Case Studies On Architecture and Economics of Public Housing

Bowling Green State University
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Spring 4-26-2022
Case Studies on Architecture and Economics of Public Housing

John Kent
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Case Studies on Architecture and Economics of Public Housing
John Kent
HONORS PROJECT
Submitted to the Honors College
at Bowling Green State University in partial fulfillment of
the requirements for graduation with
UNIVERSITY HONORS
April 27, 2022
_________________________________________
Dr. Thomas Edge, Department of Ethnic Studies
_________________________________________
Dr. Kerry Fan, School of Built Environment

1
Table of Contents
Introduction ……………………………………………………………………………………… 2
Overview of Public Housing …………………………………………………………………….. 5
Communal and Residential Involvement in Public Housing …………………………………... 12
Stigma of Poor Design in Public Housing ……………………………………………………... 24
Government Investment in Public Housing ……………………………………………………. 35
Conclusions ……………………………………………………………………...……………... 43
Acknowledgements …………………………………………………………………………….. 45
Bibliography …………………………………………………………………………………… 46
Image Bibliography ……………………………………………………………………………. 51

2
Introduction
Public housing has a troubled history to say the least. Many individuals view public
housing as a failed experiment and see the old images of endless blocks of repetitive brick and
concrete buildings that are devoid of character and wonder how anyone thought such projects
could work. However, these assumptions could not be further from the truth. Yes, some projects
carried stigmas of slums and were some individuals’ last resort. Yet, many residents remember
their time fondly. While many sites were neglected and fell into disrepair, investment into modern
projects has increased in some countries. Even though many projects faced constricting budgets
and, therefore, did not feature elaborate designs, some examples are preserved for their cultural
and architectural heritage. Public housing is complicated.
Public housing has not disappeared. Many new developments often include plans for
transient, voucher, or communal housing. The issues surrounding these projects are just as salient
now as they were seventy years ago when many of them were built. This paper will explore three
of the issues that public housing has faced since its inception, including:
1. Communal and residential involvement in public housing;
2. government investment in public housing; and
3. the stigma of poor design held by public housing.
The areas of research were chosen because they are issues that many researchers have
grappled with when studying various projects. The issues are also almost universally experienced
by all public housing projects, including the specific projects selected. Finally, as mentioned
previously, these are issues that public housing has faced in the past, is currently facing, and will
face well into the future.

3
Each of these issues will be explored through a few select case studies. The case studies
were selected largely due to their presence in academic research. Therefore, many of the projects
are historical in-nature. Care was taken to select projects from countries with different economic
systems so as not to limit the scope of research. The projects selected include:
1. Pruitt-Igoe in St. Louis, Missouri (1954);
2. Cabrini Green in Chicago, Illinois (1962);
3. Karl Marx Hof in Vienna, Austria (1930);
4. Caoyang New Village in Shanghai, China (1951); and
5. various Soviet housing projects in the former Soviet Union (1922-1991).
Before exploring these projects and topics, it is important to define a few terms. To begin,
“public housing” is a term often used to describe a variety of projects, and it can take on many
forms. Some definitions of public housing can be very technical and exclude low-income and
Section 8 housing. 1 The U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development explains that,
“Public housing was established to provide decent and safe rental housing for eligible low-income
families, the elderly, and persons with disabilities.” 2 The department also stresses that public
housing is very diverse and includes single-family residences and high-rise structures. 3 For the
purposes of this paper, “public housing” refers to any project that receives government funding or
subsidies for the purpose of housing working or low-income citizens. While broad, this definition
allows one to focus the scope of this paper and better select the case studies. It is also not limiting
and allows for the selection of projects outside of the United States. Another term that may be
more difficult to define is “successful.” When discussing public housing, what makes a project
1
Chenault, The Unseen Politics of Urban Housing, 3.
2
U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development. “Public Housing.”
3
U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development.
4
“successful?” Successful public housing can be determined as a project that allows its residents to
become economically able to leave it or a project that creates an attractive, safe, and stable
community where residents want to stay. 4 In the context of this research, “successful” means that
a project benefitted the residents living within it and that residents enjoyed their time in the housing
project. While this term may seem generous by not making economic or architectural
considerations, it affectively encapsulates the goal of public housing: to help the working class.
Therefore, the success of projects explored in this paper will be judged by this definition.
Before starting this research, it is also important to understand its limits. As previously
stated, public housing is a complex issue that is affected by architectural, economical, and
sociological factors. It would be arrogant to believe that this paper would be able to explore all
these factors. Nor does this paper intend to “solve” public housing. The purpose of this paper is to
explore a few select public housing projects from different geographic regions with the lens of a
few specific questions. One can hope that this approach may reveal connections among these
projects that can allow one to view them and public housing in a new light.
4
Bloom, Umbach, and Vale, Public Housing Myths, 150-151.
5
Overview of Public Housing
A Few General Characteristics of Public Housing
To begin, it is important to have a basic understanding of public housing in general as well
as the specific projects being discussed.
While there are earlier examples of public housing, the projects being explored in this
research were designed and constructed in the early and mid-twentieth century. In the United
States, public housing was spurred by President Franklin Delano Roosevelt, who announced at the
beginning of his second term in 1937:
“I see one-third of a nation ill-housed, ill-clad, ill-nourished … The
test of our progress is not whether we add more to the abundance of
those who have much; it is whether we provide enough for those
who have too little.” 5
FDR believed the private housing market had failed the US working class, so in 1933 he
established the federal Housing Division under the Public Works Administration. 6 Many public
housing projects served a dual purpose by also providing jobs to many unemployed Americans
under FDR’s New Deal programs, which were intended to jumpstart several industries following
the Great Depression. 7 However, some viewed public housing as socialist and anti-American. 8
These feelings that public housing was socialist in nature were not unfounded. Many
socialist leaning governments, such Vienna, Austria and the Soviet Union, were also constructing
public housing projects. Following WWII, this construction would rapidly increase in the Soviet
5
Austen and Gordon, High-risers, 16.
6
Austen and Gordon, 16.
7
Austen and Gordon, 34-35.
8
6
Union and spread to China. 9 In the US, support and funding for public housing would begin to
waver and many projects would succumb to “bottom-line thinking” (only considering economic
costs and benefits), racial segregation, and other challenges. 10
The fact that public housing was utilized by several nations demonstrates that it was not
conceived or constructed in a vacuum. It was viewed by many urban planners as a utopian ideal
that would bring cities and societies into a future where the working class would have access to
housing, parks, medicine, and many other civic services. 11 Public housing would also impact many
other fields of research, including urban planning, architecture, and economics.
Pruitt-Igoe
Pruitt-Igoe, located in St. Louis Missouri, was designed by Minoru Yamasaki of the
architectural firm Leinweber, Yamasaki, and Hellmuth, perhaps best known for the design of the
original World Trade Center in New York City . 12 Following St. Louis’ segregation laws, Pruitt-
Igoe was intended to be a segregated community. 13 Black residents would live in the buildings
named after Wendell O. Pruitt, an
African American fighter pilot, while
white residents would live in the
buildings named after William L. Igoe, a
former U.S. Congressman. 14 However,

Figure 1: The high-rise towers of Pruitt-Igoe (United States
desegregation of the project led many
Geological Survey).
9
Wang, Zhang, and Sun, “Valuing Workers’ Housing as Heritage,” 522; Kern & Bolay, “Participatory Processes,”
215; Lu, Remaking Chinese Urban Form, 31.
10
11
Bloom, Umbach, and Vale, 7-8.
12
Graaf, “Coup de Grace,” 406.
13
Bloom, Umbach, and Vale, Public Housing Myths, 37; Graff, 407.
14
Graff, 407.
7
white residents to forfeit their place in the development, leaving it as a mainly black
neighborhood. 15 Racial homogeny and racial quotas, which required a certain number of white and
black residents, would be a continuing issue for many public housing projects in the United
States. 16
Construction was completed in 1954 and the project was initially hailed as a success. 17 An
aerial view of the project can be seen in figure one. However, vacancy rates and crime soon
skyrocketed, leading to its demolition in the 1970’s. 18 Since its destruction, researchers have
debated the reasons behind its failure by blaming its design, government involvement, and the
character of its residents. A few of these ideas will be discussed later in the paper.
Cabrini Green
Located in Chicago, Illinois, Cabrini Green was built in several phases. The first phase was
completed in 1942 and consisted of a group of rowhouses. 19 These original houses were named
after Mother Francesca Cabrini, a Chicago nun who worked among the poor Italian immigrants in
the neighborhood. 20 The units were designed for working class families and veterans (following
the attack on Pearl Harbor) who had to meet minimum income requirements that were rather high
for the area. 21
Under architect Lawrence Amstadter, the project was expanded to include 15 towers. 22 The
project grew again in 1962 with the completion of the William Green Homes, named after the
15
Bloom, Umbach, and Vale, Public Housing Myths, 37.
16
Austen and Gordon, High Risers, 33.
17
Graff, “Coup de Grace,” 407-408; Montgomery, “Pruitt-Igoe: Policy Failure or Societal Symptom,” 234.
18
Graff, 409-410; Montgomery, 234.
19
20
21
22
Austen and Gordon, 21-22, 24-25.
8
longtime leader of the American Federation of Labor. 23 It was at this point that the project adopted
the name Cabrini Green and consisted of 3,600 units on only 70 acres of land. 24 Figure two is an
artist’s depiction of the site.
Like Pruitt-Igoe, Cabrini Green would
struggle with racial homogeny and crime. 25 These
factors would lead to the demolition and
redevelopment of the area beginning in 1999 and
lasting until the 2010’s. 26 However, the
destruction would be delayed due to the 2008
housing crisis and lawsuits from residents

Figure 2: Aerial illustration of Cabrini Green
27 (Austen).
concerning their relocation.
Karl Marx Hof
Located in Vienna, Austria, Karl
Marx Hof was designed by Karl Ehn and
completed in 1930. 28 Figure three shows the
façade of the building. It was constructed at
a time when many illegal settlements were
being built outside of Vienna by workers
Figure 3: Karl Marx Hof in Vienna, Austria (Art

Kowalsky/Alamy).
23
24
25
Austen and Gordon, 33 & 41.
26
27
Austen and Gordon, 280 & 284.
28
Medina. “Social Democracy and Housing Policies,” 30.
9
without housing.29 As a result, many individuals urged the local government for the creation of
municipal housing. 30
Karl Marx Hof and other projects celebrated many socialist ideals. Outside of providing
housing and jobs to thousands of citizens, 31 many projects were built in historical neighborhoods
often associated with the bourgeois. 32 Furthermore, the lessons of Karl Marx Hof and similar
projects informed other public housing projects and continue to influence public housing projects
today.
Caoyang New Village
Caoyang New Village was the first workers
village built in Shanghai, China. 33 The village was
constructed in 1951 to provide housing to the city’s
many industrial workers. 34 Construction was
completed in nine phases, with each phase including
a new village (villages one through nine). 35 The
entire site encompasses 180 hectares and is made up Figure 4: Village 1 of Caoyang New Village
(Wang, Zhang, & Sun).
of 32,000 households to shelter over 100,000
people. 36 The project was often used to demonstrate the success of communism in China.37
29
Medina, 23-24.
30
Medina, 24.
31
Medina, 28.
32
Medina, 26-28.
33
Liu, “Stakeholder Analysis,” 19
34
Kern and Bolay. “Participatory Processes,” 521.; Liu, 18-19; Wang, Zhang, and Sun. “Valuing Workers’ Housing
as Heritage,” 521.
35
Wang, Zhang, and Sun, 520.
36
37
Duyn, “Building Socialist Shanghai,” 160; Wang, Zhang, and Sun, 521-22.
10
The project is a rare example of a public housing that has been preserved. This is largely
because Village One, which is shown in figure four, received heritage status. 38 However, this status
complicates the lives of the citizens living in the village. 39 The buildings on the site are falling into
disrepair, and many residents are forced to share bathrooms and kitchens due to the original design
of the project remaining relatively unchanged. 40
Soviet Housing
After the creation of the Soviet Union in 1922, numerous housing projects spread across
the country to house its millions of citizens. 41 Many of these buildings remain and have been
heavily criticized for their repetitive and imposing designs. 42 Researchers argue this analysis is
biased and oversimplified due to the many architectural styles and ideas utilized in Soviet
architecture. 43 One example is an apartment building on Novinskii Boulevard in Moscow, which
is shown in figure five. Completed in 1930, the
building made use of natural light and cross-
ventilation. 44 It also experimented with wide
corridors and an occupiable roof as communal and
social areas. 45 Another example is an apartment
building on Begovaia Street in Moscow, which Figure 5: Apartment Building on Novinskii Boulevard
in Moscow completed in 1930 (Ryabushin & Smolina).
can be seen in figure six. Completed in 1975, its
38
39
Wang, Zhang, and Sun.
40
Liu, “Stakeholders Analysis,” 21-22.
41
Ryabusher and Smolina, Landmarks of Soviet Architecture, 30 & 71; Schmertz. “Architecture USSR,” 93.
42
Ryabushin and Smolina, 71; Schmertz, 95.
43
Ryabushin and Smolina.
44
Ryabushin and Smolina, 100.
45
11
design went against many of the Soviet norms of the time. 46 The design was
also intended to draw the attention of travelers from the nearby highway
and airport. 47
Soviet housing and neighborhood planning spread to influence
other projects outside of the Soviet Union. One project was Caoyang New
Village amongst others in China.48 One could also argue that Soviet
influence even spread to the United States with its many high-rise public
housing projects. However, these similarities may simply be coincidental.

Figure 6: Apartment
Building on Begovaia
Street in Moscow
completed in 1975
(Ryabushin & Smolina).
46
47
48
Wang, Zhang, and Sun, “Valuing Workers’ Housing as Heritage,” 522; Kern & Bolay, “Participatory Processes,”
215; Lu, Remaking Chinese Urban Form, 31.
12
Communal and Residential Involvement in Public Housing
Importance of Involvement
The next topic to be discussed in this paper is communal and residential involvement,
which refers to contributions residents made to the public housing projects in which they lived and
the communities that grew within them. While many individuals would probably agree that
communities are important, few may be able to explain why.
Jane Jacobs examines the importance of community
in her book The Death and Life of Great American Cities.
Jacobs explores many aspects of urban and community
design, including the creation of slums. Jacobs, pictured in
figure seven, writes, “The key link in a perpetual slum is
that too many people move out of it too fast – and in the
meantime dream of getting out.” 49 In other words, a

Figure 7: Jane Jacobs in 1969 (Elliott
continual exodus of residents is unable to significantly Erwitt / Magnum and John J. Burns
Library, Boston College).
impact and improve their community. This idea relates
directly to public housing. While residents may want to
remain in their communities, as can be seen in Cabrini
Green residents fighting against relocation and demolition,
housing authorities often encourage or even force residents
to leave. 50 Many projects have maximum income levels

Figure 8: Elizabeth Wood (Chicago Public
that once residents reach force them to move out. 51 Housing Authority).
49
Jacobs, The Death and Life of Great American Cities, 354.
50
51
13
Elizabeth Wood, the executive director of the Chicago Housing Authority and shown in figure
eight, told residents moving out of Cabrini Green, “Be proud to move out, so that a lower-income
family can have the advantage that you have had.” 52
Outside of harming the community within the development, this way of thinking can cause
residents to see public housing as something that should be avoided. Residents may find it difficult
to take pride in their community if the overall objective is to leave it. 53 However, despite these
efforts, strong communities have formed in public housing projects and residents have become
increasingly involved in them.
Lack of Involvement in Early Projects
Communal and residential involvement, like
many aspects of public housing, has a rather lengthy and
complicated history. Public housing projects of the early
and mid-20th century rarely worked to engage their
residents or community. To step back further to a larger
field, urban planning rarely kept residents in mind. Early Figure 9: Robert Moses with a model showing
a proposed bridge to connect Battery Park
and mid-20th century planners followed a more top-down with Brooklyn (Bettmann/Corbis).
planning approach. Planners such as Robert Moses, pictured in figure nine with a proposed project
for New York City, were more focused on the grand image of the modern city rather than the
residents they were displacing or for who they were building. 54 As many researchers have noted,
these planners began to shape the city for the automobile. 55 Cities and public housing projects were
52
53
54
Walser, “A Tale of Two Planners.”
55
Walser.
14
constructed under the guise of “blight removal,” or the erasure of unsightly or unpleasant areas of
the city. 56 Neighborhoods that were considered slums and tenant housing were claimed by the city
and redeveloped. 57 These neighborhoods were often home to high percentages of minorities.58
This percentage existed for many years before redevelopment and was caused by racial segregation
and redlining, which worked to keep minorities out of white neighborhoods by restricting bank
loans to them and justifying it by labeling them as high risk. 59
Cabrini Green was constructed on
former “slums” largely populated by black
residents. 60 The demolition of Mill Creek
Valley, one such “slum,” in St. Louis, Missouri
is shown in figure ten. In other cities, such as
Philadelphia, public housing was mainly seen as
a home for residents displaced by slum removal Figure 10: Aftermath of the demolition of Mill Creek
Valley in St. Louis, Missouri (Schmitt).
and redevelopment. 61 Some cities, afraid of
racial homogeny, attempted to maintain a certain percentage of white tenants in public housing,
but this practice often resulted in black residents, some of whom had been dislocated by
redevelopment projects, being rejected. 62
The top-down planning approach was arguable the norm in many spheres of urban planning
and redevelopment. With the industrial revolution, cities began to grow rapidly as workers moved
56
Boger, “Cincinnati’s Urban Redevelopment,” 252-253; Akers, et al. “Redefining the City and Demolishing the
Rest,” 211; Deloach and DeRose, “Urban Renewal and Mill Creek Valley.”
57
Boger, 252-253; Deloach and DeRose.
58
Boger, 249-250; Deloach and DeRose.
59
Boger, 252; Taylor, Race for Profit, 4.
60
Austen and Gordon, High Risers, 21-22.
61
62
15
to urban areas to find work in factories. 63 With a rapidly growing urban population came new
issues, such as disease brought on by overcrowding, unsanitary conditions, and pollution. 64 Urban
redevelopment, while destructive, worked to remedy these issues. 65 These events are not isolated
to the United States. Paris underwent extensive demolition and reconstruction under Emperor
Napoleon III and his Prefect for the Seine, George-Eugène Haussmann, in the mid-to-late 19th
century. 66 Similar to other city planners of the time, Haussmann’s redevelopment of Paris focused
on modernizing the city by providing clean water, a proper sewer system, gas lines for streetlamps,
and easier mobility. 67 However, Haussmann was also focused on propagating a grander and more
modern vision of Paris with wide and straight boulevards. 68 Outside of aesthetics, these boulevards
were designed to prevent residents from blockading streets to prevent the movement of the French
military throughout the city as was common with the narrow medieval streets as seen in
revolutionary Paris. 69
Many 20th century planners were also heavily influenced by the City Beautiful
Movement. 70 The movement sought to modernize cities by using neo-classical architecture,
improved streets, street furniture, and overall organization with the hope of creating a sense of
urban pride to encourage residents to become involved in their cities and work harder. 71 Daniel
Burnham’s World Exhibition in Chicago, or “The White City,” was largely the catalyst and model
for the movement. 72 Despite its influence, the movement fell from popularity and was seen by
63
City Beautiful, “A Brief History of U.S. City Planning;” Urban Planning Explained, “The (Brief) History of
Urban Planning.”
64
City Beautiful; Urban Planning Explained.
65
City Beautiful.
66
Glancey, “The Man Who Created Paris.”
67
Glancey.
68
Glancey.
69
Glancey.
70
City Beautiful, “A Brief History of U.S. City Planning.”
71
City Beautiful; Wilson, City Beautiful Movement, 1 & 4.
72
City Beautiful.
16
many as a “… superficial, costly concern for urban embellishment.” 73 The City Beautiful
Movement also involved the destruction of large parts of cities. 74
Evidenced by the way the city viewed poor areas, as eyesores, the residents in these
communities were not involved or consulted in the planning of many redevelopment projects or
public housing projects in many American cities. These projects were essentially forced onto these
communities. However, that is not to say they were entirely unwelcomed.
Public housing was seen as a step up for many of its residents, especially African American
residents. 75 In 1960, the U.S. Housing and Home Finance Agency reported that 27% of “nonwhite”
dwellings were overcrowded and 13% were seriously overcrowded. 76 In comparison, only 8% of
white dwellings were overcrowded and only 2.4% were seriously overcrowded. 77 This
overcrowding led to high rates of disease in African American and minority communities.78
Furthermore, the housing available to African Americans was often old and dangerous, including
being prone to fire. 79 Many public housing projects offered families more space to grow, indoor
plumbing, and modern kitchen appliances. 80 However, it is important for one to remember that
public housing was often the only housing available for low-income African Americans. 81
Nevertheless, these individuals still worked to shape their communities.
73
Wilson, City Beautiful Movement, 2.
74
City Beautiful, “A Brief History of U.S. City Planning.”
75
Bloom and Vale, Public Housing Myths, 140.
76
Helper, Racial Policies and Practices, 5-6.
77
Helper, 5-6.
78
Helper, 9.
79
Helper, 4.
80
Graaf, “Coup de Grace,” 408.
81
Helper, Racial Policies and Practices, 4.
17
Gradual Involvement as Projects Developed
While public housing residents were and continue to be diverse, in the mid-20th century,
families made up a large portion of tenants. 82 As a result, many women, specifically black women,
worked to improve public housing projects and make them feel more like homes. 83 For example,
public housing projects in Philadelphia saw residents benefitting their homes in small ways, such
as hanging pictures and scavenging rugs, and large ways, such as organizing community watch
groups. 84 Unfortunately, many of these efforts were discouraged by housing managers, who sought
conformity and control within the projects. 85 Similar efforts could be found in Cabrini Green,
where residents organized citizen patrols of laundry rooms that had been subject to vandalism.86
Residents also began campaigning the local government for an increased police presence,
programs and facilities for their children, and improved maintenance. 87 As can be seen, residents
were taking an interest in and a responsibility for their community. Dolores Wilson, a Cabrini
Green resident, perhaps best encapsulates this ideology by saying, “It doesn’t matter where you
are. It’s after you put your fingerprint on it. Then it's your home.” 88 For many people, public
housing was their home, and they wanted to take care of it.
However, this line of thinking conflicts with the idea of public housing as temporary
housing. As was mentioned earlier in the paper, many residents were forced out of public housing
once their income reached a certain level. Public housing was seen as transient housing, not a
permanent home. 89 However, as was explained by Jane Jacobs, a strong community cannot form
82
83
Bloom, Umbach, and Vale, 224.
84
Bloom, Umbach and Vale, 231.
85
Bloom , Umbach, and Vale, 231.
86
Austen and Gordon, High Risers, 41-42.
87
88
89
18
in a temporary environment. It would be equivalent to trying to make friends on two moving
sidewalks traveling in opposite directions.
Despite this conflict, strong communities did form in public housing projects. Perhaps the
best example is Cabrini Green, as previously mentioned. In fact, Cabrini Green is most well-known
for its community. Community members organized after school programs to help keep children
safe and off the streets. 90 A youth clean-up crew from the Robert Taylor Homes, a nearby public
housing project, is pictured in figure eleven. In part because of such communication among
residents and programs, many residents recalled that many community members knew each and
looked out for each other, which created strong safety nets. The communal safety nets found in
Cabrini Green and many other public housing projects connect with the research of Eric
Klinenberg, who argues for the importance of communal connections. Klinenberg notes that strong
communities are not necessarily the wealthiest. 91 This is the result of communal connections or
lack thereof. 92 In other words, safe communities exist where neighbors check in on each other and
work to help one another. 93 These connections
are even more important for the elderly,
handicapped, or those that may need help getting
around. 94 This occurrence was most likely found
in Cabrini Green and contributed to the
residents’ sense of community, a community that
even endured high crime rates and the Figure 11: A youth clean-up crew in front of the Robert
Taylor Homes (Chicago Housing Authority).
90
91
Klinenberg, Palaces for the People, 3.
92
Klinenberg, 5-6.
93
Klinenberg, 6.
94
Klinenberg, 6.
19
demolition of their homes. Residents joined forces to delay the demolition of Cabrini Green until
new units of public housing could be built. 95 This strong sense of community can even be found
in media relating to the project, including the horror movie Candyman. 96
Despite the destruction of Cabrini Green and other Chicago public housing project, former
residents still work to maintain their communal bonds. Many former residents participate in
reunion block parties to reminiscence about their time in the projects as well as connect with old
friends. 97
Improved Involvement in Surviving and Modern Projects
Residents within public housing care deeply about their communities. So, how can
governments and officials work to strengthen residents’ influence? This question leads to a few
modern examples of communal involvement in public housing and planning.
To begin, many governments and planners are moving away from top-down city planning,
or planning by designers without resident consideration, and working to engage the community in
the design process. This change can be seen in modern city masterplans, which often contain data
and testimonials collected from residents. One example is a redevelopment plan for the west side
of Dayton, Ohio. 98 Communal involvement in the redevelopment of working-class neighborhoods
and those containing public housing projects often involves discussions between planners and
inhabitants. Many projects try to involve occupants through town hall type meetings where they
are asked for input on proposals. Often these meetings offer planners valuable insight into what
tenants value in their community, what they want to see changed, and what they will not allow.
95
96
Rose, Candyman.
97
Bowean, “Former Chicago Public Housing Residents.”
98
Urban Design Associates, “West Dayton Neighborhoods Vision.”
20
These meetings are an integral step for planners, who are often outsiders to the community, to
enter it in a respectful manner and work to improve the neighborhood. Communities will change,
but they must change in a natural way.
One former public housing project undergoing change is Caoyang New Village in
Shanghai, China. The renovation of the project has close ties to modern and historic ideas of
community planning. As mentioned previously, community planning has historically been seen as
a top-down approach in many countries. Planners would exert their ideas on a community with
little regard for the individuals living there. Following WWII, this method of planning led to
protests from residents. 99 These protests can be seen in Europe’s reconstruction and the United
States as cities were redeveloped. 100 Historically, Jane Jacobs and many other community leaders
protested this form of planning. 101 This pushback led to more communal planning that involved
planners consulting residents about proposals. 102 However, residents would not become fully
involved in the planning process until much more recently. 103 In these cases, residents can directly
communicate communal issues to planners, react to designs, and even propose designs of their
own. 104 This type of planning is not found in many projects, such as Caoyang New Village, due to
lack of communication among stakeholders. 105
This shift in planning, from top-down to bottom-up, can be attributed to changes in urban
design theory, which will be discussed later. However, it can also be partially attributed to a new
understanding of divulging city services. For example, in Shanghai, officials have begun to
understand the value of communal planning. In 2011, officials in Shanghai published a plan to
99
Kern and Bolay, “Participatory Processes,” 211.
100
Kern and Bolay, 211.
101
Flint, Wrestling with Moses, 137-180.
102
103
104
105
Liu, “Stakeholders Analysis,” 45-46.
21
begin having neighborhoods provide essential services. 106 This shift will allow residents and their
services to be closer together and more interconnected. Shanghai’s master plan of 2017 to 2035
aims to ensure employment, education, healthcare, recreation, and other services are within a 15-
minute walk for all residents. 107 Shanghai’s neighborhood plans are very similar to the urban
village idea. As described by planners involved with the “Forward Toledo” exploratory assessment
for Toledo, Ohio, an urban village,
“… differ from other areas [of a city] because it has been formed by
the close proximity [sic] and collection of resources, amenities and
services. Ideally found within walking distance, such locations are
complemented by generous open spaces and streetscapes that foster
interconnectivity.” 108
Urban villages are a growing trend in many cities around the world to decrease commutes and
subsequent pollution. 109
Another example of improved communal involvement in public housing can be found in
Vienna, Austria, home to Karl Marx Hof. Residents in some Austrian projects can become
involved in the design phase of their projects. 110 Residents work as a group to determine what
amenities should be included in the projects, such as playgrounds for their children. 111 This high-
level of involvement can be partially attributed to the many rights renters have in Vienna, which
are significantly higher than the rights of renters in the United States. 112 While this level of
106
Liu, 1-2.
107
Liu, 2.
108
SmithGroup, “Forward Toledo,” 132.
109
Gabbe, Kevane, and Sundstrom, “The Effects of an ‘Urban Village.’”
110
Holeywell, “Haus Beautiful,” 33.
111
Holeywell, 33.
112
Holeywell, 33.
22
involvement may not be possible in every modern public housing project, involvement of the
community in some aspect of the planning process is likely to decrease pushback from residents.
The involvement of the community in management programs can also help instill a
connection between residents and officials. Many public housing projects have resident councils
comprised of residents of the project. 113 The organizations work with residents to determine needs
and help create laws and policies for the project accordingly. 114 In theory, these organizations
should work to create a stronger communal bond. 115 However, Tiffany Chenault, a doctor of
sociology who studied a council in one public housing project, found that they are in need of
support, finance, and training to more effectively serve their communities. 116
Reflections on Communal and Residential Involvement
Reflecting upon the ideas of communal and
residential involvement in public housing allows one to
draw a few conclusions. First, community is essential
for a project to be successful. Strong communal bonds
will allow a project to feel safer for its residents.
Discouraging this community development by forcing Figure 12: Planners and residents discuss
areas in West Dayton, Ohio, where new
residents to move or exhibiting power-hungry rules is development is being proposed (Urban Design
Associates).
ineffective. Communities will grow regardless, so officials should encourage and nurture this
growth rather than work against it, which will be explored further in subsequent sections of the
paper.
113
Gayle, The Unseen Politics of Public Housing, 7.
114
Gayle, 7.
115
Gayle, 7.
116
Gayle, 99.
23
Next, planners and designers should work to involve the community in planning decisions.
Doing this should reduce pushback from residents during renovations or redevelopment. More
importantly, this communal involvement can open planners’ eyes to issues or ideas of which they
were unaware. Figure twelve shows one such meeting between planners and residents for a
redevelopment in Dayton, Ohio.
Above all, projects should be planned with individuals and communities in mind and with
their involvement. Projects should respond to these groups, which should not be forced to respond
to these projects. It is at this point that design becomes involved, which will be discussed in the
next section.
24
Stigma of Poor Design in Public Housing
Stereotypes of Public Housing Design
As mentioned in the introduction, public housing carries a stigma of poor design. For many
people, public housing conjures images of repetitive blocks of concrete towers devoid of character.
Many projects are also seen as derelict and falling apart due to shoddy construction and age.
Furthermore, some blame vacancy and high crime rates on the design of public housing. Upon
initial viewing, many public housing projects seem to validate this viewpoint. However, these
assumptions are not entirely true.
The purpose of this section is to analyze the design of public housing projects and
determine what impact, if any, the designs had on their relative success. Before analyzing the
design of public housing, it is important to understand that public housing, like all architecture,
encompasses a large array of styles. It is not within the scope of this paper to analyze every
architectural style. Therefore, this paper will focus on the styles utilized by the selected projects.
To begin, many public housing projects were constructed in a time when Modernism, or
International style, was at its peak. 117 Pruitt-Igoe was built in the Modernist style and Cabrini
Green shares many of its characteristics. 118 The catalyst for Modernist architecture was largely
from architect Le Corbusier’s and his Villa Savoye project. 119 The home was designed following
Le Corbusier’s Five Principles, which sought to design buildings for the industrialized world.120
Buildings of this style often feature ground ground-floors reserved for vehicles, floorplans and
117
Fiederer, “Pruitt-Igoe Housing Project;” Royal Institute of British Architects, “Modernism.”
118
Fieder; Bloom, Umbach, and Vale, Public Housing Myths, 50-51.
119
ArchDaily, “The 5 Points of Modern Architecture;” Fieder; Stinga and Gonzalez, “Villa Savoye”
120
Stinga and Gonzalez.
25
facades unencumbered by structure, large windows, and minimal
decorative elements. 121 While Pruitt-Igoe and other public housing
projects do not share all of these characteristics, they do follow the
philosophy of another one Le Corbusier’s projects, Unité
d’Habitation (shown in figure thirteen) that consisted of a slab
structure and long, elevated gallery-like hallways. 122
The architecture of public housing, with its Modernist and

Figure 13: Le Corbusier's Unité
International styles, does connect with research on hostile d’Habitation (Vriendt)
architecture and liminal spaces. Hostile or defensive architecture is when public or civic spaces
are designed to discourage loitering. 123 One of the most revealing examples of this type of design
are benches that are uncomfortable to sit on and/or impossible to lie on. 124 These designs are meant
to improve public safety but have been criticized for targeting homeless people and making public
spaces uninviting. 125 Similarly, liminal space is a term that some researchers have applied to
architectural styles that appear to be unaffected by local culture, such as supermodernism. 126 These
spaces lack a sense of belonging and instead celebrate technology and function. 127 Examples are
often found in airports, shopping malls, and office buildings. 128 While many public housing
projects are older than the common examples of liminal spaces, the forced conformity and lack of
individuality in the projects could be categorized as liminal spaces. However, not all public
housing projects are without character and community.
121
Stinga and Gonzalez; Royal Institute of British Architects, “Modernism.”
122
Fiederer, “Pruitt-Igoe Housing Project.”
123
Iilluminaughtii, “Hostile Architecture.”
124
Iilluminaughtii..
125
Iilluminaughtii..
126
Hicks, “The Architecture of Liminal Space.”
127
Hicks.
128
Hicks.
26
Other projects, such as Karl Marx Hof, Soviet housing, and Caoyang New Village made
use of other styles. Karl Marx Hof utilized the Viennese super-block and was criticized by some
for its un-modern design. 129 Soviet housing, while repetitive, made use of unique styles and
changed as time progressed and different materials became available. 130 Caoyang New Village
separates itself from more Soviet-inspired projects by utilizing the American planning idea of the
“neighborhood unit” of the 1920’s. 131 As can be seen, not all public housing was designed the
same. While many projects chose functionality over intricate design, care was still taken.
The Necessity of High-Rise Construction
One common criticism of public housing design is the use of high-rises, as can be found in
Pruitt-Igoe, Cabrini Green, and Soviet housing. However, why were high rises used in the first
place? First, one must understand that high-rise construction was seen as a necessity in public
housing. To illustrate, Minouri Yamasaki, the designer of Pruitt-Igoe, originally intended for most
of the project to be taken up by townhouses, mid-rise structures, and only a few high-rise towers. 132
However, budget constraints forced him to revise his plans to include almost entirely high-rise
construction. 133
Budget constraints also forced high-rise construction onto other cities, including Chicago.
Cabrini Green is one example. High-rise construction was seen as almost a necessary evil by
Elizabeth Wood, who ran the Chicago Housing Authority from 1937 to 1954. 134 Wood believed
that high-rise construction could be detrimental to families. 135 In her, and many individuals’ minds,
129
Medina, “Social Democracy and Housing Policies,” 29-30.
130
Ryabushin and Smolina, Landmarks of Soviet Architecture.
131
Wang, Zhang, and Sun, “Valuing Workers’ Housing as Heritage,” 522.
132
133
134
135
27
the ideal American home featured a yard or
sidewalk for children to play within sight of their
parents. 136 This supervision is more difficult in
high-rise projects, where children and parents must
use elevators and stairs to travel to street level and
then walk to a nearby park, as can be seen in figure
fourteen. 137 The importance of child supervision

Figure 14: Young residents in Stateway Gardens, a
high-rise public housing project in Chicago, using
will be further examined shortly. However, high- the elevator to get to street level (Chicago Public
Housing Authority).
rise development meant that more units could be
built on less land. 138 Additionally, high-rise buildings meant that not all the area was used for
construction. 139 Some land could be reserved for parks and communal spaces. 140 Perhaps Wood’s
thoughts on high-rise construction can be summarized with the following quote, “We no longer
had power to select where projects were going to go, and we had very little space to work with, so
we had to go to the high-rises.” 141
The idea of high-rise public housing was largely started in New York City. 142 One may
believe that this implementation is only natural given New York City’s lengthy history with
skyscrapers. 143 However, when these projects were initially constructed, in the 1950’s, skyscrapers
and other high-rises mainly served the wealthy. 144 Nevertheless, high-rise public housing projects
became financially feasible for several reasons, including maximizing the amount of residents per
136
137
138
Bloom, Public Housing That Worked, 9 & 45; Bloom, Umbach, and Vale, 20-21
139
140
141
Austen and Gorden, High Risers, 39.
142
Bloom, Public Housing That Worked, 45.
143
Bloom, 45.
144
Bloom, 45.
28
acre and spreading cost of construction over
more units to lower the cost of producing each
individual unit.145 Knickerbocker Village,
shown in figure fifteen, became the model for
most high-rise construction in New York
City. 146
Figure 15: Knickerbocker Village (1934) became the model
for high-rise public housing in New York City (La Guardia
Wagner Archive / NYCHA Photograph Collection).
Garden City and Separating from the Urban Street Edge
While high-rise construction has many incentives, it also creates many challenges. One
challenge is the structures begin to block sunlight and to hold significantly more residents despite
the sidewalks and public spaces having a limited capacity for activity. As a result, designers began
to implement the idea of garden cities popularized by modernist architects Walter Gropius and Le
Corbusier. 147 The idea of tall buildings dotting green parks where children could play and residents
could relax was appealing to many urban planners trying to bring nature back into the city. 148
Figure sixteen is an illustration of Le
Corbusier’s “Radiant City,” which exhibited
such ideals. Similarly, the European Haus model
featured large courtyards that provided semi-

Figure 16: Ville radieuse by Le Corbusier utilized the
tower in the garden design approach (Le Corbusier).
public space, or space open to residents of the
145
Bloom, 9 & 45; Bloom, Umbach and Vale, Public Housing Myths, 20-21.
146
Bloom, 54-55.
147
Bloom, 47.
148
Bloom, 54-55.
29
Haus but separated from the street edge and rest of the city. 149 This courtyard centered design style
can be seen in Karl Marx Hof.
While the concept of the garden city has many promising aspects, it also has drawbacks
that must be acknowledged. The largest drawback is the separation between these projects and the
urban street edge.
Connection to the urban street edge is something that modern planners and architects strive
to preserve for a very good reason. Figure seventeen is a sketch of an active street edge to teach
architecture students the importance of engaging the sidewalk. Jane Jacobs wrote at length about
the importance of this connection. Specifically, she was concerned about a community’s access to
sidewalks. While it may sound backward by modern standards, Jane Jacobs argued that the streets,
or their sidewalks, were a great place for children to play. 150 Sidewalks offer a place where children
can play under the supervision of adults. 151 This supervision can come from a child’s parents, other
parents, or other adults living in the neighborhood. 152 As a
result, children learn that adults feel a sense of public
responsibility to keep them safe, and the children learn do
the same for others as they mature. 153 Jacobs also saw this
communal supervision economically. The adults already
living in a community can provide more supervision than
the city could provide through hiring more teachers, Figure 17: Illustration depicting the
importance of maintaining a street edge to
encourage activity and movement
guards, librarians, or social workers. 154 (Frederick).
149
Medina, “Social Democracy and Housing Policies,” 30.
150
151
Jacobs, 98.
152
Jacobs, 98.
153
Jacobs, 108-109.
154
Jacobs, 106-107.
30
Despite Jacob’s concerns, the Garden City does have its supporters, such as Radburn, New
Jersey. Planned and built in the 1920’s and 1930’s, Radburn is a suburban development with ample
public greenspace and walking paths. 155 As a result, residents are less car dependent. 156 The
community also has significantly reduced traffic fatalities, potentially due to its use of cul-de-
sacs. 157 Radburn does not discredit Jacob’s theories on the importance of sidewalks, but it does
demonstrate that there are alternatives to her ideas. One may also note that the Garden City
Movement aimed largely to abandon the city. 158 Conversely, Jacob’s theories were fighting to save
the city.
Shifting focus back to Jacobs, she
believed that many public housing projects had
lost their connection to the street edge, which had
led to increased levels of crime. 159 Some high-
rise buildings attempted to replace this
connection with elevated gallery corridors, as
shown in figure eighteen. 160 However, these
spaces could become dangerous due to crime,
which happened in Pruitt-Igoe. 161 One may be
quick to point out that these projects have ample Figure 18: Some high-rise projects attempted to create
elevated sidewalks as a replacement for the traditional
green spaces and parks. However, Jacobs pointed street edge (Harry Callahan / Chicago Public Housing
Authority).
out that these areas lack the supervision of the
155
Schaffer, Garden Cities for America, 4 & 7.
156
Schaffer, 7-8.
157
Schaffer, 7, 8, & 11.
158
Urban Planning Explained, “The (Brief) History of Urban Planning.”
159
Jacobs, The Death and Life of Great American Cities, 97-100.
160
161
Graaf, “Coup de Grace,” 409-410.
31
sidewalk and lead to bullying and gang activity among children. 162 This issue is compounded in
public housing projects, which have a higher ratio of children to adults. 163 Jacobs also noted that
many of these park spaces are designed for younger children, so older children are drawn away
from them to the now unsupervised streets. 164 Other researchers point to the numerous escape
points offered by large public spaces as also encouraging crime in public housing projects. 165
Eric Klinenberg builds on the ideas of how design affects the public spaces we inhabit by
identifying the importance of social infrastructure. Klinenberg identifies social infrastructure
somewhat broadly as spaces that encourage people to interact in the public realm, including parks,
schools, plazas, and commercial spaces. 166 He also acknowledges the importance of community
organizations, such as churches and civic associations. 167 Similar to Jacobs, Klinenberg sees the
activity that occurs around social infrastructure as a deterrent to crime and important to the
formation of communal bonds. 168 His ideas, and to some extent Jacobs’s ideas, can perhaps best
be summarized by the following quote from Klinenberg:
“At ground level, I could observe certain neighborhood conditions that aren’t
visible in quantitative data. Statistics do not convey that difference between poor,
minority neighborhoods that are cursed with empty lots, broken sidewalks,
abandoned homes, and shuttered storefronts, and those that are densely peopled,
busy with foot traffic, enlivened by commercial activity and well-maintained parks,
and supported by strong community organizations. As I got to know the rhythms
of life in various Chicago neighborhoods, I learned how much these local
162
163
164
165
166
Klinenberg, Palaces for the People, 16.
167
Klinenberg, 16.
168
Klinenberg, 5 & 21.
32
conditions mattered, both every day and during the disaster [the 1995 Chicago heat
wave].” 169
Age of Public Housing
Shifting focus to a more detailed
aspect of projects, many countries also
struggle with the age of public housing
projects. Many projects were built almost
75 years ago. Those that remain are
beginning to show their age. For instance,

Figure 19: Ageing facade of a residential building in Caoyang
New Village (Liu).
the New York City Housing Authority
spends a significant number of resources to repair the elevators in their projects. 170 Despite these
facts, many public housing projects are still being utilized today. This is largely because many of
these projects were built affordably but not cheaply. 171 While projects may lack more minor
features and intricate designs, such as closet doors or decorated facades, they are built soundly
with concrete, steel, and masonry. 172
It is partly due to these strong foundations in design and construction that surviving
American public housing projects can be transformed into affordable housing and even enter the
private market. 173 This process is more difficult for projects outside of the United States, such as
Caoyang New Village and Karl Marx Hof. 174 Their designs often made use of communal
169
Klinenberg, 4.
170
171
Bloom, 9.
172
Bloom, 9.
173
Bloom, 246.
174
33
bathrooms and kitchens, making it difficult for them to enter the private market. 175 Many projects
outside of the United States also lacked more basic amenities, such as central heat and
electricity. 176 Funds were diverted to other aspects of development, such as landscaping and more
detailed designs. 177 As a result, they have had to be updated to meet modern standards. 178 Figure
nineteen shows an ageing building in Caoyang New Village. Renovation and rehabilitation of
existing units connects with modern ecological and sustainability trends. During these renovations,
buildings can also be updated to be more efficient and do less damage to the environment.
Reflections on Design
The first recommendation for public housing design that is supported by the above research
is to re-integrate public housing projects with the urban street edge and the rest of the city, which
is the same recommendation made by Jane Jacobs. 179 It is also supported by other researchers who
explain that public housing projects are not islands but are intricately linked with the rest of the
city. 180 In fact, the vacancy rates in many public housing projects can be tied to decreases in urban
populations in industrial cities. 181 The presence of public housing can also greatly impact a
community. As a result, it would be a mistake to try to separate the two or act that one is not
influenced by the other.
This line of thinking can be seen in many of Vienna’s public housing projects, including
Karl Marx Hof, which included, “… two nurseries, one dental clinic, one mother’s advisory, a
library, a youth hostel, a post office, a health centre, a pharmacy and 25 shops all on the
175
176
177
Bloom, 55.
178
Liu, “Stakeholder Analysis,” 23.
179
180
181
34
premises.” 182 However, it is likely that these uses were intended to primarily serve residents in the
project. The idea of connecting public housing with the urban fabric continues today in Vienna’s
modern housing projects. Writer Ryan Holeywell explains by stating, “There’s a mindset that
housing is a way to link residents to their communities and the larger city through design.” 183
Jacobs explained that public housing can be reconnected to the city by using new streets to
cut superblocks into more manageable sizes. 184 The streets would allow for more diverse uses,
such as shops and offices. 185 The mixed-use development would encourage more individuals from
outside of the community to travel into the development. 186 This increased activity and supervision
would also allow the sidewalks to become active and safe. 187
Alternatively, New York City Urban planners believe the ample public space in public
housing projects should be saved. Planners believe that by encouraging activity, providing the
public with control, and utilizing “Crime Prevention Through Environmental Design (CPTED)”
the large swaths of green and public space between high-rise public housing projects can be
salvaged. 188
Designers will need to carefully consider both design options when renovating existing
projects and designing new ones.
182
Medina, “Social Democracy and Housing Policies,” 30.
183
184
185
Jacobs, 515.
186
Jacobs, 515.
187
Jacobs, 518.
188
Bloom, Public Housing that Worked, 256.
35
Government Investment in Public Housing
History of Investment
Government investment, or lack thereof, seems to be a common issue when discussing
public housing. As mentioned in the introduction, public housing was often used to create jobs
through the construction process. In almost all instances, it was intended to house the working
class, so it could be seen as an investment by the government into the city. However, this
investment became more complicated as the years progressed. Many public housing projects, such
as Pruitt-Igoe were intended to be operated by rent payments from tenants. 189 However, many
tenants were low-income or one welfare. 190 As a result, funds were limited. 191 At least in the U.S.,
funds for public housing are limited and often directed to the most distressed public housing
projects. 192
After investment into public housing began to wane, many governments began exploring
alternative methods of funding public housing, including mixed-income developments, housing
vouchers, and low-income housing. These methods, which will be explored in more detail shortly,
begin to abstract the idea of public housing and move some of its responsibilities out of the
government’s hands and into the hands of the private market.
One move into the private market was when the U.S. passed the 1968 Housing and Urban
Development Act (HUD Act) to encourage low-income homeownership. 193 The act provided low
interest, guaranteed loans to low-income individuals and worked to move the federal government
away from public housing. 194 The loans were very appealing to many low-income African
189
City Beautiful. “A Brief History of U.S. City Planning;” Fiederer, “Pruitt-Igo Housing Project.”
190
City Beautiful; Fiederer.
191
City Beautiful; Fiederer.
192
Gayle, Unseen Politics of Public Housing, 98-99.
193
Taylor, Race for Profit, 8.
194
Taylor, 7-8.
36
American women. 195 However, the program struggled against the historically racist practices of
the real-estate industry that either refused to sell to African Americans or worked to keep them out
of white neighborhoods. 196 The industry quickly shifted to targeting African Americans with sub-
optimal homes that could be quickly resold when the new residents were unable to pay their
mortgages. 197 The issues surrounding this program and similar efforts further illustrate how public
housing was the only option for many African American families.
However, this transition does not mean that government investment into public housing
has completely dried up. For example, Caoyang New Village is partly still public housing that is
renovated by the government every ten years. 198 China has also made a new commitment to public
housing. In 2011, Chinese Prime Minister Wen Jiabo announced the government’s 12th Five-Year
Plan to construct 36 million units of public housing. 199 This increase in public housing is likely
related to China’s rapid and continuing urbanization. 200 The movement of residents into urban
areas in China draws comparisons to the same urban growth in Western cities during the industrial
revolution. 201 The new public housing is being constructed for local farmers, rural-to-urban
migrants, and young educated professionals. 202 In the past, China’s public housing was largely
controlled by work units. 203 Today, it is operated by local governments in partnership with
commercial property developers. 204 The increase in public housing in China also connects with its
ideal of a “harmonious society,” or that “social welfare policy should be more integrated with
195
Taylor, 22.
196
Taylor, 7-11.
197
Taylor, 6-8.
198
Liu, “Stakeholder Analysis,” 23.
199
Chen, Stephens, and Man, The Future of Public Housing, 14.
200
Chen, Stephens, and Man, 28.
201
202
203
204
37
economic policy and therefore also become a new benchmark for ranking the success of Chinese
local leaders.” 205 These ideas of social progress working in tandem with economic progress relate
closely with Roosevelt’s beliefs on helping the working-class of the U.S. by constructing public
housing.
Alternative Forms of Investment
Today, a common trend in public housing is
toward mixed-income developments. Essentially, low-,
mid-, and high-income residents along with public
housing are grouped together in the same communities, Figure 20: Proposed mixed-income
development in Dayton, Ohio (Urban Design
Associates).
or even buildings. These developments can be seen in
cities around the world, including on the site of the former Cabrini Green project. 206 Figure twenty
shows part of a proposal for such a development in Dayton, Ohio. 207 Projects such as these have
become popular and seen some success in Austria, home to Karl Marx Hof. In Austria, government
subsidies pay for contractors to construct and offer units below the market rate. 208 Similar projects
have been attempted in the United States from the 1980’s to the present with housing voucher
programs that allow residents to remain in or move into neighborhoods where they would typically
be unable to afford to live. 209 The logic behind both systems is that poverty and public housing
should not be centralized to one or a few areas.
205
206
Austen and Gorden, High Risers, 254-255.
207
“West Dayton Neighborhood Vision,” 20.
208
Holeywell, “Haus Beautiful,” 32-33.
209
Shi, Samuels, and Pollack. “Low-Income Housing Tax Credit,” 1586.
38
Proponents of the system argue that the programs allow working class residents access to
services they otherwise would not have access to, such as public parks and schools. 210 The system
also allows residents equal access to adequate health services. Researchers recommend placing
public housing in areas with access to hospitals and clinics. 211 The taxes of mid- and high-income
residents subsidize the services for working-class residents living in the area. 212 It is believed that
allowing more people access to these services will increase opportunities for a greater amount of
people as well as decrease crime and poverty. 213 It is also believed that mixed-income
developments will allow higher-income individuals to be role-models to other individuals in the
development. 214 However, many individuals argue that this line of thinking blames low-income
individuals for the problems faced in their neighborhoods. 215
This idea links closely to the “Moving to Opportunity” study where “… researchers
followed more than 4,600 very low-income families in five U.S. cities over a 10- to 15-year period
to examine the short- and long-term effects of moving to low-poverty neighborhoods.” 216 The
study allowed working-class families to use housing vouchers to move to low-poverty
neighborhoods. 217 The program started in 1994 and research was conducted until 2010. 218 The
belief was that moving to these neighborhoods would have a positive impact on the families by
providing access to improved services, safer areas, and improved public education. 219 The study
found that moving to low-poverty areas can have positive effects, including perceived safety and
210
Shi, Samuels, and Pollack, 1586-1587.
211
Shi, Samuels, and Pollack, 1586.
212
213
214
215
216
“Moving to Opportunity: Evaluation Summary,” 3.
217
218
National Bureau of Economic Research, “Moving to Opportunity.”
219
39
satisfaction with one’s neighborhood, improved mental and physical health, and a better outlook
on one’s educational experience. 220 However, the study failed to find a correlation between moving
to low-poverty neighborhoods and improved employment or improved education. 221 Based on
these findings, the study concluded that future programs should focus on partnering housing
opportunities with improved communal services, such as schools and transportation access. 222
Mixed-income development does have its opponents who make compelling arguments
against such systems. Opponents argue that the programs are used to promote gentrification. 223
Gentrification is when mid- and high-income individuals move into a traditionally low-income
community and raise the cost of living so that the working-
class individuals who historically lived in the area are forced
out. An example can be seen in figures twenty-one and
twenty-two, which show the development of Over-The-Rhine
in Cincinnati, Ohio from an industrial area to a commercial

Figure 21: Over the Rhine, a
neighborhood in Cincinnati, Ohio circa
hub. 224 In other words, these programs are being used by 1800's before gentrification ("Over the
Rhine").
governments to move working-class families off valuable
urban land that could be developed and made more
valuable. 225 Interestingly, the same argument against public
housing, which argued that suburbs were safer for families
than the city, is being used in reverse as middle and high-

Figure 22: Over the Rhine circa 2000's
income residents return to the city and dislocate working-class following gentrification (Hopkins).
220
“Moving to Opportunity: Evaluation Summary,” 4, 6, & 7.
221
“Moving to Opportunity: Evaluation Summary,” 6-7.
222
223
224
Boger, “Cincinnati’s Urban Redevelopment;” Urban Design Associates.
225
40
families. 226 These new developments can also interrupt existing communities and their support
structures. 227 After all, a strong and safe community is not made up of only services, but of the
relationships connecting the people living in it.
Nevertheless, other researchers believe that mixed-income developments can grow
naturally and benefit the community at large. For instance, Jane Jacobs proposed a system, which
will be expanded upon later, to allow for mixed-income development in neighborhoods in the
process of “unslumming.” 228 Jacobs’ proposal connects with her ideas that the best way to
strengthen a community is to encourage residents to stay and take an interest in their neighborhood
instead of moving.
Reflections on Investment
As can be seen from the previous research, investment into public housing is complex and
has changed over time. However, there are still a few key ideas presented that one can focus on.
One idea is to move the management for public housing projects away from government
control and toward the private market. 229 This shift is supported by Jane Jacobs and current trends
toward subsidized housing and voucher programs. The government would no longer need to
commit large amounts of resources to cleaning, repairing, and updating projects. As Jacobs
proposed, the government would only be responsible for determining the rent an individual pays
based on their income. 230 The rent payment of residents would increase in relation to their income
until it reached the market rate. 231 This rent payment would also include real estate tax that will go
226
227
228
229
Jacobs, 423.
230
Jacobs, 424-425.
231
Jacobs, 425.
41
toward funding services, such as parks and police, for the entire city instead of a single public
housing project. 232
However, successful projects still rely heavily on government investment. For example,
the government in Vienna owns or has some form of control over almost half of the housing stock
in the city. 233 While city officials seem to have followed the advice of Jane Jacobs by having
private developers build and maintain some amount of public housing in the city, the government
still holds a monopoly over the land. 234 As a result, developers have to fiercely compete with each
other to win the construction contracts. 235 This fierce competition results in good designs and
management. 236 Furthermore, the winning designs are selected by a committee that considers
“architectural quality, environmental performance, social sustainability and economic
parameters.” 237 These criteria result in the best and most affordable designs being selected. 238
Regardless of government involvement, public housing must abolish maximum income
levels. This idea is supported by Jacobs and others for many reasons. 239 By not forcing residents
out of public housing due to increase in income, residents are able to remain in neighborhoods and
begin investing in their community.240 Jacobs perhaps best summarized this idea by stating,
“So long as it [maximum income requirement] remains, not only
will all the most successful of lucky inexorably be drained away, but
232
Jacobs, 429.
233
234
Holeywell, 32-33.
235
Holeywell, 32-33.
236
Holeywell, 32-33.
237
Holeywell, 32.
238
Holeywell, 32.
239
240
Jacobs, 437-438.
42
all the others must psychologically identify themselves with their
homes as either transients or as ‘failures.’” 241
The elimination of income caps is currently being practiced by Viennese public housing programs.
Officials believe this prevents the creation of “ghettos.” 242
Many would be quick to point out that this idea of potentially making public housing
permanent for some residents goes against the main purpose of public housing as being transient
in nature. This point is valid, and Jacobs and other researchers may be incorrect in their thinking.
However, if one considers the base assumption that transient living leads to weak communal bonds
that cause crime and other issues, than public housing must be given some permanence to work
within an urban environment. Also, just because residents can stay doesn’t mean they will. Some
residents will stay, and others will move and make room for new residents. 243 Additionally,
maximum income limits could encourage a resident to avoid improving their income out of fear
of losing their home. By removing maximum income limits, a resident no longer has this fear
hovering over them.
A final point is that housing authorities may consider shifting focus to affordable housing,
which could provide revenue to offset the cost of public housing units in the same area. This shift
has been achieved to some success in New York City following a decrease in government
investment. 244 This process could also incentivize managers to keep public housing units
comparable and competitive with similar sized affordable and low-income housing units.245
241
Jacobs, 522.
242
243
244
Bloom, Public Housing that Worked, 246-247.
245
Bloom, 246-247.
43
Conclusion
As was said in the introduction to this paper, public housing is complicated, it has a lengthy
history, it can be found around the world, and it is constantly evolving. However, with the research
above, one could potentially draw a few conclusions.
First, projects should be planned with individuals and the community in mind. Planners
should work with residents whenever possible to learn about their needs and avoid pushback in
the future. Residents should also have clear paths to communicate with planners and the officials
in charge of the project or development. Housing managers and authorities should also take steps
to encourage resident involvement in their communities and homes.
Second, any public housing project must be integrated with the surrounding community.
Public housing is intricately linked with the city in which it is placed. Therefore, designers cannot
treat a project as independent of the city. This integration should focus on how the building and its
residents are connected to each other, the street edge, and the rest of the city. While high-rise
construction poses its own risks of separating residents from the street edge, it can be integrated
with the city through mixed-income development.
Third, maximum income levels should be removed, and public housing should be thought
of as potentially more permanent. This line of thinking would allow residents in public housing to
work toward creating a strong community in the area. Mixed-income developments and voucher
programs should be carefully planned and considered to avoid gentrifying an area.
Additional research may examine each of these areas individually and in greater depth. It
may also be valuable to examine the public housing of other countries more closely. While this
paper did strive to consider each project equally, projects in the US were ultimately given the most
attention due to the available research and geographic location of the researcher. Additionally, it
44
would be interesting to further explore the communities that developed within public housing
projects and potentially document first-hand accounts from residents. This line of study could
explore the discrepancy between many researchers’ view of public housing as failed experiments
and the many positive experiences of the residents who lived in the projects.
Reflecting upon the research in this paper, one can hopefully look at public housing in a
new light. Not just in terms of concrete and masonry but in terms of community, design, and
investment. Public housing has not gone away, and neither have its residents. Therefore, it is the
responsibility of planners, designers, and community members to ensure that the public housing
of today and tomorrow builds upon the public housing of the past.
45
Acknowledgements
I would like to thank the many individuals that made this research and paper possible. Dr.
Fan, worked with me to refine my initial idea of architecture and economics into a more focused
and realizable topic of public housing. He also helped me to understand the architectural and
historical importance of many of these projects. Dr. Edge pushed me to consider the sociological
and racial issues surrounding many of these projects, which allowed me to examine many of the
case studies in a new light. He also recommended the research of Cabrini Green that proved
invaluable. I will always be grateful of the time both of my advisors took to meet with me and
review my work.
46
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Bowling Green State University

Honors Projects Honors College

Case Studies on Architecture and Economics of Public Housing

Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.bgsu.edu/honorsprojects

Submitted to the Honors College

at Bowling Green State University in partial fulfillment of

the requirements for graduation with

April 27, 2022

Dr. Thomas Edge, Department of Ethnic Studies

Dr. Kerry Fan, School of Built Environment

Overview of Public Housing …………………………………………………………………….. 5

Communal and Residential Involvement in Public Housing …………………………………... 12

Stigma of Poor Design in Public Housing ……………………………………………………... 24

Government Investment in Public Housing ……………………………………………………. 35

Image Bibliography ……………………………………………………………………………. 51

and architectural heritage. Public housing is complicated.

1. Communal and residential involvement in public housing;

2. government investment in public housing; and

3. the stigma of poor design held by public housing.

face well into the future.

1. Pruitt-Igoe in St. Louis, Missouri (1954);

2. Cabrini Green in Chicago, Illinois (1962);

3. Karl Marx Hof in Vienna, Austria (1930);

4. Caoyang New Village in Shanghai, China (1951); and

5. various Soviet housing projects in the former Soviet Union (1922-1991).

Overview of Public Housing

A Few General Characteristics of Public Housing

To begin, it is important to have a basic understanding of public housing in general as well

as the specific projects being discussed.

beginning of his second term in 1937:

“I see one-third of a nation ill-housed, ill-clad, ill-nourished … The

test of our progress is not whether we add more to the abundance of

those who have much; it is whether we provide enough for those

who have too little.” 5

costs and benefits), racial segregation, and other challenges. 10

other fields of research, including urban planning, architecture, and economics.

named after Wendell O. Pruitt, an

African American fighter pilot, while

white residents would live in the

buildings named after William L. Igoe, a

former U.S. Congressman. 14 However,

for the area. 21

artist’s depiction of the site.

Like Pruitt-Igoe, Cabrini Green would

struggle with racial homogeny and crime. 25 These

factors would lead to the demolition and

redevelopment of the area beginning in 1999 and

lasting until the 2010’s. 26 However, the

destruction would be delayed due to the 2008

housing crisis and lawsuits from residents

Karl Marx Hof

Located in Vienna, Austria, Karl

Marx Hof was designed by Karl Ehn and

completed in 1930. 28 Figure three shows the

façade of the building. It was constructed at

a time when many illegal settlements were

being built outside of Vienna by workers