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Battle of Manchuria
Battle of Manchuria
Battle of Manchuria
Summary[edit]
Main article: Soviet–Japanese War § Summary
As agreed with the United Kingdom and the United States (Western Allies) at
the Tehran Conference in November 1943 and the Yalta Conference in February 1945,
the Soviet Union entered World War II's Pacific Theater within three months of the end
of the war in Europe. The invasion began on 9 August 1945, exactly three months after
the German surrender on May 8 (9 May, 0:43 Moscow time).
Although the commencement of the invasion fell between the American atomic bombing
of Hiroshima, on 6 August, and only hours before the Nagasaki bombing on 9 August,
the timing of the invasion had been planned well in advance and was determined by the
timing of the agreements at Tehran and Yalta, the long-term buildup of Soviet forces in
the Far East since Tehran, and the date of the German surrender some three months
earlier; on August 3, Marshal Vasilevsky reported to Premier Joseph Stalin that, if
necessary, he could attack on the morning of 5 August.
At 11 p.m. Trans-Baikal (UTC+10) time on 8 August 1945, Soviet foreign
minister Vyacheslav Molotov informed Japanese ambassador Naotake Satō that the
Soviet Union had declared war on Japan, and that from 9 August the Soviet government
would consider itself to be at war with Japan.[20] At one minute past midnight Trans-
Baikal time on 9 August 1945, the Soviets commenced their invasion simultaneously on
three fronts to the east, west and north of Manchuria:
Combatant forces[edit]
Soviets[edit]
The Far East Command,[2] under Marshal of the Soviet Union Aleksandr Vasilevsky, had
a plan to conquer Manchuria that was simple but huge in scale,[1] calling for a
massive pincer movement over all of Manchuria. This was to be performed by
the Transbaikal Front from the west and by the 1st Far Eastern Front from the east;
the 2nd Far Eastern Front was to attack the center of the pocket from the north.[2] The
only Soviet equivalent of a theater command that operated during the war (apart from
the short-lived 1941 "Directions" in the west), Far East Command, consisted of
three Red Army fronts.
Transbaikal Front[edit]
17th Army
36th Army
39th Army
53rd Army
6th Guards Tank Army
Soviet Mongolian Cavalry Mechanized Group under Issa Pliyev
12th Air Army.
The Transbaikal Front was to form the western half of the Soviet pincer movement,
attacking across the Inner Mongolian desert and over the Greater Khingan mountains.
[2]
These forces had as their objectives firstly to secure Mukden (present day Shenyang),
then to meet troops of the 1st Far Eastern Front at the Changchun area in south central
Manchuria,[1] and in doing so finish the double envelopment.[1]
Amassing over one thousand tanks and self-propelled guns, the 6th Guards Tank
Army was to serve as an armored spearhead, leading the Front's advance and
capturing objectives 350 km (220 mi) inside Manchuria by the fifth day of the invasion.[1]
The 36th Army was also attacking from the west, but with the objective of meeting
forces of the 2nd Far Eastern Front at Harbin and Tsitsihar.[2]
1st Far Eastern Front[edit]
The 1st Far Eastern Front, under Marshal Kirill Meretskov, included:[1]
Each front had "front units" attached directly to the front instead of an army.[1] The forces
totaled 89 divisions with 1.5 million men, 3,704 tanks, 1,852 self propelled guns, 85,819
vehicles and 3,721 aircraft. Approximately one-third of its strength was in combat
support and services.[1] The Soviet plan incorporated all of the experience in maneuver
warfare that they had acquired in fighting the Germans.[1]
Japanese[edit]
The Kwantung Army of the Imperial Japanese Army, under General Otozo Yamada,
was the major part of the Japanese occupation forces in Manchuria and Korea, and
consisted of two Area Armies and three independent armies:[1]
Including the Japanese forces in Korea, the Kwantung Army had over 900,000 men in
31 divisions and 13 brigades; there were about 400 obsolescent tanks and 2,000
aircraft (of the 1040 aircraft in Manchuria, only 230 were combat types and 55 were
modern[33]).[34] However, the Kwantung Army was far below its authorized strength; most
of its heavy equipment and all of its best military units had transferred to the Pacific
Theater over the previous three years to contend with the advance of American forces.
Some Kwantung Army units had also re-deployed south against the Nationalist
Chinese in Operation Ichigo in 1944. By 1945 the Kwantung Army contained a large
number of raw recruits and conscripts, with generally obsolete, light, or otherwise limited
equipment. Almost all of the tanks were early 1930s models such as the Type 95 Ha-
Go and Type 89 I-Go, the anti-tank units only possessed Type 1 37 mm anti-tank
guns that were ineffective against Soviet armor, and the infantry had very few machine-
guns and no anti-materiel rifles or submachine guns. As a result, the Japanese forces in
Manchuria and Korea had essentially been reduced to a light-infantry counter-
insurgency force with limited mobility and limited ability to fight a conventional land war
against a coordinated enemy. In fact, only six of the Kwantung Army's divisions existed
prior to January 1945. Accordingly, the Japanese regarded none of the Kwantung
Army's units as combat ready, with some units being declared less than 15% ready.[35]
The Imperial Japanese Navy did not contribute to the defense of Manchuria, the
occupation of which it had always opposed on strategic grounds. Additionally, by the
time of the Soviet invasion, the few remnants of its fleet were stationed and tasked for
the defense of the Japanese home islands in the event of an invasion by American
forces.
Compounding their problems, the Japanese military made many wrong assumptions
and major mistakes, most significantly:
They wrongly assumed that any attack coming from the west would follow
either the old railway line to Hailar, or head into Solun from the eastern tip of
Mongolia. The Soviets did attack along those routes, but their main attack
from the west went through the supposedly impassable Greater Khingan
range south of Solun and into the center of Manchuria.
Japanese military intelligence failed to determine the nature, location and
scale of the Soviet buildup in the Soviet Far East. Based upon an initial
underestimation of Soviet strength and on the monitoring of Soviet traffic on
the Trans-Siberian railway, the Japanese believed that the Soviets would not
have sufficient forces in place for an offensive before the end of August 1945,
and that an attack was most likely in the autumn of 1945 or in the spring of
1946.
Due to the withdrawal of the Kwantung Army's elite forces for redeployment into the
Pacific Theater, the Japanese made new operational plans during the summer of 1945
for the defence of Manchuria against a seemingly inevitable Soviet attack. These called
for redeploying the bulk of available forces from the border areas; the borders were to
be held lightly and delaying actions were to be fought while the main force was to hold
the southeastern corner in strength (so defending Korea from attack).[14]
Further, the Japanese had observed Soviet activity only on the Trans-Siberian railway
and along the east Manchurian front, and accordingly prepared for an invasion from the
east. They believed that when an attack occurred from the west, the redeployed forces
would be able to deal with it.[14][15]
Although the Japanese redeployment in Manchukuo had begun, it was not due for
completion until September 1945, and hence the Kwantung Army was in the midst of
redeploying when the Soviets launched their attack simultaneously on all three fronts.
Campaign[edit]
See also: Battle of Mutanchiang
Manchurian offensive
The operation was carried out as a classic double pincer movement over an area the
size of the entire Western European theatre of World War II. In the western pincer, the
Red Army advanced over the deserts and mountains from Mongolia, far from their
resupply railways. This confounded the Japanese military analysis of Soviet logistics,
and the defenders were caught by surprise in unfortified positions. The Kwantung Army
commanders were engaged in a planning exercise at the time of the invasion, and were
away from their forces for the first eighteen hours of conflict.
Japanese communication infrastructure was poor, and the Japanese lost
communication with forward units very early on. However, the Kwantung Army had a
formidable reputation as fierce and relentless fighters, and even though understrength
and unprepared, put up strong resistance at the town of Hailar which tied down some of
the Soviet forces. The Japanese defenders held out until 18 August, when 3,827
survivors surrendered.[36] At the same time, Soviet airborne units seized airfields and city
centers in advance of the land forces, and aircraft ferried fuel to those units that had
outrun their supply lines.
Due to Japanese 37mm and 47mm anti-tank guns being only suitable for fighting light
Soviet tanks, Japanese forces decided to use suicide bomber squads strapped with
grenades and explosives as their main improvised anti-tank weapon.[37][38]
There are some reports that Japanese Army aviation were using kamikaze planes to
attempt to stop the Soviet advance.[39][40][41]
Nevertheless, the prospect of a quick defeat to the Japanese Army seemed far from
clear. Given the fanatical and sometimes suicidal resistance put up by the Japanese
forces similar in April-June 1945 Battle of Okinawa, there was every reason to believe
that a long, difficult campaign for the capture of the last remaining Japanese fortified
areas was expected. In some parts of the Soviet offensive these expectations were
fulfilled.[42]
The Soviet pincer from the East crossed the Ussuri and advanced around Khanka
Lake and attacked towards Suifenhe, and although Japanese defenders fought hard
and provided strong resistance, the Soviets proved overwhelming.
Soviet troops crossing into Manchuria, 9 August 1945
After a week of fighting, during which time Soviet forces had penetrated deep into
Manchukuo, Japan's Emperor Hirohito recorded the Gyokuon-hōsō which was
broadcast on radio to the Japanese nation on 15 August 1945. It made no direct
reference to a surrender of Japan, instead stating that the government had been
instructed to accept the terms of the Potsdam Declaration fully. This created confusion
in the minds of many listeners who were not sure if Japan had surrendered. The poor
audio quality of the radio broadcast, as well as the formal courtly language in which the
speech was composed, worsened the confusion.
The Imperial Japanese Army Headquarters did not immediately communicate the
cease-fire order to the Kwantung Army, and many elements of the army either did not
understand it, or ignored it. Hence, pockets of fierce resistance from the Kwantung
Army continued, and the Soviets continued their advance, largely avoiding the pockets
of resistance, reaching Mukden, Changchun and Qiqihar by 20 August. The cease-fire
order was eventually communicated to the Kwantung Army, but not before the Soviets
had made most of their territorial gains.
Soviet troops enter the city of Harbin following its liberation on 21 August 1945
Aftermath[edit]
See also: Soviet–Japanese War § Importance and consequences, and Khabarovsk
War Crime Trials
The invasion of Manchuria was a factor that contributed to the surrender of Japan and
the end of World War II. In addition, the Soviet occupation of Manchuria, along with the
northern portions of the Korean Peninsula, allowed for those regions to be transferred
by the Soviet Union into the control of local communists. The control of these regions by
communist governments backed by Soviet authorities would be a factor in the rise of the
Chinese Communists and shape the political conflict of the Korean War.
Several thousand Japanese who were sent as colonizers to Manchukuo and Inner
Mongolia were left behind in China. The majority of Japanese left behind in China were
women, and these Japanese women mostly married Chinese men and became known
as "stranded war wives" (zanryu fujin).[43][44] Because they had children fathered by
Chinese men, Japanese women were not allowed to bring their Chinese families back
with them to Japan, so most of them stayed. Japanese law only allowed children
fathered by Japanese fathers to become Japanese citizens.
In late 1949, numerous members of the former Kwantung Army who had been captured
in the Soviet invasion of Manchuria were convicted in connection with the activities
of Unit 731, and related units for their connections with crimes against humanity and the
use of chemical and biological weapons.[45]
War crimes[edit]
Further information: Gegenmiao massacre and Soviet war crimes
During the invasion of Manchuria, Soviet soldiers killed and raped Japanese civilians.
[46]
The most famous example was the Gegenmiao massacre, Soviet soldiers from an
armoured unit massacred over one thousand Japanese women and children.[47] Property
of the Japanese were also looted by the Soviet troops.[46] Soviet forces responsible for
the massacre had carried out the same crimes against civilians in East Prussia.[47]
According to Soviet historian Vyacheslav Zimonin, many Japanese settlers committed
mass suicide as the Red Army approached. Mothers were forced by Japanese military
to kill their own children before killing or being killed themselves.[48] The Japanese army
often took part in the killings of its civilians. The commander of the 5th Japanese Army,
General Shimizu, commented that "each nation lives and dies by its own laws."
Wounded Japanese soldiers who were incapable of moving on their own were often left
to die as the army retreated.[48]
British and U.S. reports indicate that the Soviet troops that occupied Manchuria (about
700,000) also looted and terrorized the local people of Mukden and were not
discouraged by Soviet authorities from "three days of rape and pillage". In Harbin,
Soviet forces ignored protests from Chinese Communist Party leaders on the mass rape
and looting.[49][50][51][52][53][54] There were several incidents in which Chinese police forces in
Manchuria arrested or even killed Soviet troops for committing various crimes, leading
to some conflicts between the Soviet and Chinese authorities in Manchuria.[55]
During the Soviet occupation of North Korea, it was also reported that Soviet soldiers
also committed rape against both Japanese and Korean women alike in the northern
half of the Korean peninsula.[56][57] Soviet soldiers also looted the property of both
Japanese and Koreans living in northern Korea.[58] The Soviets laid claim to Japanese
enterprises in Manchuria and northern Korea and took valuable materials and industrial
equipment.[49][58]
Konstantin Asmolov of the Center for Korean Research of the Russian Academy of
Sciences dismisses Western accounts of Soviet violence against civilians in the Far
East as exaggeration and rumor and contends that accusations of mass crimes by the
Red Army inappropriately extrapolate isolated incidents regarding the nearly 2,000,000
Soviet troops in the Far East into mass crimes. According to him, such accusations are
refuted by the documents of the time, from which it is clear that such crimes were far
less of a problem than in Germany. Asmolov further asserts that the Soviets prosecuted
their perpetrators while prosecution of German and Japanese "rapists and looters" in
WWII was virtually unknown.[59][neutrality is disputed]
See also[edit]
Foreign interventions by the Soviet Union
Japanese settlers in Manchuria
Military history of Japan
Military history of the Soviet Union
Mongolia in World War II
Outer Manchuria
Russian invasion of Manchuria
Soviet invasion of Xinjiang
War crimes in Manchukuo
Explanatory notes[edit]
1. ^ Combined with the 34th Army in northern Korea, the Kwantung Army had 713,729 troops.[1][3]
[5]
2. ^ Of this total, 188 were fighters, 9 bombers, 27 reconnaissance, 8 transports, and 810
trainers.
3. ^ There was one tank regiment, the 12th, in Northern Korea at that time.
4. ^ Coox, Alvin D. Nomonhan; Japan Against Russia, 1939. 1985; 2 volumes. Stanford
University Press. ISBN 0-8047-1160-7. Page 1176. 21,389 dead is from Japanese medical
records; the Soviets claimed that the number of Japanese dead numbered 83,737. This
number does not count POWs who died due to mistreatment in camps after the war.
5. ^ After the war, the number of Japanese soldiers and amounts of materiel in Soviet
possession are as follows: 594,000–609,000 POWs, 861–925 aircraft, 369–600 tanks, 2,576–
3,704 guns and mortars, and 2,129–2,300 other vehicles[10]
6. ^ Coox, Alvin D. Nomonhan; Japan Against Russia, 1939. 1985; 2 volumes. Stanford
University Press. ISBN 0-8047-1160-7. Page 1176. 21,389 dead is from Japanese medical
records; the Soviets claimed that the number of Japanese dead numbered 83,737. This
number does not count POWs who died due to mistreatment in camps after the war.
7. ^ After the war, the number of Japanese soldiers and amounts of materiel in Soviet
possession are as follows: 594,000–609,000 POWs, 861–925 aircraft, 369–600 tanks, 2,576–
3,704 guns and mortars, and 2,129–2,300 other vehicles[10]
8. ^ Soviet sources give 4,841 tanks and 1,393 self-propelled guns as fit for service on 5 August
1945 in the Far East. These were a most varied fleet to be found anywhere, and included pre-
war BT-5 fast tanks alongside IS-2 heavy tanks and Lend-Lease Sherman M4A2 tanks.
References[edit]
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50. ^ Christian Science Monitor, 12 October 1945, Japanese armies were guilty of appalling
excesses, both in China and elsewhere, and had the Russians dealt harshly with only
Japanese nationals in Manchuria this would have appeared as just retribution. But the
indiscriminate looting and raping inflicted upon the unoffending Chinese by the Russians
naturally aroused the keenest indignation.
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In Korea, Red Army men also ‘committed depredations against the Japanese and Koreans, including rape and
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enemy and its Korean allies’
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Even in North Korea, ‘Japanese enterprises of military and heavy industry’ were considered ‘trophies of the
Red Army, since all these enterprises to one degree or another worked for the Japanese army’. These factories
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21-3.
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