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Students' Attributions of Sources of Influence On
Students' Attributions of Sources of Influence On
Students' Attributions of Sources of Influence On
Allan Hewitt
Abstract
The purpose of this study was to explore university students’ attributions of
sources of influence on their Perceived Control beliefs in relation to solo
performance in music. Drawing on data collected in semi-structured interviews,
the paper outlines three principal sources of influence; assessment, previous
performance experiences, and significant others (most particularly the peer group
and the solo performance tutor). Students described a variety of ways in which
these sources of influence were believed to shape and inform how they view
themselves in terms of ability, confidence and work-rate, and the paper explores the
significance of these attributions for those involved in the delivery and
management of music programmes in the higher education sector. Attention is
drawn in particular to the contrasting experiences of musicians from varying
traditions and genres of music, and to the highly significant influence of the peer
group upon self-perception as a performer.
H
istorically, assessment has played an important role at all levels of formal
education. Most often, and especially in higher education, the outcome of
assessment has been a summative and quantitative evaluation of learning in
the form of a grade or a percentage for a particular course or module. More recently,
however, greater emphasis has been placed on the formative aspects of assessment,
adding a further dimension (and increased workload) to the process.
Most commonly this can be seen in the standard practice of providing
‘feedback’ to a student in addition to the summative grade or mark. This is typically
intended as an explanation and justification of the grade awarded, an opportunity
for the assessor to make suggestions as to how the work might be further improved
or to comment on aspects of the work that have been particularly impressive. In the
area of music education this feedback is most often related to a specific piece of
work, for example an essay, a recital, or a composition, rather than a more general
reflection of performance across a range of activities. However, it appears to be an
important development, both from the learning and teaching perspective and from
the students’ viewpoint. Martens and Dochy (1997), for example, reported that
students highly value the provision of such information and believe it to contribute
significantly to overall academic achievement.
The process of feedback, even if it relates to a single activity such as a recital,
can be considered to operate on two levels. First, as I have noted it provides specific
information about the quality of a piece of work. Second, and at a somewhat deeper
level, it may also play an important role in developing the recipient’s sense of
identity as a learner and, in the context of music, as a performer, composer, analyst
and so on. This is an exceedingly important consequence of any assessment process;
it suggests that through assessment feedback, educators have the opportunity to
influence and inform how students subsequently approach future activities that
require them to draw upon this sense of ‘identity’, such as a future solo performance
Wellborn & Connell, 1990; Chapman, Skinner & Baltes, 1990). Crucially, the
underlying hypothesis of the model is that the disparity between the individual’s
capability and strategic beliefs is the most significant influence on subsequent
academic performance. In an exploratory study with a group of music education
students this was found to the case (Jeanneret, 1993). This was replicated in an
exploratory study with music students in the area of solo performance (Hewitt,
2003).
One of the more interesting aspects of this field, in the context of academic
performance, is whether perceptions of control are more important than actual
control. Hammarberg and Hagekull (2000), for example, suggest that subjective or
perceived control is more important for actual behaviour than real levels of control.
It therefore seems appropriate that researchers in music education explore the
underlying assumptions and influences on students’ self-perception within this
particular framework. The purpose of this article is to report on a study that
focussed on the underlying reasons for music students believing the things they do
about their abilities, confidence and effort in solo performance1. A particular focus
was to investigate the extent to which students would, unprompted, declare that
written and grade-based feedback from previous assessments had influenced their
subsequent belief patterns about themselves and about the activity.
There is in the literature a body of work that explores this relationship
between assessment and subsequent belief patterns. To take a limited selection,
Dweck and Repucci (1973) have suggested that it is possible to modify a learner’s
attributions of failure into patterns which produce more successful outcomes.
Dweck (1975) developed this idea by arguing that the simple provision of ‘success
experiences’ is not enough to influence academic success; individual students must
change their attributional patterns for such change to be achieved. Assessment
feedback is one possible method for such change to take place; indeed, I would argue
that it is vital that the feedback given to students forms the basis of subsequent self-
perception, and more general feelings about learning. As such it is worthy of
attention.
Methodology
As the purpose of the study was to investigate the influences on self-
perception (operationalised with the Perceived Control model) that students identify
as being significant, a semi-structured interview approach was taken. This
complemented a related study in which the same group of participants were asked to
identify the manner in which they saw Perceived Control beliefs influencing their
performance in solo performance assessments, and facilitated a broad, exploratory
approach to data gathering. Indeed, as there have been no previous applications of
Perceived Control as a method of operationalising self-perception in music, a
qualitative paradigm seemed most appropriate as a way of establishing a baseline of
student perceptions upon which further work can be undertaken.
Fourteen undergraduate music students in the second year of an
undergraduate music degree agreed to participate in interviews with the researcher.
Participant selection was based on random sampling of the total second year
1 It is important to note that two variables within the Perceived Control framework (luck and significant others)
have been omitted in this study due to time constraints.
population, resulting in eight male and six female students being invited for
interview. Participants represented a broad range of instruments and genres1:
• A rock rhythm guitarist (male)
• A jazz/ rock drummer (male)
• A traditional fiddle (or violin) player (male)
• A classical violinist (female)
• Three classical pianists (two female and one male)
• One jazz pianist (male)
• A classical trumpet player (male)
• A traditional clarsach (or harp) player (female)
• Two rock vocalists (one male and one female)
• Two classical vocalists (one male and one female)
Students ranged in age from 18 to 37. Interviews lasted around one hour and
were tape recorded and subsequently transcribed for analysis. The structure of the
interviews was heavily influenced by the research focus, specifically probing
participants for the underlying influences behind their perceptions of their own
ability, effort and confidence prior to, and following, a solo performing examination
undertaken in the previous academic year. Core questions, which formed the basis
of each interview, were as follows;
1. How do you see yourself in terms of your ability on your solo performance
instrument? Can you describe the reasons why you think that about yourself?
2. How do you see yourself in terms of your confidence when playing in public
on your solo performance instrument? Can you describe the reasons why you
think that about yourself?
3. How do you see yourself in terms of the effort you put into developing your
skills on your solo performance instrument? Can you describe the reasons
why you think that about yourself?
Analysis took place in NVivo using an interpretive phenomenological
approach and involved the search for significant themes or aspects that related to
each of the three variables (ability, confidence, and effort) under investigation. In a
second analytical phase the significant themes that emerged from the analysis of
responses relating to each discrete variable were consolidated into a further set of
generic attributions made by participants. This process produced a rich set of
concepts that form the basis of the following results section. As is common in semi-
structured interview approaches the analytical process produced more thematic
material than is possible (or desirable) to include in a paper-length work. To this end
the results that follow concentrate on what appeared to be the three most significant
attributions (i.e., they attracted most comment during interviews) that participants
made in terms of influences on their Perceived Control beliefs in solo performance,
namely assessment, significant others, and previous performing experience.
Results
In the following section each influence is reviewed in turn, subdivided into
appropriate themes and exemplified with quotations from individual participants.
1 The styles named here represent the main area of repertoire performed by each student as identified by them
during the interview. Most students will, however, regularly perform music from some or all of the genres
listed.
1 The students involved in this study would have received a single grade from 0 to 9 for their previous solo
performance assessment.
Notably, this quote was provided by a student for whom the examination
system was considerably at odds with their usual performance environment. The
influence of assessment context will be returned to later in this article. Finally,
participants felt that the result may not truly reflect development in ability levels
over the year; everyone is placed on a level playing field which may not be fair, as
some students may have made significant progress yet not perform to as high a
standard as those who entered with very high levels of skill, but have made little
progress.
Perceptions Relating to Assessment Feedback
During interviews the term ‘feedback’ was used to denote the written
information passed back to students additional to, and in explanation of, the raw
score for their assessment1. Students identified a range of ways in which this
extended feedback was believed to shape and inform their own beliefs about
themselves as musicians, and as learners.
First, participants suggested that feedback informs their perceptions of how
important particular variables are in determining exam outcome. This strategic role
of assessment feedback was described in various ways, for example:
I know what to work on now, I know what they’re looking for. (Male rock guitarist)
Assessors’ comments could, for example, confirm that particular deficiencies
in variables (e.g., confidence) had negatively affected the exam result, hence
consolidating the supposed role of these variables. In many cases, this particular
type of feedback would inform students of the direction they should take in future
developmental work (such as the need to work on technical aspects like bowing).
The clarification of the strategic importance of certain variables through feedback
suggested to those students that these were areas in which they should focus if they
wished to be successful in future assessments. As such, it could be seen to perform
an important role in influencing subsequent development and attainment.
Written feedback was also believed to influence students’ capacity beliefs. In
the instance outlined above, the student found that assessment feedback confirmed
their perceptions of themselves on a particular variable (confidence). Other students
felt that assessment feedback provided similar confirmation of their own perceptions
of themselves in aspects such as ability, effort, and confidence. This could be overt
(e.g., through specific comments about, say, ability) or implied (e.g., positive
comments about the performance were taken to indicate that, for example, levels of
effort expended in exam preparation had been sufficient).
Furthermore, assessment feedback was reported to increase students’ perceptions of their own
capacity. So, for example, some students reflected that receiving positive feedback from the
assessment panel increased their self-perception, particularly in the area of ability. This, in
turn, was felt to have a positive influence on personal confidence levels:
It’s good to have other people saying this was good…(Male jazz pianist)
Assessment feedback was not, however, unanimously agreed to be a
significant influence on perceived control beliefs in either in the strategic or capacity
sense. This lack of influence was variously attributed to perceived problems in the
nature of the assessment process and in students questioning the validity of the
process. To take one example, several students (notably the non-classical musicians)
1 Each student would have received a detailed commentary on each piece played as part of the recital. This
commentary does not follow a set pattern and can focus on, among other things, technical, aesthetic, or
performance-related aspects of the recital.
confidence were lessened because they were uncertain about various aspects of the
assessment, including expectations, grading and so on,
In terms of ability and competence, as outlined above, a number of students
questioned whether their assessment performance in solo performance was a ‘true’
reflection of their actual ability. In such cases, the process itself may be flawed in
that it does not truly measure what it intends to. The example was cited above of a
non-classical rock guitarist who is extremely gifted at what he does, but whose
playing does not fit the usual model of a solo performer. In such cases, the
examination process itself ensured that subsequent results or feedback had little
influence on self-perception; save to leave the student feeling a little bitter that their
true ability had not been recognised formally.
Third, the assessment process was believed to be a powerful influence on the
strategic importance of effort. Students reported that the knowledge of the
forthcoming assessment had been a strong motivator on their practice; this was
particularly true for those students who wished to do well in the exam. The exam
was seen to “give you a goal”, and as prompting students to “get on with it”. So the
process itself (in comparison to alternative forms of assessment) may function as a
significant influence on students’ beliefs about the importance of effort.
Perceptions Relating to Prior Assessment Experiences
While most assessment-related discussion during interview focussed on
degree-specific assessment experiences, analysis suggested that students also
identified a number of ways in which assessments further in the past were believed
to have influenced their perceptions about themselves as performers. These were
synthesised into two broad categories, concerning strategic and capacity beliefs
respectively.
In Perceived Control theory strategic beliefs are those perceptions that
individuals have about what it is important to do in order to successfully complete a
task. In the present context, students discussed how assessment influenced their
perceptions of what was required to do well in the solo performance exam. The
influence of assessment on strategic beliefs was evident in a number of interviews,
where participants described (for example) how low levels of confidence had
negatively influenced their performance. To them this had informed their belief in
the relative importance of the variable because poor performance was attributed to it.
Similarly, in the case of effort participants highlighted situations in which their poor
performance had been attributed (both by themselves and by others) to lack of hard
work; such cases tended to make the students believe more strongly in the
importance of effort in determining assessment outcomes.
Prior performance experiences were also held to have some influence on
existing perceptions with regard to capacity beliefs. Capacity beliefs are those
perceptions individuals have about how well they will be able to do certain things in
the future. In terms of confidence, for example, participants suggested that previous
successful experiences of assessment increased their own perceptions of their
abilities, and hence increased their confidence. Similarly, negative assessment
experiences were held responsible for subsequent decreases in confidence levels. In
terms of ability, the fact that previous assessments had to an extent validated the
individual’s perceived level of ability confirmed to them that they did indeed possess
high ability; this included, for example, a successful audition for undergraduate
study. As one student suggested, in the context of previous successes in Associated
Board exams:
I suppose my confidence as a performer has come on a hell of a lot in the last year . . . we’ve done a lot of
gigs, and that’s helped.
Successful performances were also believed to influence self-perceptions of
ability. Using phrases such as “I always seem to have done well” or “I knew they’d
(the performances) gone alright”, students described how their perceptions of their
own (high) levels of ability had been informed by their previous performance
experience. For players in all genres the positive feedback of audiences had, as one
participant described “given a wee boost in terms of your own abilities and powers
as a performer”.
Third, successful performances influenced self-awareness of effort. Again,
students’ talk was primarily concerned with the positive influence of having
achieved a successful outcome in the past and comparing this to the amount of effort
expended to achieve that outcome. Adequate effort was conceptualised, for one
student, as being enough to “get me wherever I want to be”.
Previous performing experiences may therefore be powerful influences on
how students see themselves as performers, particularly in terms of how they
evaluate their existing levels of confidence, ability and effort. These performances
appear to provide benchmarks against which more recent evaluations can be
measured.
The Influence of Significant Others
Finally, the importance of other people (who are influential enough to
legitimately form part of the ‘significant others’ category) in informing self-
perception was noted extensively during interviews, confirming the importance of
other people on the musician’s emergent sense of self-identity noted elsewhere in the
literature (Davidson, 2002). To facilitate analysis, two sub-categories were developed
based on the role of the group relative to the participant, termed ‘peer group’ and
‘tutors’ in the following sections.
The Influence of the Peer Group
The peer group, defined as other musicians on the same degree course,
regardless of age or level, were believed to exert a significant influence on how
students saw themselves in terms of ability, effort and confidence. By making direct
comparisons between themselves and other music students, participants appeared to
create benchmarks against which their own perceived levels and achievements could
be evaluated. For example, in the context of confidence, the peer group were found
to influence beliefs in two ways. The first of these may be considered a negative
influence; by becoming aware of other musicians’ strengths, the student is made
aware of characteristics they themselves do not possess. For example, participants in
the study described viewing other students as being “really into their first study”, or
having “this love of playing in front of people”. These overt displays of confidence
told the observer that they were somehow deficient, and that their performances
would be less effective as a result. Students suggested that this in turn produced a
drop in confidence, and so the situation got worse. A second, more positive
influence on confidence came about through observing and hearing other students
who were less able and less confident than the observer. Realising that they were
actually more able than other students was described as a significant boost to
confidence.
Significantly, much of this development of comparative benchmarks was
informal; it took place in the absence of full information about other students’
behaviours. It was impressionistic in the sense that, as one student described, other
students “put on an act that they’re confident” where in fact they may feel “really
intimidated”. Students may believe they lack confidence in comparison to other
students when, in fact, those other students are feeling just as nervous. Similarly,
self-reporting of ‘hours practiced’ may be wildly inaccurate, but signally important
in making other students feel lazy or unfocussed.
In the context of ability participants described the significance of positive
comments from respected peers on their perceptions of personal ability:
Coming to university and playing with other musicians who you knew were really good, and them
complimenting you. (Male classical trumpet player)
As was the case in the context of assessment the experience of beginning an
undergraduate music degree was considered the first ‘true test’ of an individual’s
ability. Receiving positive comments from respected players in the peer group took
on particular significance in that it provided what was considered an accurate
benchmark against which personal ability could be evaluated. As for confidence,
observing and working with students who were significantly more advanced could
have a detrimental effect, and indeed cause the student to question their own levels
of ability:
It’s quite a shock, quite intimidating. . . it always makes you wonder about your own ability.
Finally, the peer group were found to have a significant influence on how
effort and work rate was evaluated. Other student musicians were used to create
benchmarks against which personal effort in solo performance was measured:
We’ve got some people, like X, who works so hard. . . that did kind of scare me. (Female classical
pianist)
In a positive sense, however, this could also encourage students to increase
their own efforts:
I know I’m playing catch-up with them . . . looking at those guys, a lot of it is inspirational. (Male rock
drummer)
Alternatively, having a sense that one’s own level of effort is less than other
students was not necessarily a spur to greater effort or a cause for concern. Two
students brought out this theme in their discussion, one suggesting that effort was a
global variable and needed to be spread throughout the modules in their course,
rather than focussing on one thing:
… some folk went absolutely crazy on practise, threw everything else out of the window and
concentrated on one thing. (Female classical vocalist)
Another felt that although they practised less than other students (or at least
believed that they did) it would be inappropriate for them to adopt the more
rigorous regimes of other students; “that kind of approach just wouldn’t work for
me”. Interestingly, this came from one of the most able students (in terms of solo
performance) in the participant group.
As before, the issue of validity in the development of what are really
informal benchmarks of effort levels was raised. When asked how she knew that
other students were working much harder than her, one participant described how
she based her evaluation on:
…hearing them, seeing their names on practice sheets, it’s obvious that they put in the hours. (Female
classical pianist)
Clearly, this may not be the most rigorous way for students to develop a
sense of the work rate of their peers, and the implications of this are discussed in the
final section of this article.
The Influence of the Solo Performance Tutor
Alongside the peer group, solo performance tutors were described as
significant influences in determining how students perceived themselves as
performers. While perceptions of peer group influence were often based on
observational or conjectural data, the influence of the tutor was most often mediated
through direct verbal communication within the one-to-one lesson1. Given the status
of the tutor and the immediacy of the communication it is unsurprising that a great
deal of weight was given to such feedback.
In terms of the student’s confidence, for example, significant influence was
attributed both to positive comments about playing and to the student believing that
they had received high-quality guidance. Messages such as “you can play this, you
can totally do this” were, if received from a tutor who already had the student’s
respect, felt to increase confidence levels significantly. Similarly, in the context of
ability beliefs students suggested that receiving positive comments from their tutor
significantly influenced their own self-perceptions in this area. Participants
described the influence of positive comments such as “yeah, you’ve got the ability to
do this” or “my teacher just kept saying, ‘that’s really good’”. Less overt, but
perhaps of no lesser importance than these verbal cues, were instances where
alternative forms of tutor communication was described as influencing personal
ability beliefs. These included the tutor encouraging the student to develop a sense
of enjoyment about their playing, which was in turn felt to influencing ability, or the
tutor themselves embodying a model of excellence which the student felt had rubbed
off on them.
Finally, in terms of effort perceptions, tutor influence was believed to be a
major factor. As an example, in some cases effort was deliberately increased because
students wanted to impress their tutor with “the amount of effort I’ve put in between
lessons”. In this case, the motivation came from the student rather than the tutor,
although clearly the wise tutor may well exert a subtle influence in developing these
expectations. Tutors, for example, were described as requiring particular amounts of
effort from their students, either through direct instructions or through more subtle,
shared understandings:
We have a shared understanding of what I’m expected to do, how hard I’m expected to work, between
lessons. (Male classical pianist)
Discussion
In the preceding section some of the most significant themes that emerged
during the analysis of interview data were outlined. It was suggested that students
most readily identified three major sources of information about their own
capabilities in the area of solo performance; assessment, previous experience, and
significant others. To conclude I will explore three implications that arise from the
study that are salient for teaching and assessment practice in music within higher
education settings.
1 Students involved in this study received a weekly solo performance lesson on a one-to-one basis with a
specialist on their instrument.
1 I define these as ‘non-musical’ factors in the sense that they should not influence the assessment process.
It was noted earlier that the influence of previous experiences in the domain
can have quite profound implications for how the student perceived themselves,
especially where these experiences have reinforced particular aspects of their own
capability perceptions. Where experiences have been positive (for example in the
case of positive assessments), this tends to develop positive self-perception, in the
sense that the previous success is used as the basis for current evaluations of ability.
Where experiences have been negative, this may function similarly. There is a
significant need for music educators to be aware of this, both in terms of addressing
attributions that may be invalid (e.g., the context of previous failure may not apply
in the current context) and in cases where students continue to fail assessments.
Seligman (1975) refers to this danger as a ‘cycle of failure’, where failure experiences
tend to reinforce self-beliefs of low ability, which in turn produce continued failure,
and so on.
From the perspective of performance study within undergraduate music
education, Daniel (2001) has argued that students should engage in far greater levels
of self-assessment. Reporting an empirical study with a group of university music
students, Daniel suggests that self-assessment encourages students to engage in
much more structured evaluations of their own capabilities, a process that should
assist in the development of more grounded self-perceptions.
The Use of Theory
Finally, I would argue that the application of theory from the social
psychological literature (in this case Perceived Control theory) permits educators and
managers in all sectors to achieve a deeper understanding of the implications of the
processes students are required to undertake. In the study reported in this article, it
was evident that the assessment process can have a quite profound influence on the
construction of personal identity and self-perception as a musician. If educators
have the best interests of their students at heart, they will be concerned that this
potential is used in a positive rather than a destructive, manner. I would propose
that all involved in formal education in music should consider the effects of systemic
assessment practice on the learner, and where necessary to modify current practice to
achieve these ends.
There is a clear relationship between self-perception and academic
achievement generally (Multon, Brown & Lent, 1991), and growing evidence that this
relationship is also important in musical development and achievement. If educators
wish to improve the latter it is essential that they consider the development of the
former in ways that are helpful to student attainment. Assessment is one tool by
which students’ self-perception is both informed and developed. However, the
influences of significant others and pervious experiences are also important, and
these must also be addressed if students are to achieve helpful patterns of self-
perception which are based on accurate evaluations of themselves.
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