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“SENSE AND SENSIBILITY”: SOCIAL-SPATIAL EXPERIENCES OF
THE VISUALLY-IMPAIRED IN SINGAPORE

C.P. Pow
Department of Geography, National University of Singapore, Singapore

ABSTRACT

Vision plays an important role in our daily life, and geography is to a large extent, a visual discipline.
The persistence of the visual ideology is problematic as it encourages geographical scholarship
to neglect the role of non-visual senses while at the same time, marginalises the experiences of
non-sighted people. By adopting an interpretative approach and drawing concepts from “sensuous
geographies”, this paper explores the role of non-visual senses in the spatial experiences of the
visually-impaired in Singapore. Through humanistic inquiry, the paper also examines some of the
problems that the visually-impaired in Singapore encounter in public spaces and social interaction.
To this end, the author aims to illumine the intricate relationship between our non-visual senses
and social sensibility when thinking about sightlessness.

INTRODUCTION

Perhaps geographers take the
supremacy of the eye for granted.
Blindness makes a geographical career
virtually impossible, whereas it
presents no insurmountable barrier to
wisdom. Indeed blindness is an emotion
of the seer, the prophet, or the bard.
(Tuan, 1979:413)
Sense according to Tuan (1974) has two
meanings. The first alludes to our sense of
sight, hearing, smell, taste and touch. Sense
can also mean “to know” (for example “in what
sense”). By juxtaposing these two meanings,
we derive at a complex interaction between
our sensuous faculties and the cognition of
our environment. In these terms, the main
objective of this paper is to explore the spatial
experiences of the visually-impaired1 using
concepts derived from nascent studies on
“sensuous geographies” (Rodaway, 1994; see
also Morris, 1995; Smith, 1995; Longhurst,
1996). By dethroning the dominance of sight
through the lived experiences of the visually-
impaired, this paper argues that the visually-
impaired as “creative spatial dissidence”
(Dorn, 1998) are not stranded in the abstract
“Cartesian grid” of the ableist environment.2
Instead, they are able to form meaningful
“sensuous” experiences and representations
of their environment through the skilful
manoeuvring and signifying of spaces using
1
The term “visually-impaired” will be used throughout
this paper to describe persons who are “legally blind”
(defined as visual acuity of less than 3/60 in the better
eye and after correction, according to the Snellen
chart). Where possible, other ableist terms and
derogatory labels such as “blind” or “handicapped”
will be placed in quotation marks.
2
An ableist environment is designed with the ideal
able-bodied person in mind, often excluding the needs
of the disabled or the elderly (see Imrie, 1996a).

Singapore Journal of Tropical Geography, 21(2), 2000, 166-182

 Copyright 2000 Department of Geography, National University of Singapore, and Blackwell Publishers Ltd

Pow.p65 2 6/27/00, 2:28 PM


Social-Spatial Experiences of the Visually-Impaired in Singapore
their senses. To the extent that spatial and
social processes are mutually constituted (see
Giddens, 1984; Soja, 1989), it is thus necessary
to examine the social experiences of the
visually-impaired in public spaces. In particular,
it was found that while negative social
signification and attitudes may potentially be
hampering for many visually-impaired
respondents, they are however capable of
employing a range of social strategies and
practices to circumvent these limitations.
The paper begins with conceptual
discussions on the geography of senses and
visual-impairment, critically drawing attention
to the “empiricist” conception of space which
is physical (visual) and often independent of
the observer. As will be apparent, the
empiricist notion of space is limiting as it fails
to consider the wider sensuous dimensions
that are equally vital in spatial experiences. At
the conceptual level, urban spaces can thus
be conceived as a sensuous environment (or
“sense-scape”) consisting of multiple “hidden
geographies” of sound, touch and smell/taste.
This will be explored in the substantive
empirical sections which will first highlight the
accessibility/mobility problems encountered
by the visually-impaired in Singapore, followed
by illustrations of how “sense-making” spatial
strategies are being employed by them in
public spaces. The last section examines the
social marginalisation of the visually-impaired
and offers some counter-strategies which have
been adopted by them when negotiating with
“blindness” in the public arena. The paper
concludes by restating the main arguments,
further stressing the importance of holistic
research on the geographical experiences of
visual-impairment and its interface with the
study of sensuous geographies.
MAKING SENSE OF VISUAL-
IMPAIRMENT: SOME
CONCEPTUAL DISCUSSION
Vision plays an important role in our life. Sight,
without doubt, is our dominant sense, yielding
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167
nine-tenths of our knowledge of the external
world (Pocock, 1981). 3 In geographical
inquiries, sight and geographical knowledge
are inextricably linked; Tuan (1979), for
example, noted how Western culture
simultaneously gives primacy to vision as a
pathway to true knowledge while deeply
suspecting it. Stoddart’s (1967) On Geography
similarly seeks to restore the integrity of the
visual by emphasising its neutrality and
innocence (see Cosgove & Daniels, 1989).
More intrinsically, visual-biasness in an “eye-
first geography” (Pocock, 1993) is inherent in
both geographical methodology (for example,
maps, compass, GIS, remote sensing) as well
as epistemology. In the latter, concepts such
as “mental maps” (e.g. Gould & White, 1974)
and ideas on “legibility” and “imageability”
(Lynch, 1960) are “generally conceived in
visual terms” (Rodaway, 1994:18).
Notwithstanding its anti-positivist orientation,
even humanistic studies on “place”
attachment are mostly preoccupied with the
visual environment. Tuan’s (1974) notion of
“sense of place” as “public symbols”
(monumentality) is a case in point.
In a visually-oriented world, non-visual
senses are as a consequence stultified. The
relative neglect of sound, touch and smell can
be attributed to the “dominant and despotic
mode of vision, which is a practical and
intellectual rather than sensual (and hence
emotional/irrational) response” (Pocock,
1993:13). However, vision is not always reliable
as Pocock (1981:386) justifiably questioned:
“But is seeing always believing? Is the eye
never deceived?” Post-modernist writers have
further cautioned that visual delusions are but
some of the commonest occurrences (see for
3
To be sure, vision has not always dominated our
perception of the environment. As Jay (1993) pointed
out, a different hierarchy of the senses could be found
at different periods of time, for example in the Middle
Ages, it was believed that hearing and touching were
valued more than seeing. In addition, until at least
the eighteenth century, touch remained the master
sense as “it tests, confirms what sight could only
perceive…” (see Jay, 1993:34-35).

168
example, Baudrillard, 1983; Debord, 1983).
Extending the critique further, various authors
have charged vision’s complicity in social
oppression, most notably in Foucault’s (1975a;
1975b) strictures against the “medical gaze”
and “panoptic surveillance”; Pratt’s (1992)
censure of the “imperial eyes”; and Irigaray’s
(1993) outrage at the voyeuristic “male gaze”
in patriarchal systems (see Jay, 1993). In order
to provide a corrective to this visual duplicity
and oppression, we need to move “beyond
geography’s visible world” (Smith, 1997) to
consider the roles played by the non-visual
senses. In this regard, the study of the
visually-impaired’s geographical experiences
proves to be a useful starting point. Before
proceeding further, it is necessary to take stock
of existing studies on the senses and visual-
impairment.
Research on the geographical experiences
of the senses can be found in the early works
of perception geography (Lowenthal, 1961;
Kirk, 1963; Gold, 1980). In particular, Gold’s
(1980:50-55) introductory text on behavioural
geography briefly discussed how spatial
perception utilises a range of sensory
information such as visual, aural and olfactory
cues in environmental cognition. Ohlson (1976)
further divided the “anthropocentric sonic
landscape” into the immediate (20-200 metres
from the receiver) and distant (15-20 kilometres
from the receiver). Most of these works,
however, are pitched at a general level with
sound being the most extensively studied (see
for example Kariel, 1980; Pocock, 1989).
Southworth’s (1969) study of the sonic
environment in Boston represents one of the
first few works to specifically address the
plight of sensory-impaired persons. Among
the newly-deaf, he noted that “all of them felt
a poignant loss of background sound,
especially of nature which had been almost
unnoticed before deafness” (Southworth,
1969:51). In contemporary research, cultural
geographers such as Hudson (1995), Kong
(1995) and Smith (1994) have also studied
soundscapes although the emphasis is on the
cultural politics of “music as a distinctive type
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of sound” (Smith, 1994:233). Clearly, while the
study of sensuous landscapes has been
gaining increasing interest among
geographers, there have been few attempts to
engage this research with specific
communities, in particular the visually-
impaired.
Typically, geographers have studied
visual-impairment using several approaches,
with earlier works adopting the biomedical
model and spatial analysis of “blindness” (see
McGlashen, 1972; Hunter, 1980). Other scholars
like Golledge (1993) and Kitchin et al. (1997)
have employed the analytic-behavioural
approach to investigate the spatial
competency and “mental landscapes” of the
visually-impaired. Taking the hermeneutical
stance, they seek to understand how the
visually-impaired “know” the environment and
examine spatial concepts at the non-visual
level, as well as to develop (mobility) aids for
the visually-impaired. In a personal account,
Golledge (1997) provided an insight into the
difficulties and challenges that he encountered
in teaching and research following the onset
of his visual-impairment. In particular, he
revealed that while specially designed
technical aids and computer technologies
such as reading machines, optical scanners
and speech synthesisers have substantially
helped “to crack the print barrier”, the
“disabling” effect of visual impairment
nevertheless remains a personal struggle
which ultimately depends on “the will of the
individual and the attitude of friends and
associates” (Golledge, 1997:409). Departing
from above approaches, researchers like
Gleeson (1996) and Imrie (1996a) have accused
the hermeneutical approaches as “ableist
geography” as they implicitly reinforce the
“abnormality” of the visually-impaired.
Adopting a structural critique, these authors
have stressed the importance of engaging with
the deeper socio-political structures of
discrimination and exploitation, focussing
specifically on how “the capitalist labour
market and the built environment
systematically disadvantage the blind”

Social-Spatial Experiences of the Visually-Impaired in Singapore
(Gleeson, 1996:393). Overall, existing studies
on the visually-impaired are sparse with even
fewer research conducted in the area of
humanistic and social geography. Some
exceptions include Butler and Bowlby (1997)
who investigated the experiences of the
“disabled body in public space” by drawing
on in-depth interviews with the visually-
impaired in Reading and Leeds, England.
Among other issues, the study highlighted
that social definitions of “nomality” have
strongly influenced the self-image of the
visually-impaired respondents and most of
them are “highly self-conscious and self-
critical about their appearance and behaviour
in public” (Butler & Bowlby, 1998:423). Hill
(1985) on the hand, examines the experiences
of the visually-impaired in more interpretative
terms, using the phenomenological approach
to depict their “lifeworlds”. While
interpretative approaches have been useful in
inquiring about the qualitative experiences of
the visually-impaired, one of the difficulties
encountered is in terms of language
communication, more specifically the limited
vocabularies attending to non-visual
dimensions as well as its underlying (visual)
presuppositions. Cutsforth (1968) for example,
warned that it is often too easy to accept the
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169
obvious social and objective values of
language without critically evaluating the
place they fill in the visually-impaired’s life.
More profoundly, he charged that the “visual
superstructure” inherent in many languages
has “robbed the sensory world of a wealth of
beauty and appreciation and leaves in its place
empty husks of visual meaningless[ness]”
(Custford, 1968:15; see also Landau &
Gleitman, 1985).
To this extent, a recent book on Sensuous
Geographies by Rodaway (1994) has made a
useful contribution by offering alternative
insights (language?) into our understanding
of the multi-sensual experiences, thus drawing
useful implications for interpretative research
on the lifeworlds of individuals who are
sensory-impaired (Rodaway, 1994:101-08;
Smith, 1995:311). Specifically, Rodaway argues
that the study of the human senses are
geographically significant as the spatiality of
the senses (visual, auditory, haptic, olfactory)
contributes to the geographical understanding
of the environment “which arises out of the
stimulation of, or apprehension by the senses”
(Rodaway, 1994:5). In particular, he proposes
a sensuous matrix (Figure 1) – a diagrammatical
grid identifying the main dimensions of

Sensation (physical)

Perception To see/hear/touch/smell To be seen/heard/ Presence

(gathering) touched/smelled (projection of
sensuous
spaces)

To explore by To communicate
looking/listening/ through image/
feeling/smelling sound(voice)/touch/
odour
Meaning (mental)

Figure 1. Sensuous matrix (redrawn and adapted from Rodaway, 1994).

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170
sensuous geographies: the vertical axis
represents the integration of physical
(“sensation”) and mental (“meaning”)
processes; and the horizontal axis represents
the double facets of “geographical reciprocity”
– the gathering (active and passive
“perception”) of the environment and “the
projection of the individual’s own presence
into space, creating particular sensuous
spaces” (Rodaway, 1994:38).
Conventionally, the human senses are
classified arbitrarily into sight, sound, smell,
touch and taste. At the spatial level, the
senses can be described as distant (sight and
sound) or intimate (smell, taste and touch);
cerebral (sight and hearing) or bodily receptors
(touch, taste and smell). Structurally, these
senses serve pragmatic functions by defining
the immediate surroundings of individuals (as
depicted in the sensuous matrix). The senses
are also hierarchical in order of domination with
a certain sense taking the lead in defining
spatial experiences, depending on particular
situations and circumstances (Rodaway,
1994:36). At the emotional and cognitive level,
senses in part evoke strong feelings and
bonds between people and the environment.
It must be qualified however that any
distinction between the senses as perception/
cognition or structure/emotional are used
mainly as a heuristic device as “perception
itself is a cognitive process” (Gold, 1980:20)
and structure is not devoid of meanings and
vice versa.
Of necessity, the visually-impaired must
utilise their auditory, haptic and olfactory
perception to a much greater extent than the
sighted in order to make sense of the
environment. However, unlike visual
landscapes, auditory, haptic and olfactory
extensions of space are relatively more
fragmentary and less continuous. For example,
Hull (1990), a visually-impaired, described his
acoustic world as “ephemeral” since sounds
“come and go”. In terms of haptic spaces,
limitations on direct bodily contact with certain
environmental features may be impossible (for
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example, skyscrapers and mountains).
Admittedly, representations of objects or
spaces through sensory modalities other than
vision may be “less detailed” or “precise”
(Webster & Roe, 1998:117). More importantly,
auditory, tactile or olfactory spaces have
entirely different characteristics from visual
spaces. Features associated with vision such
as building heights, unique shapes or colours,
architectural distinctiveness and other visual
attributes are mostly missing from the cue list
of the visually-impaired. Instead a
personalised set of reference points and non-
visual sensuous cues like changes in surface
texture, distinctive sounds and smells in
respect to landmarks or street systems are
employed. It would be erroneous, however, to
conclude that spatial perception of the
visually-impaired lacks coherence as Gold
(1980:89) asserted that “blind people are
perfectly capable of forming stable and
coherent schemata (of the environment)”.
Undeniably, visual-impairment as with other
disabilities in general, is a “spatial as well as a
social experience that emerges from core social
relations” (Gleeson, 1999:54). For example, Dear
et al. (1997:455) in surveying a list of disabilities
noted how “the production of difference is
characterised as necessarily a social and
spatial process which allows the self to be
partitioned for others”. Hence spatial
experiences of the visually-impaired are
socially constituted and reproduced in socio-
spatial ways which emphasise their
differences. In social interaction, Goffman
(1963) further demonstrated how social stigma
attached to disabled people is learned through
social interaction. For Goffman (1959), social
interaction can be considered as a staged
drama (“dramaturgical”) where we depend on
an individual’s front or “dramatic” appearance
and manner in order to define the situation.
Through our “personal front” we manage
other’s impression of us, influence their
definitions of situations and “dramatically”
convince them who we are and how we want
them to consider us to be (Goffman, 1959:240).
For the visually-impaired, the “disabled front”

Social-Spatial Experiences of the Visually-Impaired in Singapore
portrayed by the bodily characteristics and
movements constitute one of the ways
through which social stigmas and social
behaviours towards the “blind” are generated
and maintained. However, the stigmatised
individuals are far from being passive sufferers
as they are capable of reworking their “spoiled
identity”, sometimes for “secondary gains”
(Goffman, 1963:10-11); or employing
discursive “weapons of the weak” (Scott,
1985). In the latter case for example, the
disabled may attempt to adopt unconventional
interpretations of his/her disability or recast
the trials he of she has suffered as a “blessing
in disguise” (such as how “suffering can teach
one about life and people”). The disabled may
also come to re-assess the limitations of the
“normal” by pointing out that “blindness” and
“deafness” are states of mind and that
“normal” people can be very blind and deaf to
happiness and human kindness. For instance,
a multiple sclerotic patient (quoted in Goffman,
1963:11) referring to “normal” people who are
frequently distressed or unhappy, remarked:
“When I think of them, I do not feel any more
crippled or disabled than they”. As will be
illustrated in this paper, the visually-impaired
are able to employ a repertoire of social/
discursive “strategies” in coping and
negotiating with their impairment in public
spaces.
THE VISUALLY-IMPAIRED AND
(IN)ACCESSIBILITY IN
SINGAPORE
In this section, I will highlight some of the
accessibility problems encountered by the
visually-impaired in Singapore. For the purpose
of this study, qualitative methodology is
employed in order to gain insight into the
everyday life of the visually-impaired. In-depth
interviews each lasting over an hour were
conducted with 30 visually-impaired and 20
sighted respondents recruited from a variety
of backgrounds, gender and age-groups. Initial
contacts for the visually-impaired respondents
were supplied by the Singapore Association
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171
for the Visually-Handicapped (SAVH), with
subsequent contacts “snowballing” from
there. Sighted respondents were also
randomly-chosen and interviewed on issues
relating to their social interaction and contact
with the visually-impaired in public spaces.
The visually-impaired respondents were asked
to relate their daily experiences and the
problems encountered as well as the social/
spatial strategies employed. The objective of
the interviews attempts to get at the
“discursive consciousness” (Giddens, 1984)
behind the experiences and social conditions
that the visually-impaired encounter. In
addition, “participant-observation” was also
undertaken when the researcher accompanied
some of the visually-impaired respondents in
their daily journey-to-work.
The built environment has often been
criticised as being intrinsically ableist which
translates into uncompromising designs for
the visually-impaired and the disabled in
general (Imrie, 1996b). As a modern city-state,
urban planning in Singapore which is based
on the principles of pragmatism and (economic)
efficiency has drawn criticisms for neglecting
the needs of the disabled and elderly (see
seminar proceedings for Towards a Barrier
Free Environment, 1981 and Report of the
Advisory Council on the Disabled, 1988). In
particular, it has been highlighted that while
barrier-free designs for buildings are available,
these guidelines are usually ignored or deleted
by developers on the grounds of additional
costs incurred or the small number of disabled
users in Singapore.4 More glaringly, there is
also little or no special provision in the public
transport system in Singapore which caters
4
This is despite the fact that the additional costs of
incorporating barrier-free designs constitutes less than
one per cent of total building costs. As for the “small
number” of disabled users that will benefit from barrier-
free designs, no census of the disabled population in
Singapore has ever been taken although studies by the
United Nations estimated that approximately 10 per
cent of the population in any country is inflicted with
some form of disablement (see Report of the Advisory
Council on the Disabled, 1988).

172
specifically to the travelling needs of the
disabled person. Not surprisingly, as a survey
revealed, the inaccessible environment as well
as inadequate transport facilities have
prevented many disabled people “from even
leaving their own home” (The Straits Times,
26 September 1998).
In 1998, the Land Transport Authority
(LTA) announced that the new North-East
Mass Rapid Transit (MRT) line will be made
accessible to wheel-chair bound passengers
with further plans to retrofit the existing 48
stations with lifts and ramps (The Straits
Times, 29 November 1998). This
announcement triggered a debate in the local
newspaper on the existing welfare support
and transport provisions for the disabled in
Singapore. Within a span of three months,
almost 70 letters were sent to the editorial
(out of which 37 were published), debating
on issues relating to “majority (tax-payers)
interests” versus “minority (disabled) rights”
as well as the cost effectiveness of retrofitting
the existing train stations (projected to cost
S$50 million or US$30.5 million based on
November 1998 exchange rates). While most
of the letters strongly supported the
retrofitting of train stations for disabled
access using public funding, several readers
also asked for more to be done in other areas
such as fitting disabled-friendly features like
ramps or hydraulic lifts on buses; providing
subsidies for disabled travellers on public
transport; and the viability/desirability of a
separate customised transport service for the
disabled. Ironically, it has been pointed out
that while Singapore’s transport system may
be “world-class” in many aspects, it lags
behind many other countries in terms of
disabled-friendly features. In particular, one
reader commented that the local train operator
“needs to learn” from Hong Kong’s Mass
Transit Railway (MTR) system where
disabled travellers are provided with stair-lifts
and “were never barred from using train
services, unlike in Singapore” (The Straits
Times, 10 December 1998).
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In recent years, government efforts to
create a more caring and “handicapped/elderly-
friendly” environment have seen the
implementation of the “Code on Barrier-Free
Accessibility” (1995) requiring certain minimum
facilities such as handrails and ramps to be
installed in new buildings (PWD, 1995).
Unfortunately, government policies have so far
treated the disabled communities in Singapore
as a homogenous group, paying little attention
to the diverse needs of those with different
disabilities. Often, these policies have also
emphasised the needs of a particular group (eg.
the non-ambulatory) at the expense of others
(such as the sensory-impaired). The paper will
now focus on the problems encountered by
one specific group, the visually-impaired.
In their daily travel, the visually-impaired
encounter several difficulties such as access
to public transport (see Marston et al., 1997).
In addition, physical obstacles such as oddly-
placed street furniture, lamp-post and other
negative environmental qualities like cracked
sidewalks and uncovered drains are
potentially hazardous to the visually-impaired.
Confusing architectural designs such as
unguided open plaza or the complicated layout
of shopping malls also proved to be
treacherous for the visually-impaired. In
particular, stationary vehicles and discarded
rubbish laid along pavements posed the
greatest problem as the following respondent
expressed:
…motor bikes parked in the middle of
pavement…a nuisance…obstructs our
way. If the path is narrow, we end up on
the road which is dangerous. And
sometimes inconsiderate people dump
their cupboard, TV sets at the void
deck…we can’t see and bang into them.
(Cheok, aged 42, visually-impaired)5
5
Pseudonyms have been used throughout this paper.
As far as possible, background information on the
respondents are provided. However, no significant
differences was observed among respondents across
different gender and age groups.

Social-Spatial Experiences of the Visually-Impaired in Singapore
Another respondent complained:
…bicycles chained along pavements
are very problematic... our canes get
stuck in the spokes sometimes.
(David, aged 32, visually-impaired)
In terms of public amenities for the visually-
impaired, many respondents highlighted that
there is a lack of technical aids such as “talking
signs” at bus stops or “talking lifts” to assist
them. One respondent lamented:
Singapore is very high tech now... but
the same can’t be said when it comes
to facilities for the visually-
handicapped.
(Tan, aged 30, visually-impaired)
Often, respondents find it necessary to ask
for public assistance especially when boarding
and alighting buses. Unfortunately, help is not
always forthcoming and neither are people
aware of how to assist them, as the following
respondent recalled:
They [the sighted people] do not let
you hold their elbow. They tend to grab
you. Once this guy was trying to help
me across the drain. Before I could say
anything, he grabbed my arm... I think
he nearly lifted me across... it was
awkward.
(Tan, aged 31, visually-impaired)
The main problem, however, lies in coping with
the traffic. In Singapore’s highly urbanised
environment, congested roads and reckless
drivers are particularly dangerous for the
visually-impaired as the following excerpt
reveals:
These drivers just honk at you. I am
blind I can’t see but you can. But they
don’t care. When you stop, they just
drive past you.
(Zul, aged 28, visually-impaired)
Generally, the interviews indicated that
public spaces remain a difficult terrain for the
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173
visually-impaired. However, far from being
stranded in the ableist environment, the
visually-impaired demonstrate remarkable
spatial strategies to cope with these problems.
In particular, this study has identified three
analytically distinct (but empirically
overlapping) categories of sensuous cues
(auditory, haptic and olfactory) which are
skilfully employed by the visually-impaired
when navigating in the environment. While
all these senses are integral for spatial
orientation and mobility, a hierarchical ordering
of the senses was observed with hearing most
frequently cited by the respondents as a key
sense. The following section will elaborate
further.
THE VISUALLY-IMPAIRED AND
THEIR ENVIRONMENT:
EXPLORING SENSUOUS
GEOGRAPHIES IN URBAN
SPACES
Sight paints a picture of life, but sound,
touch, taste and smell are actually life
in itself.
(Sullivan & Gill, 1975:181)
Auditory geographies
Without hearing, I think it would be
quite impossible to move around or
enjoy the things around me.
(Mary, aged 54, visually-impaired)
Auditory geographies refer to both the spatial
organisation of sound as well as the
anthropological meanings attached to it (Hall,
1969; Rodaway, 1994). For the visually-
impaired, sounds impart character and
meaning(s) to particular places. In particular,
Schafer’s (1977) terminologies like “keynote”,
“soundmark” and “lo-fi/hi-fi soundscape”
capture these dimensions well. For example,
within buildings, soundmarks or familiar noises
recognised by the inhabitants such as the
clicking of telephone switchboards or the
beeping from computer synthesizers often help

174
to differentiate between places for the visually-
impaired. The following comment by a
respondent who works as a telephone operator
in an office building illustrates this well:
…like when we need to go to the ground
floor reception in the building, we try to
follow the switch board sounds. When
you hear the sound of the synthesizer,
you know you are somewhere near the
computer room.
(Philip, aged 24, visually-impaired)
Moving outdoors, soundmarks are more
difficult to decipher in the highly-urbanised
environment. Noise pollution from the traffic and
construction work often create an urban din of a
“lo-fi soundscape” (the cacophony of
unfavourable noises submerging distinctive
sounds) that is confusing for the visually-
impaired. In contrast, the experience of a “hi-fi
soundscape” consisting of favourable low
ambient sounds typical in countryside or pre-
industrial environment is relatively rare in
Singapore. At times, however, auditory sensitivity
can extend to the identification of the different
types of buses. For instance, Kelvin (aged 30,
visually-impaired) revealed:
I can tell which bus to take by listening to
the sounds of the engines. Generally, TIBS
[a local bus company] bus engines are
much quieter and sounds different but the
SBS [another bus company] are noisier.
Respondents also noted how the “flip-flop”
sounds of sandals are useful guides for the
visually-impaired in train stations. For example,
a well-trained ear can pick up the different
directions that people are heading to or whether
the path ahead converge or diverge:
When there are a lot of people moving, I
stop at the corner first and listen to their
footsteps. You can tell if they are moving
together or going apart or when another
group of people is coming in. By
following the sound of footsteps, you
can roughly gauge the path leading to
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the exit or entrance…
(Cheok, aged 42, visually-impaired)
It is evident that sound plays an important role
in the sensuous geographies of the visually-
impaired. However sound is not detached from
touch such as the “extended touch” (Rodaway,
1994:52) of the cane which helps to “sound
out” different obstacles lying ahead.
Haptic geographies
When we encounter some obstacle, we
hit it with the cane... the sound can tell
us whether it is a wooden bench or a
lamp post.
(Carol, aged 24, visually-impaired)
According to Tuan (1993:45), “touch is the
sense least susceptible to deception and
hence the one in which we tend to put the
most trust”. When travelling, the haptic
senses of the visually-impaired are important
for feeling the kerb (“shoreline”) along roads.
Philip (aged 24, visually-impaired) explained
how “extended touch” – the indirect tactile
sensation through tools like the cane – is
commonly employed to navigate his way from
the bus-stop to his workplace:
Usually I use the cane to feel for the
edge of the kerb. By following the kerb
I know I will reach the petrol station at
the junction. There I follow the kerb
and turn right. Once I reach the
junction, I know I am on track as the
rest of the journey is straight up.
Gibson (1966) and Rodaway (1994) further
alluded to the haptic sense of “kinesthesis”,
that is, the ability of the body to perceive its
own motion or a “general feeling of
uprightness or basic body orientation”
especially with respect to gravity (Rodaway,
1994:49). In a related vein, respondents
recalled how the movement of the body up or
downslope can inform them about their
location. One respondent illustrated:
For me, there are some “landmarks” to
take note of, for example moving up
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Social-Spatial Experiences of the Visually-Impaired in Singapore
slopes or turning around sharp
corners... On my way home, I know I
have to go over two slopes – one not
so steep... the slope nearer home is
steeper.
(Simon, aged 23, visually-impaired)
Besides traversing over slopes or turns,
respondents also “count turns” or memorise
the number of bus turnings to help them
determine when to alight. Carol (aged 24,
visually-impaired) further elaborated:
When I take the bus, I don’t like to take
straight buses [bus journeys with
straight routes]. I try to take buses that
goes one big journey so that we know
the turnings.
Significantly, the “kinesthetic” quality of the
environment is important for the visually-
impaired as Lynch (1960:97) noted: “a great
descending curve which approached a city
centre can produce an unforgettable image”
and hence contribute to the legibility of the
environment (for the visually-impaired).
In addition, contrasting ground textures or
“micro-topography” are often important
“tactile/spatial markers” which indicate to the
visually-impaired particular spatial boundaries.
For example, some respondents highlighted
how the soles of the feet/shoes are able to
detect ground-surface variations (hard/soft;
rough/smooth/chequered etc.), thus signalling
to them different places or boundaries. On a
somewhat remarkable note, some respondents
revealed how their sixth sense6 have also
helped them avoid obstacles:
6
There are different interpretations of this “sixth
sense”: some authors believe that it is the air-currents
or eddies set up by obstacles and subsequently brushing
against the face (hence “facial-vision”) that provide
clues about the presence of obstacles (Hull, 1990:20).
A different explanation points to the importance of
sound waves bouncing off from obstacles (“echo-
location”) which warns the visually-impaired of
oncoming objects (Hollins, 1989:47-49).
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175
Sometimes you just know it – you can
feel that something is in front of you
without even touching or hearing it.
You just know it is there.
(Cheok, aged 42, visually-impaired)
At other times, this subtle perception is
experienced when approaching an
underground pedestrian tunnel as the
following excerpt reveals:
You know when you are approaching
the tunnel when you feel the warm air
[surfacing] against your face. The
sound of people, their footsteps are
also different, the echo is louder.
(Kelvin, aged 24, visually-impaired)
Indeed, the sensuous dimensions of the
environment are vital for the visually-impaired.
Extending the argument further, auditory and
haptic senses often work in synthesis with
smell to further contribute to the definition of
the sense-scapes.
Olfactory geographies
Smells are surer than sounds or sights
to make the heart-strings crack.
(Rudyard Kipling quoted in
Gibbons, 1986:324)
Like haptic geographies, olfactory geographies
are both intimate and immediate. As Lefebvre
(1991:197) attested: “Where an intimacy occurs
between ‘subject’ and ‘object’, it must surely
be the world of smell and the places where
they reside”. Smell, while not offering scenes
or views are however ever-present in varying
intensity (recall the “lingering smell”). Similar
to the other senses, olfactory senses enable
us to identify distinctive “odour signatures”
and associate them with particular time and
place. In particular, we can distinguish between
two styles of olfaction: a generalised passive
encounter with odours and a specialised
olfaction which is characterised by specific
associations and memories (Rodaway, 1994).
However, unlike the rest of the senses, smell
does not appear to be of significant value in
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176
structuring space. Instead, its strength seems
to lie in place evocation.
Nevertheless, for the non-sighted, smell can
be of considerable help even though it does
not generate a “map” (in the traditional sense
of a spatial overview). In fact, it is often difficult
to make any generalisation here as “smell
marks” are often significant only to the
“individual geographies” of the local denizen.
For example, different respondents noted how
particular neighbourhood smells can help to
indicate locations such as the musty smell of
sundry shops, the aroma of food from fast-food
restaurants or the fragrance of shampoo at the
neighbourhood hair-saloon. However, olfactory
geographies are not always reliable as
respondents cautioned how smells can
sometimes “slip past you”:
Personally, I don’t purposely smell
these things... sometimes you can’t
even smell them... like when people
burn incense, the burning smell wipes
out other smells... or when it is raining
heavily or very windy... generally I
don’t think smell is very accurate... just
that when we happen to be there and
we can detect certain smell, then it
helps.
(Amin, aged 33, visually-impaired)
As Porteous (1985) argues convincingly,
olfaction is most important in evoking a sense
of place and providing qualitative information
about the surrounding. The association of
the senses with particular locales, events,
people and emotions invariably adds
character and meanings to places. Typically,
familiar smells or sounds can generate a sense
of security, contentment or evoke past
memories of places. One respondent
remarked:
I still remember the classroom where I
spent a lot of time there. There is this
wooden cupboard when you open (it)
there is this very old musty smell, and
the stench of sweaty classmates after
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sports, the classroom has a distinctive
smell I can’t describe but you know when
you are there.
(Carol, aged 24,
visually-impaired)
Evidently, the above illustrations
demonstrate that lack of sight does not leave
the visually-impaired incapable of having
meaningful relationship with the environment.
Visual interpretations of the environment are
neither superior nor the only way in the
geographical experiences of space and place.
For the visually-impaired, the absence of
vision however means that their other senses
have assumed greater importance in
developing their sense of space and place.
Interestingly, a hierarchy of the senses is
observed with sound being considered most
useful in the structuring of space (such as
wayfinding) while smell is more related to place
evocation. It bears reiteration again that while
the senses may be analytically distinct, in
reality they “operate together in many possible
combinations” (Rodaway, 1994:36).
PUBLIC EXPERIENCES,
PRIVATE FEELINGS: SOCIAL
MARGINALISATION OF THE
VISUALLY-IMPAIRED
This paper has so far discussed the spatial
strategies of the visually-impaired. However,
spatial experiences of the visually-impaired are
not separate from social processes, especially
during “mixed contact” in public spaces –
moments when the “stigmatised” and the
“normal”, the “blind” and “sighted” are in the
same social situation (Goffman, 1963:12).
Unfortunately, the social signification and
limitations placed on the functioning of the
disabled body can severely restrict the spatial
efficacy of the visually-impaired. As a
prominent local commentator remarked: “In
Singapore, there is still a lot of prejudice against
citizens who suffer from various forms of
physical and mental disabilities…. Many of
us still believe in the myth that the disabled
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Social-Spatial Experiences of the Visually-Impaired in Singapore
are without abilities” (Professor Tommy Koh,
quoted in The Straits Times, 1 December 1998).
In the remainder of the paper, I will examine
how the visually-impaired, as “embodied
social agents”, adopt various social strategies
to cope with their marginality. Before
proceeding further, some comments on the
“mixed contact” between the sighted and the
visually-impaired are useful to draw out some
common experiences. On the whole, the
interviews revealed that sighted respondents
have limited personal contact with the
visually-impaired. Unsurprisingly then, the
presence of the visually-impaired in public
spaces can be “quite uncomfortable” as the
following respondent confessed:
... although it is quite common to see
blind people on the road, I get quite
uncomfortable when they are close to
you... I mean you try not to be impolite
and stare but sometimes you are not
sure if they will knock into things or
worse bump into you... it can be quite
embarrassing.
(Tay, aged 37, sighted)
Another respondent added:
When I see blind people on the street,
I try to make way for them. I don’t
know how they can move about
without seeing, maybe by hearing and
feeling their way... I’m not sure but it
must be tough.
(Jeff, aged 23, sighted)
While the interview findings did not reveal
any overt forms of discrimination, the
visually-impaired were however often cast in
unfavourable light such as being seen as
“clumsy” and “pitiful”. For the visually-
impaired, these popular (mis)conceptions and
stereotypes of visual-impairment can be very
frustrating. One respondent expressed:
Sometimes people ask me how do I
know where I am going, which place
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177
to alight from the bus... they think that
without vision we can’t see, we can’t
move about.
(Mary, aged 54, visually-impared)
Cheok (aged 42, visually-impaired) indignantly
added:
I get quite mad if I have to keep telling
people that we can do the same things
as normal sighted people.
Many visually-impaired respondents
expressed frustration with being treated
differently from others. They feel that sighted
people tend to equate lack of sight with lack
of ability and competency. This clearly reflects
the strong visual primacy in society which
continues to valorise vision while denigrating
the usefulness of non-visual senses and by
extension, the visually-impaired as individuals.
As Butler and Bowlby (1997:243) noted, living
in a world which is highly visual in its
symbolism and forms of communication, it is
difficult for sighted individuals to believe that
“an independent life without sight is either an
attainable or an acceptable existence, a life
worth living”. The following comment by a
sighted respondent exemplifies this point:
If I ever lose my sight, it would be quite
impossible to live... I am very outdoor
type, I love travelling, what’s the point
(if you can’t see)? Being blind is really
very sad.
(Jason, aged 25, sighted)
Consequently, the privileging of sight and the
denigration of the visually-impaireds’ abilities
often result in an overprotective attitude
among parents which may curtail the
independence of visually-impaired children.
As one mother commented:
Of course I don’t feel safe that he
goes out alone. What if he loses his
way or fall down? There are so many
cars and buses…it is too dangerous.
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178
Besides I don’t want him to be bullied
by people.
(Tan, in her 40s, mother of a
visually-impaired son)
Some of the visually-impaired also related
howwell meaning friends and relatives can
sometimes make independent living difficult for
them:
Besides going to school, I seldom go
out. My family thinks it is unsafe for me
to travel out alone. My mother fetches
me to and from school. Sometimes I
want to try to go out alone but my
mother doesn’t allow.
(James, aged 18, visually-impaired)
Under these social circumstances, the
visually-impaired are constantly self-
conscious of their impairment. Paradoxically,
the “disabled body” can sometimes also be
usefully deployed as a strategy when
interacting with people. For instance, some
respondents revealed how being “visibly
blind” in public spaces can be employed for
“secondary gains” or to safeguard their
interests. In her study on the physically-
impaired community in Swansea, England,
Porter (2000:42) noted how “playing the
disabled role” entails “accepting and
conforming to the definition of “disabled” as
imposed by others, in return for certain
privileges” such as disability allowances,
exemption from certain traffic rules and
regulations and access to exclusive services
such as transport schemes for the disabled or
elderly. In similar ways, the following
respondent revealed how carrying the cane,
besides being functional, is also highly
symbolic of the “privileges” one is likely to
get:
When I go out, I always bring my cane
along. You know if anything happens
to you, you can get away…if you get
injured, you are likely to be
compensated more. To me, it is more
than just a tool, it’s a kind of symbol to
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tell others we are blind…it is…to
protect your interest…
(Cheok, aged 42, visually-impaired)
As Kuusisto (1995), a visually-impaired writer
further remarked, the cane can indeed have a
“civilising influence” on traffic and people. This
is similarly echoed by the following respondent
who commented how carrying a cane in public
space can be advantageous in terms of the
treatment he gets:
...definitely I think if you walk with the
cane and you bump into people, they
tend to be more forgiving... and drivers
also take note of you when you cross
the road. So even when I am familiar
with the place, I still take the cane out...
also we sometimes get special
treatment... for example taking the bus
we don’t need to pay.
(Tan, aged 31, visually-impaired )
While the “deployment” of the cane may
seem like a mundane example, the distinction
made by the visually-impaired between the
“functional” (ordinary) and “symbolic”
(strategic) use of the cane however suggests
to us that the visually-impaired as embodied
social agents, are capable of deploying “little
tactics” in their everyday life. Although the
distinction between “functional” and
“symbolic” should not be overstated, it is
clear that the position of the marginalised
need not always be passive or subordinated.
On the other hand, the “strategic”
presentation of the “blind body” must be
skilfully and convincingly deployed as the
“act” can sometimes be challenged by some
people such as bus drivers who accuse the
visually-impaired of “pretending to be blind”
in order to earn favours such as free bus-
rides or simply to win sympathies (see The
Straits Times, 3 April 1992). As Porter
(2000:42-43) further contended, playing the
disabled role is both an active and contested
process which involves a certain level of
negotiation with public authorities and
gatekeepers.
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Social-Spatial Experiences of the Visually-Impaired in Singapore
At another level, the visually-impaired may
also employ discursive strategies such as
adopting unconventional interpretation of
their disability as a form of resistance to the
negative stereotypes labelled on them. Some
respondents for example claimed to possess
several “redeeming” abilities such as an acute
sense of hearing, “photographic memory” or
special qualities such as “sixth sense”. One
respondent alluding to Buddhist philosophy,
added how by not being “distracted” or
“contaminated” by sight, he was thus able to
“truly know” and learn about the environment
“unlike others who just see and forget”. On
other occasions, the visually-impaired may
candidly refer to their impairment as a
“blessing in disguise”:
I always tell people that we blind
people are the most environmentally
friendly when it comes to conserving
electricity. At night, we don’t need to
switch on lights... we save money on
electricity bill.
(Cheok, aged 42, visually-impaired)
In addition, negative stereotypes of the
visually-impaired such as “clumsiness” can
in turn be recast on sighted people, as the
following respondent retorted:
Sighted people can be very clumsy...
when I walk with my cane, they can
still knock into me... I can’t see but
you can... sometimes I really don’t
know how they walk.
(Philip, aged 24, visually-impaired)
In the above analysis, the importance of
examining social-spatial processes is
underscored by the fact that space and spatial
experiences are not “empty dimension[s]... but
ha[ve] to be considered in terms of its
involvement in the constitution of systems of
[social] interaction” (Giddens, 1984:368). As
evident in this discussion, spatial experiences
of the visually-impaired are similarly constituted
through a complex of social signification and
limitations imposed on the visually-impaired
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179
which potentially hamper their sense of
independence. Corroborating with evidences
from Butler and Bowlby (1997), the negative
social evaluation of the visually-impaired in part
reflects the strong visual primacy in
contemporary culture. However, as this paper
has shown, the visually-impaired are clearly
not passive or subordinated as they are capable
of reworking their identity by employing little
tactics in their everyday life.
CONCLUSION: (UN)SEEING
PLACES
This paper began by critically highlighting the
visual-bias inherent in contemporary cultures
and specifically, the geographical discipline.
As alluded in the paper, the dominance of sight
is problematic as it relegates the important role
of non-visual senses to a peripheral status
while simultaneously marginalises and
denigrates the experiences of the non-sighted.
By focusing on the socio-spatial experiences
of the visually-impaired in Singapore, this
paper argues that the visually-impaired, acting
as creative spatial dissidents, are however
capable of employing a repertoire of practical
and discursive strategies when negotiating
with their impairment in public spaces. While
the paper has focused on the individual
strategies of the visually-impaired, some
insights and implications on disability issues
and government policies can nevertheless be
drawn. For instance, the current “Code on
Barrier-Free Accessibility in Buildings” needs
to be reviewed to take into account the
different needs of the disabled communities.
In the case of the visually-impaired, this may
take the form of varying ground textures with
hazard warning patterns at road junctions or
along edges of footways to indicate danger,
or the use of adaptive technologies (such as
computers or audio facilities) to create a more
enabling environment. Further research on the
visually-impaired and the disabled in general
are clearly needed. Until recently, geographical
research has found little room for disability
studies (see Park et al., 1998). More
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180
fundamentally, disability research must move
away from positivist orientation which has so
far neglected the experiences of the disabled
people and their perceptions of the
environment.
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
The author would like to thank his honours
thesis supervisor Dr T.C. Chang for his
guidance and insights as well as helpful
comments from three anonymous referees on
an earlier draft. The author is also grateful for
the assistance provided by the Singapore
Association of the Visually-Handicapped
(SAVH) in this study.
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