at the
the means of military self-help. Even after Germany was elimi¬ sentiment of mutual respect, but which matures to that lofty
nated the conflicts of interest among the leading powers have not height where nations see themselves as complementary elements of
been assuaged, and one does not have to be an outright pessimist

o.o*5
a consummate human civilization and culture. Only a League given
to assume that war will break out again once the conflicts have support by this purified force will be truly a moral and material
again been brought to a head. power of peace.

ixx
B g B gHE;'plen lo FErr€

Among the politically experienced men, not only in the van¬ For the time being, even the most mature nations still have
quished but also the victor nations, many condemn the League plenty to do to rise to this height. They all are still full of
because it is, after all, nothing but a creature of force hiding
s, i

il ;ci5:XX^
He whose historical their traditional and mutual mistrust, and it will take many
behind the mask of a creature of peace.

ord .3i
trials and tribulations until the harsh winter of mistrust has
judgment is mature will hardly be able to expect anything else! given way to the summer of warm trust. In the national sentiment
The League couldn't come into being in any other way than the way
t; i

the healthy and the degenerate impulses have become intimately

the principle of power demands that it be founded on
lr,) F.

it did:
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bound up with each other. Where one has become guilty of nation-
rco

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force. The principle of power makes it unavoidable that develop-

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alistic encroachments these are for the most part mingled with
ment begin in the form of coercion, gradually becoming legal in
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the memories of great historical feats, and national pride will

form, and from this being converted into internal power of law.
O5OP.l':!J

3 -A'3:9.H 3il.,

only with difficulty bring itself to the point of surrendering

o o.xol3 i

This has been the eternal course of history, assigning to force a

c'.,

unjust possessions acquired in those feats.

g;:.3 iq il; E**: ar s=* f Ifi:$i;;g;

task which can be managed only by it. Never the sense of inde- It is an arduous
decision to take the step from acknowledgment of a committed
pendence of the strong nations would have resigned itself without
;r;I+lI;
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; i3 3 * *E SH g€ g3= Aqo
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wrong to its redress. In Hamlet, King Claudius recognizes that

necessity to having their independence curtailed by the statute
"

he has acquired his crown and his wife by devious means, but
of a federation. Their spirit of independence even today does
o)

q 3 6 try; r' o 3i':58.? ;':JE'*' "g ; ui F Je

nevertheless cannot bring himself to renouncing such posses¬

not yet permit the United States of America to join the League, sion. How much more difficult than for an individual must it be
l-P.o {<

and we shouldn't be surprised if we found that the strong sponsor

OScro.ci

for a people to advance all the way to the height of self¬

! 5 H.

nations of the League founded it with the inner reservation to conquest where it not only recognizes its wrong but is willing to
permit application of JLts statutes only vis-ÿ-vis the vanquished
xE

make up for it fully! An exuberant wave of national sense of

peoples and never vis-a-vis themselves. justice would have to engulf the world if the injustices were to
F

FErS:;

be blotted out which have piled up as consequences of the World

$Bgg

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i

Therefore , it must not be said that the League is a wrong War.

step on the road to peace. It is the necessary, first step which
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by its nature can not yet lead to freedom, but which just had to
o cr

be done before the next step can be undertaken which leads out of 5. The National Reformation and
the sphere of fighting for good. Now that the League exists, the the Fight for External and
(,

peace-loving nations have an authority to which their peaceful

Internal Peace
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intent can turn, and their example will be significant also for
o HO< o 5

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National reformation has a task not only externally with

those which are still wary of peace. Hitherto the nations did
il$.

respect to the relationship of nations to one another but also

everything to protect themselves militarily against dangerous within the nations themselves! Externally the national ego must
attacks, but now a certain preparation exists even for peaceful
-E-'

be so kept in check that it makes room for a feeling sympathetic

settlement. If the League has proved itself as an organ for the
s33

to foreign national law, while internally it must be so strongly

peaceful settlement of minor conflicts, perhaps it will later
{H PE

Here, as developed as to become dominant and able to bind the antagonistic

also be invoked with confidence in major disputes.
;

political and social powers. The external and internal task

always, success will be the means of historical education.
ts

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which must be done can be accomplished only if a peace power of

overwhelming strength is established.
The evolution of the League will be decisively influenced by
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the way in which the national idea will develop. As long as the
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This is quite plain for the power of peace which would have
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existing nationalistic degeneration continues there will be no

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to operate externally. For the power of peace to be able to

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end to the tensions between national majorities and minorities as

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prevail against the powers pushing for war it would have to be as

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well as between the national states, and the League will have to
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magnificent as was the ecclesiastical power of peace vis-a-vis

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cope with national clashes which will keep open the national
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the arms of the Romans and the sword of the German emperors.
wounds which are ripped open today. In those instances where the
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Like the ecclesiastical one, it would have to be an internal

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powerful decide the conflicts arising therefrom in favor of their

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power which at the same time has its solid external organiza-
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friends, the decisions of the League will be felt as injustices

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tion. This cannot be accomplished by a tired feeling of peace

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and will deprive it of its dominion over the minds. But if the
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 tribulations or war, to be left alone. Millions of such friends

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modern freedom organs which must give stability and meaning to

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of peace taken together carry no weight on the scale of his¬
tory. They are destined to languish completely in strength and the democratic movement.
to fall prey to the next despot who arises from within or presses Everywhere among the mature nations endeavors are afoot in
in from without. They are either invaded by their more resolute
neighbors, or else they will be visited by the still worse civil¬ various guises which are aimed at external peace, the goal
ian tumults and horrors. It still won't do even if such friends deserving of the highest priority. In Morel who died too early,
of peace form an association or a federation, however glorious a the English nation had a hero in the fight for peace. It would

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name they may give to their collective and however shrewdly ela¬ especially devolve upon the disarmed German nation to shape
borated may be the statutes which they want to obey in order to through national reformation the power of peace being victorious
avoid war. Such endeavors are surely praiseworthy, but they over external coercion.
remain within the realm of wishful thinking and are unable to
force the brazen gates of real life. A power of peace to be
operative would have to wield compelling power over the hearts, 6. The Youth Movement
it would have to live up to an ideal which enthuses the leaders
while elevating the masses. It would have to fill leaders and For the contemporary political calculus the Youth Movement
masses with a moral fortitude matching soldierly valor, and it
would have to arouse in them an unlimited sense of duty.
would be a match for the powers of war only if it assumes the
It
iiliiii; is of not the slightest importance, and no statesman has to take
it into account in any way. But in a faithful accounting of the
social forces it must be allowed for. Although the magnitude of
latter’s boldness, sense of obedience, and chivalry the present-day value at which it would have to be entered into
as an the balance sheet is wholly uncertain, it must not be neglected
order of peace taking over from the orders of knighthood of the
Crusades the double duty of care, especially of the soul, on one in a listing of existing values. The tiny spark of light emanat¬
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hand, and on the other of combat, which as moral combat would ing from it is hardly visible in the profound darkness in which
the present is immersed, but it may nevertheless be destined,
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have to set requirements no less stringent; as an order of peace
taking over from the freemason order the impetuous striving for already in the near future when present-day youths have become
light and, be it said irrespective of all danger of misunder¬ active men, to illuminate the world as a shining light.
standing, from the Jesuit or.der the increased rigor of disci¬
pline, the deep understanding of world and mankind, the convic¬ The Youth Movement has its origin in the old culture nations
tion of the sacredness of its own cause, and the unbending and of Europe. From its national origins it has become integrated
compelling will to power. into a European movement, radiating from here out into all civi-
lizable nations and races of the other continents. If everything
may be included which goes by its name, it comprises today
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No less strong would have to be the power of peace which

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would have to fight the battle for peace within the nations and already millions of members. The observer who is serious about
would have to resolve the existing power conflicts through the the matter must exclude from this figure all those who take
unifying national spirit. The classes within the nation are more pleasure in the mere outward appearances of the movement and from
prone to attacking each other than are the nations. None of the whom the genuine youth associations turn away with disdain. As
nations which were embroiled in the World War wanted to attack, one of the genuine representatives describes these phonies, they
all were dragged into the war against their wish. However, the are ’’groups of dissatisfied, neurasthenic people who have found
proletarian class in its programs has openly flung down the each other from weakness and unfitness rather than from a sense
gauntlet, and the extreme political parties do so everywhere. On of strength, who are not able to stand on their own feet and who
many an occasion hostilities would have commenced long ago if the lack the wisdom of keeping quiet.” Or they are groups which, as
parties had been so well armed as is true for the nations. As the same severe critic points out, were captured by circles
soon as the masses commanded weapons as did the Paris Communists belonging to the withering world, by the churches or the old
in 1871 or the proletarian masses in Russia and in many other political parties. Both kinds of groups are met with bitter
places after the upheaval, civil war flared up. How many tasks, enmity by the genuine federations and orders.
indeed, there would be for a national Order of Peace within the
nation to occupy male and female teachers, monitors, and nurses How big the genuine core is cannot be determined by an out-
in the many places where misery is to be alleviated, conflicts* side observer. In Germany a large part of the academic youth
are to be settled, and social education is to be advanced! does not belong to it, being still prejudiced by the historical
traditions which call the young man to the use of arms and the
waging of war and for which the moral fortitude required by the
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The persons joining ranks in order to wage the fight for

peace should not organize themselves as parties alongside the fight for peace counts for nothing. We may assume that outside
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other parties but would have to keep aloof from the parties, with Germany, too, the number of young men who form the core of the
whose more limited purposes they would have nothing to do because movement is small. Could it be any different? Always it is only
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they strive for fundamental renewal. Just as the spirit of the the few, whether young or old, whose mind and will are really in
monks of Clugny pervaded the entire hierarchy of the church , motion, but these few are chosen to be the leaders of the
these persons would have to fill all the social strata of the _
masses. The catchword issued by the genuine core of the youth
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movement is "independence" and "service" the appropriate

nation with their unifying national spirit. Within these strata
there would likely be formed the leaders and masses for the catchword for the emerging leader whose task it is to serve the
masses by walking ahead or them with self-reliance. The true
youth movement is a leadership school, called upon to train the

400 401
 small number of those who will, as leaders, give the law to the

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It is not easy for the outside observer to find his way G|E<|RGÿT9llfiN UN|verSITY LIBRARY
through the flowing fog of symbolic words and acts to the real
bottom of the movement. But one must not be misled by such mud-
died manifestations of energy; a movement which begins with utter

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clarity will in its next stage already have become dull. As the 3 “JO SO D03SS13T 3
engineer derives from the rushing mountain stream the big driving
energies, so the moral energies needed by society can be derived
only from those movements which rush things in their zealous

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striving.

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What can be discerned as driving impulses under the cloaking
symbols is sound. One wants to get out from the conflicts of
power in which present-day mankind consumes itself. One no
longer knows the divisive national hate, one probably also has
got over the divisive class consciousness, nor does one unstead¬
ily vacillate any longer between faith and knowledge. Abhorring
all dogmatism, one is religious in the deepest sense, desiring to
profess, as the leader of one of the English federations puts it,
the great nameless god of all of humanity who "is adored in a
thousand and one different religions, idols, icons, images, and
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symbols, and is also the sign of the agnostics.1' One has

rejected any kind of civilian or military fight and has resolved
"to wield the invisible weapon of nonviolence." For a movement
of such depth it is a matter of course that one unites in the
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compactness of orders.
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Perhaps one may summarize the substance of this genuine

youth movement by saying that it strives to awaken the deepest,
the most hidden, the original force of the human entity.
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None of the great human movements has so far succeeded in

achieving its goal fully. Might the youth movement succeed?
Rather than seeking an answer to the question, we will be content
to state that the goal which it is after is the same which the
principle of power is after which leads from external to inter-
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nal power. It gives one a good feeling to be able to say that

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the best among our youth have the will to become internally
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FINIS

402