Annals of Tourism Research 80 (2020) 102806

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Annals of Tourism Research

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A Lefebvrian analysis of Airbnb space

T
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Anna Farmaki , Prokopis Christou, Alexis Saveriades
School of Management and Economics, Cyprus University of Technology, 115 Spyrou Araouzou, Limassol 3036, Cyprus

A R T IC LE I N F O ABS TRA CT

Associate editor: Antonio Russo This paper draws from Lefebvre's spatial triad theory in examining Airbnb space, contributing to
Keywords: knowledge on how space discourses are constructed and in turn internalised in host and guest
Space practices. The study identifies tensions in host-guest-platform relations, illustrating attempts to
Lefebvre professionalise and standardise hospitality practices. We conceptualise Airbnb as a space of
Airbnb multiple meanings that reflects the transitionary nature of contemporary hospitality wherein
Host-guest-platform relations notions, roles and practices are redefined. Conclusively, this paper advocates further research on
Perceptions hospitality's spatial dimensions to uncover the perplexed relations, inherent inequalities and
potential opportunities characterising postmodern tourism.

Introduction

Despite the proliferation of studies on peer-to-peer accommodation, there is a paucity of research on the spatial dimensions of the
phenomenon. This omission in the literature is surprising considering that within commercialised home settings such as those found
in peer-to-peer accommodation, overlapping boundaries between public and private domains create a nuanced space in which
hospitality emerges as a negotiated act between the host and guest (Sheringham & Daruwalla, 2007). Hospitality space does not refer
only to the physical boundaries within which the exchange occurs but is generally understood as a socially constructed site that is
varyingly empowered (Pritchard & Morgan, 2006). Lugosi (2008) posited that hospitality interactions are an acknowledgement of the
other, stemming from one's willingness to not only share their social space but also create a kind of shared, experiential space in which
hosts and guests become part of a contextually defined social entity. Hence, space represents an important dimension shaping the
identity and role of hosts and guests, as it carries socially constructed notions influenced by the cultural norms of the society that
embraces it (Pritchard & Morgan, 2006). Evidently, hospitality space may have different meanings to different people as under-
standings of space depend on how the space is used, evaluated and symbolised as (Cohen, 2002).
The growth of peer-to-peer accommodation has challenged traditional notions of host and guest roles and practices, signifying the
need to examine the spatial dimensions of the phenomenon and their implications to the wider hospitality context. Indeed, the social
interaction between hosts and guests emerges as key to the experience (Moon, Miao, Hanks, & Line, 2019). Hence, a reading of how
peer-to-peer accommodation space is socially constructed may advance knowledge on the roles and practices of hosts and guests. To
this end, this study draws from Airbnb host and guest perspectives to examine the concept of space in peer-to-peer accommodation
through the lens of Lefebvre's theory of space production. The application of Lefebvre's theory allows a holistic investigation of
hospitality spaces as sociological constructs (Pritchard & Morgan, 2006). Rooted in Marxian perspectives, Lefebvre's work is based on
a dialectical thinking of negotiation and resistance. The framework is relevant here as it provides a phenomenological approach to
examining how host-guest-platform relations are negotiated and manifested within the blurred private and commercial boundaries of
peer-to-peer accommodation and, accordingly, how the roles and practices of hosts and guests are redefined.

⁎
Corresponding author.
E-mail addresses: anna.farmaki@cut.ac.cy (A. Farmaki), prokopis.christou@cut.ac.cy (P. Christou), alexis.saveriades@cut.ac.cy (A. Saveriades).

https://doi.org/10.1016/j.annals.2019.102806
Received 4 April 2019; Received in revised form 17 September 2019; Accepted 3 October 2019
Available online 01 November 2019
0160-7383/ © 2019 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.
A. Farmaki, et al. Annals of Tourism Research 80 (2020) 102806

Hospitality spaces

Although there is much work on the concept of space within tourism studies, hospitality space remains a lesser examined con-
struct (Osman, Johns, & Lugosi, 2014). This is a surprising omission given that core to hospitality are host-guest relations. Indeed, as
the ‘spatial turn’ gained ground in social sciences (Soja, 1989) examinations of space began to consider a relational approach (e.g.
Cresswell, 2004; Massey, 2005) advocating that space emanates from social practices and processes, hence it has the capacity of
restructuring practices and processes. Within this context, the work of notable scholars (i.e. Foucault, 1986; Lefebvre, 2000) gained
prominence as it became increasingly accepted that space is not confined to physical boundaries but emerges as a complex social
construct. Of particular importance is Lefebvre's work which suggests that space is socially constructed and represented by symbolic
practices. Indeed, spaces are highly dependent on the relations and behaviours performed around them (Ateljevic & Doorne, 2004)
that in turn influence the roles of respective parties and associated meanings. Such spatial considerations are relevant to hospitality,
wherein host-guest relations evolve as a social practice of “exchanges of goods and service, both material and symbolic” (Selwyn,
2000:19).
Yet, drawing from different settings, only a handful of studies examined hospitality space. For instance, Pritchard and Morgan
(2006) conceptualised hotels as hybrid multi-dimensional liminal places, embodying fluidities of personal identities. Osman et al.
(2014) examined commercial hospitality as a form of consumption experience in the venue of global fast-food restaurant chains.
Commercialised home settings including bed and breakfasts and guesthouses were also considered (e.g. Sheringham & Daruwalla,
2007) as spaces negotiated along commercial and private domains, whereby the host attempts to regulate the level of intimacy
through spatial cues outlining the inclusion/exclusion of guests. Within this context, spatial dimensions arise as a means of control
and power that conditions host-guest relations. To this pool of work, a significant addition was made by studies attempting to
conceptualise hospitality space through an acknowledgment of its social aspects (e.g. Christou & Sharpley, 2019). Lugosi (2008)
identified ideological, normative and situational dimensions to the concept, arguing that hospitality is multi-layered, encompassing
different interactive aspects. As such, the notion of hospitality resonates with the conceptualisation of space as one of multiple
spatialities that are intricately linked together (Lefebvre, 2000).
Although previous attempts to conceptualise hospitality space are notable, additional research is required to advance knowledge
on the physical, social and symbolic elements of hospitality space (Pritchard & Morgan, 2006). The need to further examine hos-
pitality spatiality gains currency due to the popularisation of peer-to-peer accommodation. The growth of peer-to-peer accom-
modation influences traditional notions of hospitality as it advocates the provision of a more authentic, personal experience (Mody,
Hanks, & Dogru, 2019) driven by the search of a ‘home away from home’ (Zhu, Cheng, Wang, Ma, & Jiang, 2019). The concept of
‘home’, based on the Anglo-Saxon word ham, refers to “one's house or abode, the place where a person lives or was raised, native
country, homeland” (Oxford English Dictionary, 2019). Over the years, the meaning of home has evolved from conceptions of a
physical structure to representing a place that is “structured functionally, economically, aesthetically and morally” and where do-
mestic ‘communitarian practices’ are realised (Rapport & Dawson, 1998: 6). Homeland was appropriated by the ruling classes to
depict wealth and power (Mallett, 2004) whereas a home came to represent a retreat for the nuclear family (Cieraad, 2010), re-
flecting domestic morality and, at times, the patriarchal domination of women as well as a self-identity marker (Mallett, 2004) for the
independent citizen including working women and students (Cieraad, 2010). Overall, four facets of home exist: a) home as the
material structure of a house, b) spatial dimensions signifying a house within a locality, c) a temporary dimension referring to a
present home or one once lived in and d) the social relations of a family or a community (Zhu et al., 2019). It is the last facet of home
that is most inherent to the social dimension of hospitality, particularly within peer-to-peer accommodation.
Indeed, the social interactions between hosts and guests are regarded as integral to the peer-to-peer hospitality experience (Moon
et al., 2019; Zhu et al., 2019). While hotel-like features such as the physical aspects of properties and perceived safety are important
(Cheng & Jin, 2019; Lyu, Li, & Law, 2019), guests' perceived importance of the social aspects of host practices (Han, Shin, Chung, &
Koo, 2019; Moon et al., 2019) emerge as key drivers to using peer-to-peer platforms. Generally, guests in peer-to-peer accom-
modation seek a hybrid experience combining home feeling with professional hospitality experience (Zhu et al., 2019). Evidently, the
overlap between informal encounters and commercial exchanges characterising peer-to-peer accommodation, suggests it is im-
perative to examine how host-guest relations are spatially framed. This study utilises Lefebvre's spatial triad theory to examine peer-
to-peer accommodation space by drawing from Airbnb host and guest perspectives. Lefebvre's framework allows the exploration of
how peer-to-peer accommodation space is socially constructed through host-guest relations, illuminating understanding on the way
the hospitality exchange is negotiated between the two parties. We anticipate that findings will be of value to hospitality researchers
and practitioners alike as insights may be gained on the roles and practices of hosts and guests in the dynamic sector of hospitality.

Lefebvre's spatial triad

Lefebvre is a French Marxist thinker who is best known for his theory on social space, which was introduced in his book titled The
Production of Space, first published in 1974. Based on a phenomenological understanding of space, Lefebvre's work suggests that
humans create the space in which they live, thus space is produced and reproduced through human intentions. For Lefebvre, space is
a complex social construction based on values and socially produced meanings, which in turn influence spatial practices and per-
ceptions. In this regard, space is a medium of social relations and a material product that can affect social relations (Gottdiener,
1993). To explain how space is constructed, Lefebvre (2000) proposed a unitary theory of space – known as the spatial triad – that
brings together the physical, mental and social dimensions of space. The ‘spatial triad’ consists of: a) representations of space also
known as ‘conceived space’, b) spatial practices referred to as ‘perceived space’ and c) spaces of representation which represent the

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‘lived space’. Representations of space is the dominant space in society (Lefebvre, 2000), conceptualised through the construction of
symbols, codifications and abstract representations, as imagined by planners and decision-makers. Spatial practices encompass daily
routines, thus ensuring a form of cohesion and continuity. Spatial practices are concerned with the socio-economic processes of the
production of the physical environment and the resulting built environment. Representations of space influence the production of
space through the exercise of spatial practices. Last, spaces of representation refer to space as experienced through its associated images
and symbols. This dimension refers to the space of ‘inhabitants’ and ‘users’ (Lefebvre, 2000) that overlaps with the physical space as it
is lived in daily life.
Much of Lefebvre's work is influenced by Marxism, as a significant feature of his theory is the influence of power relations
emanating from the nexus between the private sector and the state in the reproduction of a capitalist society. Within this context,
urban space emerges as both an outcome and a process of transition from feudalism to capitalism. Representing a response to Marx's
and Engel's theorising of the city, Lefebvre's work highlights the process of the production of space as the flow of capitalist material
geographical landscape that becomes imbued with meaning in everyday social practice (Merrifield, 1993). Hence, social space is
allocated to social class and reproduces class structure (Elden, 2007). Indeed, the word ‘production’ in Lefebvre's book implies that
space is analogous to other economic goods, suggesting that domination exists in a system of capital accumulation over those who
produce space as an appropriation to serve human needs (Molotch, 1993). For Lefebvre, space production is thus a political process
involving conflictual social forces (Merrifield, 1993). In explaining the political nature of space production, Lefebvre argued that
space is both a political product stemming from conflicting strategies, representations, appropriation and practices as well as a
political stake as it becomes the medium of conflict among social groups. In this regard, space may become ‘dominated space’ in the
form of spaces of representations and spatial practices undertaken in daily life and/or ‘dominant space’ in the form of representations
of space as imagined by planners and decision-makers.
In this context, Harvey's work on space is insightful. Harvey (1985) proposed that space appropriation occurs through objects,
activities and individuals or groups whereas space may be dominated by powerful individuals and/or groups through the sys-
tematised and institutionalised production of space. Lefebvre's ideas have been mostly investigated in urban settings, considering
issues of city planning, urban regeneration and urban social justice (e.g. Harvey, 2012). The framework may also serve as a powerful
lens in the micro-level analysis of private spaces such as commercialised homes, whose popularisation carries urban spatial im-
plications. The growth of commercially successful networks such as Airbnb raised questions on whether peer-to-peer platforms are
part of the ‘sharing economy’ (e.g. Crommelin, Troy, Martin, & Pettit, 2018), which has been accused of representing a form of
neoliberal capitalism as economic opportunism seems to drive the sharing practice (Martin, 2016; Stabrowski, 2017). Specifically,
Airbnb has been regarded as an urban phenomenon responsible for inflicting negative impacts on cities in the form of housing prices,
spatial configurations and overcrowding (Gutiérrez, García-Palomares, Romanillos, & Salas-Olmedo, 2017), thus reshaping the social
relations of property based on new socio-material assemblages (Stabrowski, 2017). By centring analysis on commodified private
spaces, this study contributes to understandings on the power relations between hosts and guests and how their tactics are exercised
in appropriating and dominating the space.
As can be seen in Table 1, we argue that representations of space signify peer-to-peer accommodation space as conceived and
communicated by network providers (i.e. Airbnb) through guidelines and other online content such as hosts' property descriptions. As
such, we sought the perceptions of Airbnb hosts and guests of ‘what is thought’ of as an appropriate and desirable peer-to-peer
accommodation space in order to understand how a home is adapted and commodified by hosts and/or what accommodation
experiences are expected by guests in relation to property description. Likewise, we regard spatial practices as representing ‘what is
seen’ in the physical boundaries of the property and through the social relations between hosts and guests. Spatial practices refer to the
practices that hosts undertake to transform their home into a commercial one as well as acts of hospitality offered to guests; equally,
spatial practices include guest behaviours as a response to their expectations of host services. Hence, we sought the perceptions of
users with regard to the routines they perform under their capacity as hosts or guests and their behaviours prior, during and after the
interaction. Similarly, we considered spaces of representation as the experiences derived by hosts and guests with the meanings evoked
in spaces of representation being created by the interplay between spatial practices and representations of space. Thus, we sought to
investigate ‘what is felt’ by hosts and guests in the ‘lived’ space; in so doing, the motives of using peer-to-peer platform space were
also sought as these are likely to condition the lived experience within the platform space. Overall, this study attempts to answer the
following questions. How is peer-to-peer accommodation space socially constructed by hosts and guests? What kind of space does
Airbnb space represent? How does the emergence of peer-to-peer platform technology create a new mode of producing space?

Methodology

A qualitative research approach was adopted to collect and analyse the data, as it allowed the in-depth exploration of spatial
dimensions. The study drew from the perspectives of both Airbnb hosts and guests, thus addressing the need of a holistic and
comparative study of host and guest perceptions as both are key facilitators of peer-to-peer transactions. Data collection was un-
dertaken between January–December 2018. Although initial attempts to reach participants were made through the platform, this was
not deemed practical due to platform features that inhibit communication between the members unless a booking request is made.
Thus, the sampling process was facilitated by the principal investigator's involvement in a relevant European Union COST Action,1

1
The objective of the action is to develop a European network of actors (including scholars, practitioners, communities and policy makers)
focusing on the social and technological implications of the sharing economy through a practice-focused approach. Through funding provided for

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A. Farmaki, et al. Annals of Tourism Research 80 (2020) 102806

Table 1
Operationalisation of the spatial triad dimensions.
Dimensions Description Operationalised in the AIRBNB space

Representations of space
Spatial practices
Spaces of representation
Conceived space; abstract representations
Perceived space; socio-physical material space
also known as ‘actual’ space
Lived space; social space as experienced
physically, emotionally and ideologically
Platform content such as policies and guidelines to hosts and guests; property
description, photos; reviews
Host and guest routines prior, during and after the interaction; material cues
within the property; behavioural aspects of the host-guest interaction
Host/guest interpretations of P2P accommodation space, as influenced by socio-
cultural and economic factors and personal motives for using the platform space

Table 2
Profile of Informants.
Hosts Guests

Gender Male 15 15
Female 10 17
Age 18–29 0 7
30–39 11 10
40–49 9 9
50–59 3 3
60+ 2 3
Property typea Shared room 11 11
Entire home 14 21

a
Refers to property type rented by hosts and/or stayed in by guests respectively.

which allowed her access to Airbnb hosts and guests across Europe. In particular, the investigator used the network of the Action to
identify Airbnb members from various European cities (e.g. Amsterdam, London, Berlin, Barcelona, Athens) and subsequently invited
them through social networks to participate in the research. The target sample was drawn from a European urban context; in other
words, while hosts were renting property in city areas, guests were in their majority using Airbnb for city break vacations.
Purposive sampling was used to select Airbnb members, who were deemed knowledgeable (Schutt, 2018). Researchers use their a-
priori theoretical understanding of the topic to identify individuals that may have important perspectives on the phenomenon in
question. Thus, sample selection considered the backgrounds, age and gender of the informants to ensure that enough diversity is
included (Ritchie, Lewis, Nicholls, & Ormston, 2014) within the sample. Hence, participants of both genders and various age groups
were targeted across different cities in Europe whereas efforts were undertaken to ensure the sample included participants renting/
staying in shared rooms and/or entire properties. In total, 25 hosts and 32 guests were interviewed with data saturation being reach
at that number (Table 2). Generally, male and female Airbnb hosts and guests of various age groups (ranging from 18 to 60+ years)
were included in the sample. These hosts and guests were either co-habiting host/guests (renting/staying in a room within the host's
home) or non-sharers (renting/staying in entire homes). The participants were unrelated to each other as the guests had not stayed in
the properties of the hosts.
Semi-structured interviews were conducted in English via skype in accordance to informants' date and time preferences. Before
each interview, the researcher explained the purpose of the study and ensured participants would maintain their anonymity. The
interviews lasted approximately 45 to 60 min each, with the questions being framed according to the research aim. Specifically, each
interview proceeded from a number of ‘grand tour’ questions (McCracken, 1988) seeking to establish the profile of the informants
(e.g. number of years as Airbnb host/guest) before moving into the topic of space perceptions, practices and experiences.
The analytical process involved the identification, analysis and reporting of patterns within the data set (Braun & Clarke, 2006).
Specifically, the transcripts and notes from the interviews were read several times in order to familiarise with the data. Then, initial
codes were generated systematically using priori codes based on the spatial triad dimensions. Following, latent content was analysed
in order to develop themes. Specifically, codes were collated under emerging themes. This stage allowed not only for the identifi-
cation of common themes but also the differentiation between the narrative accounts of informants. Themes were reviewed rigor-
ously with blocks of verbatim text being copied, re-organised and cross-referenced in relation to coded extracts and the data set to
allow the identification of thematic categories (Hennink, Hutter, & Bailey, 2010).

(footnote continued)
networking activities, the action follows a bottom-up approach in promoting interdisciplinary, scientific collaboration while stimulating knowledge
sharing and pooling resources.

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A. Farmaki, et al. Annals of Tourism Research 80 (2020) 102806

Findings and discussion

Representations of space: ‘selling’ the property

The first dimension of Lefebvre's framework refers to conceptual space and it relates to the perceptions of hosts and guests of what
Airbnb space signifies. Hence, we asked Airbnb hosts and guests to elaborate on how they think Airbnb space is represented or should
be represented.
To begin with, the majority of hosts agreed that the guidelines and suggestions provided by the platform as well as online host
forums are helpful in understanding how a property should be adapted and listed, particularly for less experienced hosts. Specifically,
hosts commented on the photography service provided by Airbnb, adding to studies which discussed the influence of photos on
property choice (Han et al., 2019). Hosts explained that Airbnb makes suggestions on how to prepare the property before the
photoshoot, by setting up the physical space according to professional hospitality standards. For example, as outlined in the plat-
form's website, hosts are advised to “open the curtains to let natural light in, declutter the space, remove valuables, fold guest towels
and make the bed with clean sheets” (Airbnb, 2019). Although some hosts argued that they'd prefer more flexibility over property
listings such as to take their own photos of the properties to allow “guests to see the property as [hosts] envision it” [female, 60,
Limerick], their comments inferred tendencies to professionalise the property space and listing. For instance, informants pointed to
the recent attempts of Airbnb to categorise ‘quality’ properties under the Airbnb Plus initiative as influential on how space is con-
ceived. According to the platform, Airbnb Plus properties should be “thoughtfully designed, well-equipped with amenities like wifi
and coffee, be well-maintained including high quality bedding and plush towels while hosts should be well-reviewed and committed
to their reservations” (Airbnb, 2019). As a host [male, 40, Budapest] argued, a prevalent topic in host forums is how “to offer a ‘wow
effect’ to guests either in terms of material aspects or services offered… to get high ratings”. Upon reflecting on the professionalisation of
property space, one informant [female, 50, Newbury] said “as a guest I'd look for that standard but Airbnb Plus is not available in my area
so I am being disadvantaged as a host”. By highlighting the physical aspects of properties as potentially unsuitable for Airbnb Plus,
many informants pointed to the importance of social elements (Lyu et al., 2019; Zhu et al., 2019) as compensatory factors, com-
menting that these are frequently overlooked in platform guidelines where there is “dominance of material indicators” [female, 43,
Truro].
Within this context, hosts discussed property descriptions as abstract representations of space (Lefebvre, 2000) and explained how
these should be communicated to prospective guests. As an informant [male, 37, Prague] put it, “you need to sell experiences rather
than simply list the things that the property has”. Such statements echo Airbnb's initiative of hosting an experience through “activities
designed and led by inspiring locals…[that] go beyond typical tours or classes by immersing guests in each host's unique world”
(Airbnb, 2019). Indeed, other hosts acknowledged the importance of creating a visual narrative for potential guests that will make the
property appear unique and appealing. Such comments resonate with Goffman's (1956) acknowledgement of the importance of
imagery in reflecting social interactions. By adopting a dramaturgical approach, Goffman studied social interactions in theatrical
performance with his work suggesting that individuals undergo through a conscious or unconscious process of creating impressions in
order to influence others' perceptions of a person (often themselves), an object or event. In so doing, people regulate the information
provided through social interactions, as evidenced in the case of Airbnb hosts. Prior research on peer-to-peer accommodation
highlighted that in addition to hotel services, Airbnb guests seek an extra offering in terms of social aspects (Zhu et al., 2019) which
needs to be communicated in host-created information (Han et al., 2019). Hosts also pointed to the importance of describing the
property in such a way to attract specific types of guests while avoiding discrimination (Table 3); such views were of particular
significance to co-habiting hosts. “I want to feel safe in my property and I don't want to have any problems with my neighbours so the kind of
guest I receive needs to be the ‘right’ one” said a co-habiting host [female, 38, Barcelona]. Past studies suggested that the design of
Airbnb's booking system creates opportunities for digital discrimination through ‘personalisation’ options (Cheng & Foley, 2018),
therefore, the importance of structuring the property descriptions clearly was emphasised by nearly all informants, in line with Moon
et al. (2019).
Correspondingly, guest perceptions are to a great extent shaped by host property descriptions. When guests were asked to specify
how Airbnb space should be represented, many informants commented on the physical attributes of the space suggesting that de-
scriptions should guarantee a “clean, safe space where equipment works”. Several informants commented on the availability of personal
items including specific brands of hairdryers or coffee machines, expressing dissatisfaction when these are not available in the
properties. Despite the search for an authentic experience (Mody et al., 2019), Airbnb guests still expect professional hospitality
standards as host comments confirm. In the words of a guest [female, 31, Rome], “hosts need to realise that they are now competing
hotels so they should raise the bar”. In this regard, some informants stated that misinterpretation of property descriptions may be a
problem. For example, one guest [female, 38, Barcelona] commented on how bed sheets were listed on the property description yet
upon arrival at the property she found a duvet instead. Indeed, as explained in the Airbnb website guests may be eligible for a refund
if “the listing is misinterpreted…isn't generally clean [and] is unsafe…” (Airbnb, 2019). The misinterpretation of property description
was acknowledged by hosts too with an informant [male, 47, Pamplona] explaining, “sometimes guests don't do their homework… they
give me bad reviews because they think my flat is in the city centre due to its proximity to the Cathedral, which is not in the city centre!”.
Transparency in information disclosure was also identified as influential in representations of the space with a guest [male, 50,
Nicosia] using a photo he took from a recent stay in an Airbnb property as an exemplar (Photo 1). As can be seen in Photo 1, in the
specific property the bathroom is adjacent to the kitchen separated only by a glass window, making it difficult for two guests staying
in the property to move around comfortably within the space. As the informant suggested, “the host should have stated this feature in the
property description”, therefore supporting the suggestions of prior studies to provide objective information to guests (Han et al.,

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A. Farmaki, et al. Annals of Tourism Research 80 (2020) 102806

Table 3
Representations of space.
Type of description

The ‘experience promoting’ descriptor
The ‘family-oriented’ descriptor
The ‘safety-driven’ descriptor
The ‘sharing is caring’ descriptor
The ‘luxury getaway’ descriptor
The ‘simplicity is key’ descriptor
Experience city living while staying in a classy loft that has a contemporary yet comfortable feel. This inviting space
boasts an open-plan living with stunning art work and amazing views of the city's bohemian neighbourhoods. Enjoy
the convenient kitchenette and indulge yourself with a relaxing bubble bath after a long day of exploring the city!
[male, 40, Berlin]a
Looking for a relaxing, family holiday? This apartment, located in a cul de sac, is perfect for families! The apartment
is on the ground floor and is a safe and fun place for children to play in, either in the communal garden or inside. The
apartment is spacious, offering all the amenities a family would need and only a few minutes away from the beach.
[female, 42, Sardinia]
This property is suitable for a SMALL number of non-smoking guests. It is located in a family building in a quiet
neighbourhood. Bus and tram stops are nearby so travelling around is easy. Restaurants and shops are also within
reach. All types of responsible guests are welcomed but you'll need to leave your pet at home this time!
[male, 33, Amsterdam]
Mi casa es su casa! If you want to feel at home while being away from home, then this property is the one for you.
Situated in the heart of the town, pubs and restaurants are only a few meters away. Alternatively, I would enjoy
having your company for breakfast or dinner. Free parking is available at the front of the house. Just ask and I'll be
glad to help with anything you need!
[female, 48, Nottingham]
An A-class property near the beach. Offers breath-taking views to the Mediterranean Sea. There is a private pool and a
patio with a wooden pergola in the back of the villa. The villa comes with some of the most famous design furniture
like “Barcelona” armchairs, Charles Eames chairs and mattresses from coco palm tree and 100% natural materials.
[male, 50, Mykonos]
Comfortable house in the center of the town, near the market and castle. The Cathedral and the Gallery of Arts are
close by. The room is comfortable and comes with clean towels and sheets, soap, shampoo and shower cap. I work all
day but there is a brochure with tourist information in the room.
[female, 42, Limerick]

a
To maintain the anonymity of informants, the names of areas and details of listings that might identify the hosts have been removed.

2019). In this context, informants highlighted the need to describe common facilities particularly where properties are part of
apartment buildings. “Sometimes the flat looks great inside but the building or communal areas are outdated or dirty” said a guest [male,
50, Nicosia]. Indeed, several guests suggested that Airbnb needs to do more quality checks of the properties to ensure they match the
descriptions as these representations of space influence guest expectations. In relation to this point, guests clarified that a better
understanding of what to expect in the property may be gained by reading the property description as well as the host profile where
reviews by other guests may be seen. “Some hosts just copy-paste property descriptions so reading the host profile is a must” said a guest
[female, 38, Barcelona].
Indeed, reviews emerge as influential on the discourse on Airbnb space. These reviews reflect the expectations of Airbnb users and
seem to be largely influenced by past experiences of staying either in Airbnb rentals or hotels as well as the dual host/guest role that
users may hold. Cheng and Jin (2019) found that Airbnb users evaluate their experiences based on past hotel stays. As a guest
[female, 28, Riga] questioned, “guests are not expected to clean the hotel room so why should they in Airbnbs?”. Another informant
[female, 40, Tampere] added that “when I am hosting, I do the cleaning up so I don't expect to contribute to cleaning as a guest”. Even so,
the role of guests in the social construction of space was varyingly perceived highlighting a complexity of the boundaries of host-guest
interactions in commercial home settings that needs to be reflected in representations of space. For instance, there were guests
staying with co-habiting hosts who stated that they don't want substantial interaction while others anticipated a meaningful en-
counter. Hence, as representations of space set the ground for the negotiation between the host and guest on how the space will be
used (Sheringham & Daruwalla, 2007), the host needs to clearly articulate in the property description expectations of social relations
as well. As one informant [male, 61, Milan] argued “I expect to be able to call the host and ask for additional information otherwise why
give contact details?”. As the discussion moved on, it became evident that the role of co-hosts is important in constructing the socio-
cultural aspects of Airbnb space, subsequently, influencing reviews. In the words of an informant [female, 38, Barcelona], “I gave the
management of my property to a co-host but since then I've been getting complaints from my neighbours and started to receive bad reviews from
guests”. Another informant [male, 40, Athens] highlighted that co-hosting needs to be taken seriously as “you become part of the
visitor's experience”, adding to past research on the influence of host-guest relations on guest perceptions of authentic experiences
(Mody et al., 2019).
Conclusively, as a dominant space in society (Lefebvre, 2000) representations of space influence host-guest behaviours, signifying
the point of departure for subsequent experiences gained. With much of the property descriptions being directed and shaped by
platform-fed information, it is unsurprising that professionalisation begins to characterise representations of Airbnb space; thus,
confirming suggestions that Airbnb's growth reflects a capitalist mode of urbanisation (Stabrowski, 2017).

Spatial practices: ‘What's yours is mine and what's mine is mine’

Spatial practices refer to the routines, behaviours and interactions of hosts and guests and, thus, manifest their perceived roles.
Although in traditional hospitality settings perceived identities and roles are relatively distinct, in commercialised home settings the

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A. Farmaki, et al. Annals of Tourism Research 80 (2020) 102806

overlap of commercial and private boundaries complexifies host and guest roles. Moon et al. (2019) argued that the effect of peer-to-
peer interactions on the experience results from the function of the role of hosts and guests. Within the peer-to-peer accommodation
context, the meaning of host-guest roles is largely shaped by representations of space, which influence host and guest practices prior,
during and after the interaction.
Drawing from representations of space to form a framework of hosting practice, hosts explained their attempts to territorialise the
space in accordance to the ‘professional’ standards proposed by the platform. “I try to rearrange the space to make it look inviting by using
aromatic candles, fresh flowers in vases…I also ensure tourist brochures are visible so that guests find what they need easily” said a host
[female, 36, London]. On a similar note, another host [male, 34, Dubrovnik] admitted “I always leave a bottle of wine for my guests”,
crediting online host forums as particularly helpful in offering host-to-host advice. Respectively, guests agreed that material cues play
an important role on how hosts communicate hospitality (Christou & Sharpley, 2019) even if there is minimal or no interaction
between the two parties. “It's the small things that matter” said a guest [female, 28, Rotterdam] who added that “a place can be
hospitable even if the host is not there”. Such comments contribute to prior research which highlighted the importance of providing a
personalised service to Airbnb guests, that may take many forms ranging from a welcome drink to a reminder about the weather (e.g.
Lyu et al., 2019). In fact, guests contemplated that when selecting an Airbnb rental apart from location, host services are the other
criterion they consider. Although some informants were less critical of hosts' services, stating that “you get what you pay for” [female,
53, Izmir], the majority of guests implied that they expect services equivalent to hotel standards. In relation to this point, hosts
discussed the importance of guest selection explaining the need to reject booking requests from guests they deem ‘inappropriate’. As a
host [female, 50, Newbury] explained, “it's not about discriminating against certain guests but it is about what I can offer as a host…
otherwise I will end up with negative reviews from dissatisfied guests”. Indeed, as representations of space fuel the professionalisation of
spatial practices, certain hosts become increasingly concerned over their ability to respond to guest demands.
Indeed, discussion revealed the offering of ‘professional’ hospitality in a private home setting which often contains the personal
belongings of the host, creates a complex context in which host-guest roles are blurred and relations may be difficult to manage. For
example, as can be seen in Photo 2 which was taken by a guest renting an apartment [male, 45, Sofia], a professional act of hospitality
is made by the host in the offering of a bottle of wine; yet in the background, the personal items of the host may be seen as a reminder
of space ‘ownership’. Commenting on this aesthetic aspect, the guest admitted of being inclined to intrude into the host's ‘personal’
space, stating: “all her stuff was there…it was weird, as if she [host] was there but she was not there”. Other guests expressed discomfort
with the host's personal items being laid out in the rented space, with one informant [female, 28, Berlin] commenting that “personal
objects remind you that the space is being used for other purposes by someone else”. Evidently, Airbnb space represents not only a space of
contrasts but also one of fluidity with guests submerging into the host's private sphere not just in physical terms but also socially. In
other words, space is being appropriated interchangeably by the host and guests with the first using the space in everyday life and the
second as part of the tourist activity. Evidently, relics of space usage by each party remain as vivid reminders influencing perceptions
of the ‘right’ to use the private space. As such, Airbnb space emerges as one that is continuously negotiated between hosts and guest
often acquiring a conflictual character, particularly for co-habiting hosts. The extracts below from hosts describing their interactions
with co-habiting guests, reflect how the ‘shared’ space is inter-subjectively socially constructed.
One day I was having dinner with my friends and a guest asked to join in, there was clearly not enough food but we couldn't say no
and then we had to spend the rest of the night talking in English so the guest could understand what we were saying.
[female, 38, Barcelona]
One night, I was sitting in the living room, chatting with my guest when suddenly he took the remote control and changed the TV
channel. I said: hang on a minute, I was watching a programme…this is my TV, my living room!
[female, 43, Truro]
I have a ‘no smoking’ sign on the back of the door in the guest room and I always tell my guests that there is a strict no smoking
policy in my house because of safety concerns. One guest was smoking in the room and when I showed him the ‘no smoking’ sign,
he said he is smoking a pipe and not a cigarette and that the sign depicted a cigarette.
[female, 53, Amsterdam]
Indeed, a form of appropriation of space by Airbnb hosts/guests is noticed when they ‘enter’ host/guest space. As Fig. 1 illustrates,
guest behaviour may result in a functional appropriation whereby the guest surpasses the physical boundaries of the commercial
space and uses material aspects in the private space of the host. Also, social appropriation may result when the guest overtakes the
private space of the host in both material and social terms (e.g. wishing to participate in the host's social functions). Functional and
social appropriation of space may occur even if there is no co-habitation in the form of ignoring property rules or subconsciously
overtaking what the guest thinks he/she is entitled to because of the commercial element of the transaction. Likewise, hosts may
carry functional or social appropriation by ‘reclaiming’ space as theirs. For example, hosts may look at or even use the personal
belongings of guests in their absence. Similarly, hosts may ‘enter’ the private space of the guest “seeking to interact” in an overbearing
manner at times. As an informant [female, 38, Barcelona] commented, “the host kept talking to me, coming into my room…I tried to be
out of the house as much as possible but she was calling all the time wanting to know where I was!”. A quasi-appropriation may result when
guests' and hosts' behaviour lies at a threshold between private and commercial space usage.
Space acquires a polymorphic character as it may be used varyingly by the host and guest; in this regard, Airbnb space becomes a
product of negotiation (Lefebvre, 2000) as respective parties attempt to dominate it through their social relations. Indeed, spatial
rights (Harvey, 1985; Lefebvre, 2000) emerge as important as they determine spatial practices and reflect domination issues between
hosts and guests. For instance, spatial signs are used by hosts to denote accessibility and/or classify space into what may be regarded

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A. Farmaki, et al. Annals of Tourism Research 80 (2020) 102806

Funconal
Appropriaon
The guest/host
surpasses the physical
boundaries of the
formal (commercial)
space
• The guest/host ulises
physical and material
aspects of the
informal (private)
space
Quasi-Appropriaon
• Guest/host behaviour
lies at a threshold in
terms of usage of
informal (private) and
formal (commercial)
space
Social
Appropriaon
• The guest/host takes
over the social and
physical aspects of the
informal (private)
space
Space becomes a
means of symbolic
power
• Space is not mono-
funconal as guests’
and hosts'
transgressing acts
imply polymorphic
usages and meanings

Fig. 1. Appropriation of Airbnb space.

Source: Authors.

as backstage and front stage; thus, including or excluding guests in the private sphere of hosts. Photo 3 was shared by a guest staying
in an apartment [male, 31, Porto] as an exemplar of hosts' attempts to regulate accessibility within the space. Even so, such attempts
may not always be successful. In fact, a transgressive behaviour was noticed among users. For example, as one host [male, 40,
Athens] explained, some guests attempt to ‘punish’ the host by giving bad reviews or breaking and stealing objects from the property
as “a last act of showing customer power” in case of dissatisfaction and/or conflict. Within this context, the mediating role of the
platform was acknowledged by both hosts and guests, in line with prior research (Lyu et al., 2019; Moon et al., 2019) albeit the
inaccessibility of the platform was repeatedly mentioned. Accordingly, hosts admitted to self-organising by “getting an accountant and
a lawyer and seeking the know-how of more experienced hosts in the U.S.” [male, 33, Amsterdam] in an attempt to gain control of their
practice. Such self-organisation tactics emerge as important in light of the unregulated environment of peer-to-peer accommodation.
Overall, informed by representations of space as well as hospitality expectations, spatial practices exercised by hosts and guests
reflect professionalisation orientation that conditions the way Airbnb space is appropriated and dominated (Harvey, 1985) by the
parties involved. Consequently, along the boundaries of commercial and private domains, multiple spatialities (Lefebvre, 2000) arise
as Airbnb space becomes a product of negotiation between hosts and guests. Although this study adopted an inward gaze at the
private space within Airbnb, findings are reflective of the appropriation of residential areas by tourists as a result of Airbnb's urban
growth (Gutiérrez et al., 2017).

Spaces of representation: the many faces of Airbnb

Spaces of representation refer to the ‘lived’ space, which transcends and reconfigures the balance between popular perceived
space and official conceived space (Pritchard & Morgan, 2006). In essence, spaces of representation within the peer-to-peer ac-
commodation domain emerge from the platform's role in mediating host-guest relations and institutionalising peer-to-peer accom-
modation space. The ‘lived’ space triggers a rearrangement of institutionalised discourses of hospitality space, as reflected by the
symbolic acts and behaviours of hosts and guests that manifest power relations. While Airbnb has been distinguished from traditional
hospitality space, little is known of what kind of space it represents in contemporary society and in relation to mainstream hospitality.
Evidently, an understanding of why and how the platform is used may provide insights with regard to how the space is evaluated and
symbolised as.
Therefore, we sought to establish the motives predisposing guests and hosts to use the platform as these influence perceptions of
space, expectations and behaviours. Guests argued that Airbnb presented not only an economically sound accommodation option but
also one of convenience. A guest [female, 47, Brescia] explained that “when travelling with a family it is more convenient to rent an
apartment than stay in a hotel room”. Guests also admitted to preferring Airbnb over other platforms due to its popularity as “a safe
option”, as previously argued by Lyu et al. (2019). The social motive related to the ‘sharing’ practice advocated by Airbnb was
repeatedly mentioned by informants, in line with prior research (Lyu et al., 2019; Moon et al., 2019; Zhu et al., 2019). As a guest
[female, 56, Dublin] commented the experience in an Airbnb is “different to a hotel, it feels more local particularly if you are staying with
the host”. Another guest [male, 39, Limassol] suggested that “Airbnb is like a revolution to that professional, global system that many times
does not benefit local communities”. The informant further added that Airbnb “is like an alternative getaway to capitalism that reflects the
current needs of conscientious travellers”. Such comments resonate the views of advocates of the sharing economy phenomenon which
regarded as an empowering channel to individuals, by decentralising power structures across the economy and society (Martin,
2016). Other guests agreed stating that “Airbnb is a much-needed alternative” to traditional hospitality. Within this context, Airbnb

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A. Farmaki, et al. Annals of Tourism Research 80 (2020) 102806

emerges as a ‘space of resistance’ to traditional hospitality with guests' decision to use Airbnb resembling a form of defiance to
mainstream accommodation options. Indeed, for Lefebvre (2000) space is political and, hence, spaces of resistance may arise to
contest and reproduce existing space in radical ways.
Along the same lines, informants stated that a key motive to become hosts was economic, with social reasons being highlighted as
equally important, particularly for co-habiting hosts. “We are not looking for customers but for friends coming to our house” said an
informant [female, 40, Thessaloniki]. In some cases, hosts acknowledged that the growth of Airbnb has allowed them to host pro-
fessionally with the practice constituting their main source of income. As an informant [male, 37, Prague] explained, “I manage over
50 properties…this is my job now”. While some informants seem to use several platforms for hosting, many suggested that they chose to
host on Airbnb because “it is the market leader” [male, 36, Athens]. As such, Airbnb represents a ‘space of enterprise’. Contrary to prior
research which recognised Airbnb as an arena for microentrepreneurial activities (Zhang, Bufquin, & Lu, 2019), this study highlights
the presence of entrepreneurship at the macro level as well. Specifically, hosts and guests acknowledged that Airbnb's popularity
drove professional companies to buy entire apartment buildings and turn them into Airbnb properties. Such tendencies suggest
attempts to commodify urban space, therefore, eliciting a form of capitalistic urbanisation (Merrifield, 1993) as the physical space
acquires new commercial meanings. Indeed, in discussing platform capitalism, Srnicek (2017) argued that a structural shift in the
economy has occurred as several monopolistic platforms appear to shape the economy by acting as intermediaries between service
providers and consumers, utilising an infrastructure that enables user interaction. In turn, platforms grow digitally by capturing and
controlling user data; nonetheless, the rapid growth of digital platforms led to criticism over their relevance to the sharing economy
phenomenon. In the words of a host [male, 40, Athens], “Airbnb has started to resemble booking.com…in essence its popularity is ‘creating’
a new version of hotels” facilitated by platform-based technology. While for some hosts this is an indication that Airbnb is evolving, for
others the platform is changing “transforming from a host-oriented platform to a guest-focused one” and echoing the presence of un-
derlying tensions between the parties involved.
Findings indicate that Airbnb space is produced by the complex relations of hosts, guests and the platform; at the same time, space
influences the relations among the parties involved. On the one hand, Airbnb presents a means of empowerment to users. As a host
[male, 34, Amsterdam] acknowledged “hosts can review guests as well and check their profile…hotels don't have that luxury”. On the other
hand, it presents a space of potential inequality among actors. The majority of hosts pointed to the increasing difficulty of rejecting
guests due to changes in Airbnb's policy. More specifically, hosts identified Airbnb's anti-discrimination policy as one which turns
hosts into powerless “hostages of Airbnb” [male, 30, Athens]. An informant [male, 37, Prague] commented that “if you want to get
ranked high on the platform, you can't reject or cancel a reservation as it affects host ranking”. While past studies regard superhost badges as
positively impacting purchase (Han et al., 2019), host comments indicate growing concerns over potential loss of power. Within this
context, Airbnb's recent launch of Airbnb Plus and superhost/superguest badges (awarded to users with exceptional ratings) was
criticised by many informants as tools granting power to guests by soliciting “a guest-first approach” [female, 43, Truro]. In this
regard, Airbnb space arises as a ‘space of (in)equivalence’ depending on users' experiences.
As a result of platform pressures on hosts, several informants said that they are contemplating to exit the platform or started to
host on alternative platforms (i.e. Fairbnb) as a form of resistance to the capitalistic tendencies reflected in the changing policies of
Airbnb. As a host [female, 43, Truro] complained “…guests have come to expect hotel services at an Airbnb price…their increasing
expectations make it harder for some hosts to carry out their practice”. Correspondingly, some guests expressed a desire to use other
platforms such as Couchsurfing as they find Airbnb “becoming increasingly professionalised” [female, 31, London], confirming prior
research on the professionalisation of Airbnb host practice (Cheng & Jin, 2019). As discussion moved on, it became apparent that
some hosts and guests were finalising bookings on social networks, bypassing the Airbnb platform altogether, citing “the lack of
commission fees” [male, 36, Athens] as a key motive or in some instances, where regulation restricts the number of days for Airbnb
rental, “the flexibility offered by social networks like Facebook for longer stays” [female, 19, Madrid]. In this context, peer-to-peer
accommodation space may be considered a ‘space as resistance’ due to users' attempts to resist the platform's attempt to maximise
control over host and guest practices.
Last, Airbnb arises as a ‘space of transition’ due to the fluidity that characterises the roles of users in the hospitality exchange
(Pritchard & Morgan, 2006). Bauman's (2013) work on liquid modernity is relevant here. The theory highlights the rapidly changing
order evidenced in modern society that undermines notions of durability; specifically, he discussed how humans have transitioned
from a heavy and solid hardware-focused modernity to a light and liquid, software-oriented one, leading to changing meanings of
socio-political aspects of life. We suggest that fluidity in peer-to-peer accommodation emerges in various forms. Findings indicate that
informants use the space as hosts and guests interchangeably revealing a fluidity in roles, which redefines perceptions of the sharing
practice. Fluidity is also evident in users' decision to use the platform space temporarily, resuming their role of host or guest ac-
cording to their needs. As a host explained, “I will not do it forever…when I get tired of hosting I will stop” [female, 53, Amsterdam].
“Airbnb is not binding…you can always exit the platform” said another informant [female, 36, Liverpool]. More importantly, as ex-
emplified by spatial practices, Airbnb's growth signifies a phase of transition of the wider hospitality practice. On the one hand, the
sharing practice is being influenced by traditional hospitality conceptions leading to a form of professionalisation in host practice,
guest expectations and platform policies. On the other hand, traditional hospitality is being challenged to offer more personalised
services (Cheng & Jin, 2019). In this regard, peer-to-peer accommodation as a transitionary force (re)shaping hospitality notions,
practices and roles.
To sum up, Airbnb space comes with multiple faces depending on the reasons that members use the space. While it may present a
space of resistance for some, others seek to strengthen their resistance behaviour to the changing platform through social networks
and alternative more localised peer-to-peer platforms. Indeed, as Airbnb is evolving to resemble a space characterised by market-
based competition, economic opportunism and capitalistic tendencies, it yields profound effects on urban regeneration processes

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A. Farmaki, et al. Annals of Tourism Research 80 (2020) 102806

(Martin, 2016; Stabrowski, 2017). In this context, Airbnb space offers an arena for entrepreneurial activity that is flexible rather than
binding. Even so, as ‘platform capitalism’ (Srnicek, 2017) continues to grow, it becomes necessary to consider the regulation of
commercial transactions in intimate locations such as homes (Kreiczer-Levy, 2016).

The trialectics of Airbnb spatiality

Having looked at how each spatial dimension is applied within Airbnb, we now turn our attention to the trialectics of Airbnb
spatiality; in other words, the interplay between the three dimensions of Lefebvre's spatial triad. Overall, it appears that the narrative
of Airbnb space (representations of space) is shaped by platform-fed information, host-created information, advice by peers offered
through online social networks as well as reviews by respective parties as shaped by their dual host/guest role and/or past ex-
periences of staying in Airbnbs or hotels. This pool of information is important in shaping the perceptions of hosts and guests of the
‘imagined’ Airbnb space. As Airbnb continues to grow, professionalisation in peer-to-peer accommodation space discourses is evident.
Although professional standards such as safety concerns were previously identified as important to Airbnb users' experiences (Cheng
& Jin, 2019; Lyu et al., 2019), this study highlights a shift of platform policies towards more experience-based service provisions and
practices that are comparable to hotel services (i.e. superhost/superguest badges). In turn, the discourse on space is internalised by
Airbnb users as manifested in their spatial practices.
As the study reveals the professionalisation of host practice is territorialised by Airbnb hosts through the physical rearrangement
of the home setting as well as the enhancement of the services offered. Hosts that are more economically driven are especially keen on
adopting professional practices to strengthen the entrepreneurial pursuits enabled by digital platforms. Hence, Airbnb space influ-
ences and is influenced by traditional notions of hospitality. Indeed, guests appear to consider host services as an important criterion
for Airbnb rental selection whereas host-guest fit, as conditioned by motives to engage in peer-to-peer practice, is important in the
subsequent experience of the platform space. Within this context, we noted a form of functional and/or social appropriation taking
place, signifying tensions between hosts and guests as they attempt to (re)claim the shared space. In fact, attempts to dominate social
relations extend beyond the stage of interaction as evidenced through negative reviews offered by respective parties or transgressive
behaviour. Tensions seem to be further intensified by the mediating role of the platform, which favours guests. Consequently,
insurgent spatial practices by hosts and guests are noticed as a form of resistance. Airbnb hosts are attempting to self-organise and,
thus, formalise their practice whereas some users resist this increasing professionalisation by opting to exit the Airbnb platform.
Indeed, for users initially drawn by the social aspects of sharing, its increasing professionalisation as exemplified through platform
discourse and users' practices is frustrating. Nonetheless, as the interplay between ‘representations of space’ and ‘spatial practices’
indicates, Airbnb represents a cultural product of postmodern tourism, emerging as a space of representations with multiple meanings
(Cohen, 2002). As the preceding discussion on the spatial dimensions has shown, Airbnb space embodies fluidity in roles and space
usage, opposing yet complementing accommodation options and hospitality practices while offering numerous transformative pos-
sibilities to users in the form of enterprising, co-producing and consuming peer-to-peer experiences. Based on the motives to use the
platform space as well as the experience in the ‘lived’ space, Airbnb may signify a ‘space of resistance’ emerging from the desire of
individuals for more authentic accommodation experiences while for others into a ‘space of enterprise’. Even so, as the findings of this
study illustrated, the professionalisation of certain platforms including Airbnb has strengthened criticism that peer-to-peer networks
promote another form of capitalism (Srnicek, 2017), that has adverse effects on those accepting to ‘sell’ part of their private space,
their neighbours and fragile strata of residents through gentrification and a reduction in long-term rental properties. Hence, as Airbnb
may represent a space of (in)equivalence, it is unsurprising that resistance is depicted by socially oriented users who prefer alter-
native, smaller platforms. Notwithstanding, Airbnb's growth emerges as a reminder that the space is one of transition where not only
are traditional hospitality notions contested but also urban implications arise due to the widespread reappropriation of private space
that gradually leads to urban capitalism (Stabrowski, 2017).
We illustrate the various forms of Airbnb space in a conceptual framework (Fig. 2) that captures the interlinkages of the three
aspects of the spatial triad that are continually informing one another as Airbnb space is negotiated among hosts, guests and the
platform, challenging pre-conceived roles and practices of hosts and guests.

Conclusion

This study aimed to stimulate the impetus to examine the concept of space within hospitality settings, which remains an under-
researched topic (Pritchard & Morgan, 2006). By utilising Lefebvre's theory in examining the spatial dimensions of Airbnb, we
illustrated the complexity characterising host-guest-platform interactions which influences the development of the discourses of
space, the multiple uses of space and associated interpretations of what Airbnb space might signify. Overall, this study uncovers
potential inequalities in the ‘sharing’ practice and warns that a balanced social construction of space is required if peer-to-peer
practices are to be mutually beneficial. Specifically, this study illustrated the need for regulation to consider the spatial elements of
peer-to-peer accommodation, as the practice takes place within the physical environment of individuals' homes. Even though Le-
febvre's ideas have been mostly investigated in relation to city planning, urban regeneration and urban social justice (e.g. Harvey,
2012), this study indicates that the growth of the commodification of private space may lead towards a widespread reappropriation of
urban areas, yielding concerns over the gradual restructuring of urban space and the ‘right’ to the city (Lefebvre, 2000) in light of the
urban capitalism movement.
The increasing professionalisation of Airbnb was evidenced across the paper whereby politically directed ‘representations of
space’ influence the production of space. Specifically, findings illustrate an instrumentalisation of Airbnb space which accompanies

10
A. Farmaki, et al. Annals of Tourism Research 80 (2020) 102806

Spaal Pracces
Host pracces prior, during and aer interacon
(booking request approval, physical cues, space
appropriaon, self-organisaon taccs)
Guest pracces prior, during and aer interacon
(lisng selecon, space appropriaon, reviews)

Airbnb
MOTIVES

MOTIVES
Host Guest

Spaces of Representaons
Representaons of Space
Space of enterprise
Space of (in)equivalence Host-created informaon
Plaorm-fed informaon
Space of resistance
Peer advice and informaon
Space as resistance
Reviews by users
Space of transion

Fig. 2. The trialectics of Airbnb spatiality.

the urbanisation process that Lefebvre (2000) was critical of. In this regard, the variance in Airbnb space characteristics and ‘spatial
practices’ as well as context-specific factors render the development of a consolidated regulatory framework a challenging task. Yet,
as findings highlighted, regulation needs to consider the urban implications of the political instrumentalisation of Airbnb space as it
emerges between two conflicting forms of representation: (i) the dominant capital ideology which is further enhanced by platform
technology and (ii) the authentic, ideal aspects promoted by the ‘sharing economy’. Therefore, study findings resonate with Le-
febvrian thinking that urban space emerges as both a political product of contradicting representations of space, spatial practices and
appropriations and a potential tool of change, which creates another mode of producing space through the reappropriation of urban
space. As such, ‘spaces of representation’ arise as the dominated space emanating from the social interactions of users (hosts, guests
and the platform) as shaped by a capitalist mode of space production and should be embedded in relevant public policies.
Further research is necessary to examine the fragmentations that create potential inequalities in peer-to-peer accommodation
space. As an active medium of social interaction, Airbnb space needs to be investigated in relation to how it is produced, appropriated
and transformed. Hence, this study calls for future research of both quantitative and qualitative nature to address the complexities
characterising host-guest-platform relations. In particular, the moral conduct and responsibility of the key actors need to be in-
vestigated. Further research may also advance knowledge on how existing and emerging roles in hospitality fit within the continually
evolving industry. Deeper understanding is required on the symbolic meanings of hospitality transactions. Researchers may also
consider the spatio-temporal element that influences host and guest roles to better capture the fluidities characterising their inter-
actions. As this study was of an exploratory nature, it did not consider demographics or characteristics of Airbnb users; future
research might delve deeper into these issues. Likewise, as this study focused analysis on the micro-scale of private spaces, extant
literature would benefit by a Lefebvrian analysis of urban space transformation as a result of Airbnb's growth. Such explorations could
complement insights gained from this study that elucidate understandings of Airbnb as an urban phenomenon by showing the
increasing reappropriation of private space and the potential domination of urban, residential environments. Thus, we aspire that this
paper will reignite academic interest on hospitality space in general to uncover the perplexed relations, inherent inequalities and
opportunities characterising postmodern tourism.
Supplementary data to this article can be found online at https://doi.org/10.1016/j.annals.2019.102806.

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Anna Farmaki is Lecturer at the School of Management and Economics of the Cyprus University of Technology. Her research interests lie in the areas of tourism
planning and development and tourist behaviour.

Prokopis Christou is Lecturer at the School of Management and Economics of the Cyprus University of Technology. His research interests are concerned with tourism
sustainability and the tourist psychological and spiritual experience.

Alexis Saveriades is Assistant Professor at the School of Management and Economics of the Cyprus University of Technology. He is interested in tourism development,
planning and policymaking with emphasis on island economies.

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