Com2taratíve Studíes in Kinshíp

Rattray, R. S., 1932, The Tríbes oJ the Ashanti Hínterlanil, Oxford.

Schneider, D. M., 1965, 'Somc Muddles in the Modcls: or, How the System
Really 'Works', in The Releuance oJ Models fot Socìal Anthtopology (Ass. soc.
,{nthrop. Monogr. r), (ed.) M. Banton, London.
Tait, D., 196r, The Konkomba of Notthern Ghana, Lor;;don.
Tylor, E. 8., 1889, 'On a Method of Investigating the Development of Institu- CHAPTER NINB
tions: Applied to Laws of Marriage and Descent',J. nnthîog. Inst' r.8,245-74.

Indo-European Kinship

Two general articles dealing with the reconsftuction of 'Indo-.Euro-

pean' society repeat rhe often made assertion that it .patriarchal,
was ofa
character. crosland wridng on'Indo-European origins' maìntains
that
'they had a developed patriarchal society'i while ii his
article on the
'Indo-European Language', paul Thieme stetes that: ,the
family ryrt.*
of the Indo-xuropeans was ofa patriarchal character, that is that
thå wife
married inro her husband's åryly, while the husband did not acquire
an ofrcial relationship to his wife's family as he does where
a matriaichal
family sysrem exists'.2 This statement is in line with Meillet's conclusion
to his examination of 'Indo-European'kinship terms, where he sates:

Tout ceci indiquc un état social où la femme entrait dans la famille

du mari,
mais où le mari n'avait pâs ¿vec la famille de sa femme trne parenté.
Il s'agit
de ces 'grandes familles' à parenté mæcurine, te[es qu'on hJobr"ru.
chez les Serbes (zadruga) et chez les Ârmeniens.B "o.å.
am in no position to judge the validity of the linguistic evidence
-I
which Thieme and Meillet bring forward, whether ãr example the
words they isolate indeed have common roors. I merely *1rr, ,o
comment on the deductions made from the terms which they suggest
belong to the 'Indo-European language'.
My poinr is simply that the sorr of evidence accepted by Thieme,
Meillet, crosland, and others can be used to t.."L qoitá opposit.
conclusions. The system put forward by the philologists Las no
parrllel
in the kinship sysrems known anywhere else in thJ world. If ir were
true, they argue, that no terms existed for the wife,s kin, this could
as
be as consisrent with a matrilineal as with an extreme patrilineal
system
of the rype they imply.
234 z3s
 Indo-European Kinshíp
ComPatatíve Stud¡es ín KínshíP
or after marriage. And although recognition may be absent in certain
are terms by
Both Meillet and Thieme claim that because there types of marriage ('slave' marriage), no known society fails to provide
kin and no terms at all by
*hi"h a rffoman refers to her husband's or
for marriage of a higher stetus where the woman's relationships with
(Meillet)
;hi"i a man refers to his wife,s family, the wife'entered' her natal kin continue to be recognized aîter marriage, at least termi-
;;;;ã i'to' (thi"*") her husband" 9*i1.r, while the husband had
nologically, and hcnce provide a link between the kin of the groom
'kinship" says Meillet) with his
no relationsþ, çofr"i"l', says Thieme; and those ofthe bride.
*lf"t-ã""V ùei[et of this system as displaying 'parenté There are three possible solutions to this difrculty. Firstly, we may
*lr"olio.',
--i, íhil" thi.*t'pt"k'
translates this as'patriarchal" accept the implications of the philological evidence and insisr that the
'patriarchal' since it
¡ oot'."sy to decide what Thieme meâns by 'Indo-Europeans' did in fact have a system of marriage entireþ by
of kinship systems
i, .."..p, *fti.lt has played little part in analyses 'capture', or by'purchase', or by some other means which involved
" present century' i"'gtly owing to its ambiguity' The term. was completely separating the bride from her natal kin, ro rhe extenr rhat
in the
unilineal
;;ftå;;;"*pl. to'á"rig"r,"ie a c.rìrin mode of reckoning
authority in
the husband required no term of reference for his wiG's kin. I have
;t;; þatriliny), ", *Jl as the vesting of household
the former rather
remarked that no such kinship system has to my knowledge been found,
*.i.t. I i"ke it ihat the philologists are referring m in
and some scholars would maintain that it was sociologically impossible.
,fr* tfr" latter, as 'p"t'å'"htl'-domestic authority may be-found The second possibility is to seek some alternative explanation of the
with matrilineal descent groups'-where it could
hardly be 'absence' of specific in-law terms for a man. And the third is to reject
."iiirr"r rhe woman'enrered' the family of the husband, except in the
"oo¡"""tio" the kind of philological deductions which bring us ro rhis impasse.
purely spatial sense ofjoining him on marriage' The Murngin example suggests a possible reason for the'absence' of
' Ho*Ërr"r, if we assirme túat the reference is to patrilineal descent' these terms, namely that such relatives were referred to by some more
difiìculties.if
is áxplicitþ what Meillet was thinking oe -the inclusive word. I am not suggesting a terminology which assumes
"Jini, iocrå.re. Éo, th"'" is no patrilineal system known 1o- me in kinship marriage, for this would operate in the same way for members
"nythirrg by men to address-or
which there are no terms whatsoever employed of both sexes; i.e. there would be no specifically in-law rerms for a
list o1 47 kinship terminologies,
,"r., ro their wives' kin. In his
'wife's father"
'Tù/oman as she too would be marrying a kinsman. We should recognize
term for
tutorg"o (r87r) reports r3 without giving
the the further possibility of inclusion within some more comprehensive
1", i".""h tle p"rticular terminologies are incomplete in many term, The most obvious category with which, for example, afiìnes of
""r" cases there is no term for
other respects.a For example, in seven of these senior generation might be associated is that of parents of senior
difficult to reconcile
,fr";ft"td""¿'s father' eitlier, producing a situation generation. Indeed, in the English system, afûnes are referred to by
family is a residential unit.
*irt, sort of organizado; in whi"L the terms similar to those used for kin, but with the addition of that curious
""y compulsory'kin
It is true that, in systems which involve more or
less
phrase,'in-law'. Moreover, this qualifrcation too may occasionally be
exlmple'
;;;ri"g"', afünal'terms may, also -be kinship terms' -For of
dropped as when the 'mother-in-law' is sometimes addressed simply as
tmother'.
;;"drh" Murngin of Austialia, when a m'n marries the daughter
(man speaking) and for
his mother's brother, the term for father-in-law Ûe English this use of a kinship term for an affinal relationship simply
mother'sbrotherisoneandthesame'Butwhetherornotdistinctively represents an alternative usage, perhaps not a very common one at that.
man may refer
r.r*, are available, terms always exist by which
a-
But there are systems in which this is not an alternative usage but the
"f-"t
to or address the kin of his bride' Moreover this would appear to be standardized form. According to Morgan, in Platt-Deutsch the term
matrilineal and cognatic (bilateral) societies
of pa.1ri-
ior, rro" of for husband's father is uader (also 'father'), and for wife's father, frauen
j"ffi;
"r ä; d"l"b*;
-a¡
h".0" f,o,i,.d ì ,y,,.* that would be possible uader. Here in-law usage is esymmetrical, that is, different for each
providid for no'recognition of a woman's naþl kin et
only if a sociery 237
46
 ComParatíue Studíes ín KínshìP Indo-European Kinship

spouse, one of the terms being identical with.a kinship term' Morgan that the 'Indo-European' terminology is of this asymmetrical sort, ir
father
,l"o.d, a somewhar similar Ñ"* in Armenian; the husband's would appear to índicate that our linguistic forebears had a matrilineal,
ahnare' a quite different
It g*hn, çlr lf-father') while ihc wife's father ís uxorilocel system rather than a patrilineal or patriarchal rype, as is
the
øi*.,H"nfather' resembles the English'father-in-law' as against usually asserted.
platt_Deutsch uader inthat it is a moãifìcation of, rather than identical I do not seriously suggest that this was the case. But I do suggest theq
thc German
with, a kinship term. On the other hand, its use resembles firstly, the whole theoretical basis on which this sort of analysis rests
;;;;;;t ", "i"irrrt the English, for it is asymmetrical rather than needs a good deal of re-examination, and that those interested in
symmetrical. reconstructing cultural history from such material should meanwhile
'The terminology which Meillet and other philologists
suggest
treat it with considerable reserve. Secondly, more attention should be
r¡gres¡n1 su¡]t
oUt.irr.d among ihe 'Indo-Europeans' might possibll paid to developments in the analysis ofnon-European societies over the
afiìt"l type, where oneset of terms is idcntical with last fifry years. .A.s we have seen in the many studies of 'myth and
""îty*"t"itr"i
kio'r.r.rl such as'f"th"i.not whereas the systems we have discussed ritual'in the religions of the Near East, proto-historical studies are too
" of one asymmetrical pair of terms' the philolo-gists often encumbered by the incorporation of the discarded hypotheses of
p.""1a"
il;. " ryrrËr.t in which ih"" "'" no special terms for any ofis not
"""*ples the
social anthropology as pert of their academic tradition. Setting aside
In all of Morgan's r37 kin terminologies' thcre the whole problem of whether it is possible to isolatc a single 'Indo-
tr,rrU""¿"
"mrr.r.
ntffy recorded system *hith ftilt to provide some distinctive European' culture, and acknowledging that there may be other reasons
"". ter*r, for spouse's siblings if not for spouse's parent' Tdïd' for supposing that these hypothetical people were 'patrilineal' (or
"ffin"Iif we confineãur attentionlo spouse's father, rhere are only five 'patriarchal'), an analysis of their supposed kinship terms does nothing
even
than Platt-Deutsch'
examples of an asymmetrical kinship pair, other to con-ûrm a theory which appears to be accepted as established fact in
kin term used by the
oi rfr.r., three arË üke the Germanln that the so meny accourits of the prehistoric past.
.womân refers to her husband's kin (omaha, Kaw, and crow). only the
the supposed-Indo-
other two, Dakota (Ogalaila) and Laguna, resemble NOTES
r*op."o'ryrte* ii ittit .op."'' Of these,. the first is one of eight
r. Crosland, R. .A,., ¡9j2, 'Indo-European Origins. The Linguistic Èvidence',
O"tot" lists, and the significaice of the special usage
difücultto deter- Past and Present, tz.
*io.. Morg"n's Lagun"a list does not record the terms for the wife's z. Thieme, Paul, 1958, 'The lndo-European Language', Scíentífic Ameúcan t9g,

;ilii;gr, ,oihi, u. considered the closest of any to the philo-

*iittt 4, ó8'
3. Meillet, 4., 1934, Intoiluctíon a l'Étuíle Compantlve iles Langues Inilo-Euro-
logis;s' ,..orrrtro.tiãn. Laguna is one of the Western Pueblo groups and péennes, Zth ed., Paris.
descent grouPs
itJsocial organization is based not only on matrilineal 4. Morgan, Lewis H., t87r, Systems oJ Consanguíníty and .4finíty of the Human
íxorilocal residence, i'e' the husband joins the- wife on Famíly, Smithsonian Contributions to Knowledge 17, Washington.
;;;;;" J. Eggan, Fred, r95o, Socíal Organísatíon oJ the Western Pueblos, Chicago.
Thus, as in the Platt-Deutsch terminology (and also
the
*"rrirg".u
Omaha cases; I do not know about the Kaw)' the
in-marry-
Crow
"lnd term already employed
irrn ,ooor. uses for 'father-in-law' the kinship
residence' Logicaþ' residence
ü;il ,pour" who does not change
;rrii "ip"., to be an important factor here' Indeed it might beexclu- sug-

g.r"J rl'Ji *fr"re kinshþ i.r*, "r" used asymmetrically, either

,-i*ty o, as alternativer,'fo' " spouse's Parent' it is likely tote
done by
rather than by tht stationary sPouse' Thus' if wc assume
th. ii"o*irrg
238 239

CHAPTER TEN
On Nannas and Nannies
soun years ago, when I was living in a cambridgeshire village, I
orrrrherrd yJ*g boy speak of his grandmother as lús nanna.Ileter
"
heard the word ured veryfrequently in this kinship sense, not only by
the villagers in these p".ir but also by townsfolk such as college bed-
makers, who are themselves often grandmothers'l
Shortly after I first heard the word I was writing a PaPer on kinship
in England for a seminar and I Started to search in written sources for
rJf"..n"es.2 [ could not remember having come âcross tþis usage
"rry
in any play, novel, or other literary work, so I turned to the dictionaries.
The original edition of The New Englísh Dictìonary (1888-1928), later
called, fhe OxfordEngtísh Díctíonary (O.E.D.), failed to list the word
at
all. Howeverin th. ,uppl.m.nt, issued in r933, it did appear, but with
a different meaning, o"*"Iy, 'a child's form ofaddress to e nurse;
hence,
a children's nurr.'l alternative form of the more familiat nanny, the
"n
first use of which is given as occurring ln chambers's Journal for
September, rgó4. I should add that, likenanna, flãnnywasalso,absent
frJm the main dictionary, except as'elliptical for nanny-goat' and in the
compound lorm of nanny-house (ot nanny'shop), which appeared in the
NetiDíctionary of CantinrTzo and meant bawdy-house.s In the-O.E.D.,
both these *årár, nanna and flanny, are rentatively derived from the
girl's name Nanny (or Nar, Ann, or Anne)'
Dictionaries oi.A,merican English were scarcely more rewarding.
'Webster (196r) gives nana (probably of baby+alk origin') as meanilg
.a
child's nufse or nursemaiJ';n nanny is the same but'chiefly British"
Nana alsoappeârs as the ¿{rabic for'mint' and the Tupi for'pineapple'.
And fin"lþ there is yet anorher nana recoraed, the Latin for a female
dwarf, 'probably akin to Greek nanna, flenfla female relative, aunt-
240
On Nannas and Nannies
more at NUN'. While the connection with the Cambridge grand-
mother seemed tenuous (though intriguing), here at least was a sugges-
tion of kinship.
Although it rilas appârendy a'dialect'word, dialect dictionaries were
of little or no help. The Vocabulary of East Anglía (edited by Roberr
Forby, London, r83o-58) has no such enrry, although onp. z.z7 it does
mention flanny nursemaid in another context (thus providing an
^s
earlier instance of this usage than the O..E.D.). Edward Gepp in An
Essex Dialect Díctìonary (second edition, London, r9z3) says that nanny
means 'head', but gives no other usage. Even in his general survey of
English dialects, Joseph Wright (Englísh Díalea Díctíonary, r9o3) gives
rto ttønna.Under nanny
þlt. nunny) appear a whole variety ofcompound
words, such as nanny-wíper (an imaginary snake supposed to inhabir the
bellies of sick people), and for the word by itself he has she-goat,
whitethroat, heron, stingless humble-bee, the stomach, and a small
three-wheeled cart. But not a nursemaid, let alone a grandmother,
among them. A search through Harold'Wentworth's American Dídleet
Dictíondry (New York, 1944) was a little more helpful. In New Orleans,
ttaflnøn was recorded as meaning 'godmother' (rglZ); here at least was
a usage of a quasi-kinship (or ritual kinship) kind. And one furrher
entry from the South was of some inrerest: in Kentucky an alternative
to the proper name Nanníe is Ninnie and in the same general region
nínny means 'a breast, or milk from the breast'.
It was dictionaries of slang that turned our ro be most fruitful of the
written sources. In his Drcrionary of Slang and (Jnconuefltíonal English
(third edition, ry4g), Eric Partridge gives quite a different erymology
from Webster for the word nan, a maid-servant, which was used by
Shakespeare in 1596. Like the O.E.D., he derives this usage from the
proper name .lVcr, a by-form oî Anne; the thesis is elaborated in his
Name ínto Word(London, rg5o), where he writes: 'flanny,a nurse, and
nanny (or female) goat, ofren shorrenedto nanny (contrast bìlly goat), ate
common-properryings oîNanny, a diminutive either ofNør or directly
of Nancy, a given-name more usual perhaps in the "lo\Mer" than in the
"higher" strata of sociery.' Nancy, it should be remarked, is also the
name for an'effeminate male', or pansy.6
In sum, while these entries contain no direc reference to grand-
mothers, they do show that the words nanny, flanna,.and nan are closely
z4r
 Comparatfue Sudíes in Kínship On Nannas and Nanníes
linlced with women and with women's tasks,. especially the care of flrorys Nashe (in_ Chríst's Tedrs oter Jerusølem, 1593) and
11 John
children; and that they. are used particularly of persons hired to do the Fletcher (in The Mad Lover, 1617, ly, ä) ríe nunnerf
foi úroth.li
job. The role of the Victorian and Edwardiannanny as e proxy mother of course Hamlet repears the word to opheria fiv" tim.s "nd
in the .åurse
is well illustrated in many memoirs of the period,o and the alternative lines (Hamlet,III, i, rzr-52), Jach time with this ,common,
flannna (or rather nana) was of course the name of the Newfoundland
:f "Íy 3o
implication. Thus the 'bad' sense of nanny would seem ro be a direct
dog which acted as the Darlings'nurse in Peter Pan (tso+).t inversion of the 'good' meaning of nui; sexualiry masquerades
as
But while nanny anð naflnd as'children's nurse' are only recorded as asexualiry, the wanron as the virgin, and the Bride
of Cîrrist is the
nineteenth-century usages, fion, as'serving-maid', dates from the late mistress of all.
sixteenth century. And it is perhaps no coincidence that, royalty apart, 6t^.tyTology, 'good' meaning of nønny is derived by
one of the earliest nurses of whom we have much information (she
*3: -rhe
baby+allc partridge ãom th" piop., name
looked after various children of thc Verney family in the middle of the
Y.bl:.t.|.--
(the Biblical Hannah), or "oJby Ann
rarher frorn"variants associated with the
seventeenth century) was called Nann Fudd.8 'lower' social srrata. But this
is not the whole picture by any meens.
Indeed remembering that the word nan for serving-maid and ndnny- For the good and bad meanings, with their seelrningly
ditio"t .ry;-
house for brothel were both current at the same period, the very end of ologies, are much closer than rhe duJi, girr.o io orírof
the sixteenth century, it would appeer that these maids rnight'serye'in Webster's entries undet nana,"ifirrt "pp."rr.
the fatin for a female drJarf. For,., *.
more senses than one and that such nannies represented the Bad saw,.the aurhors go on ro say, a little cryptically, ,probably
,fio ,o
Mother as well as the Good. In Sldng and íts Analogues (7 vols., London, Greek nanna, nenna female relative, aunt_riore at
NUN,.
r89o-4), Farmer and Henley give the following terse entries for the TorT to ttutt, and you find that it comes from the .Old
English nunne,
words in which we are interested: ^
from the Late Latin nonnd-nun,child,s nurse; of baby+At"Jgi,lik.
Greek nanna, nenfla female relative, aunt, .W.elsh
Nan: A, Maid (1596, Shakespeare, The Meny Wiues,I, iv, 16o). nii, gr^oaiorhn ,
Albanian nønë mother, child's nurse, Russian tyanyachildt
NannY: r. a goat. a*endanr,
Sanskrit, nana mothe' Iittle mother,. The O.Eb. aho
a. a whore. gives the word
nun a classical roor, but one of a slightly different, thoãgh
apparently
A. slightly earlier compilation (A Díctíondry of Slang, Jargon, and Cant, cognâte form. 'The ultimate source is etcbsiastical tx¡í
noinn, f"ã-
edited by AlbertBarrère and Charles G. Leland, London, 1889)0 nine of nonnus monk (in late Greek flonfla, ilor*os), originally
a title
suggests an explanationof this Jungian paradox, and at the same time given to elderly persons, whence Ítalian nonno, ,onni gr^idfather,
supplements the etymology of Partridge and the O.E.D. (which, as we grandmother, sicilian nuflflit, nunna father, mother, sardinian
nonnur,
have seen, itself supplemented the baby-talk theory of 'Webster). nonnø-godfarher, godmother.'rs rhe rerevant Greek
roots, it shourd be
Nanny shop '(common)', they write, means 'a brothel',ro and Nanny added, are given by Liddell and Scott
$gz5_4o) o, o, nonii,
'(common)', a prostitute. 'Probably from nun, meaning the same."ll maternal or ^r,non
uncle or aant,; ,nanne, maternd ,nrnnor,
-paternal ^'nt,;
This curious entry is explained under Abbess, Iady, a word which was mother or father's brother, uncle, mother's brother or (in
used for the mistress of a brothel, a procuress; the inmates were known
p;;rti
mother's father'; 'ninne perhaps grandmothe, o, ,oorh"r-io-lr*
;
as 'nuns' or sometimes 'sisters of Chariry', and her fancy man as the 'flonflos
-
pater (cf. nennos)t.
Abbot.tz A crozier'd abbot, or abbot on the cross, referred to the rather the outset' there are two points to be made about these
specialized role of a man who kept a brothel 'more for the purpose of
'tt
'Webster entries in
and the O.E.D. First, they suggesr that the analysis
of GreJ
robbery and extortion rather then that of prostitution'. This derivation kinship.terminology has nor been i^-rriãã very far.
^qod
,"";rJy;rh;;
receives some confirmation from the fact that Elizabethan writers such show that a surprising number of app.r.ntly cognate words have
242 243
 Conparatíve Studies in KínshíP
different meanings in
closely related languages. Nevertheless, there
seems some grounds for suggesting that the English nanna, child'snutse
or grandmother, may be linked to words found in various Indo-
European languages for a kinswoman (or ritual kinswoman) belonging
to the first or second ascending generation. If this is the case, the
grandmother asage of nannø is probably not ne\¡¡ to English. Yet the
first and only dictionary reference which I could discover did not appear
until the supplement to Partridge's Dictíondry of Slang and Unconuen-
tíonal English issued in 196r.ra
One possible reason for the way in which the compilers of diction-
aries have neglected the kinship as distinct from the servile use of
nanna'ts that the former is largely confined to the 'lower' social strata.
The only written references that I know are in two recent surveys of
'working-class' communities, Young and'Wilmott's report on their
work in Bethnal Green(Fønily and Kìnshíp ínÛastLondon, r957,PP. 28,
4r) and Madeleine Kerr's study of a Liverpool slum, The People of Ship
Street (tg58,p. ¿ó). For in Britain, kinship usage, like many other asPects
ofculture, is heavily stratified; the usages ofthe lower levels often seem
'common' to those above, while from below those of the upper
echelons appear 'soft' or 'affected'. Granníe sounded \¡/rong to some of
my 'lower' informants; mun (but not nummy) was frowned upon by
the others.
I have used the terms upPer' middle, andlower classes (or upper and
lower strata) in a rather loose sense, to indicate rough position in what
is for most purposes a hierarchical continuum (or parallel series of
continua). There is doubtless more than one significant breaking point
in the differentiation of English kinship usage, but the limited survey
which Ihave already carried out suggests that the most imPortent is
attendance at a public school, rather than, for example, occuPational
status calculated on the Hall/Jones scale. In her urban study Margaret
Stacey notes that'Public-school education is, in fact, of so great impor-
tance as a class factor that it is used . . . as a primary definition of the
traditional upper class in Banbury and district' (Tradition and Chønge:
A Study of Banbury,London, 196o, p. r4r). The dividing line, which is
by no meant iigid as some self-conscious analysts of the stratilìed
"t
diff.reoces (or 'class-indicators') in English speech have tended, to
suggest,lõ roughly corresponds to Ross's U and non-U speech, or what
244
On Nannas and Nanníes
chapman sees es the usage 'in good society', wallcer as 'correct'
and
others as 'standard' or-'oxford'Englirh.tu However, the terms used
by
these authors reflect the facr that, ãxplicidy or implicitly, they
adopt
the u_pper-class point of view and it is to t.od.o"y
that I prefer phrase the distinction as"ouot.rb.-l"o."ihi,
one between þopular, and
_to
'genteel' English.tz
while the class factor might well account for the absence of this
usage from compilations such as the O.E.D. that reflect U speech
(ordinary speech is 'common'), it hardly explains its omission^from
dictionaries of dialect and slang. perhaps it ir ir¡urt a case of the literary
specialistswho collect rhe entries ov.rlooking the close and familiar
(kinship) in favour of the sffange and exotic (thieves' canr and bawdy).re
For there can be no doubt of the very widespread use of the term
nanfla, nan, ndnny, nín,for grandmother, not only in southern
England
and the midlands, but also in the northern counties, southern scotland,
South W'ales, New Zealanð, New England, and Canada.le Indeed
several persons have told me that they knew thewordnanny
only inthe
kinship sense until they began to read novels and discover.d rh"t oth.,
people paid nannies to look after children. Moreover this ,popular'
usage seems to be holding its own, despite the standardizing
frersur.s
of radio and television in favour of grainy and granma, whici ïave the
advantage (from one standpoint) of being dosãr to the term of refer-
ence.
_
one reason for this persistence may be that although the term nanna
for grandmother is lower status from one point of view (in that it is not
ur¡d
!f the speakers of genteel English-the prodoct, of the public
schools), it is often highly valued as a popular usage given prefer-
ence over the main alternative of granma,'All my"nd thirteen grrnd_
children (sons' children and daughters' children) cali me nonnoj Mrr.
King (65, of Cambridge) told me. 'I don'r like this ,,granma" ar all.
Yes, comes from the tele. one of my grandchildren callid me Kare the
other day. Said his mum did so. I told him offproper. ,{nd her roo.
What if he called you that in rhe streer?'
So highly is the term valued, that in some cases the two female
grandparenrs compete for the righr to use it. Miss Christie (zz, of
Yorkshire) told me that in her family it was the morher's mother who
was called nanna. she had lived with them during the war and had been
245
 Comparative Studíes ín Kínship
On Nannas and Nannícs
'like a second mother'. The father's mother, who was not so close, was Kerr records an instance where the children
addressed their maternal
called granua. But with Miss Christie's mother's sister's children, the grandmother as 'mother' and called
their real mother ,mum,, a situation
situation was different, There the father's mother also insisted upon which recalls that reported by R. T.
Smith for the Negro population
being called nanna, so that the two grandmothers had to be differen- in the rural .r.", of'Goy"rrr. Moth.rtoo¿,î.
tiated as nanna (Smirh) end nanna(Jone$. fn another case where both ,When ä:iiJiffi;
i,1l* ,of.b,i.ological relationships. a daughter b.rr, îhild"
grandmothers were called nannd,the mother's mother (London) \Mâs so rs lrving in the household "
IiÏr"T controlled by her morher, the child
called'because all her other grandchildren did', but the father's mother up calling
:,1t"1ï:ly Slols its marernal grandmother by'the t"rm
(Northumberland) insisted on being addressed in the same way 'because rvlema , and rts own mother by her chrislian name., And
he goes on
granma and granny made her sound so old'.20 that,'This is particularly tru. *h.r the
::,î*d ot her grandmother has small
The situation is perceived in much the same way by the junior cmroren own towards whom the child adoprs a sibring
generation. In explanation of her own usage' Miss Horton (26, of relation_
ship.'as For it is when the grandmothe,
Blacþool) volunteered, 'I don't like Granma Jones; that's why I use
i, l"il
yourg *¿ ,, ma
plays a signifìcant part in the do*.rti.
activities "r..,
the formal name. I call Nanny that because I like her.' Others thought ,1::,t1" group' of the wider
Klnshlp which she cannor so easiry do in those ,o.i"l
thet ndnnawas more appropriate for a grandmother who was living in *|r¡: * ,t."r"
this point in the domerri" .y"tJ the
generarions are more
the same house, and hence part of the family (i.e. household). In view widely sca*ered, owing ro rhe nature
trt.it work and to the wider
of these statements, it is not surprising to find that of my respondents range of their social contacts. But "r
even in th
who adclressed one of their grandparents as naflita, the majoriry used
the term for their mother's mother.zl For as recent surveys have shown,
mafe consid.r"bl" .trorts.to be
children, and thus to participate ìn
p*;;;r';r"ril*. ;lriliî:iî
th. most criticar of the domestic
both in working-class and in suburban communities, the closer grand- activities of their children.
mother is the mother's mother;22 she it is who is the likelier to be living These child-caring functions the
upper classes could deregate to their
with a married couple and hence having the closest relationship with nannies. But the less afiuent
h-"rr. their proxy mothers, their
their children. Usually, then, the nannøis the mum's mum.23 names, although recruired by ties "lro
of kinship ."th., thrr.;;. i.;;;.
There are two reasons I think why high value is placed uPon the marker,26 and relieving the mothers
th.*år*, for work rather than
term. In the ûrst place, like other alternatives (such as pet names) that for leisure. Indeed, iorom., tend to
become more equal and domestic
seniors encourage, the use o{ nanna is seen as ûxing them less firmly in ",
heþ more scarce, it,s these kin_bas.¿ ti., th"t have the
edge here, both
the hierarchy of generation than the more formal term.24 For indivi- on the middle-class family that has ro
move.rourd.od å,h;;p;;
duals are often reluctant to accePt the full implications of 'grand- class family thar can ,ro ioog., .Which
ger servanrs. i, p.rh.pr-iå*"
parenthood', and an alternative label enables them to cling to earlier recompense for the fact that ovei
the rast few cenruries ril.i. ,jop"t"r;
roles. The dilemma ofthe males of this age grouP was recently brought
of the ,gente.l,.r;i"h^
usages may have sometimes escaped the notice
out by Bing Crosby when he (or his script-writer) remarked of himself who compile the dicdonaries.2?
and Bob Hope, 'There's just one frouble for us now.'We're too old to
get the girl and too proud to play grandfathers.'
NOTES
But it is not simply that the grandmother is trying to avoid her new ¡'In view of my rater discussion I should
exprain that I myself only knew
role. She is in fact continuing to act in her earlier capaciry when she mother's morher' who lived far..away r"-";;'rh; mv
Scotland and was alwavs
becomes 'a second mother', nursing (in the wider sense) her childrenfs known as 'grannie' which is I_ believe írt" rrJì.r-
I spelt m.y early years in what was ri.r;";ö;ew ìo thor. parts. Moreover äs
children, and thus allowing the mother to go out to work, to help orr grandmothers appeared to play little p*r rown in Hertfordshire.
the farm, or just to get on more freely with her household tasks. Miss poinr' see the interesting anatysis
i" ,rr.i"o .g. å"ì.r.äff;
"r*y groups
irr" .f.r" oiåä*"rt¡. in suburban
246 "r
247
 ConPatatiue Studies ìn KinshiP On Nannas and Nannies
'wilmott and Michael Young, Famíly and class. ín a l,o2do1t followìng remark gives some idea of the complexity of the household orqaniza_
Ensland in Peter
üäri çi"¿"n,196o). In .middle_class''woodford elderþ parents liry ryi1h their tion:,'In higher families, rhe upper nurse isìsualiy permi*ed ro rop å.-Arr"
'lower-class' Bethnal
;htlffil;;;llithéir daughterg almost as frequently as in Mum occasionally at rhe housekeeper's table by way of relaxation, when thä
.¡rlái.r,
Green, bít there is not thã continuous association with throughout a are all well, and her subordinates trustworthy' (ror4). On nanni.,
,ru.ro
woman's life that chartcteúzes family ties in the East End' maids, see Mary Á,nn Gibbs, t96o, The years of the Nanaies, London. The"rr¿ increased
z. ,\ seminar run by'w. Lloyd varner, Visiting Professor in social
Theory at use of na,nny for children's nurse may be linked with the specializatio'
of ,ror* fo"
Cambridge, tgs+-1. 11.:lt1 t"ld registered) sick nurse which folrowed the establishment of t.Joiog
Dictíondry of the Terms.Ancíent and Modern of the cantíng crew schools the rnid-nineteenth century; in London, Mrs. Fry (of the Society of
3 . In tu-:[,'z{-Ne w
Io'í¡, ,rrerál Tríbes of Gypsiis,-Beggars, Thieues, Cheaß' ete" With An Addítíon of Friend$ ''started the Instirution of Nursing Sisters in rg4o. The à.o rr,rrr.,
-íú.h
ä,o*i" Prorrrbr, Phraíes,-Èig,iati'á"spteches, etc" Useful þr
dll.sotts.of..People' had referred especially to the nourishing-of infants, came ro be linked
with the
Foiìgnus) to seiwe thefu Money øni| prese,rve their Lives; besídes very care of the sick and it was the nanny who now looked after the 'kids'
(though in
ïrreirirul.y
ãiitetrtíng' anil Eit rtiining, beíng wholly Nãø, B'E'
(Gent')' London' r72o? (first fact this usage for children goes bacÈ to 169o).
7. Those who have not iead Barrie's whimsy on the domestic life of Blooms-
-
edition 1699).
is rather longer in American English than in the bury since rheir childhood may need reminding that Nana displayed ro p"rr..øo
¿. il" ,lâ¿f"'a' in this word
all the chara*erisrics that the upper middle clãs could wirh of i; ;;;r;;.
English of Southern England, i.e' naana rathet tlnan nanna'
-
lîÞ".tti¿g., rg4g, Á Dictionary oJ t\ Uldeyotlil, London' is rather more
derivative (?) sense "an effeminate *::4:Ím thelittle
srlent
keep.(the Darlings could not really afford ro have , ,,urr.¡, L.p,
fâce of ill trearmenr and was completely faithful. The childrel
soåcific. Naírv posteriorì' and'in the were
, the name from
;;;;;p;"iíy ^é^n"'the
a passive håmosexual." Barrère and Leland derive
also devoted ro Nana and flew away because- she was chained
ry tf* Urå_
in song' Àccording to Jamieson (z{n tempered father; when they retum, Nana walks ,with the impo.r"i..'"i""p
I
I Ñ;;;y b"*tón, a prostitute celebrated ,r*r.
these personal who will never have another d ay off, (r9zg, r53). One of the
øi*it"g¡t"i D¡i¡onary of the Scottísh Language, new edition' r88o)' flay,s -orr irrriri"i,
derivå irom A.grres; Pariridge follows this different suggestion in
U" concerns is the search for mother,
".r*rã"y
another báok(Oúgìns, London] 1958)' In Âmerican slang' Nancy c¿rries the. same _ of the Verney Family during the Seyenteenth Century (eds F. p. and
ir also means 'a small lobster'. M'-ï._Memoírs
M. verney), London, ry25, r, 3o4. fh" t..* oo.re was then usàd to refer not
---Àrr.ririooandt Èast Anglia, Forby reporrs,
;;;;"g;
¿rr*tr to the fact that nínny is a long-established word only to the children's nurse, who in rhis case rooked afrer
should also Uã
generation of the family, but arso to the wet nurse, necessarily-.;; rh;-;-J"gt"
lr<oa)for.asimpleton;afool,'andtheo.E,D.tentativelysuggeststhatitisan a temporiry
ìütå"i*"¿ form of innocent'; related compound words âre the synonyms employee' The wet nurse ofren rooked after the child in h"r owri h.;".i;;;,
;t;;;-i;*;t, (r5ez) and níncompoop.(ab\tev,^n-inLom)' of which '!"i9li?":tv
this practice ofboarding out,which encouraged the great r".r of tt .
tåpå"tt:.ty-.ìogy
'Dictionary'oJ ,tnt fanciful'. (but see also Joseph
tto*"; pitu-'Uty l' -Shipley' dread epitomizedin sir Raþh vemeyt comment opä hir ron'r.rr"i." "hrrr;.i;;,'"
ã??
The word nínny ís in frequent nursemaid;_'tis greate odds his child would be clianged for one "îrãä"
Woli Origint,New Yotk, 45,24?L'
r9 r.ro.s.'',
;;;d"i, í.d ,o too iith é ror^ noo,o (see Partridge, Dictionary of where 'a "rtrc
Sister's children' (2,276). On 3rdJune 1647, Sir aatltrt wife, Mary,;h;;;,
inarra-cut' is a woman-like llone'
hair-cut)' This then living in London, gave birth to a son; three weeÈs later the *.r'""r*,
.inht naia' means 'a real softy' and a
-rr.
å, nooro, * y be connecred with those discussed earlier came from near the verneys' country seat, set offto take the child to
t úo*.,
h ,h; "î"'¡""i,
ñ.", ^"Jporribly
it or" r"-ale rerm for a male may indicate not only 'effemi- When Mary Verney went rhere in Augusr, the child was ill; ",
;õ ff Jro ".rr.
g"n.r"l incapacity in the performance of male tasks, a meaning had to be found and the mother r.to.ttãd alone to London. (The " ";;;;;;;"
new 1",
withlhe man's view of the woman's role' given 4s, a week and rwo loads of wood, .being she had ,roìt y. .rirt.J"g,
"urr. f",
.rro"irt"d
- (edited-by
ifr. *or¿ nanny also aPPeers in The American ,Thesawus of Sløng nurses are much dearer than ever they were . . .' (r, ggo). The
*.t o*rã'*",
u"trri' van Bark, London, 1954, J'r) âs 'a tone thar normally entitled to the christening money; Mrs. Brough, wet nurse to rdwaia
k"; +. B;,,y "rra and forth over
Den
ã"ti"tt t"piafy back atange oftw-o to three notes'' VII, received a thousand pounds.)
the Nanny Sibley of Bároness Ravensdale's autobiography,
Iz In royal households of the same period, although .wet nurses were of lowly
;. F;. J*"ápt"
Rhythmi (London, tg53, z4f), who broke her engagement to co¡trnue to status' the children were subsequently looked after by titled gentlewomei.
Many
iooË"n"r'ft"r rfn"" their mother died; 'The real prop and backbone Earlier, during the middle ages, male children were ofren ,.n, fú ;;;;
of mv life ¡¡/as our "h.rg"J*-h"tr
Nanny Sibley'' But of course even when the mother was alive to be.broLght up by strangers, as when Henry II entrusted the "*íyeáucation and
il;;y ln.o pl"y.a tile t"¡" part in bringing up the chfdren' In her account fostering of his heir to the chancellor, Thomas Èecket, son of a ro"a""
l"rgãrr.
of t o* tå *arr"i" a Victorian hoire, Mrs' Beeton speaks of the daily visit paid by such fostering was also a common pracrice in the scottish royal fa*ilf.i"-ti"-r"æ
(Beeton's Book d Household Managemenf'-London' sixte¡ntf cenrury the futureJames vI was brought up away from his mother.
"ï"ty -.rtt". io the ofnursery
the éhildreo's care being left to the Nursemaids (Upper the Earl and countess of Mar.in the royal .rrtr. åf stirfung;
bv
i86t,"å1tr1, the rest a.rprr"'thä
u"ã*1,'*rrose roles are to be distinguished from that of the Monthly
Nurse Þrotests of his Danish wife, he insisted that his eldest son, H.nty,""a,
ué reaied in a
""ã
[*i" i"àtl'"frer rhe mother) and the-'Wet Nurse (who feeds the child). The similar manner; their second child, Elizabeth, was placed under ihe
of ford
248 249
"rr.
 Comparatíue Studies in KinshiP On Nannas and Nønnies
and Lady Livingstone and the third, the future Charles I, in the charge of Lord stratificarion means thet the term does not appear to have the same
class signiû-
Fife. While the reasons behind such fostering certainly included dynastic security, cance as in England.
the rearing of children by proxy Parents 'q/as well established in Britain emolrg .
zo. The salne point was made to me by much younger people,
e.g. Mrs.
this and oiher social srrata long before the coming of the Foundling llospital for Arthur,23, of rffelingron, New Zealand,
the poor and the Public School for the rich. zr' Based upon the fìgures obtained in a preriminary survey; the numbers
are
English', Tinleers' nor þrge þut I hope to extend them.
9l Embtaeíng English, Ameríean, and Anglo-Indían Slang, Pídgin
az. on the other hend inheritance conside¡ations may counteract
Jaryon and Other Irregular Phtaseology'
- the tendency
io. For a fiuther 5o English variants of brothel, see Farmer and Henley (r89o- to reside w'ith mate¡nal kin since the preference is for the *""r* or urr"iltìåo¿
(farms, estates, shops, åctories) to be iransmitted from father
ù. to ,on s."-¿ro
n. ln A Dìctionary of the \Jnilerworlil, PafJndge denves nanny house fto'rfr nanny Margar_et Stacey, Trailitíon and Change, rz5, note ii.

. ,3.,9" the subject of nan, Misskerr remarks:

çoat ('Lit,, a house for containing female goats'); there is sometimes no great
.No constant
rule has been
ãtymàlogical consistency from one book to another, even when they are written rouno aþout which name is given to which grandmorher' (4g).
This is so; there is
by the same author. certainly no stri* rure. But it should be ioted that in iire particurar
ior"r"."
n. Abbot, bke pope (papd), comes from a word meaning 'father' (Àramaic, which she records it is the maternal grandmother who is cale¿ n¡n (+i);ì*i;;g
abba; Ãrabic, abu). and'wilnnott's study of Bethnar Gieen, two families ose nan øi'iúá
13. See also Emest'Weekley, tgzr, AnÛtymologicalDíctíonary of ModemEnglísh,
grandmother (Wilkins, z8; Cole, -"t"-rt
'weekley; seehis Ailjectíues- 4t) and one family for both (Tawney, 4r).
London. This erymology apparentþ derives from . . -r!
ylr^g of genteel ln the mid thirties, óhrp** r"- ,iiliru,,
anil Other Wordi,London, r93o, 89f., in a chapter entitled 'Baby's Contribution "Mother",^"Grandfather", lfqges
"crandmother', are in common use. They ^rir,',' ,
have however
a certain formaliry or solemniry which is ofren evaded
"å åit.;;;;.hrl
to Speech.' Uy tfr.
'Weekley remarked that although flanna, a nurse' was not admitted to substitutes . . " Dad(dy)', and,lMummy,' hold the
r4^. frcld. |,Granny,, irã;rrb-
dictionaries, it was nevertheless 'entitled to rank among the few vocables that lished.'
have an uninrerrupted life ofsome thousands ofyears' (ibid.,8q); sothe suggestion rerms differ according to positionin rhe srarus hierarchy
that nannd for grandmother has similarly led a sub-literary existence over â "-?l::l:::9:kinship
ano arso appear to conserve their generar structure
over 10ng periods of time,
considerable perlod (Welsh ndin? or a Latin-derived source?) is perhaps not *rg: is always undergoing s-mall but important changãs. This affects
lltld
oruy specral modes of address (no Engrish child, I berieve,
not
beyond the realms of possibility. ,{.s'w'eekley obse¡ves in another essay, 'what we *ã,rt¿ still address his
relard as vulgarisms ãre usually older pronunciations which have been gradually father as 'sir') but also rhe form of th*e familiar kinship
t r^, (*u**y;;;;"
exle[ed by ihe printed word. Waps is not a corruption, but the legitimate mamma).It is posible that such changes occur
-or" fr.qu.orìy in ,íd;ä;*
deicendant of Anglo-Saxon utæpts' (ibid.' ¡¿¡). groups; with class mobfiry and mass communications, the usage of the upper
classes_ inwirably tends ro.spread downwards
15. Nancy Mitford, r95J, 'The English r{ristocracy', Encounter, September, 5, and, ;;h o;;e?-.år;;d:ä.
maintains túat between the upper middle and middle classes 'there is a very retention of exclusiveness demands the adoption of new ", forms.
definite border line, easily recognizable by hundreds of small but significant .z5..The
Negro Fanily ín Br¡tish Cuíana, iondon, 1956, r43.
This is not I think
landmarks.' See Evelyn Waugh's Pertinent criticism 'Ân Open Letter ' ' ' on a jiÎp]y an example of tekeisonymy (identificatio" .,"i;i;;;;;,;;"
Very Serious Subject', Encounter, December r95J, 13. YilF" "-fiUf¿r." E"gi;;;;;,
Ruey, 'Parenr-Child Idéntiiy in Kinshil Terminology,,
i

té. Abtr S. C. iloss, 'Linguistic Class-Indicators in Present-Day Enghsh', Bull' Bull. Ethnol. Soc. China, 1955, r, 4s_62), although th.r" ãre' irrsånces
of the ii
de ld soeíété néophilologíque de Helsinþi,ss, 1954, 20-56, part 9f which- is ¿ com- ;¡lat¡d nra;tlces of spouse-and-child identification"in English usage. A fr"rU*¿ I

mentary on R. W. õtop*"tt, Names, Designdtíons and Appellatíons, Society for ror example may refer to his mother-in-law as 'mothir"
difFe"rentiating her i

ærminologically from his own mother .Linguistic

Pure English, Tract No. 47, r%6, and upon J. Walker, Critieal Ptonouncíng þee Ross, Class_Indicators,, 3o).
Díctíonarl and. Exytosítor of the Englßh Language, London, r79r' 'W. See also H' C' chapman however solved.the delicare problem of aãdresing,ì"-1"*,
¡y ,l!i;.
Wyld, 'i'he Bæt Englßh, S.P.E. Tract, No. 39, t934, and R. Chapman, of teknonymy (child-identification): 'If I am obriged ro name
,,Granny,,
my mother-in-Iaw
dfuect, I
'Oxford' Englislr, S'P.E. Tract, No. 37, 1932. 1l-h:r, by inviration, ; ,olotio., not wholly satirø"tory, iot
,i. 'W."tt.y avoids this particulâr bias and points o't that'standard English'is ma4c posib.le by a nurseryatmosphej (Names, " Desígnations . .' . , 44). "
realiy what tËe üterary spècialists look upon as 'corrupt ðiùect' (Adjectíves-anil z{. of cgurse acring in a marernal role when ihe ,.d ;";h*-i;r
Q1 grand_
Other Words, r4o)' is dead. The difference between the upper and lower
-mother) ir'ilo.'rr"i.a
rg. Chapman iem"rks that neither dictionaries nor works of reference tell us by the two instances which I came across *t.iË "r"g"
ãorfrã, düì;;;
^"tt "r', called his mother,s
much about modes of address, even in 'good society'; which is one of the reasons young children. In the frst (upper) case, my "informant
why they can be so useful as class-indicators (1936,4r)' upbringer na2, shäwas ,o .-pioy..; in the other instance, my
rô. ftát" Canada I have a printed card with the words 'Happy Birthday, Nana'' rntormant calledl1o-wng,that
his mothef's foster-mother nan, tÍúrrktng that she *r,
hi, tr,rL
I should add that in English-speaking countries overseas, the less rigid system of grandparent.
250 25r
 Comytørative Sudies in Kinship

27. The divergence between what Samuel Johnson called 'regular and solemn'
forms on the one hand and 'cursory and colloquial' ones on the other fìrlly
crystallized only in the last two centuries; as Ernest'W'eekley observes in his essay
'Mrs. Gamp ¿nd the King's English', it was to a large extent a creation of the
printing press, of the development of a literary language in Elizabethan times and
ofthe rise ofprofessional orthoepists in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries.
Index
'Walker's Prcnouncing Díctíondry
At the end of that period, with the composition of
(r79r), 'educated speech had been more or less standardized and assimilated to the. Accra, boundary problems in, r4r_z Atwebenefe, ró, 17, 19
Iiterary langua ge' (Adjectíves-and Other Words, r4z)' Diferences in pronunciation ,{cephalous people, immigration Äustralian systems and double descent,
increasingly reflected soci¿l stratifìcation rather than regional distribution. Bqt the 1mong, r49-io, r59, 16r, t6B, r7r 97-ro6; double moiety organization,
different connotations of nanna appear to be linked with role differences in the r{da, the, ra5
9g-ror; marriage class systems, 99;
class hierarcþ which long antedate the changes that'Weekley is writing of.
,{dultery: comparative approach to, types of marriage regulation, 99-roo
13-38; classiûcation of heterosexual Auunculí potestas, 4c., 45, SB-9, 72,74,
offences, 23-5, 2g-g; defurition of r97
adultery and use of term, r4_rJ, rg_
19; with wives of kinsmen, z9_3o, Bahima, the, r57, r5B
36 Bairu, the, r5B
Affines, sexual intercourse with, rg_zz, Bambara, the, 165, zz5: kinshìp sys-
24, 28, 29, 3J; terms for, 236_9 tem, rj6
Affinity, 4S*7, 69, 84, tg6-7, 2o7, 2r7_ Banton, M., t67
2O,23r Barnes, J., zo8
.Qfrican Systems of Kínship anil Manìage, BaThonga of South Africa: mother's
40, IO7 brother and sister's son relationship,
Agni, the, and witchcraft, 7r
39, 4o, 54,56; patrilineal sociery, 5g,
,\kan, the, r2S, 45, r4r, r4z, :163: j9; ritual stealing, 4o, 56,64
kinship system, 156 Baumarur, H., r4o
Akwamu, the, r4r Beaglehole, E. and P., g8
Âkwapim atea, r2s-7 Beattie,J. H. M., 86
Àmbrym,97-9 Bekuone clu4 rzï, rz9
Ancestor worship, 66-8 Bela, the, r57
Ânkole, the, r5,J, t5B, :69, r7r Belo, to9
Ànuak, the, ofEastem Sudan, 95 Berewiele clan, rz9
Arabic language, r53 Bilateral descent, 9r-2
Àrand¿, the, roo Bilateral kinship, rB7, zzo,
Arbile, 5z-8, 6o,64, 67-8, 7t, 74
zzr, 226,
228
r{rmitage, C. H. 136 Bilinear groups, 92
,{mhem Land, ro5 Binger, L. G., ló4
Ashanti people of Ghana, r 5-zo, 22, 96, 'Biographical method', 42, 43
13ó, r5r, 166-9, t7S, zz3, zzg: and Black, Byzantiurr, z{ (Nadel),
4
double descent,98, roo, ro6-rr; and Sohannan, L. and P., 2rg,22o
intermarriage, rz7; arrd witchcraft, Bole zongo: case ofan urb¿n migration,
7r; incidence of horror, 23,254,3r; 16z-7r.; survey of marriages, 165_9;
investing capital in trade, 7o; matri- ta,bles, ry6-7
lined case, 16-zo,26,36, 5g, 59; ntoro, Bonnat, M. J., 163
ro7, T.og; sexual offences, t6-zo, 23; Bornu, the, 164
stratified lineages, 9j; tribal and Boundary problems: bars on inter-
household offences, 16; unilineal marúage, rz7, r 3z-g, r 37 ;bettothal in
descent, roz-3 infancy, r34; boundary-majntaining
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