Chapter 1

THEORETICAL AND PRACTICAL GROUNDS FOR VIETNAM - U.S.

RELATIONS
1.1. Theoretical grounds
The study of international relations, since its emergence at the beginning of
the 20th century1, has flourished. Along with the development of the field, theories
to "make sense of the blizzard of information that bombards us daily" 2 were born
rapidly and divided into many schools of thought. Each theory acts as a lens
through which people can see the world in different colours, from different
perspectives. Though there is a plethora of lenses, Realism, Liberalism and
Constructivism are the three most used theories for explaining international affairs
and world politics, including the Vietnam – U.S. relations. Hence, the following
parts will briefly give the overview of the theories as mentioned above, then
illustrate how each way of reasoning can work on the relationship between
Vietnam and the U.S.
1.1.1. Realist approach to Vietnam – U.S. relations
Focus on why nations cooperate under realist lens
Of the three most prominent theories of international relations, Realism is
the earliest school of thought to be developed. Its origin has traced back to the fifth
century B.C., in which Thucydides wrote his work of all time - History of the
Peloponnesian War telling about the war between Sparta and Athens. This school
of thought, inspired by the thinking and behaviours of the past about competition,
war and conflicts in Thucycides' book as well as books of other eminent thinkers
such as Machiavelli and Thomas Hobbes, has evolved into a theory named:
Realism. Thus, Realist approach is mostly about competitive and conflictual
aspects of relations among nations.
There are several assumptions of Realism needed to grasp to have a brief
overview of the theory. The first key concept of Realism is that nation-state is the
main actor in international relations. There also exist other players such as
international organisations, non-governmental organisations, parties and groups,
but their influence on international relations is insignificant. Second, state
functions as a unitary actor, which all domestic voices and behaviours, driven by
the need of security, survival and power considerations, become a state-level one.
1
https://www.britannica.com/topic/international-relations
2
One World, Many Theories
Also, state is a rational actor, always prioritising its national interests first. And, to
state, sovereignty is its highest national interest. Finally, when it comes to the
international context, Realists see the global political environment as anarchical.
Hence, states must compete to survive and war is inevitable. To self-protect, states
must focus on maximising their military power and economic power, which are
decisive factors in guaranteeing their sovereignty and security.
Under Realist lens, the development of the relationship between Vietnam
and the U.S. is mainly impacted by the China factor. Since China launched its
reform and open-door policy in 1978, the world has been witnessing its
unprecedented, rapid rise. Having been one of the poorest countries in the world
with the real per capita GDP being only one-fortieth of the U.S. level in 1978 3,
China has currently ranked as the second largest economy in the world, and its real
per capita GDP has increased to one-sixth of the U.S. level 4. Together with its
burgeoning economic growth, China's ambition grows. Now, China does not want
to be just a major power in the world, but it yearns to be the dominant global
power. Its ambition also expands to other countries' territorial integrity and
sovereignty. For example, the assertive Chinese behaviour of deploying the HD-
981 oil rig in Vietnam's exclusive economic zone and continental shelf in 2014
severely violates Vietnam's sovereignty, sovereign right and jurisdiction. Hence,
China could be considered as a threat to both Vietnam and the U.S. In this threat,
Vietnam and the U.S. find a chance to deepen their relationship. To Vietnam,
flocking toward the U.S. is a possible means to secure its sovereignty and
territorial integrity. To the U.S., tightening relations with Vietnam, which is in
close proximity to China, can help the U.S. contain Chinese rising power.
1.1.2. Liberal approach to Vietnam – U.S. relations
Focus on the three branches of liberalism: complex interdependence,
international institutions and democracy to explain why countries cooperate
Liberalism is a major challenge to Realism. While Realist worldview is
pessimistic, filled with competition, conflict and war, Liberalists sees the world as
cooperative and peaceful, or, in another word, optimistic. This is due to the ideas
each theory is based on. Different from Realism, Liberalism is built on the liner
idea of permanent advancing of international relations in an attempt to achieve an
"eternal peace", which is written in Immanuel Kant's "Perpetual Peace" and the
books of John Locke or Jean-Jacques Rousseau.
3
https://pubs.aeaweb.org/doi/pdfplus/10.1257/jep.26.4.103
4
https://www.cnbc.com/2021/03/26/us-will-remain-richer-than-china-for-the-next-50-years-or-more-
eiu.html
 Key concepts of Liberalism are about states and their attempts to reach a
peaceful world. Similar to Realism, Liberalism also sees state as the main actor in
the international system, together with other actors. However, in Liberalist view,
non-state actors play critical roles in the global environment, particularly in
keeping global peace. In addition, not only states but also other bodies are rational
actors which are always seeking to maximise their interests in all issue-areas.
States increase their interests to as much as they could by seeking for absolute
gains, not relative gains, which naturally results in their preference for cooperation
over conflict. Understanding that the greatest obstacle to cooperation is a lack of
information about the aims and strategies of partners, states found international
institutions – enduring sets of norms, rules and expected patterns of behaviours, to
address this problem. In other words, international institutions are neutral, not
serving only for the interest of any country but the whole global community. They
play a crucial role in lowering transaction costs, advancing international
cooperation and developing a stable, cooperative environment. Furthermore,
although international institutions can exist in many forms, including
organisations, bureaucratic agencies, treaties, agreements as well as other informal
practices that states accept as binding, they are primarily found in the form of
international organisations.
Under Liberalist lens, the development of the Vietnam – U.S. relationship
is due to their cooperation via institutions. Had it not been for Vietnam and U.S.'
efforts in the POW/MIA issue and informal efforts of Vietnamese and American
individuals in fields of cooperation such as education and training, and culture, the
two countries would not have normalised their relations in 1995. Instead, their
relationship status would have lingered as sworn enemies. Furthermore, the step of
not being foes anymore made a turning point in the relationship between Vietnam
and the U.S., opening a brighter future of accelerating cooperation for both
countries. Eventually, disciplines of cooperation did not limit to POW/MIA issues
and non-official activities of people of the two countries but expanded to
economics, politics, diplomacy, science and technology... Though the magnitude
and frequency of cooperation in each field varied, generally, the increase in
cooperating fields between Vietnam and the U.S. considerably diminished
mistrust, leading to the rapprochement of the two nations to reach complete
normalcy in 2005. This means that the establishment of partnership of Vietnam and
the U.S., according to Liberalism, is attributed to the expansion in cooperating
fields. Moreover, this period witnessed Vietnam proactively and actively
integrating into the regional and global environment via joining organisations such
as ASEAN and WTO, forums such as APEC or participating in meetings such as
ASEM5. These are institutions functioning as channels for Vietnam and the U.S. to
connect with each other, provide information and make commitments. Thus, it is
safe to say that only by cooperating could Hanoi and Washington build up mutual
trust, thereby deepening their relations. Consequently, Vietnam and the U.S. have
worked together on aspects once considered tough and sensitive such as defence
and security. Notably, in 2013, based on the firm foundation made of mutual trust
and confidence, the two countries raised their relationship to comprehensive
partnership, which means that no discipline is left untouched in the relations.
1.1.3. Constructivist approach to Vietnam – U.S. relations
Under constructivist perspective, why countries cooperate?
Constructivism, an absolutely novel way of approaching international
affairs, appeared quite late when compared to the previous theories. Not until 1992
was the theory first introduced in the article "Anarchy is What States Make of It"
written by Alexander Wendt. In the article, he proposed an alternative explanation
of the evolution of the bipolar system and its "self-destruction" at the end of the
1980s – what became a strong challenge for the structural international relations
theories, above all Realism. Hence, it can be inferred that Constructivism is not a
state-centric theory.
Constructivism is developed on the basis that international relations is
historically and socially constructed. According to Constructivism, the world is
much more complex and in flux than state-centric theories often see it. Different
states behave differently when being in a similar situation and in the same
anarchical system. Each might consider its behaviours as rational but act in
different ways. These differences are due to the variances in states' history, culture,
and language…, which makes their perception of reality differ. In other words, it is
the process, not structure, which determines the manner in which states interact.
Additionally, Constructivism emphasises the role of agency in international
relations. According to Constructivists, agency and structure are mutually
interactive, which means that structures impact agency and agency influences
structures. Hence, in this logic, state is not a unitary actor as Realism often sees.
Moreover, Constructivism also attaches great importance to identities, interests and
social norms. Under Constructist lens, after interacting with other actors, states can
5
TS Lê Quang Mạnh (2021), Khẳng định vị thế và uy tín quốc tế của Việt Nam, Báo Điện tử Đảng Cộng
sản Việt Nam. Truy cập ngày 15/01/2023 tại: https://dangcongsan.vn/tieu-diem/khang-dinh-vi-the-va-uy-
tin-quoc-te-cua-viet-nam-592373.html
socially form numerous identities representing actors' ideas of who they are, which
in turn expresses their interests. In Constructivist arguments, states' identities are
compatible with their interests and actions. Or else, the validity of the identities
will be questioned. Regarding social norms, they are generally defined as standards
of appropriate behaviour for actors with a given identity 6. Like interests and
actions, norms are expected to comply with states' identities. This concept implies
that, to states, certain types of behaviour are more acceptable than others. This
process is also known as 'the logic of appropriateness,' in which states act in
specific ways because they feel it is suitable. More importantly, before norms can
be accepted, they must go through a "lifecycle of norms" – a situation when a
sufficient number of states practise and internalise it.
Under Constructivist lens, the rapprochement of the Vietnam – U.S.
relationship is due to changes in the countries' perceptions toward each other.
Before being friends, Vietnam and the U.S. were foes because of the war the U.S.
raged in Vietnam as well as the differences in each country's ideology. Even years
after the war ended, they continued the hostilities toward each other. Changes in
the relationship only came when Vietnam started its Doi Moi policy in 1986. With
this policy, Vietnam took a bold step in addressing foreign relations. Eventually,
Vietnam's circle of friends was not restricted to countries following Communism,
but it extended to all countries in the world on the principles of peaceful
coexistence. This sharp shift in foreign policy thinking resulted in gradual steps by
Vietnam to foster ties with the U.S., including attempts to find American
POW/MIAs and the withdrawal of Vietnamese soldiers from Cambodia. Though at
first, the U.S. was sluggish and indifferent in normalising relations with Vietnam,
after witnessing Vietnam's tireless efforts and being under pressure that Vietnam
had already normalised relations with major countries, including China, the
European Union and ASEAN, in 1995, the U.S. then decided to establish
diplomatic relations with Vietnam. However, this important step did not
necessarily mean that since then, Vietnam and the U.S. could enjoy a fruitful
relationship. The war wound kept haunting the relationship, and to the U.S.,
Vietnam was not central to its foreign policy until the 9/11 terrorist attack resulted
in a different American approach to Southeast Asian countries, including Vietnam.
The relationship was then warmed up. Thus, according to Constructivists, ideas
matter in the Vietnam – U.S. relationship because ideas, in their own
transformation, had distinct effects that cannot be attributed to strategic conditions.
6
Sarina Theys (2018), Introducing Constructivism in International Relations Theory.Truy cập tại:
https://www.e-ir.info/2018/02/23/introducing-constructivism-in-international-relations-theory/
This argument now continues to be persuasive because, in the past, owing to
ideological differences, there used to be limits in diplomatic and military relations.
However, ideology now seems to play a less vital role in the relations as there are
significant developments in diplomatic and military relations between Vietnam and
the U.S. Moreover, the development to "comprehensive partnership" between the
two countries in 2013 functions as a commitment to further enhancing cooperation
in many fields since it attaches greater importance to each country's perception
toward the other.
In 1998, Stephen Walt noted in his article: "International Relations: One
World, Many Theories" that: "No single approach can capture all the complexity of
contemporary world politics. Therefore, we are better off with a diverse array of
competing ideas rather than a single theoretical orthodox"7. As written, the three
theories have their own way of explaining how the Vietnam – U.S. relations
develop. These theories, if used independently, cannot depict the vast picture of the
relationship. Therefore, using all given theories in their compatible circumstances
can thoroughly provide an insightful picture of the relationship.
1.2. Practical grounds
1.2.1. International and regional contexts
a) International context
Since 2013, dramatic changes have happened in all parts of the world, which
directly affects Vietnam's relationships with other countries, including the U.S.
The new context has opened up new opportunities for the relationship between
Vietnam and the U.S. to thrive. Yet, new opportunities also come with new
challenges the two countries need to confront so as to allow their relationship to go
further.
At present, the world is witnessing an ongoing new world order. Since the
end of the Cold War and the collapse of the Soviet Union in the early 1990s, the
world has been experiencing an order transition from a bipolar one to a multipolar
and multi-centered one. This change has inevitably resulted in three main power
shifts. First, the shifting of world central attraction from North to South, which
clearly shows that the gap between developed countries and developing ones is
narrowing. Second, the world's power center is moving from West to East. In other
words, the power center of the world is moving from the U.S. and European
countries (Western countries) to China, Japan, and other Asian countries (Eastern

7
countries). This shift can be seen with the American Rebalance Strategy to Asia,
the Indo-Pacific Strategy, the Asia-Pacific Policy of Russia, and other strategies of
major powers. Third, the power structure moves from the superstructure to the
foundation, which means that power flows from state actors to non-state actors 8.
This shift also indicates the increasing importance of non-state actors in the global
political environment. Being located in the new power center with a rising status
on the global stage, Vietnam could make use of these advantages to deepen its
relationship with main powers, especially the U.S.
Along with the changing world order, fierce strategic competition among
great powers is about to come. In the new world order, the U.S. still maintains its
role as the sole global superpower, but its power gap with the following countries
has been narrowed, especially the gap with Chinese power. Meanwhile, China is
emerging as a massive regional power in the Asia – Pacific region, having the
ambition to become another global power as the U.S. Other great powers such as
Russia, India, and Japan are also struggling to find their standings in the new world
order. As a result, the rivalry of current and emerging great powers to secure their
interests and achieve higher positions has become increasingly severe. Particularly,
the US-China relationship, which has dominated international affairs for three
decades, has shifted from cooperation to comprehensive strategic competition in
order to become the sole superpower for many decades to come. Since Vietnam
plays an essential role in the strategic competition of great powers due to its
geostrategic location and inherent advantages, how to effectively manage its
relations with those powers is a tough question for Vietnam.
Competitive as it is, peace and development is still the central issue of our
times and a core content in the strategy of every country in the world, with the
desire to avert war, and establish a peaceful world, democracy, and civilisation.
Humanity has had to go through two catastrophic world wars, the "Cold War" and
the arms race that has, over and over again, pushed the world to the brink of a
destructive war. After the end of the Cold War, a series of issues had a significant
impact on the economic, political, and international security environment, such as
disputes over sovereignty, territory, and resources, religious and ethnic conflicts,
terrorist activities, populism, local wars, cyber wars... These are threats that
continue to occur, and threaten the peace of countries around the world. Peace is a

8
Tran Chi Trung (2022), Securing the interests of nation and people in the current international context,
Communist Review. https://www.tapchicongsan.org.vn/web/english/international/detail/-/
asset_publisher/ZeaSwtFJtMgN/content/securing-the-interests-of-nation-and-people-in-the-current-
international-context
prerequisite for the stability, cooperation, and development of all nations and
peoples, and cooperation is the way to achieve peace and development. The world
needs peace, and humanity needs cooperation, nations need development, and
society needs progress. Hence, as active, proactive, and responsible members of
the global community, Vietnam and the U.S. are making every effort to tighten
their relations and keep global peace and stability.
Additionally, the Fourth Industrial Revolution and the trend of globalisation
and global integration continue to grow and closely link together, which become a
solid drive to promote the development of the global productive force, that affects
all fields ranging from politics, economy, culture, society, military, defense to the
security of each country. The Fourth Industrial Revolution, especially digital
technology, has developed strongly, creating breakthroughs in many fields, and
creating both opportunities and challenges for all nations and peoples 9.
Technological advances brought about by the Fourth Industrial Revolution led to
an enjoyable period for many countries to experience long-term gains in efficiency
and productivity economically. Large-looming economies will open up more new
markets for themselves and make their supply chains and logistics more efficient
and effective. Thus, by tightening cooperation with the U.S., Vietnam could
benefit from its technological investments. On the other hand, the U.S. also takes
advantage of the fast and emergent market of Vietnam. In addition, the trend of
globalisation and global integration witnessed more countries deepening their
participation on the global stage. This trend is also the catalyst accelerating the
promotion of relations among countries, including Vietnam – U.S. relations.
However, globalisation and global integration are being defied in some aspects
because of strategic relations among major powers and the rise ing of nationalism.
Besides, the current mainstream trend is that countries, at the same time, cooperate,
struggle, associate, compete, coexist, and resolve disputes by peaceful means,
avoid confrontation. In the context of increasing globalisation and global
integration, the relationship of partner – object to struggle overlaps complicatedly,
thereby creating many difficulties for countries to handle international relations.
Last but not least, Vietnam and the U.S. are together facing non-traditional
security threats and global issues such as the Covid-19 pandemic, climate
change…Global problems are getting increasingly urgent in the age of
globalisation and international integration. Climate change and pandemics have
become "shared threats" that no single country can handle alone. Consequently,

9
Văn kiện Đại hội đại biểu toàn quốc lần thứ XIII, Sđd, t. I, tr. 106, 207, 107, 107
these threats create opportunities for Vietnam and the U.S. to tackle them together
via international institutions, mechanisms, and multilateralism.
How about the conflict between Ukraine and Russia. Does it have any effect
on VN-US relations?
b) Regional context
On the global stage, the Asia-Pacific region is playing an increasingly
important role. As mentioned in the international context, the world's power center
is moving from the Atlantic region to the Asia-Pacific region. This alteration is
mostly due to its geopolitical value that has been recognised recently. Having
about 50 countries and territories, the Asia-Pacific is estimated to account for 40%
global land area. Asia-Pacific is also the world's most populous region – which has
more than 4.4 billion people (approximately 56% of the world's population). Of
these, 66% are of legal working age 10, which is sixth times higher than the Atlantic
region. These statistics evidently mean that the Asia-Pacific population has the
potential to transform the global consumer and labour markets. In addition, when
considering the regional GDP, the Asia-Pacific accounts for an increasing 60% of
the world's GDP. It is also expected that 88% of the next billion middle-class
entrants' expenditures will exceed $35 trillion by 2030. This financial growth is
leading the fast development of digitally enabled cities and technical products.
South Korea and Singapore are likely to be among the top five worldwide markets
to adopt the Internet of Things (IoT), while more than 90% of China's provinces
and municipalities have identified IoT as a pillar industry in their development
strategies11. More importantly, after the 2008 global economic-financial crisis, the
Asia-Pacific has proven itself to be the region recovering from the crisis fastest and
having the highest economic growth rate, which are signals that the Asia-Pacific
will become the new drive for the global economy. Notably, the region is also
home to great global players, namely the U.S., China, India, Russia, Japan, and
South Korea12. Therefore, this region is predicted to witness the fiercest strategic
competition for influence in the 21st century.
For its importance, the Asia-Pacific has become the new focal point for
major powers to deploy their strategies. As stated, the U.S. has been launching its
strategies in this region to keep its influence and its sole superpower status. Under

10
https://www.ilo.org/wcmsp5/groups/public/---asia/---ro-bangkok/documents/publication/
wcms_624556.pdf
11
https://www.kkr.com/global-perspectives/kkr-blog/asia-pacific-critically-important-region
12
https://www.faa.gov/about/office_org/headquarters_offices/apl/international_affairs/asia_pacific/
countries
Obama's administration, the U.S. conducted its Rebalance to Asia, highlighting the
crucial role of the Asia-Pacific region to the U.S. and the world. Following Obama,
his successor – Donald Trump, deployed the American Indo-Pacific strategy. At
present, President Joe Biden is operating the Free and Open Indo-Pacific strategy.
The biggest rival of the U.S. at the moment – China, is also launching its ambitious
Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) with a view to national rejuvenation. In other words,
China wants to be the most powerful global influencer and play the dominant role
on the international stage via the BRI. Additionally, as mentioned above, Russia is
having the Pivot to Asia Policy while another great player in the region – India, is
implementing its Act East Policy. As a result, the presence of major powers in the
Asia-Pacific has evidently proven the critical importance of this region to the
world political order.
Recently, the rise of China has been the most notable feature in the Asia-
Pacific. It is undeniable that China has become a giant global player with its
accumulating economic and military power. This increase in power has brought
China not only partners but also competitors. The fact that China is the second
largest economy in the world has turned China into a magnet attracting global
investment for China as well as other countries in the Asia-Pacific region.
However, it is also because of that fact and the growing ambition of China, which
can be seen through its advancement in military power and its assertive activities in
disputed territories that make other global powers want to contain China,
especially the U.S.
Nonetheless, despite having complex and diverse regional linkages in many
fields, Asia-Pacific still remains one of the hot spots for conflict in the world. In
1994, Barry Buzan and Gerald Segal claimed that: "One legacy of the Cold War
for contemporary Asia is thus a set of unresolved rivalries and flashpoints" 13. Yet,
today, that claim is true. It is not difficult to name conflicts in the Asia Pacific,
which are the nuclear issue in North Korea, the political status of Taiwan, the
territorial disputes in the East China Sea and South China Sea (the East Sea of
Vietnam)… All of these issues lead to American engagement in the region, for the
U.S. wants to reinforce its sole global power and protect its allies.
Should the conflicts in the EAST SEA be discussed separately?
1.2.2. Vietnam and the U.S. in each other's foreign policy
a) The U.S. in Vietnam's foreign policy

13
Barry Buzan and Segal (1994), Rethinking East Asian Security, Survival.
 In 2018, on welcoming Senator Cory Gardner, Chairman of the U.S. Senate's
Foreign Relations Subcommittee on East Asia, the Pacific, and International
Cybersecurity Policy, late President Tran Dai Quang said: "Vietnam values its
comprehensive partnership with the U.S. and considers the country an important
partner in its foreign diplomacy"14. His statement firmly affirmed the tremendous
importance of the U.S. to Vietnam. From Vietnam's viewpoint, the U.S. is a
partner it should be on good terms with regarding the American crucial and
indispensable role in international affairs. Former Deputy Prime Minister Vu
Khoan pointed out that although Vietnam had always fought for equality among
nations, it is an obvious fact that major countries and main centres still play a very
important role in today's world, even for the security and development of Vietnam,
therefore Vietnam could not be indifferent in paying due attention to its relations
with them15.
Though Vietnam had once ignored the importance of having a relationship
with the U.S. due to ideological differences and profound hatred of the war the
U.S. raged in Vietnam, it soon realised the critical importance of forming
relationships with the U.S. and Western countries. Then, after launching the "Doi
Moi" process in 1986, in the 6 th Party Congress of the Communist Party of
Vietnam (CPV), Vietnam has made every effort to expand its bilateral relations
with countries in all parts of the globe, prioritising, establishing and strengthening
relationships with neighbouring countries and great powers, including the U.S. The
most recent Party Congress of the CPV, the 13th Party Congress, once again
emphasised this viewpoint. According to the Political Report of the CPV 13th
Party Congress, a central and long-standing theme in Vietnam's foreign policy is to
continue to "coherently implement a foreign policy of independence and self-
reliance" and to "promote and deepen bilateral relations with strategic,
comprehensive, and other important partners"16. Thus, the strengthening and
deepening of bilateral relations with the U.S. to comprehensive partnership
contribute to pursuing that foreign policy agenda.
From Vietnam's perspective, forming a friendly, healthy, and stable
relationship with the U.S. could bring generous benefits. In political terms,
developing a friendly relationship with the U.S. helps stimulate Vietnam's global
integration process. In other words, the advancement in the relationship with the

14
https://en.baoquocte.vn/us-always-important-partner-of-vietnam-says-president-71912.html
15
Vũ Khoan,20 năm đổi mới trên lĩnh vực đối ngoại,Báo Nhân dân, ngày 16/11/200
16
Jeffrey Ordaniel, Ariel Stenek (2021), From Foes to Partners: Rethinking 25 Years of U.S.-Vietnam
Relations, Pacific Forum, United States.
U.S. could allow Vietnam to integrate into the international community and upper
its status on the global stage. Since the U.S. plays a pivotal role in many
international institutions, tightening relations with the U.S. could open up many
new opportunities for Vietnam to become an official member of global institutions,
thereby accelerating Vietnam's process of global integration. In an obvious
example of the past, in 2006, Vietnam officially became a WTO member after
finishing its decisive negotiation rounds with the U.S. Also, developing relations
with the U.S. could facilitate Vietnam's efforts to promote relations with other U.S.
allies and partners such as European countries, Japan, South Korea, Australia, and
ASEAN. In fact, just 17 days after the day Vietnam normalised its relations with
the U.S., on the 28th of July, 1995, Vietnam officially became a member of
ASEAN. More importantly, having close ties with the U.S. also promotes
Vietnam's international status, which, in effect, turns Vietnam into an attractive
partner to many other countries. Hence, it is safe to say that the U.S. is an
important partner bringing Vietnam a window of opportunity to develop relations
with other foreign partners. Furthermore, closer cooperation between Hanoi and
Washington in multilateral mechanisms could promote Vietnam's prestige as a
proactive and responsible member of the international community. The most
outstanding and efficacious cooperation between Vietnam and the U.S. in
multilateralism lies in their contribution to the United Nations (U.N.) peacekeeping
operations (PKO) and U.N. policies on sustainable development and maritime
issues.
In economic terms, developing economic ties with the U.S. is the key to
opening the door to thriving economic development for Vietnam, as the American
economic power is massive. Although the U.S. recently has experienced upheavals
and crises in its domestic economy as well as faced challenges from formidable
competitors in the changing global landscape, such as China, the U.S. still remains
the world's largest and most significant economy. On a global scale, the American
total gross domestic product (GDP) in 2019, before Covid-19 engulfed the globe,
was U.S. $21.4 trillion (accounting for approximately 24 per cent of the global
GDP)17. The U.S. economy accounts for around 20% of total world output and is
still greater than the Chinese one18. Furthermore, according to the IMF, the U.S.
has the sixth largest per capita GDP (PPP) in the world. The American economy is
characterised by a highly developed and technologically advanced services sector,

17
Jeffrey Ordaniel, Ariel Stenek (2021), From Foes to Partners: Rethinking 25 Years of U.S.-Vietnam
Relations, Pacific Forum, United States.
18
https://www.focus-economics.com/countries/united-states
which accounts for over 80% of its total output. The economy of the U.S. is
dominated by service-oriented firms in industries such as technology, finance,
healthcare, and retail. Large U.S. enterprises also play an important role on the
worldwide stage, accounting for more than a quarter of the Fortune Global 500.
Hence, by strengthening economic ties with the U.S., Vietnam could not only
increase its exports to the largest global economy but also receive investments in
finance, technology and human resources. Also, the American consumer market is
among the largest consumer market in the world, which means the U.S. could be a
potential market for an export-oriented economy like Vietnam. Additionally,
similar to the political and diplomatic interests of Vietnam in the Vietnam – U.S.
relationship, establishing a stable economic and trade relationship with the U.S.
could support Vietnam in getting access to and boosting economic cooperation
with other U.S. trading partners and further integrating into the global economy
since the U.S. is the founding member of global economic and financial
institutions such as the World Bank (W.B.), the International Monetary Fund
(IMF), the World Trade Organization (WTO). As mentioned previously, the
participation of Vietnam in WTO is a clear example of the Vietnamese gains in the
Vietnam – U.S. relations.
When it comes to security and defence, although Vietnam is stuck in a
security dilemma because of the strategic competition among great powers,
Vietnam does see chances in establishing security and defence ties with the U.S.
Cooperating with the U.S. in security and defence could help Vietnam maintain its
national and regional peace and stability. As Vietnam and China are having
territorial disputes in the waters of the East Sea, and China is getting more and
more aggressive in its activities in the disputed waters, the presence of the U.S. in
the Asia-Pacific region, namely its Naval Forces can contain and restrain Chinese
military power on the East Sea. Moreover, since the U.S. is well-known for being
the supreme military power worldwide, Vietnam could make use of this
relationship by cooperating in training military officers and exchanging
experiences in maritime military activities. By means of cooperating, Vietnam
could further access to American advanced military technology, which could help
to modernise Vietnam's defence capabilities and increase its ability to respond to
security challenges. Besides, Vietnam could seek helps from the U.S. in
confronting non-traditional security threats such as water security in the Mekong
Delta, climate change…
b) Vietnam in the U.S. foreign policy
 Vietnam has been a significant partner for the U.S. in the Asia-Pacific
region, and its importance in U.S. foreign policy has grown in recent years. The
U.S. has sought to deepen its ties with Vietnam, both bilaterally and in the context
of regional organisations, as part of its broader engagement with Southeast Asia.
Owing to the strategic location, described as "at the heart of the Indo-Pacific" 19, the
growing importance and the rising status of Vietnam on both the regional and
global stage, since 2010, under Obama's presidency, the U.S. has aimed at
levelling up the relationship to strategic partnership. This aim is a part of the U.S.'s
"Pivot to Asia" policy, which was built to refocus U.S. foreign policy priorities
towards Asia and the Pacific. This policy has resulted in increased U.S.
engagement with countries in the region, including Vietnam, and has led to the
strengthening of political, economic and military ties between the two countries.
The strategically critical importance of Vietnam has continued under Obama's
successors' administration. At the 2017 APEC Summit in Da Nang, President
Trump emphasised when referring to Vietnam "as a country located in the centre
of the Indo-Pacific region, Vietnam today, with its opened economy, is one of the
fastest growing economies in the world". Hence, the relationship with Vietnam
was "a pillar of our (the U.S.) presence in the region and our participation in
multilateral institutions in the Asia-Pacific"20. After him, President Biden further
gave special importance to Vietnam by explicitly referencing its name with another
Southeast Asian country (Singapore) in his Interim National Security Strategic
Guidance21.
The U.S. has found strategic interests in its relationship with Vietnam. As
written, Vietnam locates in a strategic position – "the heart of the Indo-Pacific".
Thus, strengthening bilateral ties with Vietnam could help the U.S. exert its global
power in the Asia-Pacific region. Former U.S. Secretary of State Hillary Clinton
observed, "We see this relationship not only as important on its own merits but as
part of a strategy aimed at enhancing American engagement in the Asia Pacific and
in particular Southeast Asia"22. This engagement is getting increasingly important
in the context of the growing Chinese power in the region and acting as the balance
of power to counteract China's influence. What is more, as Vietnam is a crucial,
reputable member in the ASEAN block, by strengthening ties with Vietnam, the
19
Jeffrey Ordaniel, Ariel Stenek (2021), From Foes to Partners: Rethinking 25 Years of U.S.-Vietnam
Relations, Pacific Forum, United States.
20
Thượng tướng, GS.TS. Nguyễn Chí Vịnh (2020), Chiến lược Châu Á – Thái Bình Dương của Hoa Kỳ:
Tác động và ảnh hưởng tới các nước trong khu vực và Việt Nam, Hà Nội.
21
The White House (2021), Interim National Security Strategic Guidance
22
Jeffrey Ordaniel, Ariel Stenek (2021), From Foes to Partners: Rethinking 25 Years of U.S.-Vietnam
Relations, Pacific Forum, United States.
U.S. could improve relations with other ASEAN members, especially the other two
Indochinese countries, Laos and Cambodia. The rapprochement between the U.S.
and ASEAN members, therefore, concretes American standing in the Asia-Pacific
region, which further enhances its power in the region to counter the Chinese one.
Besides, American power can be exercised via cooperating with Vietnam on global
and regional issues such as guaranteeing freedom of navigation and resolving
conflict in the East Sea.
If looked at economically, the relationship with Vietnam could help the U.S.
build up "prosperity" – one of the four core goals in its national interest. Vietnam's
economy is presently staying on a fast track, which means that Vietnam is in need
of foreign investment to keep the developing pace. As a result, the Vietnamese
government has implemented investor-friendly policies aimed at attracting
investment and promoting socio-economic development. In addition, the labour
wages and manufacturing materials in Vietnam are reasonably-priced. Admittedly,
China has once dominated the manufacturing industry. However, as wages rise,
many companies should consider relocating their operations to other countries to
maintain margins in low-cost manufacturing. And, one of those countries could be
Vietnam, which is in proximity to China. Notably, in the context of the U.S. –
China trade war, Vietnam could substitute for China to become an alternative
destination for U.S. businesses. Moreover, one of Vietnam's most significant
advantages is that it has a young, dynamic workforce that is ready to step in and fill
the void. Its young labour force is also relatively low-cost. More than 40% of
Vietnamese university graduates major in science and engineering, and the country
ranks among the top ten in terms of engineering graduates 23. All of the
aforementioned factors indicate that Vietnam is a favourable environment for
American investors to spend their money in and achieve soaring profits.
Additionally, in terms of trading, Vietnam is a potential consumer market
for the U.S., with more than 90 million people. Compared to China, Vietnamese
people seem to have a more positive attitude toward American-manufactured
products. Though American products cost higher than those from other countries
such as China, for safety and quality, the number of Vietnamese consumer who is
preferable to American products is still increasing. In sectors such as agriculture,
the importance of Vietnam's consumer market was highlighted as "Vietnam is an
increasingly important export market for U.S. agricultural products including food
and beverages. U.S. exports of consumer-oriented products to Vietnam increased

23
https://www.vietnam-briefing.com/news/vietnams-economy-remains-on-fast-track.html/
8% to over $1 billion in 2021, despite all challenges and disruptions due to Covid-
19"24. Besides, looking at the economic relations from American consumers' view,
it is evident that they enjoy highly-qualified, affordably-priced Vietnamese
exports.
Another interest the U.S. has found in Vietnam is the possibility of making
its dream of a democratic peace world become true. By tightening relations with
Vietnam, the U.S. has chances to win the hearts and minds of Vietnam people and
its authority, in other words, build up trust and confidence of the Vietnamese in the
U.S., thereby gradually conducting Western "peaceful evolution" and directing
Vietnam into the network of democratic peace countries. Was Vietnam - a staunch
symbol for Communist ideology to fall into the Western network, other countries
having the same ideology would also collapse.
There should be a concluding paragraph to summarise all the main points
and discuss how these things affect the bilateral relations
1.2.3. Vietnam - U.S. relations before 2013
The Vietnam – U.S. relations before 2013 could be summarised in two
sentences of "Truyện Kiều" (The Tales of Kieu) quoted by President Joe Biden
when he hosted a reception welcoming General Secretary Nguyen Phu Trong in
2015:
“Trời còn để đến hôm nay
Tan sương đầu ngõ vén mây giữa trời”
(Thank heaven we are here today
To see the sun through parting fog and clouds)25
Vietnam and the U.S. have had a complex relationship since the end of the war of
Vietnamese people against American intervention in 1975. The two countries have
gone through phases of hostility, reconciliation, and cooperation in the decades
since the conflict ended. During the war, the U.S. supported the government of
South Vietnam against the communist forces of North Vietnam. The conflict ended
with the fall of Saigon in 1975 and the unification of North and South Vietnam
under the home of the Socialist Republic of Vietnam. Before 2013, the
development of the relationship between Vietnam and the U.S. can be divided into
three main stages: 1975-1995, 1995-2006 and 2006-2013.

24
https://theinvestor.vn/vietnam-consumer-trends-favor-us-fb-products-retailer-d1848.html
25
https://vietnamnet.vn/en/see-the-sun-through-parting-fog-and-clouds-to-cooperate-and-fill-our-
differences-713051.html
 a) The relationship from 1975 to 1995: developing from foes to friends
The relationship between Vietnam and the U.S. from 1975 to 1995 was
marked by a long period of hostility and mistrust as well as significant political and
economic changes in both countries. On the Vietnamese side, the war of Vietnam
against American involvement, in which Vietnam was the main battlefield, left
Vietnam a war-torn country. Therefore, many Vietnamese people, including policy
adopters, bore bitter resentment against the U.S. The U.S., on the other hand, could
not come to terms with the truth that it was defeated by a small country. Moreover,
after the Great Spring Victory of 1975, Vietnam implemented policies of socialist
reconstruction, and the country aligned itself with the Soviet Union and other
Communist countries in the region. In response to Vietnam's declaration of a close
relationship with the Soviet Union, the U.S. imposed an economic embargo on
Vietnam and banned American citizens from travelling to the country. This stance
was maintained for the next two decades as the U.S. government continued to view
Vietnam as a hostile state. In other words, in the immediate aftermath of the war,
the U.S. maintained a policy of isolation towards Vietnam.
Consequently, the road to normalisation was not smooth as it seemed
unacceptable for the two old adversaries to become friends right after the end of a
long, devastating war. In June 1975, Vietnam sent its signal to the U.S. that it was
ready to be a U.S. partner on the basis of mutual respect. In response, the U.S. only
could agree if Vietnam had supported and completed a database about American
POW/MIAs (Prisoner of War/Missing in Action). However, Vietnam supposed
that the U.S. had to pay reparations to it first, and then, it would do what the U.S.
required. The normalisation path, as a result, was frozen.
Nevertheless, as the 1980s progressed, both countries began to take steps
towards reconciliation. Despite facing economic difficulties and geopolitical
challenges, including its assistance in toppling Polpot in Cambodia in 1978 and its
ongoing conflicts with China in the Northern boundary, Vietnam made efforts to
improve its economy as well as its foreign policy, which can be seen via the 6 th
Party Congress of the CPV as mentioned before. The U.S., therefore, began to
soften its stance on trade and investment with the country. In 1984, U.S. Secretary
of State George Shultz visited Hanoi to meet with Vietnamese leaders, and in the
following years, the two countries began to engage in a series of bilateral
negotiations aimed at normalising relations. This shift in American policy toward
Vietnam was partly due to changes in the American domestic political
environment. The period of 1980s witnessed the presidencies of Presidents Reagan
and George H.W. Bush, who sought to engage with the world in new ways.
It was not until the 1990s that the relationship between the two countries
began to thaw. The end of the Cold War and the collapse of the Soviet Union
diminished the threat of Communist expansion in Southeast Asia, and the U.S.
became more open to the idea of normalising relations with Vietnam. In 1991,
President Bush lifted the ban on travel to Vietnam and began to allow American
businesses to trade with the country. This led to a significant improvement in
bilateral relations, as the two nations were able to cooperate in areas such as trade
and investment, science and technology, and cultural exchange. In 1995, President
Bill Clinton took the further step of normalising relations with Vietnam. This was a
historic moment in the history of US-Vietnam relations, marking the end of a 20-
year period of enmity and the beginning of a new era of cooperation and
engagement. And, since then, the relationship has gradually improved, with
increased trade and investment flows and cooperation on regional security issues.
Despite this positive step forward, the relationship between the U.S. and
Vietnam remained complex. The two countries had many differences, including
ongoing disputes over human rights and the legacy of the Vietnam War. However,
both nations recognised the benefits of improving relations and worked to build
bridges between them. While there were still challenges to overcome, the progress
made in the decades since 1975 is a testament to the power of diplomacy and the
ability of nations to put aside their differences in pursuit of a common goal.
b) The relationship from 1996 to 2005: reaching full normalcy
Vietnam-US relations in the period of 1996 to 2005 were marked by a
gradual improvement and normalisation of diplomatic and economic ties between
the two countries. This period saw the end of the Cold War, the fall of the Soviet
Union and the opening up of the socialist bloc, all of which contributed to the
changing international landscape and the development of bilateral relations.
Besides, the progress in the relationship was also attributed to Vietnam's foreign
policy from 1996 to 2005, which was characterised by the country's efforts to
integrate into the global economy and establish closer ties with other nations.
During this period, Vietnam pursued a policy of "Doi Moi" or "Renovation," which
aimed to modernise the economy and move away from a planned, centrally-
controlled system. As part of this policy, the government opened the country to
foreign investment, trade, and tourism, and sought to develop and upgrade
relations with other countries, including the United States.
 In 1995, the two nations established diplomatic relations and opened their
respective Embassies in Washington D.C. and Hanoi. The following year, the U.S.
lifted its trade embargo on Vietnam, thereby opening up economic opportunities
for both countries. During this time, Vietnam and the U.S. cooperated on issues
such as demining and the resettlement of Vietnamese refugees.
In 2000, Vietnam and the U.S. signed a bilateral trade agreement, which
paved the way for increased economic cooperation and investment between the
two countries. The U.S. became one of Vietnam's largest trading partners, with
bilateral trade growing rapidly. The U.S. also invested heavily in Vietnam's
economy, particularly in sectors such as manufacturing, tourism, and energy. In the
same year, President Bill Clinton became the first U.S. president to visit Vietnam
since the end of the war, which symbolised a new chapter in Vietnam-U.S.
relations. This time also witnessed Vietnam's efforts to address U.S. concerns over
human rights and political freedom, and the two countries cooperated on regional
security issues, such as counter-terrorism and non-proliferation.
Between 2000 and 2004, the U.S. attempted to make modest efforts to
broaden the scope and pace of defence engagement with Vietnam. Noticeably, the
U.S. lifted its ban on arms sales to Vietnam in 2004, further signalling a
normalisation of relations. Further, the U.S. provided Vietnam with military
training and equipment, and both countries cooperated in regional security
initiatives such as the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) and the
Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC). During this period, Vietnam took a
significant step in the military ties with the U.S. via the visit of the Vietnamese
Minister of Defense Pham Van Tra - the first Vietnamese defence minister to visit
the U.S. in 2003.
The warming relationship reached a climax in June 2005, when Vietnamese
Prime Minister Phan Van Khai became the first Vietnamese leader to visit
Washington. Prime Minister Khai and President Bush stated in a joint statement
that Vietnam and the U.S. "shared a vision of peace, prosperity, and security in
Southeast Asia and the Asia-Pacific region, and agreed to cooperate bilaterally and
multilaterally to promote these goals"26.
The period from 1996 to 2005 was marked by a slow but steady
improvement in Vietnam-US relations. The two nations overcame the legacy of the
war and worked towards developing a mutually beneficial relationship. The
normalisation of relations between the two nations opened up new opportunities
26
(Joint Statement, June 20, 2005).
for cooperation and strengthened regional stability. Despite these positive
developments, the relationship between Vietnam and the U.S. was not without its
challenges, particularly with regards to the U.S.'s concerns about human rights
abuses in Vietnam and trade frictions. Nevertheless, overall, the period from 1995
to 2005 marked a time of gradual improvement in the security ties between
Vietnam and the U.S.
c) The relationship from 2006 to 2013: upgrading the relations to
"comprehensive partnership"
During the period of 2006 to 2013, the Vietnam – U.S. relations continued to
grow and expand, driven by a mutual desire to deepen economic, political, and
security ties. The U.S. has also provided aid and assistance to Vietnam, particularly
in the areas of health and education.
In 2006, the relationship was further strengthened by the signing of the U.S.-
Vietnam Trade and Investment Framework Agreement (TIFA), which aimed to
increase cooperation in trade and investment. Since then, the two countries have
signed several agreements to deepen their economic partnership and expand trade
and investment. 2006 was also an important year for the two countries as this year
witnessed the official visit of President George W. Bush to Vietnam on the
occasion of participating in APEC 2006 and the grant of the permanent normal
trade relations (PNTR) status, which drove the economic between two nations to
burgeon.
The U.S. has also supported Vietnam's integration into the global economy,
including its accession to the World Trade Organization (WTO) in 2007. In the
same year, the U.S. and Vietnam signed a Joint Vision Statement, which
established a framework for expanded cooperation in areas such as trade,
investment, and human rights. Since then, the relationship between Vietnam and
the U.S. has continued to improve, with both countries engaging in cooperation on
a range of regional and global issues, including economic development, security,
and human rights.
After President George W. Bush's visit to Vietnam in 2006, there was a
significant increase in high-level diplomatic visits, especially visits of Vietnamese
leaders. In 2008, Prime Minister Nguyen Tan Dung paid an official visit to the
U.S. in response to the invitation of U.S. President George W. Bush. In talks with
senior U.S. officials, including leaders of the U.S. Senate and House of
Representatives, the U.S. Secretary of Defense and the Secretary of the Treasury,
the Prime Minister received positive signals in the strongly promote bilateral
relations in all fields, especially in economy, trade, investment and education,
between Vietnam and the U.S. More importantly, in 2013, on the 25th of July, on
President Truong Tan Sang's visits to the U.S., he and President Barack Obama
announced the establishment of a comprehensive partnership between the two
countries. This development opened a new chapter in the ties between Vietnam and
the U.S. reflecting a broader recognition of the growing importance of Vietnam in
the region and around the world, and a recognition of the need for the two
countries to work together to address a range of regional and global challenges.
Both countries also saw the upgrading of their relationship as a way to foster
greater economic cooperation and integration, with a focus on increasing trade and
investment flows and creating new opportunities for businesses and entrepreneurs
on both sides.
Despite these positive developments, there are still challenges to the
relationship between Vietnam and the U.S. Issues such as human rights, freedom
of speech, and religious freedom remain a source of concern for both sides.
However, both countries have expressed a commitment to working towards a
stronger, more constructive relationship. The Vietnamese government was aware
of ongoing concerns from the U.S. about its human rights record and restrictions
on freedom of expression, and worked to address these issues through ongoing
dialogue and engagement.
Again, add one more paragraph here to discuss how the relations in this
period affect those in the next one
 Conclusion for Chapter 1
This part should focus both the theoretical and practical aspects
Overall, before 2013, the relationship between Vietnam and the U.S. had
been marked by a complex history, with phases of hostility and cooperation, but
has been characterised mainly by a positive trend towards reconciliation and
cooperation. The drive for this rapprochement between the two nations is the
growing importance of each country in the other's foreign policy in recent years.
Vietnam saw the U.S. as a key partner to promote economic growth, accelerate its
scope and pace of global integration and maintain regional peace and security,
while the U.S. considered Vietnam a potential ally, particularly in the geopolitical
context of the South China Sea territorial disputes and the containment of Chinese
expansionism. Based on the history of the relationship and the strategic interests
Vietnam and the U.S. found in each other, there were no doubts that from 2013
onwards, the two countries would deepen their ties in every discipline, and
cooperation would still be the major trend of the relations. However, how and why
Vietnam and the U.S. have reached new milestones in their relationship since 2013
as well as how far the relationship can go, are debatable issues among international
relations researchers. Therefore, it is necessary to use the three main theories of
international relations – Realism, Liberalism and Constructivism, to give the best
answer to the given questions.