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Jones, Caroline Ab Ex Ego
Jones, Caroline Ab Ex Ego
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access to Critical Inquiry
Caroline A. Jones
We really did have a great deal of fun because I spent that summer
with them on a fun, schematic new school [I called] "the finishing
school." We would finish anything.... We would really break down
all of the conventional ways of approaching school. And the finishing
school was going to be a caravan, and we would travel from city to city,
and it would be posted outside of the city that the finishing school was
coming.'
This paper originated in a talk given at the conference and symposium organized to
celebrate John Cage's eightieth birthday and visit to Stanford University in January of
1992. I am grateful to the organizers for including me, and to Wanda Corn for first sug-
gesting that I be asked to participate. For help with the substantial revisions needed before
publishing, I want to thank Marjorie Perloff for her preliminary criticisms. For their help-
ful insights and shared scholarship, I owe deep debts to Martin Brody, Arnold Davidson,
Peter Galison, Daniel Herwitz, Amelia Jones, and Stephanie Taylor; for moral support,
inspiration, and exemplary courage I thank Norman O. Brown.
1. Quoted in Mary Emma Harris, The Arts at Black Mountain College (Cambridge, Mass.,
1987), p. 156.
628
The finishing school. School of finish, and of finishing off. This was the
summer Cage's aesthetic matured-the summer when Cage, Fuller, and
other agitating influences amused themselves by imagining what they
would finish next. After Western music (Beethoven) and Western archi-
tecture (the Greeks), they felt sure they could "finish anything" and imag-
ined hiring themselves out for the job.
It seems paradoxical to speak of Cage and "finish" in the same
breath-Cage, the champion of indeterminacy, open-endedness, and
chance. Particularly now, after his death, he will be canonized as the
staunchest leader of our heroic American avant-garde, opposed in every
way to the bourgeois notions of lefini seen to undergird academicism since
the days of Colbert and Bouguereau. And certainly Cage was opposed to
"finish" in his life and work, if by finish we mean the polishing of form to
effect a transparency of medium. It is this cosmetic and embalming finish
that he addressed in 1949 in the artist-run journal The Tiger's Eye, writing:
"A finished work is exactly that, requires resurrection."2 But the other
side of "finishing school" is echoed in Cage's comment, in the same essay
in The Tiger's Eye, that "schools teach ... classical harmony. Outside
school, ... a different and correct structural means reappears" ("F," p.
172). This finishing school-this caravan roaming at the outskirts of town,
at the boundaries of civilization-is a more appropriate vehicle for Cage's
early aims: to finish school and emerge into a new independence from aca-
demic forms; tofinish off the dead, the ossified, or the moribund; to resur-
rect only what remained capable of life.
This essay concerns just what it was that John Cage helped finish in
the late 1940s and early 1950s and what kinds of spaces he cleared before
he became the peaceful patron saint of our avant-garde heaven.3 My
observations here allude to much larger stories that can only be told
elsewhere-stories about the ending of Europe, the death of fathers, the
making of Americans.4 Norman O. Brown quoted Cage when he wrote
2. John Cage, "Forerunners of Modern Music," in Ann Eden Gibson, Issues in Abstract
Expressionism: The Artist-Run Periodicals (Ann Arbor, Mich., 1990), p. 173; hereafter abbre-
viated "E" Cage's essay originally appeared in The Tiger's Eye 7 (Mar. 1949): 52-56.
3. Or, as Paul Griffiths would have it, "the apostle of indeterminacy" (Paul Griffiths,
Cage [Oxford, 1981], p. 1; hereafter abbreviated C).
4. "The making of Americans" is, of course, Gertrude Stein's phrase, and it was used
by the organizers of the John Cage at Stanford conference for the title of the panel in
which a version of this paper was originally presented. The linkage of Stein and Cage as
avant-garde modernists was the conscious and approved significance of this reference; my
that "we know all we need to know about Oedipus, Prometheus, Hamlet";
but, wisely, he preceded this by observing that "Cage in 1959 is not the
same as Cage in 1974."5 For my own essay (begun on the occasion of
Cage's eightieth birthday and finished shortly after his death), I want to
return to that earlier time lest we forget Oedipus, Prometheus, and Ham-
let. Americans in their making have rarely forgotten those fierce sons or
failed to emulate them in their struggles to carve a culture from within the
colonial outpost of an aging empire.
In his early compositions-verbal and musical-Cage engaged,
among other things, the problematic of the abstract expressionist ego.6
His critique was both explicit and implicit, operating by word, deed, and
negativity to address what would come to appear hegemonic in American
modernism of the 1950s: the cultural construction of the artist as a mascu-
line solitary, his artwork as a pure statement of individual genius and
autonomous will.7 Cage's critical modes, the how of his "finishing school,"
constitute the central subject of this essay. Pursuing the trajectory of his
career in its cultural context, I first view Cage's search for technology as a
way of countering, or complicating, the abstract expressionist ego in its
search for a natural sublime. Second, I examine the functions of Cagean
silence in addressing that same ego, exploring Cage's multiple equations
of silence with nothingness, death, life, the sound of Others, the with-
drawal of the body, the hiding of beauty, the absence of ego, and the birth
of unintention. Finally, I view the presence of silence in Cage's work in
relation to a potentially homosexual aesthetic, particularly as read in by
the younger visual artists attracted to his work and ideas.
thesis, which suggests covert linkages at the deeper level of a resistant gay/lesbian aes-
thetic, proved more problematic to the conference organizers and participants. I take this
problematic as my problematic: how an absence or negativity can function to convey mean-
ing in cultural texts.
5. Norman O. Brown, "John Cage," in John Cage at Seventy-Five, ed. Richard Fleming
and William Duckworth (Lewisburg, Pa., 1989), pp. 105, 104.
6. I use the term problematic because this discursively produced and culturally main-
tained subjectivity, with its countless historical shifts, could never be firmly secured. The
abstract expressionist ego should thus be read with scare quotes throughout this essay.
7. Michael Leja has offered a nuanced reading of this dominant abstract expressionist
subjectivity in his book, Reframing Abstract Expressionism: Subjectivity and Painting in the
1940s (New Haven, Conn., 1993). I am grateful to Leja for sharing his introductory essay
and helping establish the shifting terms negotiated in constructing what I term the abstract
expressionist ego.
brightly a common goal in the world and in the quietness within each
human being.
-CAGE, "Forerunners of Modern Music" (1949)
8. The full nickname "the good-looking Frankenstein" was given him by the Italian
press in 1958 when Cage was in Milan, composing experimental music on tape and compet-
ing on a televised quiz show (quoted in Calvin Tomkins, The Bride and the Bachelors: Five
Masters of the Avant-Garde [New York, 1965], p. 132; hereafter abbreviated BB). Clearly
meant to be affectionate, the nickname is nonetheless revealing of European attitudes
toward postwar Americans (creators of the A-bomb), whose technophilia could assume
monstrous proportions.
9. See Leo Marx, The Machine in the Garden: Technology and the Pastoral Ideal in America
(Oxford, 1964). See particularly Marx's discussion of Melville's Ahab and the technologi-
cal sublime (pp. 294-95) and his argument that Melville, by using machine imagery to
relate the butchery of whaling to the violence of Western civilization, speaks to "the contra-
diction at the heart of a culture that would deify the Nature it is engaged in plundering" (p.
301). As Marx put it more recently, "'the rhetoric of the technological sublime' " is "a rhet-
oric designed to invest secular images of technology with the capacity to evoke emotions-
awe, wonder, mystery, fear-formerly reserved for images of boundless nature or for
representing a response to divinity" (Marx, "Does Pastoralism Have a Future?" in The Pasto-
ral Landscape, ed. John Dixon Hunt [Washington, D.C., 1992], p. 225).
10. For one discussion of the piano's technology, see Edwin M. Good, Giraffes, Black
Dragons, and Other Pianos: A Technological History from Cristofori to the Modern Concert Grand
(Stanford, Calif., 1982).
FIG. 1.-John Cage at Black Mountain, Summer 1948. Photo: Hazel Larsen
Archer. Courtesy Mary Emma Harris.
11. I'm thinking here of the musical experiments of Edgard Varese and the machine
concerts of the dadaists.
discourse of the natural sublime, with its emphasis on the awed individu-
al's relationship to primordial nature, Cage called for "the use of techno-
logical means" requiring "the close anonymous collaboration of a number
of workers," leading "not to self-knowledge ... [but] to selflessness" ("F,"
pp. 175-76).12 Cage's first mature statement, the prepared piano of 1940,
already exemplified this belief in a mechanistic antidote to ego. It was an
instrument built, in part, to speak the bold vernacular of the technological
sublime.
Cage, son of an inventor, brought this most American enterprise to
music. Several of his earliest compositions were titled "Inventions"; he
compares an early "claim" for his music to a patent specification claim.'3
But his earliest innovation, the prepared piano, suggested the creative tin-
kering celebrated as Yankee ingenuity rather than the entrepreneurial
capitalism of Henry Ford, Thomas Edison, and the like. Others, notably
Cage's own mentor Henry Cowell, had experimented with the percussive
capabilities of the piano, but Cage concretized such whimsies, taking them
further away from improvisatory performance to embed them in the tech-
nology of the piano itself.'4 By inserting nuts, bolts, screws, and other
mechanical (Frankensteinian?) bits under the strings, Cage altered their
timbre and emphasized their percussive capabilities. He also rendered
them unsuitable as vehicles for the vocal and instrumental traditions of
Western harmony, putting listeners in mind of the Balinese gamelan.'5
The artificially normative consonance of the piano's steel strings, deter-
12. For an extended discussion of the technological sublime and its relation to the
abstract expressionists' natural sublime, see my "Machine in the Studio: Changing Con-
structions of the American Artist, 1945-1968" (Ph.D. diss., Stanford University, 1992),
and forthcoming in expanded form.
13. Cage composed "Six Short Inventions" in 1932-33. The notion of a musical
"invention" also has its source in Bach and other earlier composers celebrating authorial
creation over a mimicry of nature; Cage is playing with both senses here. "Claim," a section
of Cage's "Forerunners of Modern Music," reads: "Any sounds of any qualities and pitches
(known or unknown, definite or indefinite), any contexts of these, simple or multiple, are
natural and conceivable within a rhythmic structure which equally embraces silence. Such
a claim is remarkably like the claims to be found in patent-specifications for and articles
about technological musical means" ("F," p. 175).
14. Cage recalled seeing Cowell perform: "He used a darning egg, moving it length-
wise along the strings while trilling ... on the keyboard" (Cage, "How the Piano Came to
Be Prepared," Empty Words: Writings '73-'78 by John Cage [Middletown, Conn., 1979], p. 7).
Cowell's piece The Banshee (1925) was notable for its improvisatory use of the piano's
insides. Cowell wrote in 1952, Cage "got an idea by knowing my own things.... and he
took it up and prepared the strings, which I had never done" (quoted in David Revill, The
Roaring Silence: John Cage: A Life [New York, 1992], pp. 69-71).
15. "The prepared piano ... converted the piano to a percussion instrument without
harmonies" (Harris, The Arts at Black Mountain College, p. 154). See also Cage's view that
contemporary music composition was moving away from Western harmonics in Cage, "The
East in the West," Modern Music 23 (Spring 1946):115. It was Virgil Thomson who com-
pared the prepared piano to the "'Balinese gamelang orchestra'" (BB, p. 90).
16. Sch6nberg's comment was apparently made to critic Peter Yates. Cage repeated
the remark to interviewer Jeff Goldberg in 1976; see Jeff Goldberg, "John Cage Inter-
view," in Conversing with Cage, ed. Richard Kostelanetz (New York, 1988), p. 6.
17. Tomkins dates the composition of Bacchanale to 1938, but both Griffiths and
Revill give the date of March 1940, from notations on the score. See C, p. 13 and Revill,
Roaring Silence, p. 69. Griffiths notes the composition calls for a piano prepared with "one
small bolt, one screw with nuts, and eleven pieces of fibrous weather stripping" (C, p. 13).
18. To the phrase "the use of technological means" Cage appends a footnote citing the
Swiss painter Paul Klee: "I want to be as though new-born, knowing nothing, absolutely
nothing about Europe." Thus, at this point, technology was identified as the absolute nega-
tion of European culture and tradition (quoted in "F," p. 175).
19. On Picasso's "exorcism" via African art, see "Primitivism" in Twentieth-Century Art
Affinity of the Tribal and the Modern, ed. William Rubin, 2 vols. (New York, 1984), 1:2
With specific reference to Les Demoiselles d'Avignon, see Leo Steinberg, "The Philosophi
Brothel, Part 1," Art News 71 (Sept. 1972): 20-29, and Mary Mathews Gedo, Picasso: Art
Autobiography (Chicago, 1980).
20. The issue of tribal or minority cultures as sources for "high" art is a vexatious on
which Jim Clifford addressed directly in his critique of the Museum of Modern Ar
"Primitivism" exhibition and catalogue. See James Clifford, The Predicament of Cultur
Twentieth-Century Ethnography, Literature, and Art (Cambridge, Mass., 1988). See also Joh
Yau, "Please Wait by the Coatroom" and other essays in Out There: Marginalization and C
temporary Cultures, ed. Russell Ferguson et al. (New York, 1990), and The Myth
Primitivism: Perspectives on Art, ed. Susan Hiller (London, 1991). What is needed now i
nuanced reading of the cultural interplay in tribal art and a recognition of these suppose
"native" styles as sophisticated Creole systems operating between a dominant culture an
multiple source vocabularies. This reading would make room, for example, for the pres
sures of the market on tribal art, exercised from the beginning through trading betwe
tribes and, later, through Western-run trading posts. There is a reason why Navajo blank
styles are often named for the trading post with which they are associated (for examp
Ganado), and jazz emanated from cities with great immigrant populations (Chicago, N
Orleans, New York). The presence of klezmer in jazz, aniline-dyed red flannel fiber
Ganado chief blankets, or Venetian glass beads on Chippewa moccasins should complicat
any reading of "native" American or African American art forms.
21. "Of the four characteristics of sound, only duration involves both sound an
silence. Therefore, a structure based on durations... is correct, ... whereas harmonic structur
is incorrect" ("F," p. 172 n. 2; emphasis added).
22. Cage, like the cultural critics of the Frankfurt school, was not drawn to jazz in p
formance; as I note below, his interest in vernacular noise always stopped at the establish
boundaries of "high" culture. But in 1952, during this early period of his career, Cage actu-
ally composed a piece by fragmenting jazz recordings (as in, I note, the practice of 1980s
and 1990s African-American rap composers/break dancers/hip-hop musicians). The
piece, Imaginary Landscape No. 5, was his first on tape. Griffiths writes of Cage's '"jazz-
tinged piano" in compositions from the early 1940s, around the same time that Bacchanale
was written (C, p. 15). For a discussion of the ambivalent relationship between American
intellectuals and jazz, see Andrew Ross, "Hip, and the Long Front of Color," No Respect:
Intellectuals and Popular Culture (New York, 1989), pp. 65-101.
23. Of course, as white male artists, painters such as Stuart Davis and musicians such as
Tommy Dorsey were empowered to produce this "American" art and their black colleagues
were not. On the presence of a generalized (and generative) "blues aesthetic" in American
culture, see Houston A. Baker, Jr., Blues, Ideology, and Afro-American Literature: A Vernacular
Theory (Chicago, 1984).
24. That Cage was directly responding to Syvilla Fort and her dance in his composition
should be clear. Even at the end of his life, when years of simultaneous but uncdnnected
music for Merce Cunningham's dances suggested some kind of indifference, Cage
recounted a telling anecdote about himself and Karlheinz Stockhausen: "once i was with
karlheinz we were just walking in cologne and he said if you were writing a song would you
write music or would you write for the singer i said i would write for the singer he said well
that's the difference between us i would write music" (Cage, I-VI [Cambridge, Mass., 1990],
pp. 10-11). Cage did not see himself as primitive, of course; in this respect he was quite dif-
ferent from Pollock, who flirted with a Brandoesque "caveman" image despite the
intellectualism of his supporters. See Ellen G. Landau,Jackson Pollock (New York, 1989), p.
14. Sufficiently discomfited by this tendency of Pollock's, Cage declined to write the music
for Hans Namuth's documentary on the painter, recommending Morton Feldman for the
job. See Steven Naifeh and Gregory White Smith, Jackson Pollock: An American Saga (New
York, 1989), p. 663. My argument is not that the two men were similar in their use or
approach to the primitive but rather that both participated in this pervasive theme of
American modernism.
entry into what critics termed "the arena" of the canvas, is witnessed fur-
ther by the handprints appearing on the wall-sized canvases he was pro-
ducing around 1948 (in particular, Number One, 1948). The handprints'
link to ritual art lay in their evocation of the neolithic cave paintings
recently exposed at Lascaux and Peche Merle; art world cognoscenti knew
also of Pollock's statements praising native American sand paintings and
read of his desires to be "more a part of the painting.., literally [to] be in
the painting."25 This famous quote, in fact, is from the one and only issue
of Possibilities, the journal founded by Robert Motherwell, Cage, and oth-
ers that appeared in the winter of 1947-48.26 It is an indication of the flu-
idity and expansiveness of avant-garde aesthetics at the time that both
Cage and Pollock could occupy the same platform and seem to articulate
related sensibilities.27 Neither the fluidity nor the expansiveness would
last. Pollock would remain a central figure within the abstract expression-
ist canon, and Cage would become the mentor for a younger generation
now seen to oppose it.
25. Jackson Pollock, "My Painting," Possibilities 1 (Winter 1947-48): 79. Cage makes
reference the following year to Pollock's "sand painting" in "Forerunners of Modern
Music," where he writes: "Just as art as sand-painting (art for the now-moment rather than
for posterity's museum-civilization) becomes a held point of view, adventurous workers in
the field of synthetic music ... find that for practical and economic reasons work with mag-
netic wires (any music so made can quickly and easily be erased, rubbed-off) is preferable to
that with film" ("F," p. 175).
26. The periodical was edited by Robert Motherwell (art), Harold Rosenberg (writ-
ing), Pierre Chareau (architecture), and John Cage (music). Despite its survival for only
one issue, Possibilities is described as "occup[ying] a pivotal position in the periodical lit-
erature of Abstract Expressionism" (Gibson, "Possibilities: 'The Thing-without Theory,'"
in Issues in Abstract Expressionism, p. 33). In addition to Possibilities, Cage's contribution to
which Motherwell found uncharacteristically disappointing (see ibid., p. 34), Cage contrib-
uted "Forerunners of Modern Music" to The Tiger's Eye and was himself the subject of Leon
A. Kochnitzky, "The Three Magi of Contemporary Music," The Tiger's Eye 1 (Oct. 1947):
77-81.
27. On the fluidity of early abstract expressionism and the problem of defini
"avant-garde," see Leja, "The Formation of an Avant-Garde in New York," in Ab
Expressionism: The Critical Developments, ed. Michael Auping (exhibition cata
Albright-Knox Art Gallery, Buffalo, N.Y., 19 Sept.-29 Nov. 1987), pp. 13-33.
28. Michael Kirby and Richard Schechner, "An Interview" (1965), in Conversing
Cage, p. 21.
club began as the "Subjects of the Artist" school, evolving into "Studio 35"
and finally "the Club." At its inception in the fall of 1949, the club had
twenty members, swelling to eighty in less than a year.29 It became the pri-
mary arbiter of what would be called abstract expressionism, its members
even reluctantly endorsing the movement's name in a series of panel dis-
cussions held in 1952.30 Cage was invited to contribute to important peri-
odicals run by club members (such as The Tiger's Eye and, of course,
Possibilities); he was twice asked to speak to club members on a subject of
his choice.
But the club, that loose affiliation of bohemians that was the closest
thing to a New York school academy, was nonetheless ambivalent in its
relation to Cage, and he to it. If the prepared piano had participated in an
aesthetics of primitivism and sublimity (albeit a technophilic sublimity)
that linked Cage to his generation of artists in New York, his subsequent
move to silence and indeterminacy proved deeply alienating to the
abstract expressionists attempting to hold onto the banner of the Ameri-
can avant-garde. In the perpetual contest to control the meaning(s) of
modernism, Cage came to occupy a radically different perspective from
his cohort, serving to open a space for younger male artists whose names
are legion (the list begins with Robert Rauschenberg and Jasper Johns but
continues to include Allan Kaprow, Robert Smithson, Robert Morris,
Walter De Maria, and countless others).31 As I shall argue further below, it
was the effigy of the Individual Ego that Cage burned in his meteoric rise
to avant-garde heaven. It was only an effigy because criticism and the art
world both work tirelessly to recuperate, protect, and construct a stable
or "real" artistic ego forever fortified against efforts to deconstruct it.
Indeed, it was the group of painters gathering at the club who struggled
perhaps the most manfully to make this subjectivity real. As Michael Leja
argues persuasively, the study of abstract expressionist subjectivities is par-
ticularly rich, given that "this art took subjectivity as its explicit subject
matter [and] offers an exceptionally clear picture of the dialectic within
which subjects, including cultural producers, are shaped by various dis-
courses and representations they encounter in their culture, which they
then go on as active agents to inflect, reshape, and (mis)represent."32 My
thesis in this essay is this: the critique of abstract expressionism by subse-
quent generations of American artists was engaged primarily with this
33. See below for my discussion of the implications of the term homosexual aesthetic and
my efforts to use it in a nonessentializing way.
34. Such constructions were always unstable. Even during the mid-1950s, when
abstract expressionism was well on its way to becoming the American national (heterosex-
ual) style, the club included figures such as Frank O'Hara, who was fairly open about his
homosexuality. But as gay theorists have established (and I am thinking here of the work of
Eve Kosofsky Sedgwick in her books Between Men: English Literature and Male Homosocial
The painting should give man a sense of place: that he knows he's
there, so he's aware of himself. In that sense he relates to me when I
made the painting because in that sense I was there.... I hope that
my painting has the impact of giving someone, as it did me, the
feeling of his own totality, of his own separateness, of his own
individuality.37
A few quotes from journalists and essayists, writing in both big and
little magazines of the day, further suggest the dominance of this mode of
interpellation; even hostile critics in the popular press reinforced the ide-
ology of supersaturated individualism: "Until psychology digs deeper into
the workings of the creative act the spectator can only respond, in one way
or another, to the gruff, turgid, sporadically vital reelings and writings of
Pollock's inner-directed art"; or, even less sympathetic, "In fleeing from
the machine and the terrors of the man-made world, we have plunged into
Desire [New York, 1985] and Epistemology of the Closet [Berkeley, 1990]), the presence of
homosexuality within an intensely homosocial masculinist discourse should not surprise us.
On the social construction of all these categories, see Forms ofDesire: Sexual Orientation and
the Social Constructionist Controversy, ed. Edward Stein (New York, 1990). Without interro-
gating the sexual identities or gender aspects of the abstract expressionists, Serge Guilbaut
does an excellent job of charting the canonization and depoliticization of modernism in
postwar America in his polemical How New York Stole the Idea of Modern Art: Abstract Expres-
sionism, Freedom, and the Cold War (Chicago, 1983).
35. See my "Machine in the Studio" for this argument in its full form; see also my essay
"Andy Warhol's 'Factory': The Production Site, Its Context, and Its Impact on the Work of
Art," Science in Context 4 (Spring 1991): 101-32.
36. Pollock, interview with Selden Rodman (1956), quoted in Beryl Wright, "Chronol-
ogy," in Abstract Expressionism, p. 271.
37. Barnett Newman, interview with David Sylvester, in Sylvester, "The Ugly Duck-
ling," in Abstract Expressionism, p. 144.
the dimly lit corridors of man's own psyche. ... Every least gesture of the
brush becomes a revelation, and our pessimism regarding the psyche is
such that, the cruder the gesture, the greater the revelation.""38 Even more
sophisticated authors, such as Clement Greenberg, who sought to distance
themselves from psychological analyses of the new art, reinforced the pre-
vailing image of the lonely, marginalized artist. Here is Greenberg, writ-
ing for British readers in 1947:
The fate of American art is being decided ... by young people, few of
them over forty, who live in cold-water flats and exist from hand to
mouth.... [They] have no reputations that extend beyond a small
circle of fanatics, art-fixated misfits who are as isolated in the United
States as if they were living in Paleolithic Europe. ... What we have
... is the ferocious struggle to be a genius.... Alas, the future of
American art depends on them. That it should is fitting but sad. Their
isolation is inconceivable, crushing, unbroken, damning.39
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FIG. 2.-Robert Motherwell, Pancho Villa, Dead and Alive, 1943. Gouache and oil with
collage and cardboard. 28 in. X 35%/e in. Collection: The Museum of Modern Art, New
York.
45. Motherwell actually referred to these forms as bull testicles, which have a privi-
leged function in the bullfighting rituals of Spain; the American Motherwell, lik
45
46. Cage, foreword, Silence: Lectures and Writings by John Cage (Middletown, Conn.,
1961), p. ix.
47. Cage, "Lecture on Nothing," Silence, p. 109; hereafter abbreviated "LN."
48. Cage, describing the reaction of Jeanne Reynal, foreword, Silence, p. ix.
49. In addition to Motherwell's phallus and testicles, I am thinking of Still's cryptic
self-portrait, 1946-L (now at the San Francisco Museum of Modern Art) as ready examples
of the covert priapic figure in abstract expressionist paintings.
Because every other possibility is fulfilled and becomes act, .... death
becomes the non-reality, the non-being."51 The popular understanding of
existentialism that operated in the abstract expressionist communities on
both coasts was established by such writers as Levinas and Sartre, whose
ideas were propagated in the New York artist-run journals; they were fur-
ther popularized and given tremendous force by Rosenberg in his famous
essay on "action painting"-a call for a quintessentially embodied gesture
against the void of death's disembodiment.52 Above all, the abstract
expressionist reading of existentialism emphasized the heroic individual
artist, whose work would be a virtual instantiation of "potency and act." As
one American writer in 1958 summarized it, existentialism forced a con-
frontation with "the impotence of reason confronted with the depths of
existence; the threat of Nothingness, and the solitary and unsheltered condition
of the individual before this threat."53
The nothing/ that/ goes on/ is/ what/ Feldman/ speaks/ of/
when/ he speaks of/ being/ sub-merged/ in/ silence. / The/
acceptance/ of/ death/ is the source/ of/ all/ life./ ... Not one
sound/ fears/ the silence/ that ex-tinguishes it./ And/ no silence/
exists/ that is not/ pregnant/ with/ sound.54
54. Cage, "Juilliard Lecture" (1952), A Year from Monday: New Lectures and Writings by
John Cage (Middletown, Conn., 1967), p. 98; emphasis added. Cage's reading of Feldman
was, of course, highly willful. Feldman led a notoriously heterosexual life and remained
much more closely identified with the abstract expressionists than Cage, culminating with
his musical homage to Rothko, composed for the opening of the Rothko Chapel in Hous-
ton, which was completed in 1979.
ment and decries the other as annoying. Silence gives form to them both
and room for the sounds and activities of others. This was Cage's revela-
tion, and the work of these two younger painters struck, as it were, sympa-
thetic chords.
As against the natural, heroic sublime of the abstract expressionist
painters, Johns and Rauschenberg moved toward the quotidian. They
substituted found objects and found images, bracketed and made
strange to convey the violence of the everyday. In Rauschenberg's devas-
tated, unmade Bed (fig. 4), and the strange casts of body parts in Johns's
Target with Plaster Casts (fig. 5), there is a potential for indeterminacy
(always subverted by the institutional structures that frame our experi-
ence of the visual arts). Couldn't that bed be made up, the covers drawn
to conceal the torrid marks of the loaded brush? Couldn't those body
parts be thoughtfully lidded over, that shooting gallery converted to a
laconic row of plain trap doors? Rauschenberg put radios in his paint-
ings; Johns wanted to have sounds emerge with the opening of each trap
door. Agency slips from the maker to the passerby; as in Cage's works
(and those of his model, the heroic antihero and sexually ambiguous
"father" of postmodernism, Marcel Duchamp), the actions of the audi-
ence become part of the piece.55
When we speak of Cage's affinity for, and significance to, younger
artists, we recognize that influences go both ways. Already by 1949, when
he barely knew Cage, Rauschenberg was limiting his palette to mono-
chrome and using numbers to generate a kind of autonomous, depersona-
lized discipline in his work (for example, White Painting with Numbers [The
Lily White], 1949). His all-black paintings of 1951-52, which preceded the
all-white ones by a few months, used a ground of "found objects"-in this
case, newspapers-for their unreadable texture, their active silences.
When Cage and Rauschenberg found each other at Black Mountain again
during the summer of 1952, their friendship deepened, and both were
ready for further departures.
Cage writes, punctiliously, in Silence: "To Whom It May Concern:
The white paintings [of Rauschenberg] came first; my silent piece came
later."56 That summer of 1952, Cage saw Rauschenberg's apparently
blank canvases, each white, each apparently identical to its neighbor.
Rauschenberg held these canvas panels to be "hypersensitive," tender
membranes registering the slightest phenomenon on their blanched white
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skins.57 Cage described them as "airports for the lights, shadows, and par-
ticles," characteristically transposing Rauschenberg's semiotics of a
tender, almost invisible, but deeply sensate body into a technological met-
57. Quoted in Tomkins, Off the Wall: Robert Rauschenberg and the Art World of Our Time
(New York, 1980), p. 71.
58. Cage, "On Robert Rauschenberg, Artist, and His Work," p. 102.
59. Martin Brody has suggested that "airports" may also be "air ports," or openings in
the air. In my reading the technological side of Cage dominates the whimsical.
60. In part it included Rauschenberg's white paintings and scratchy Edith Piaf
records; Cage, M. C. Richards, and Charles Olson reading from the tops of two ladders;
Cunningham dancing with the unexpected accompaniment of a stray dog; David Tudor
playing a prepared piano and a radio; and someone projecting films and slides upside-
down. The event terminated with the serving of coffee. See Harris, The Arts at Black Moun-
tain College, pp. 226-28.
61. Walt Whitman, "Passage to India" (1870), Complete Poetry and Col
York, 1982), 11. 2-3, p. 531.
62. Their learning to sing suggests to me that Cage is not calling here
folk culture, which, presumably, Texans could generate on their own. I
pursuing a model of the cultural elite that will tell Texans what to lear
them-part of the "finishing school" caravan, perhaps.
63. See Sedgwick, Epistemology of the Closet, in particular "Proust and the Spectacle of
the Closet," p. 222.
64. When this paper had already been written, Patricia Hills drew my attention to the
work ofJonathan Katz, who has come to similar conclusions about such works by Johns and
Rauschenberg. To my knowledge, Katz's paper has yet to be published; it was delivered at
the 1991 College Art Association conference in Washington, D.C., as "Subculture Repre-
sentations in the Art of Jasper Johns and Robert Rauschenberg: Identity and Community
among Postwar New York Artists." See also my chapter on Warhol for a discussion of his
homosexual aesthetic in "Machine in the Studio."
65. Even Howl was censored in its first publication, the overt homoerotic pas
altered. See my Bay Area Figurative Art, p. 135.
66. Quoted in Mark Rosenthal, Jasper Johns: Work since 1974 (exhibition catalog
Philadelphia Museum of Art, Philadelphia, 23 Oct. 1988-8 Jan. 1989), p. 60.
67. Tomkins, Off the Wall, p. 260, speaking of "Cage, Cunningham, Rauschenb
Johns, Warhol and others."
68. Thomas E. Yingling, Hart Crane and the Homosexual Text: New Thresholds, New Anat-
omies (Chicago, 1990), p. 199; hereafter abbreviated HC. See also Thomas Piontek, review
of HC, Discourse 13 (Fall-Winter 1990-91):190-96. In addition to Sedgwick's and
Yingling's previously cited texts, see Byrne R. S. Fone, Masculine Landscapes: Walt Whitman
and the Homoerotic Text (Carbondale, Ill., 1992), and articles by Ed Cohen ("Legislating the
Norm: From Sodomy to Gross Indecency"), Michael Moon ("Disseminating Whitman"),
and Sedgwick ("Across Gender, across Sexuality: Willa Cather and Others"), in Displacing
Homophobia: Gay Male Perspectives in Literature and Cultures, ed. Ronald R. Butters, John M.
Clum, and Moon (Durham, N.C., 1989), pp. 169-206, 235-54, and 53-72.
69. Piontek refers to the conversion of Walt Whitman's homoeroticism into national-
ism: "The fact that Whitman himself contributed to this development only highlights th
enormous pressure on writers to fit into a specifically American tradition" (Piontek, revie
of HC, p. 193). See also Yingling on Crane's poem The Bridge, which he argues leaves unr
solved "the conflict homosexuality names for American culture" and, in its very contradic
tions, "inscribes [this conflict] in its negativity" (HC, p. 226). This, the final sentence in
Yingling's book, is also noted by Piontek, who concludes, "Crane's body and the body
Crane's text cannot be so easily sundered" (Piontek, review of HC, p. 196).
strokes, taps, and slaps the strings that have been tightened by screws and
made tense with bindings and implements. By contrast, in the "silent
piece" of 1952, I argued, the body was visible, but inert-the beginning of
a "bodiless" performance. During the mid-1950s, when most engaged
with the work ofJohns and Rauschenberg, Cage had shifted his interest to
magnetic tape and other electronic sound devices; although he still
emphasized the performance of his music, it was a matter of small move-
ments: an adjustment of dials and flicking of switches. Contact micro-
phones amplified sounds made by other objects, other bodies; it was a
mechanized music in which the auditor was subjected to the daunting
extremes of an acoustical technological sublime. By the late 1960s, in
HPSCHD, the bodies of the seven harpsichord players were all but invisi-
ble, dwarfed by the fifty-one tape players, seven films, and eighty slide
projectors that performed-automatically, mechanistically, bodilessly-
for an audience of nine thousand. Even in its conjunction with
Cunningham's dances, Cage's midcareer music appears as a virtual dem-
onstration of its disembodiedness. It is asynchronous and wholly dis-
jointed from the bodies on stage, whose movements are themselves
detached from function or narrative, recombined by Cunningham into
exhilaratingly abstract morphemes drained of bodily significance.
Cage's shift toward ever more disembodied practices during these
years constituted his developing critique of the abstract expressionist
ego. His evolving rhetoric and art moved from an early participation in
the emerging goals of the abstract expressionist avant-garde-the
primitivism, the sublimity, even the individual authority implied by his
favored term invention-to his later identification with the secrets-in-
view of younger, implicitly different artists. By the pivotal "Lecture o
Nothing" of 1949, Cage had already hinted at the aesthetic of "hiding
beauty" that he would later quote in his 1952 talk at Juilliard. The kin
of beauty we might desire would be hidden in the pregnant silence
absences, and withdrawal of the body that formed the paradoxical
empty fullness of his art.
Cage taught a bodiless philosophy, claiming silence is but the absenc
of a noisy ego: "If I stop making sounds, then sounds will continue ...
silence equals unintention."70 As Gerald Bruns, Daniel Herwitz, an
Joan Retallack have each discussed, Cagean "poethics" are deeply rooted
in the anarchic ideals of certain American philosophers, notably Henry
David Thoreau.71 Cage's silence, for these scholars, opens inevitably ont
70. John Cage, speaking at the Cage symposium at Stanford, on 30 Jan. 1992.
71. See Gerald L. Bruns, "Crossroads of Ethical Theory: John Cage and Stanle
Cavell," Daniel Herwitz, "John Cage's Approach to the Global," and Joan Retallac
"Poethics of a Complex Realism," ed. Marjorie Perloff and Charles Junkerman (forthcom
ing). This volume commemorates some of the papers given on 29 January 1992 at t
Stanford Cage symposium.
72. Note, for example, Cage's Apartment House 1776, the 1976 composition produced
for the American Bicentennial, almost absurdly demographic in its call for different vocal
traditions: "to be added, live or recorded, Protestant, Sephardic and American Indian
songs, and Negro calls and hollers" (C.F. Peters, publishers of the score). The decentered,
deauthored nature of these compositions is seen also in a work like Roaratorio (1979), which
uses randomly combined excerpts from Joyce's Finnegans Wake, taped sound from Joycean
places in Ireland, and live performances on folk instruments by Irish musicians. The score
for the latter is left entirely indeterminate, titled , Circus on _ ,
functioning as instructions for turning any existing book into music (the first blank being a
title, the second an adjective, and the last a text; one production by others resulted in
Realibogie-A Jacobite Circus on King James VI's Daemonologie. See Revill, The Roaring Silence,
p. 267. Martin Brody has pointed out to me the difference between such practices and
those of contemporary composers such as Karlheinz Stockhausen, to whom Cage is often
compared. In the case of Stockhausen's Telemusik, for example, the different sources are
appropriated from different cultures and electronically collaged by the composer, their
order and acoustical role authorially determined and fixed on tape without a clear possibil-
ity for either live performance or cultural variability.
73. Brown, discussion at Stanford Cage symposium 31 Jan. 1992, and paper given 28
Jan. 1992 at the same symposium.
74. Michel Foucault, Discipline and Punish: The Birth of the Prison, trans. Alan Sheridan
(1975; New York, 1979), p. 28. I am grateful to Herwitz for pointing out this link and for
our discussions on the subject of Cage, silence, and the politics of the body. My thoughts on
this have also been informed by Elaine Scarry, The Body in Pain: The Making and Unmaking of
the World (New York, 1985), which argues passionately for the need to see the torture of
individual bodies as a function of state power, not merely individual loss.
demise under capital punishment are but signs of the state's power
expressed on the text of the body. Silence is thus always already a
response; it is, as Sedgwick argues, a "speech act" formed within a
heterosexist discourse; or, put in Yingling's terms, the male homosexual is
"empowered to speak, but unable to say" (HC, p. 26).75 Foucault expands
on his notion of silence and the body politic in The History ofSexuality:
There was a group in Ohio, who never had any meetings and they
never talked with one another; they lived more or less in silence,
because they felt that there was so much to be done that it was foolish
to waste time talking. And I think our use of words for the most part is
to protect ourselves from other people, rather than to indicate our
love of one another. ... We need the introduction into society more
and more.... [of] the demand and the expressed desire for love, in
an anarchic world.78
In his early and more recent homages to Cage, Jasper Johns sug-
gested the fruitfulness of Cage's withdrawal of private experience from
public view, finding a dialectic between the life of Cage's embodied ego
and his call for an egoless art. A 1954 assemblage, Construction with Toy
Piano (fig. 6), is not identified as an homage, but I think it implies one. It
was produced the same year Johns met Cage, several years after Cage's
own Suite for Toy Piano (written and performed at Black Mountain in
1948), and consists of an altered or prepared piano. The delicate, aging
collage on its surface consists of papers, many of them foreign, bearing
numbers in or out of comprehensible sequence, or script that cannot be
read. At bottom left, we see, inverted, the word Nation, as if implying the
making of Americans from these polyglot scraps and texts.8' The inside of
the toy piano, the part that makes the music, is concealed. Even if the
viewer were allowed to touch the keys, the sounds would be muffled and
their source obscured by the lid and tissue overlay.
?r ?i?~d'Pt
VN ""..:
FIG. 6.-Jasper Johns, Construction with Toy Piano, 1954. Graphite and collage
with toy piano. 11 in. X 9 in. X 2 in. Collection: Offentliche Kunstsammlung, Basel.
82. Johns's image was also used to illustrate a new release of Cage's composition; see
John Cage: The Perilous Night/Four Walls (1991), New Albion Records, NA037.
i4 ii
ji
Fic. 7
Insti
of Cage's published sheet music for the work appears at the right in
Johns's free tracing. It is significant that Johns chooses The Perilous Night
for his homage, since it was the last composition in which Cage acknowl-
edged investing his own personal emotions, before turning to chance and
silence to generate the content of his art.83
Cage speaks openly, if elliptically, of the nature of the emotions in The
Perilous Night: it was concerned with "'the loneliness and terror that
comes to one when love becomes unhappy' " (BB, p. 97). "The music tells a
story of the dangers of the erotic life and describes the misery of 'some-
thing that was together that is split apart.' "84 There was the war and the
breakup of Cage's marriage (see BB, p. 97), but equally significant for
Cage was his moving out of the Perilous Night itself, emerging from autobi-
ographic expressionism into egoless indeterminacy, turning from the
macho abstract expressionist norm toward something more tentative and
more open.85Johns focuses on this moment in creating the veiled portrait
of his longtime friend, as if Cage will always be becoming, coming ever fur-
ther out from that perilous night.
Johns's visual vocabulary in Perilous Night was familiar to him and to
those who know his works. The outstretched arm echoes, of course,
Pollock's shamanistic handprints in his paintings of the late 1940s. In
Johns's own work the truncated arm has multiple meanings. In his larger
encaustic canvas Perilous Night, executed the same year as the ink paint-
ing, there are three different arms, each a three-dimensional plaster form
clearly cast from a living body, then painted and hung on hooks that pro-
trude from the painting's surface. In the ink painting, however, where
Cage's musical composition is featured more prominently, the hand's
open palm reads differently. Inked and pressed on to the plastic support,
here it functions visually as a literal imprint of a specific gesture.86
83. "I had poured a great deal of emotion into the piece, and obviously I wasn't com-
municating this at all" (Cage, quoted in BB, p. 97).
84. Richard Francis, introduction, Dancers on a Plane: Cage, Cunningham,Johns (exhibi-
tion catalogue, Anthony d'Offay Gallery, London, 31 Oct.-2 Dec. 1989, Tate Gallery,
Liverpool, 23 Jan.-25 Mar. 1990), p. 26.
85. When I contrast the heterosexist abstract expressionist ego to the egoless silence of
Cage, I do not mean to imply that there is a loss of ego boundaries (in the psychoanalytic
sense of an ego pathology) entailed by Cagean silence. Writers such as Klaus Theweleit
have viewed the rigidly structured and bounded homosexuality of white male fascists as a
"maintenance process" (to use Margaret Mahler's phrase), "a compulsive act of defense
against threats of devouring [ego] dissolution" represented by the female within (Klaus
Theweleit, Male Fantasies, trans. Erica Carter, Chris Turner, and Stephen Conway, 2 vols.
[1977-78; Minneapolis, 1987, 1989], 2:318). But this peculiarly distorted form of openly
state-controlled homosexuality should be contrasted with what Guy Hocquenghem has
argued is the inherently private and revolutionary desire to desire of homosexuality in its
standard historically produced form. See Guy Hocquenghem, Homosexual Desire, trans.
Daniella Dangoor (New York, 1980).
86. A complicating factor here is the slight turn in the imprint at elbow level, where it
awkwardly reverses the normal bend of an arm towards its thumb. The reversal (presum-
Johns had used inked body parts (his own hands and face) as early as
1962 in his homages to the dead poet Frank O'Hara-Studyfor Skin I and
Study for Skin II (1962) and Skin with O'Hara Poem (1963-65). By 1973 (in
Skin I) he used the technique again, this time pressing his genitals on the
page. The arm and open palm in particular dominate the early 1960s,
appearing in other homages by Johns to the American poet Hart Crane,
who suicided by drowning, diving with outstretched arms into death. Peri-
scope (Hart Crane) (1963) features this diving action through the imprint
of an open palm, and links it to painting: the hand slides through paint and
the arm seems to sweep a semicircle of pigment before it, moving clocklike
through time and space. The outstretched arm as a figure for art, death,
and time are themes picked up again in Johns's frankly autobiographical
series The Seasons (1985-86); here the link between Johns's heroes Crane
and Cage, Periscope and Perilous, are profound. Persistent readings by tra-
ditional literary theorists of Crane's homosexuality as a pathological
deterrent to his art, and the work of more contemporary gay theorists
who see his suicide as the ultimate speech act of one who was "empowered
to speak, but unable to say" render Johns's visual equation of Cage with
Crane still more provocative.87 Crane's extinguished periscope becomes
Cage's passage through the perilous night-a safe passage in this case,
ensured by Cage's evident survival, and signalled by the source phrase for
Cage's and Johns's title, that battle hymn that still serves as the American
national anthem: "Oh, say can you see ... through the perilous night ...
that our flag was still there?"
The ordering actions of art, and suicide, suggested by the out-
stretched arm at the right, are contrasted with the work's left-hand panel.
Here the inchoate images suggest bones, skulls, rocks, charnel. This realm
is not the aquatic but the subterranean.88 Both halves of the piece are
ably based on the cast, where we see the back, not the palm, of the hand) suggests a broken
or dismembered arm rather than a partially seen one. Compare figure 7 here, and plate 17
in Rosenthal, Jasper Johns.
87. Yingling does not interpret Crane's suicide as specifically "a speech act," seeing
Crane as one driven to suicide by society: "Crane's movement toward self-destruction can
now be understood as an episode in ideology rather than as one in character." Yingling
notes that Crane drowned himself after being beaten by some sailors he had solicited on a
boat trip from Mexico to the U.S. and views his death as proof that "homosexuality was
central to his life but was itself socially and psychically designed as an unlivable existence"
(HC, p. 79). Elsewhere, however, Yingling explores the way in which the self-hating eroti-
cism constructed as homosexual by Crane's culture manifested itself as a kind of death wish
in which, I note, suicide might be an ultimate fulfillment. As Yingling writes, "The final
orgasm [recall that orgasm itself is known in English as 'the little death'] does not merely
release but destroys desire. Sexual utopian fantasy is often figured in Crane either as death
or as ecstatic dismemberment" (HC, pp. 42-43).
88. In the encaustic painting, these forms have been drawn from a segment of Mathis
Griinewald's Isenheim Altarpiece (1513-15), specifically the stunned soldiers at the foot of
: .
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Final Gestures
Cage at eighty was not the same as Cage at thirty-six. The need for
the finishing school had abated, with its attendant anxiety about the elimi-
nation of ego. Reflecting this openness, Cage enlarged his activities to
include the making of visual art and poetry; in the last two decades of his
life he produced almost as many pictures and texts as scores. The poetry
the cross in the Resurrection panel. In the ink on plastic painting, however, this reference is
much more obscure, the only readable element being the sword of the fallen soldier, whose
haft and blade, rotated priapically upwards amidst the carnage, can be seen at the lower
left. See Rosenthal, Jasper Johns, fig. 26, for comparative details of the Griinewald.
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FIG. 9.-John
smoked paper
remained a
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watercolors
gesture, th
wield the b
sionist ego."9
Inspired by the rock and sand gardens of the Zen monasteries in
Japan, Cage devised a mechanism for painting (fig. 10) comparable to the
Buddhist gardener's careful raking around a planted stone. Working with
feathers and other implements selected by the I Ching, Cage finally
adopted the brush, willing himself to ignore its loaded associations with
genius, abandoning will, and attempting, Zen-like, to "think at the end of
the brush"-to be the brush (technology/medium) rather than mind
89. In later music pieces, too, Cage opened himself to bodily gesture (and opened his
performers). The famous antipathy of organized musicians to Cage's work endured long
after he was an established composer and stemmed in part from the need for their bodily
engagement in works such as Child of Tree (1975) and Branches (1976). In Branches, perform-
ers are required to generate sound from amplified plant materials, such as gourds and potato
chips; in Child of Tree they are requested to eat a banana, contact microphone in place.
.#i ';J;,
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FIG. 10.-John Cage painting around a rock for a New River series watercolor
Mountain Lake workshop in Virginia, 1988. Photo: Virginia Tech Media resources
tesy Ray Kass.
(message).90 Our visual association of these images with the gesture paint-
ings of his early companions in the avant-garde is unavoidable. But again,
distinctions must be made. In his continuing reliance on the I Ching and
other chance operations, Cage engaged in a dialectic with the outside
world that encouraged new developments. The ego of choice was married
to the selflessness of chance, and the authorship of the resulting gesture
could be seen as collaborative, multiple, and open to question.
Cage continued in these last works to pursue his Buddhist-inspired
goal to "'imitate nature in her manner of operations.' "91 In the series repre-
sented by 9 Stones from 1989, a fire was set on the metal printing bed, and
the smoke, ashes, and soot run through the press. Here we think of
Thoreau, that abiding interest and inspiration, and Cage's telling of
Thoreau's ambivalent relationship to fire.92 Having accidentally set the
woods near Walden Pond aflame, Thoreau watched helplessly as it spread
in the dry tinder, admitting a secret pleasure at the crackling sound of the
conflagration and the spectacle of the consuming flames. Joining the vil-
lagers who later came to put it out, Thoreau mused that fire was "nature's
broom," and "without a doubt an advantage on the whole," clearing out
the deadwood and the unproductive brush. Thoreau absolves himself of
guilt, for might not a bolt of lightning have had the same effect? In telling
the story, Cage seemed to suggest that it was not the fire that interested
him. The scale of the blaze, and who set it, were also unimportant, and
should not draw our attention. Cage wanted to point, with a delighted
smile, at the new growth that was coming up as a result.
As it happened, Cage's eightieth birthday was his last, but he was as
eager to go as to stay. When one interlocutor admonished Cage at a public
forum that "silence equals death," echoing the slogan of the AIDS activ-
ists, Cage responded, "in Zen, Life equals Death." When the questioner
continued, challenging Cage to stop his innovating and suggesting that he
was "ready for the grave," Cage smiled and said, "I couldn't be readier."
Cage was not the first American artist to celebrate silence, but he was cer-
tainly one of the most moving, entertaining, inventive, genial, productive,
and encouraging: "Everything you open yourself to is your silence."93
By forfeiting authorship he confronted authority; by giving up his claim
on sounds, they became ours. Certainly the abstract expressionist ego,
still the instantiation of the modern in American art, was never quite
the same.
90. Cage, quoted by Julia W. Boyd,John Cage: The New River Watercolors (exhibition cat-
alogue, Virginia Museum of Fine Arts, Richmond, 1988), p. iv.
91. Cage credits this phrase to Ananda K. Coomaraswamy. See BB, p. 100.
92. See Cage, "The Future of Music," Empty Words, pp. 186-87. Brown's essay on Cage
first brought this fascinating passage to my attention.
93. Cage, speaking informally at the Stanford Cage symposium, 31 Jan. 1992.