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Psycholinguistics Notes
Psycholinguistics Notes
What is Learning
Learning a language is usually a process of formal education where the educator uses formal
teaching methodology and gives the learners instructions facilitating their understanding of the
rules related to a particular language. When it comes to the teaching and learning process,
teachers focus more on emphasising the form of language rather than focusing on a particular
text. Therefore, when it comes to learning, the teacher can be seen busy explaining the grammar
rules to students while students are busy trying to comprehend those grammatical rules and
structures.
Learning, unlike acquiring, requires some conscious effort from the side of the learner.
Generally, learners are quite content when they get direct instructions. However, for someone to
be fluent in a language, the process of learning itself is not sufficient. For instance, if you are a
student learning French, you can learn the grammar rules and sentence patterns by conscious
learning inside a classroom, but you won’t be able to achieve mastery in the French language
unless you acquire more knowledge in French culture through subconscious reading and
listening.
What is Acquisition
Whether it is a child or an adult, anyone who is learning a new language first acquires sounds
and vocabulary and then the sentence patterns and structures. However, a formal learning
process will be provided to him only in a formal setting like a school. Unlike in learning, in
language acquisition, the children acquire words and sentence structures without any kind of
formal or informal instruction.
Moreover, children may acquire more than one first language. For example, children who grow
up in a house where parents speak only English language will acquire only English. However,
children who grow up in a bilingual household (say French and English) will learn both
languages.
For children learning their native language, linguistic competence develops in stages, from
babbling to one word to two word, then telegraphic speech. Babbling is now considered the
earliest form of language acquisition because infants will produce sounds based on what
language input they receive. One word sentences (holophrastic speech) are generally
monosyllabic in consonant-vowel clusters. During two word stage, there are no syntactic or
morphological markers, no inflections for plural or past tense, and pronouns are rare, but the
intonation contour extends over the whole utterance. Telegraphic speech lacks function words
and only carries the open class content words, so that the sentences sound like a telegram.
Language comprehension
Language comprehension refers to an individual's ability to understand the different elements of
spoken and written language. This capacity changes from childhood to adulthood. There are also
differing capacities between individuals. An example of language comprehension is the capacity
of a child to gradually understand the language of the people around them by simply listening to
people speak over a long period of time.
From the moment they are born, kids are exposed to all kinds of spoken language that helps them
Understand and make connections to written language years later.
Language Production
Language production is a concept in psycholinguistics that describes the stages of speech from
the initial mental concept to the spoken or written linguistic result. Simply put, it is the process
of communicating through language.
An example of language production at its base is simple. Picture a person thinking of an apple,
then using their mouth to physically sound out the word 'apple', then another person hearing this
and perceiving the sounds that make up the concept of 'apple', then they have the mental
representation of the apple. This is the process of language production.
Language production processes can provide insight into how language comprehension works and
language typology—why languages tend to have certain characteristics more often than others.
Drawing on work in memory retrieval, motor planning, and serial order in action planning, the
Production-Distribution-Comprehension (PDC) account links work in the fields of language
production, typology, and comprehension: (1) faced with substantial computational burdens of
planning and producing utterances, language producers implicitly follow three biases in utterance
planning that promote word order choices that reduce these burdens, thereby improving
production fluency. (2) These choices, repeated over many utterances and individuals, shape the
distributions of utterance forms in language. The claim that language form stems in large degree
from producers' attempts to mitigate utterance planning difficulty is contrasted with alternative
accounts in which form is driven by language use more broadly, language acquisition processes,
or producers' attempts to create language forms that are easily understood by comprehenders. (3)
Language perceivers implicitly learn the statistical regularities in their linguistic input, and they
use this prior experience to guide comprehension of subsequent language. In particular, they
learn to predict the sequential structure of linguistic signals, based on the statistics of previously-
encountered input. Thus, key aspects of comprehension behavior are tied to lexico-syntactic
statistics in the language, which in turn derive from utterance planning biases promoting
production of comparatively easy utterance forms over more difficult ones. This approach
contrasts with classic theories in which comprehension behaviors are attributed to innate design
features of the language comprehension system and associated working memory. The PDC
instead links basic features of comprehension to a different source: production processes that
shape language form.
Language is part of the environment that a child is born into, and it is even part of the
environment before birth. Therefore, first language acquisition begins at or before birth. This
means we have to begin by talking about babies.
1. Prelinguistic Stage
2. Babbling Stage
3. First Words
4. Two-word Stage
5. Telegraphic Stage
6. Beyond Telegraphic Stage
The prelinguistic stage ranges from birth to approximately 6 months. Noises in this stage include
crying, whimpering, and cooing. These sounds are not considered language because they are
involuntary responses to stimuli. Linguists consider human language creative – as free from
internal or external stimuli. Since these noises do not fit within the definition of language, this
stage occurs before language is produced by the child. It is, therefore, the prelinguistic stage.
During this stage, babies’ vocal tracts are more like an animal’s than an adult human’s. The
larynx is high, there is no pharynx, and the epiglottis and velum can be in contact with each
other. Additionally, the velum cannot firmly close off nasal cavity, so all sounds are nasalized.
The tongue fills the entire mouth and is controlled by external muscles. Extrinsic muscle control
of the tongue only allows the tongue to be "shoved" in and out, up and down, as a whole. Some
muscular contractions of the tongue itself are possible, but tongue body constrictions are the
only ones that can be produced. This accounts for nature of (early cooing).
One development in the ability to produce sounds seems to occur in this stage. At about two
months, infants seem to be able to coo voluntarily, whereas previously they were only able to
make sounds involuntarily.
Even though infants can’t produce linguistic sounds, they can perceive them. This stage might
more appropriately be called the pre-production stage. Infants alter their sucking patterns when
presented with a phonetic distinction in sounds. The alteration in sucking shows an awareness of
the change in sound, but infants do not seem to attach meaning to the changes in sounds. They
only register that they notice them. This awareness is exhibited as early as one month old.
Infants can differentiate between sounds that are allophones in a language that adult speakers of
that language have learned to ignore, such as [p] and [ph].
2. The Babbling Stage
The babbling stage begins at approximately 6 months of age and continues until a child is about
one year old. One key development leading to babbling occurs during the prelinguistic stage;
around 4 months of age, larynx starts to drop, creating pharyngeal cavity. Once the larynx has
dropped, more varied constrictions can be formed, which leads to a new stage of vocal play or
babbling.
The child is also more able to raise and lower the jaw. A lower jaw also lowers the tongue,
creating the possibility of more vowels. Raising the jaw allows for more lip and tongue tip
constrictions.
Essentially, all children use the same sounds when they babble, no matter what the language
around them is. "The consonants that occur with substantial frequency in the babbling of
infants, regardless of language environment are:
/b/ /d/ /g/ /p/ /t/ /k/ /m/ /n/ /w/ /j/ /h/
The universality of babbling makes sense when you realize that the easiest way to make a sound
is to simply open and close the mouth. It is not surprising that stops will be highly prevalent in
the inventory since they are produced by closing the oral cavity, which happens when closing
the mouth occurs. The rest of the difference between the stops is where in the mouth the tongue
contacts the other parts of the vocal tract. For example, depending on whether a child rests the
tongue on the bottom of the mouth behind the lower teeth or whether it rests in the middle just
behind the front teeth accounts for the difference in the production of bilabial and alveolar
sounds in babbling. All the child has to do is open and close the mouth, and different sounds
will be made.
Think of the words (we'll use English here) that we use to refer to many baby items and
caretakers:
Mama (mother)
Nana (grandmother)
Papa (father)
Dada (daddy)
These utterances show repetitive babbling of the low central vowel with stop consonants. Now
add the high back round vowel:
Bubu (hurt)
Mumu
Nunu
Pupu (poopoo)
Dudu (doodoo)
These utterances also show repetitive babbling, but with a different vowel sound. The two
different syllables can be mixed together:
Mami (mommy)
Papi (Poppy, often used for grandfather)
Pupi (poopy)
1. It is the way that babies themselves talk, and when baby talk is used with this meaning, it
refers in particular to the babbling stage and the first words stage of language
acquisition, universal stages for all infants in all languages.
2. It is the way that adults talk when they talk to babies. When baby talk is used with this
meaning, it captures the fact that adults accommodate their speaking style to that of the
child. They help the child attach meaning to their utterances by using the same utterances
with the meaning attached.
Even deaf children babble. The hand gestures of deaf children occur in repetitive patterns the
way that the babbling of hearing children repeats. Deaf children babble in sounds, too, but it
seems different than the babbling of hearing children.
In other words, deaf children babble in sign language and just make noises with their mouths.
Hearing children babble with their mouths, and just make gestures with their hands. For hearing
children, language is produced with the mouth, and extralinguistic communication with the
hands. For deaf children, language is produced with the hands and extralinguistic
communication with the mouth.
This stage is also referred to as the Holophrastic Stage because a "one word = one sentence"
pattern seems to exist in the utterances produced by the child. Babbling may overlap with the
production of the first words, and indeed the first words often exhibit the same structure as
babbled syllables, with a CV (consonant-vowel) syllable used as a word. However, at this stage,
meaning is attached to the syllables produced by a child, and this characteristic distinguishes a
babble from a word.
1. [no]
2. [da] (dog)
3. [ma] (mom)
4. [dæ] (dad).
The words produced are primarily noun-like (e.g. [da] (dog), [ma] (mom)) with verbs second
(e.g. [go]) and adjectives [ha] (hot)) third. Words also include displeasure/rejection words (e.g.
[no]). Words include social interaction words (e.g [bai bai] (bye-bye) [nai nai] (night-night)).
As children begin to produce utterances that count as words, they continue to develop their
abilities to produce more and more individual sound segments. The sounds they produce are
typically sounds in the language of their environment, and they add to their repertoire in a
systematic way.
1. The full range of vowels in the native language is produced before the full range of
consonants
2. Consonants are typically added in the following sequence of manner (examples of sounds in
each category come from English): Nasals [m] [n] [ŋ], Glides [w] [j], Stops [p] [b] [t] [d] [k] [g],
Liquids [l] [ɹ], Fricatives [f] [v] [s] [z], Affricates[tʃ] [dʒ]
3. Consonants are typically added in a front to back order of place, with certain front sounds
being delayed: labials (sounds produced with the lips) come first, then alveolars (sounds
produced just behind the teeth), then velars (sounds produced near the back of the roof of the
mouth), then alveopalatals (sounds produced behind the teeth and a little further back).
Interdentals (sounds produced by placing the tongue between the teeth) come last.
4. New contrasts generally show up in the initial position first. That is, when a child adds a new
sound segment to his/her repertoire, he/she uses it as the first sound in a word, then puts it in
other positions later (i.e., in the middle or at the end of a word).
Children can perceive more sound segments than they can produce. As a result, they will often
substitute one sound for another in their own utterances. The substitutions or alterations they
make are systematic in nature; they will always use the same sound as a substitute for their
intended sound, such as always using [w] for [l], producing [wajk] instead of [lajk] for like. The
substitutions and alterations make articulation easier until they can develop more control over
the vocal tract. As control develops, more sounds are added and a vocabulary is constructed.
During this stage children continue to increase the repertoire of sounds and
vocabulary they can produce according to the order of development that was begun
in earlier stages. Some notable benchmarks and features in the production of
language in this stage include:
The pictures and captions below capture some of the details and provide examples
of the thought/language conundrums present during this stage.
An utterance can carry more than
one meaning because of the absence
of syntactic and morphological
markings. The word order of the
two words matches the word order
an adult might use, but for the child,
the same two words in the same
order could have more than one
meaning. The full meaning must be
derived from the context in which
the words are uttered.
Example: Mommy sock can
mean Mommy is putting my sock on
my foot, or There is mommy’s sock.
Example: sheep will not
mean white or woolly or leg.
c) Basic level
assumption: a word
refers to types of
objects that are alike
in basic ways. Adults
will recognize a
child's meaning even
when an incorrect
word is used (from the
adult's perspective)
because the word used
by the child will share
the same basic
features as the word
an adult would use. If
a child doesn't know
the word for an
animal, he/she will
likely choose the
word for something
else that is alive and
moves around.
Example: sheep might
be taken to mean any
animal, but probably
won’t be taken to
mean rose or flower.
In this stage, children begin stringing more than two words together, perhaps three or four or
five at a time. However, the style of speaking children use in this stage resembles the way of
writing that used to be used in telegrams. That’s why this stage is called telegraphic. In the past,
every word in a telegram cost money, so people used to write the shortest possible messages to
save money. For example, to send the message "We arrived in Paris on Monday," someone
might write "Arrived Paris Monday." Function words (pronouns, conjunctions, prepositions) and
even grammatical morphemes (-ed) are typically absent.
The next question is, "When are they finished?" That is, "When can we say that a child has
learned language?"
Theories of First Language Acquisition
For Behaviorists L1 acquisition is “Say what I say”
L1 acquisition. From these phrases, we can conclude that each theory has different explanation
as to how we acquire our L1.
However, this simplistic view of L1 acquisition received criticisms, mainly from the advocates
of Innatist Theory, among whom Chomsky (1959) believed that children are equipped with an
innate template or blueprint for language, which is called the Language Acquisition Device
(LAD) which accounts for the swift mastery of language among children despite the extremely
abstract nature of language. It is believed that children do not start from scratch when it comes
to language learning as they can acquire complex grammar quickly and without any particular
help beyond the exposure to L1.
The concept of Universal Grammar (UG) explains the commonality of how children acquire
language by learning rules in L1 which are presumed to be universal. Again, this theory also
receives criticism, specifically (as cited in Pascual-Leone, 1996) who insist that language is not
a separate module of the mind as language represents the knowledge acquired through physical
interaction between the children and the environment. Vygotsky (1978) also supports this view
by stating that the conversations that children have with adults and other children are important
as these conversations constitute the origins of both language and thought, where thought is
essentially internalized speech and speech emerges in social interaction. Bloom (as cited
in Ekehammer, 1974) also criticizes the Innatists' pivot grammar, as the relationship between a
pivot word and an open word are not of the same nature. Bloom further concludes that children
learn underlying structures and not superficial word order.
Teachers who believe in the Innatist Theory would most probably adhere to a more student-
centered classroom where the students feel at ease and are not threatened by the teacher and
their peers. The teacher would ensure that the students' anxiety about embarking on a new
voyage of language learning would be safe with ‘life-jackets’ and ‘buoys’ which students can
grasp in moments of ‘near drowning’ from the unknown and confusion of unfamiliar terms and
grammar rules of the L2. The teacher would also most probably delay the inevitable language
testing to avoid students clamping shut when it comes to communicating. The teacher would
foster a ‘silent period’ where the students are not required to provide output, instead they would
just receive the input for an inordinate amount of time. Eventually, students would muster
enough courage and confidence to gather all the input received and provide reasonable output.
Teaching Language
The fact that there is a relationship between age and language development suggests that the age
of the learner is an important factor in language teaching.
The fact that language development begins as early as birth suggests that even preschool
environments shouldn’t ignore language, especially spoken language.
The question arises whether learning a second language is the same as or different than
learning a first.
The question also arises whether learning two languages at the same time follows the
same developmental patterns in the same time frame.
These issues and questions form the basis of methods of teaching language and
differentiate L2 teaching from L1 teaching.
Course work
Compare and contrast the behaviorist and mentalist theories of first language acquisition.
Comparison of First language acquisition and Second Language learning.
Similarities:
In both first and second language acquisition, universal grammar may influence learning.
In second language learning, universal grammar may influence learning either
independently or through the first language.
In both first and second language acquisition, there are predictable stages, and particular
structures are acquired in a set order. Individuals may move more slowly or quickly
through these stages, but they cannot skip ahead.
In both first and second language acquisition, making errors is a part of learning.
Learners need to make and test hypotheses about language to build an internal
representation of the language. In the initial stages of learning, learners may use chunks
of language without breaking them down or processing them as independent units. In
later stages, they may make new errors as they begin to process the parts of each chunk
according to the rules of their language system. For example, a learner may start out
using the correct form of an irregular verb as part of a language chunk, but later
overgeneralize and place a regular affix on that same verb.
In both first and second language acquisition, the learner uses context clues, prior
knowledge, and interaction to comprehend language.
In both first and second language acquisition, age is an important variable affecting
proficiency.
In both first and second language acquisition, learners can often comprehend more
complex language than they are able to produce. In the initial stages of learning, learners
go through a silent period.
In both first and second language acquisition, a learner's proficiency can vary across
situations.
In both first and second language acquisition, learners may overgeneralize vocabulary or
rules, using them in contexts broader than those in which they should be used.
In both first and second language acquisition, learners need comprehensible input
and opportunities to learn language in context in order to increase their proficiency.
Differences:
In first language acquisition, the basis for learning is universal grammar alone. In second
language acquisition, knowledge of the first language also serves as a basis for learning
the second language. There may be both positive and negative transfer between
languages in second language learning.
In first language acquisition, children spend several years listening to language, babbling,
and using telegraphic speech before they can form sentences. In second language
acquisition in older learners, learning is more rapid and people are able to form sentences
within a shorter period of time.
In formal second language learning in older learners, learners are able to use more
metacognitive processes in their learning. They can consciously analyze and manipulate
grammatical structures, and they can explicitly describe how language works. This can
speed the learning process.
In second language learning in older learners, learners bring more life experience and
background knowledge to their learning. They have more schemata and more learning
strategies to help them learn the second language.
In second language learning in older learners, there may be less access to universal
grammar, and sensitivity to phonological distinctions not present in the native language
will be reduced. Students learning in a classroom setting may also have fewer
opportunities to learn language authentically. These factors may reduce the likelihood
that second language learners will attain native-like proficiency. First-language learners
always attain native proficiency, unless they have a disability that affects language
learning.
In first language acquistion, learners have many chances to practice with native speakers
(especially caregivers). In second language acquisition, learners may or may not have the
opportunity to practice extensively with native speakers.
Almost everyone acquires a first language, but not everyone acquires a second language.
Acquiring a first language happens naturally, while acquiring a second language often
requires conscious effort on the part of the learner.