Exetastai 1

AN HONORIFIC "GNOME OF THE KOINON" OF THE PHRIKYLADAI.
A NEW INSCRIPTION
FROM LIVERPOOL
Author(s): Peter Liddel and Polly Low
Source: The Annual of the British School at Athens , 2015, Vol. 110 (2015), pp. 263-284
Published by: British School at Athens
Stable URL: https://www.jstor.org/stable/44082113
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The Annual of the British School at Athens , iio(i), 2015, pp. 263-284 © The Council, British School at Athens, 2015
doi: 10. 1017/S0068245415000076
AN HONORIFIC GNOME OF THE KOINON OF THE

PHRIKYLAD AI . A NEW INSCRIPTION FROM LIVERPOOL
by Peter Liddel and Polly Low
University of Manchester
This article publishes a new decree from the storerooms of Liverpool's World Museum. We provide a text an
document , and discuss difficulties in reading the text as well as restorations where the stone is illegible. We of
daring of the document to the mid-third century , and suggest , on prosopographical and formulaic grounds ,
Erythrae. We offer an interpretation of the status of the transaction (which describes itself as a gnome,), the
in the document , and the activities and nature of the Phrikyladai.
INTRODUCTION
In this article, we publish - and discuss the historical implications of - an in

spent more than a century in the museum storerooms of Liverpool (World M
number 20.5.01.58).
The stone (Fig. 1; for a digitally adjustable version of the image, please see t
material hosted on the CUP website) is a tapering slab of white marble. Two ch
out from the top and bottom right-hand side, presumably in the process of it
subsequent reuse (probably as a door-step). The stone otherwise appears to be
from some wear on both edges (of different types: rough on left-hand side;
which has, at points, obscured the initial and final letters. The surface bearing
well preserved, with the exception of the bottom-left side of the inscribed area
points making the text hard to decipher. The back of the stele is rough pick
of whitewash on both long edges and was blackened (perhaps as a result of b
Second World War) when first autopsied in spring 2013, but cleaning and con
early summer 2013 removed both paint and soot.
The inscription came into the Museum's collections in 1901, as part of a bequ
Ann Maclver. She was the widow of Charles Maclver, the controller of the Cun
Liverpool in the third quarter of the nineteenth century (Hyde 1975, chapte
Museum has no further information about the stone's accession or provenanc
that it came into Maclver's collection from one of his, or his employees', Mediterranean
voyages: we know that this branch of Cunard was heavily involved in Mediterranean routes
(including one between Liverpool and Smyrna) in the middle years of the nineteenth century.2
Before it was bequeathed to the Museum, it may well have had a place in the family mansion,
'Calderstones', in Liverpool (which was sold to the Liverpool Corporation in 1902: Stewart-
Brown 191 1, 197).
There is no explicit statement anywhere in the text which informs us about the original place of
publication of the stone, but circumstantial evidence (particularly the prosopographical evidence)
has led us to conclude that the inscription (and the koinon, of which it is an honorific text)
originate from Erythrae. The date, similarly, can be inferred only from indirect evidence: we
1 See his obituary in the Manchester Guardian , 2 January 1886.

2 See the 1877 Official Guide and Album of the Cunard Steamship Company , pp. 32, 34 (available online <https://
archive.org/details/officialguideanooltdgoog> accessed June 2015).

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2Ó4 PETER UDDEL AND POLLY LOW
Fig. i. World Museum accession number 20.5.01.58: the gnome of

National Museums Liverpool (World Museum). All rights reserved. Digitally adjustable
images of the stone are included in the online supplementary material to this article.

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AN HONORIFIC GNOME OF THE PHRIKYLADAI 265
propose (partly on palaeographic grounds, but more particularly again on

prosopography) a date in the middle years of the third century bc.
WORLD MUSEUM, LIVERPOOL, ACCESSION NUMBER 20.5.01.58
Description
Height: 0.77 m
Width: 0.23 m (top), >0.24 m (bottom)
Thickness: 0.11 m (top), >0.12 m (bottom)
Letter size: 0.05-0.07 mm
Non -stoichedon; mid-third century bc
Text
(In three wreaths)
'E7c[íyovoç]
MeAJiávSpou]
Âpiaxóôrijioç
MeVEKpÓCTOD
riOGÎTTOCÇ
0EU8ö>pOU
[rļvcopri TCDv á7ioÔei%0évTcov utcò to <û?>

[k] oivoû ypayai Ka0óxi TiļiTļ0fļaovTa[i]
[o] i à7toÔ8ix0évTEç oivcòvai écp' ÍEpo-
4 rcoioû 0EU7tó|i7cou, Eípou toû np [co] -
Toyévouç, Apûpovoç tou ÂtioM.[cû]-
yOÔÓTOU* ETTElÔf) a7lO0El%0EVTE [ç]
oivôvai ÔEÚTEpOl Ú71Ò TOÛ KOl-
8 voû 'E[my]ovoç MEÀ,iáv8pou, ApiGT[ó]-
[8]r||ioç MEVEKpáTOU, IIoaÍTTaç 0eu-
[8] CÒpOU KOC À,(ÛÇ Kal CplÀ-OTÍpCOÇ E7tEpEÀ,[T|]-
[0iļ]aav toû koivoû, 8e8 [ó] %0ai OpiKuXá-
12 Saiç GTEcpavœaai aÚTÓòv ekootov
[0a] ÔÛ OTECpávCOl à[pE] TÏ1Ç evekev
[K]ai ÇlÔTipíaÇ TÏ1Ç EÍÇ TO KOIVÓV. 071(0 [ç]
8è Kai éáv [ti]veç aAAoi ßou^covTai cpi[À,o]-
16 [Ti]ļLiEĪa0ai, eíScogiv öti E7cíaTaTai tò
[koi]vòv tò OpiKuÀxxScòv àíto8i8óvai
[à^Jíaç xápuaç cov a[v eu] EpyEirļ0iļ [1] ,
[toû] ç SeSojjlévouç aÛT[oî]ç GT£cpávou[ç]
20 [jiet]òc tt1ç yvcopriç àvaypáyai eíç gt[t|]-
[Xrļ]v X,i0ivīļv içai àva0EÎ[va]i ou âv aÛT[oîç?]
[SoKfi] ociť [iļ] oapévouç tÓ7tov TÒy ku-
[pco] 0T1oó [jievov] • àjtoSEÎâi 8è Kai ávSpaç
24 [TpEÎÇ OÏTIVEÇ] E7ClļIEX,Īļ01ļGOVTai O7TC0 [ç]
[fļ G]T[fļXrļ avaTE0]rļGETai Kai ávaypacpf|GE-
[Tai] rļ y[vci)ļi]rļ Kaļ oi GTÉcpavoi éyKoÀa-
[9] 0T1GO [vTai] * á7i£8EÍx0T1Gav 'Erciyo [v] oç
28 [Me] A,iá[v8p]ou, ApiGTÓ8r|poç MEVEKpát[ou],
[IIo]GÍTT[aç] 0Eu8còpou.
Vacat (c.0.11 m)

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266 PETER UDDEL AND POLLY LOW
EPIGRAPHICAL OBSERVATIONS3
General observations
The inscribed surface of the upper part of the stele preserves three wreaths containing the
and patronymics of the honorands; these wreaths bear a close resemblance to those which
appeared on an honorific decree from Erythrae for nine strategoi of c. 277/275 (/. Erythrai 24);
they are also similar to (but less elaborate than) those on the Erythraean copy of a Mytilenean
decree for Erythraean judges of the second century bc (/. Erythrai 122).
The subsequent text consists of 29 lines. Fully preserved lines consist typically of 24 (line 7)
or 26 (line 12) characters, but there are as many as 31 in the well-preserved penultimate line: the
letter spacing is variable. The letter forms resemble those which appear on other honorific
decrees of Erythrae, such as the honours for the generals proposed by Polykritos (/. Erythrai 24)
and, even more strikingly, the honours for Polykritos himself (/. Erythrai 28) of the first half of
the third century bc,- which Charles Crowther suggests to us may even be the work of the same
letter cutter.
The letter cutter has left the right edge of the text ragged, and there are some indications of
attention to syllabic breaks. In the text that we offer, the breaks at the ends of lines 4, 5, 8 and
10 are syllabic; however, the absence of traces of the restored letters at the end of these lines,
combined with wear at the beginning of the subsequent lines, means that certainty is hard to attain.4
Specific observations
Line 152 the apex of a triangular letter and the outline of an epsilon before the kappa are just visible.
Line 192 [wo]«; ÔEÔOfiévouç: most of the final sigma of xoùç is visible; the traces that appear in the
third letter space are probably later damage; as for Seôofiévouç, we can make out the base of the
delta and a mutilated mu. See Fig. 2.
Lines 22-32 Toy ko | [po] 0ij<ró [pevov] : Crowther, pers. comm., points out some difficulties: 'there
should be room for two letters after KY at the end of 22, so a syllabic division at this point would be
odd; and there only seems to be space for 3-4 letters between omicron in line 23 and the alpha of
àrcoSeîâi . . . could HZ in 23 belong to xrjç?'. See Fig. 2.
Line 252 there are traces in the position of the third letter, which could be those of the stem of a tau.
Line 262 there appears to be an eta directly beneath the previous line's traces of tau, followed by
what looks like a gamma with the top bar angled downwards slightly.
TEXTUAL OBSERVATIONS
Lines 1-22 an alternative would be to insert punctuation between [k]oivoû and yp

constitute a heading, as yvcòjuri xoû kowoû xcov 7tepì xòv Aio vu [gov xe%]vixćov [xco]v
TM,Tļ07i0vxcoi Kai xcov Ttepi xòv Ka0r|yripóva Ài[óvu]oov 87tei0fļ ... (/. lasos 152
punctuation of the text, the 'heading' extends to the middle of line 6.
3 We are greatly indebted to Charles Crowther for his observations and insights on epigraph
4 On the use of syllabic breaks in Hellenistic Erythraean inscriptions, see Garbrah 1978, 127;
chronological phases: (1) the earliest phase: stoichedon , which ignores syllabic division entire
century: quasi -stoichedon, which departs frorii the stoichedon pattern in order to avoid syllable o
seen in, for example, I. Erythrai 8: honours for Mausolos); (3) post-350: stoichedon is aband
division followed regularly. He finds only one exception to his ťphase three' pattern: I. Erythra

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Fig. 2. Detail of the lower-left side of the stone. Enhanced image using polynomial
mapping. The very worn lines 19 and 22 are boxed.
Line 2: ypayai KaOóxt: this appears to be epigraphically unparalleled. However,

is a well-attested formula in late fourth-century Samian inscriptions (e.g. IG XII
Lines 10-112 kcxXxôç Kai cpiXoxípoç ène'iek [f| 1 0iļ] <rav xoû koivoû. The closest
1203 (deme of Athmone) lines 1-6: èneiòr' oi pepáp%ai oi en' AvxikAeíouç áp%ov
(piÀoxípcoç xcov 0uauov £nepeA,rļ0rļoav Kai xœv koivcûv, 8e8ó%0ai xoîç Sripóxaiç.
Lines 14-18: The punctuation of these lines was proposed to us by Peter Thonem
gratefully accept his suggestions.
Line 182 d)v a[v Et>]EpY£xiļ0iļ[i] 2 A sense paralleled at Isocrates 6.73: oi pev %ápiv àno
nenóv0aaiv ('those giving back gratitude for those things in which they have bee
We understand that a similar phrase appears in an unpublished Athenian decree
century bc now at the Library of Hadrian in Athens: we would like to thank Nikolaos
Papazarkadas for drawing this to our attention.
Lines 2 j- 22 o5 âv aux[oîç? | &oiqļ]: cf. IG II3 1290 line 13.
Line 222 aix[n]<nxpévouç xónov: cf. IG XII 4 1055 (Delos, 230-220) lines 25-8: àvaypávj/ai 8è xò
'|rr|(piapa [e]iç axrļtoļv A,i0ivrļv Kai áva0£ívai 7tapá xe fļpīv eíç xò iepòv ļ [x]oû Aiovúaou Kai év Afļ^coi
eíç xò iepòv xoû AnóÀ, [à,] covoç, xónov aixnmxpévouç xò koivòv AiļAicov; McCabe, Teos 34 lines 2-6
(Teos, second century bc): [avaypa<piļvai] 8è Kai xò iļ/fļcpiapa xò KeKupcopevov auxcòi xòv xeipœv
a7co8eix0Tļvai 8è Kai avSpaç xoùç aixrioropévooç napà xoû ôfipou xòv xóttov.
We now prefer this to [ekXe^] apévouç xónov. Cf. I. ScM III 7 (of 253 bc) lines 29-33:
ànoaxelÀai 8è xoûç axpaxalyoûç xò à]vxÍYpacpov xoîç AnoMxoviaxâv a[p%ouai] Ķai nap<a>KaÀeaai
auxoûç xòv ënaw[ov àva0é]pev eíç xò xoû AnóM,covoç iepò[v xòv xó] tto v émxáóeiov éKÀEâpévou [ç .
Lines 22-32 xóttov xoy ku | [pco] 0t|ctó [pevov] . We gratefully acknowledge that this was proposed to
us by Nikolaos Papazarkadas. Cf. also xòv yvcocrihioopevov xóttov uno xoû Sfļpou* (I. Erythrai 114 line
30, a decree of Erythrai).
Lines 24-6: ôtt(d[ç | r| a]x[iļ^Tl àvax£0]r|<7£xai rai ávaypa<pTj<r£|[xai] t| y[vcöp]ii: this is the
suggestion of Riet van Bremen, which we appreciatively accept. It is preferable to our original
suggestion of àvax£0]rio£xai Kai avaypacpri^ | [xai eíç <rxr'kr'v] (cf., however, I. Erythrai 35
lines 10-11: oncoç 8è Kai xó8e xò 'j/f|<piapa Kai ó axécpavoç ávaypa<pTÍ<r£xai eíç <rrí'kr'v Kai
àvax£0T|a£xai ev Ae^cpoîç èv xcòi iepon). Indeed, the statement in our text that the crowns are to

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268 PETER LIDDEL AND POLLY LOW
be written up with the gnome (lines 19-20) supports

for a gnome being written up on stone are few and far
TÒv õè YpaMfiœcéa tcoji TrpwávEcov èmpeÀT|0T1vai, 07t
AttóMxdvoç, xò ô' àváÀ-cojLia xò yevópe [vov eíç xiļ]v à
ôioiKiiaeôx; (for fuller discussion of this matter, see
Lines 26-72 éyKoXxx | [<p] 0f|cro [vxoi] : this restoratio

comparable instruction in another Erythraean inscripti
of writing up this decree and the crown on the stele ([x
Kai xòv OTEcpavov é[K]oÀxx'1/avxaç eíç oxr|Àr|v): in that
both the decree and the crowns on the stone stele; in our
TRANSLATION
'Ep[igonos]
son of Mel[iandros].
Aristodemos
son of Menekrates.
Posittas
son of Theudoros.
Proposal of those appointed by the koinon - Simos son of Prot [o] genes, Amymon son of
Apollonodotos - to draft how those appointed oinonai during the hieropoios- ship of Theupompos
will be honoured. Since those appointed second oinonai by the koinon - E[pig]onos son of
Meliandros, Arist[od]emos son of Menekrates, Posittas son of Theu[d]oros - took care oí!
managed/had charge of the koinon well and with philotimia^ be it resolved by the Phrikyladai to
crown each of them with a crown of foliage for the sake of their virtue and philotimia towards the
koinon . So that also if ever anyone else wants to act with philotimia , they might see that the
koinon of the Phrikyladai knows how to pay back due gratitude for those things from which it
might be benefited, those requesting a place that will have been approved are to write up the
crowns given to them [with] the proposal on a stone stele and to set it up wherever [they like].
Appoint also [three men who] will ensure that [the stele] is set up and [the proposal] written up
arid that the crowns will be engraved; Epigo[n]os son of [Me]lia[ndr]os, Aristodemos son of
Menekrat[es], [Po]sitt[as] son of Theudoros were appointed.'
AN OVERVIEW OF THE TEXT
The text announces itself as a gnome ton apodeichthenton ; its first six lines consist
states what this gnome is for. As John Ma points out to us, the natural way of
would be as 'proposal' or 'motion': indeed, this is the sense suggested at Aeschi
gnome is to be put to the vote at the assembly, in other Attic decrees (a gnome
becomes a psephisma in IG II3 348 lines 21-30), and also in Erythraean inscriptio
gnomai of the exetastai (auditors: L Erythrai 21 line 3; 35 line 2)5 but refer to
psephismata in their publication formulae (/. Erythrai 21 line 18; 35 line 10).
document - perhaps uniquely - at line 20 and probably also line 26 contains arra
5 For discussion of gnomai exetaston in Erytlirai (which are concentrated between the years 33
the second century), see Fröhlich 2004, 553-6: he suggests that these boards appear to be char
decrees to the assembly.

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gnome to be written up on stone, and this suggests that there is no prospect of furth
ratification.6 Our document's use of the term gnome is, therefore, unorthodox, a
it to refer to a 'decree' is paralleled on two occasions in decrees from Lampsak
Troias.7 We shall return to the question of the status of this gnome below, while
this oddity of phrasing or terminology is far from exceptional in this text.
We return to the prescript in order to introduce the apodekhthentes and the hiero
archontes are known from Aphrodisias ( MAMA 8.408 line 1) and lasos (/. lasos 2
this gnome of the apodekhthentes is unparalleled. These apodeichthentes of lines
been chosen by the koinon 'to draft'8 (ypá'|/oci is perhaps to be distinguished fr
lines 20 and 25-6) the gnome 'how those appointed oinonai in the hieropoks- ship
will be honoured'. Apodekhthentes was a term used to refer to individuals 'appoin
or officials; it is well known from Asia Minor and the other parts of the Greek w
attested in third-century Erythrae to refer to those appointed to take responsibi
crowns and setting up a stele (J. Erythrai 114 lines 27-9; SEG XXXVII 934 [= E
no. 5] lines 5-6; cf. I. Erythrai 115 line 4). They may be contrasted, as they are
Miletos, with the hairethentes - 'elected' - magistrates.9 It is worth noting at thi
appear to be three sets of apodekhthentes in our decree (though two of them co
people): those two appointed by the koinon to draft the decree (lines 2-6); those t
oinonai (lines 6-10); and, finally, the same three who were appointed to set up the dec
In lines 3-4, è<p' ieporcoioû 0em óprcou suggests that the hieropoios is the eponymo
the year or period of time during which the oinonai held office. Hieropoioi , usefully
as 'secular officials concerned with cult affairs',10 were the eponymous officials in in
Erythrai.11 Even if the institution resembles that of a city-state, however, we ca
possibility that these hieropoioi may be those of the koinom they are well know
associations (Poland 1909, 390-1). The next two names, of Simos and Amymon, ap
patronymics preceded by a definite article. The best sense we have been able t
names appearing in the genitive is that they are in apposition with tcdv à7ioôei%0évT
Simos and Amymon, therefore, were chosen by the koinon to draft the decree.
The body of the decree (from line 6 onwards) is fairly well preserved, apart from
left-hand side of lines 22 to 26, where we have struggled to make complete sense
text. Nonetheless, in broad terms, it appears that the decree follows the normal c
honorific genre. Lines 6-1 1 set out the motivation for the enactment; the motion fo
make it clear that this is an honorific gnome of a koinon called the Phrikyladai to cr
oinonai. The statement of intention of lines 14-18 in particular could be widely p
honorific decrees (Larfeld 1907, 504-8): the honorands have performed their t
philotimia ; they are honoured so that all will know that the koinon knows ho
6 A possible parallel for the appearance of the term gnome in the publication clause is IG X
although the reference to a gnome here is restored.
7 Rhodes with Lewis 1997, 557-8, 637-8, citing I. Lampsakos 1; I. Ilion 68 (Alexandria Tro
8 See LSJ s.v. ypótcpco II.6.
9 Apodeichthentes contrasted with hairethentes'. see Dmitriev 2005, 68 (contrasting, for exampl
sunedroi of Miletos I.3.138 line 20 [= McCabe, Miletos 40 line 20] with the apodekhthentes
I.3. 150 line 3 [= McCabe, Miletos 39]).
10 Davies 2001, 118, commenting on specifically Attic hieropoioi ; the definition holds good in t
Georgoudi 2005, 32-40, with reference to Erythraean hieropoioi at 40.
11 See I. Erythrai 1 lines 16-17 of the 5th or early 4th century, I. Erythrai 23 line 1 of the late 4th c
24 lines 3 and 24 of c. 277/275 bc, I. Erythrai 29 lines 2-3 and 16 of c. 270-60, 1. Erythrai 32 lines
of the 3rd century, etc. For the hieropoioi as eponymous magistrates of Erythrae, see Sherk 199
2005, 40.
12 The use of the definite article for some but not all names in an inscription is known elsewhere: the eponymou
magistrates named in the prescript of I. lasos 183 (lines 1-2) use a definite article before the patronymic, whereas,
the same inscription, those who make pledges to the building works are named with patronymics without the defi
article (the same pattern is found also in I. lasos 184, 185). The construction of àxeôeíx0T1 + genitive can be seen in
Erythrai 76, lines 9-10.

193.140.28.146 on Thu, 02 Feb 2023 08:51:12 UTC
gratitude. The text closes with arrangements for publicatio

themselves are given the task of setting up the decree.
For the rest of this article we focus upon four areas which s
problematic): we will start with names (where we think we can
three areas where there are still uncertainties: the nature of th
the way (and place) in which this decree is published.
PROSOPOGRAPHY AND ONOMASTICS
Six individuals are named in our text: the three honorands, and three magistrates
have patronymics (expressed with the article in the case of the drafters of the dec
the case of the honorands). The exception, as already noted, is the eponymo
hieropoios Theupompos (line 4), the omission of whose patronymic is consistent
elsewhere: in Athens, for example, the patronymic of the eponymous archon is
given - perhaps (as Mogens Hansen has suggested to us) on the grounds that this
be sufficiently well known so as not to need further identification.13
The honorands are, as far as we can tell, otherwise unknown, although (with
their names are relatively common, especially (though not exclusively) in A
names of the first group of magistrates, however, give us a much bigger clue abo
and date of this text. Theupompos, the hieropoios , cannot be identified wit
individual, but Simos (son of Protogenes) (lines 4-5) and Amymon (son of A
(lines 5-6) are much more useful. A certain Apollonodotos the son of Amym
father or son of our man, is known from L Erythrai 76 , in which he is one of tw
(à7ieôeí%0ri) to obtain a stele and write up an honorific decree on it (lines 9
valuable is the fact that both Simos and Amymon are attested as magistrates on
Erythrae (that is, they are named as the officials responsible for minting t
chronology of this coinage has been exhaustively studied by Kinns, who believes
of Simos and Amymon should be placed in the period 250-240; more signific
purposes, he suggests (on the basis of die-link studies, and on stylistic grounds)
performed this role either concurrently or in very close succession (Kinns 1980, v
2, 454). This seems too striking a repetition to be random: the Simos and Amym
must, we think, be the same men as the Simos and Amymon of our inscription
safely go as far as to suggest that they occupied the same magistracy when they
by the koinon to draft the gnome as they did when they were responsible
coinage.15 In other words, this coincidence of names does not, we think, ne
anything about the formal relationship between this koinon and the polis, althou
to a possible overlap in personnel - or perhaps rather in participation - between
state administration. What it does seem safe to conclude, though, is that we can use this
numismatic evidence to locate these two men, and therefore our inscription, relatively securely
in time and place: it is, we suggest, an Erythraean text, of the middle years of the third century.
Of course, we have already pointed to some formal and stylistic features which are familiar from
Erythraean epigraphic practice, but this prosopographical evidence seems to us to settle the
questions both of the text's provenance and of its date. The other names in this text, while not
13 See n. 12 above for parallels for use and non-use of the article. The hieropoios at Erythrae appears elsewhere
without patronymic: I. Erythrai 23 lines 1-2; 24 line 1; 32 lines 1-2.
14 Simos: Kinns 1980, AE12 no. 187 ( BMC Ionia 192); Amymon: Kinns 1980, AE12 no. 188 (. BMC Ionia 155).
Both are bronze half-obols. It was the regular Erythraean habit (from the last third of the 4th century bc) to
include this name on their coins (from about 295, the patronymic is included too): Kinns 1980, Vol. i, 9, 103;
more generally on magistrates on coins, see Gauthier 1975, 174-9.
15 Late 4th-century evidence suggests that the magistrates responsible for coinage might be the exetastai , though
this is not absolutely certain (Kinns 1980, vol. 1, 24-5). It appears that magistrates could often (or perhaps always)
function as a board (Kinns 1980, vol. 1, 31-3): i.e. Simos and Amymon might have been in office simultaneously.

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definitively Erythraean, are entirely consistent with this theory. The thre
from anywhere else, although we are tempted to suspect a connection between the second
honorand - Aristodemos son of Menekrates - and a Menekrates son of Aristodemos who
appears in I. Erythrai 22 line 119, as a donor to the building of city walls in the late f
century bc. Our Aristodemos could therefore - just about - be the son of the wall builde
Our knowledge of Hellenistic Erythraean prosopography is, of course, very far from c
(although not negligible either, not least because of the contribution of the numis
evidence). Any argument about the possible status of the men mentioned in this text,
their degree of involvement in other aspects of Erythraean public life, must therefore n
be rather tentative. Nevertheless, it is probably worth emphasising the point already no
the two men appointed to draft this document seem to be political insiders in the Ery
polis. The office of coin magistrate will probably not have been among the most senio
city, but it does imply a level of influence, and also - it seems likely - of personal wealth
for example, very visible in the records of the coin magistrates of the fourth-century
League (which include Epameinondas), and in Hellenistic Eretria.16 The honorand
contrast, are not visible (at least, not to us) in other Erythraean contexts - although if
correct in seeing a possible connection between our Aristodemos and the Menekra
the wall-building decree (7. Erythrai 22), this would again suggest that we are dealing (at
this case) with a member of a family with a track record of euergetic involvement in th
the polis.
In terms of onomastics, all of the other names on this inscription are attested (in Asia Minor,
and elsewhere in Greece), with one exception: Meliandros (the father of the honorand
Epígonos) is previously unattested in the Greek world (though the name does - mysteriously -
appear in a seventeenth-century work of neo-Latin literature, the Argenis of John Barclay, who
explicitly acknowledged that he had used 'imaginary names, to signify several vices and virtues'!)
(Barclay 1623; see Latham 2009, 23). The name is clear enough in line 8 of our text (and is
securely restored in the first wreath and again in line 28) to offer us a new Greek name.17
THE PHRIKYLADAI
There is one more name which we have not yet discussed: who are the Phrikylad
of an inscribed, honorific, decision leads us to envisage an organised group w
However, the inscription gives little away about either the organisation or th
koinon : there are hoi apodeichthentes, oinonai> and an eponymous hieropoios (t
be that of the city), but to say anything more about the scale or nature of t
forced to hypothesise.
The associations of the Greek world bore an astonishing range of designati
theophoric, occupational, ethnic, or derived from the name of the founder.1
group is tantalisingly obscure. The word 'Phrikyladai' is (according to TLG an
anywhere else in extant Greek. It has been suggested to us that a basic se
16 Epameinondas (and other prominent politicians) on Boeotian federal coinage: Head 191 1
(and other examples), see Wallace 1950. On the fine line between office holding and litu
Hellenistic city, Gauthier, 1975, 178: ťil peut paraître excessif d'établir un distinguo trop rig
liturges'.
17 Bechtel and Fick 1894, 200, suggests that the MeXi- compound in personal names may be related to the verbal
form flètei; jiétao with a genitive object is translated by LSJ (s.v. 'ieXx 0, B) as ť care for , take an interest in a thing, c. gen';
is it perhaps plausible that the -avôpoç element represents the genitive object to give a meaning approximating to ťthe
one who cares for a man'?
18 On the naming of koina, see Poland 1909, 74-5, 78, 366; Parker 1996, 333; Gabrielsen 2009, 180; Arnaoutoglou
201 1, 43, stressing the role of names in the expression of cultic identity.

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consist of the root of OpiK-,19 followed by the dimin

descendants. Yet the name does not appear to have
probably nothing in the association with the words <p
perceived connection of our group with the Aeolian c
818), associated with settlers from Mount Phrikion in L
Another possibility, therefore, is that they are a grou
real or mythical ktistes : the obvious Attic parallel is t
about their ancestor OíÀxxioç (Herodotus 6.35; Pausan
no Phrikylos is known in any mythical account; inde
LGPN , only on a Hellenistic roof-tile from Illyria (C
An alternative, then, is that the Phrikyladai got their n
mortal - named Phrikylos. Indeed, as Ilias Arnaoutoglou reminds us, £in Rhodes there is a
profusion of personal names turned into adjectives to qualify associations'.23 A koinon of
Euthalidai , for example, is known on an inscription from Rhodes.24 Vincent Gabrielsen, who has
studied this phenomenon as it appears in Rhodes, sees it as related to the power of the local
aristocracy: 'the aristocratic habit of founding koina can hardly have been unconnected to the
customary endeavours of that class, via activation of the mechanisms of patronage, to exploit the
human potential which they controlled (foreign as well as native) as an asset in their execution
of public responsibilities . . . the koina stood ready to meet the local aristocracy's insatiable
demand for honorific rewards'.25 But our understanding of Erythraean society in the third
century bc is too limited to allow us to confidently propose such a view of the Phrikyladai.
Closer to the provenance of our decree, koina of the symmoriai (a public subdivision) of Teos
appear to take on the patronymic of their founders. One such group was the symmory of
Echinos or the Echinadai. Two of their decrees ( CIG 3065 [= McCabe, Teos 32] and 3066
[= McCabe, Teos 33]) appear to honour prostatai, who were probably annually appointed officials
of their koinon . They were praised, with foliage crowns and announcement, for their expenditure
on the sacrifices and hospitality; they were singled out for not drawing on the expenses of the
group, and also funded their own honours ( CIG 3065 lines 33-5; CIG 3066 lines 30-5). 26 We do
not know, however, whether their eponym Echinos was mythical or mortal, and it is hard to say
anything about the social background of the group. But, nevertheless, the Echinadai constitute a
group in close geographical proximity to the Phrikyladai, who appear to have possessed similar
resources and priorities to them.
There is some evidence of associations at Erythrae. Jones has identified three entities which he
identifies as forms of sub-polis group: the phylai, the chiliastyes, and the gene (Jones 1987, 303-6);
none of the groups ever describes itself as a koinon.27 The phylai, though we know next to nothing
about their functions, have been identified as territorial groups; the Hellenistic evidence suggests
that the chiliastyes and gene were their subdivisions (Jones 1987, 304). It is not quite clear how
this fits with the late fifth- or early fourth-century inscribed decree of a group known as the
Peproioi, which appears to regulate eligibility to the office of the overseers of the marshlands
19 Charles Crowther has suggested this to us, on the basis of conversation with Edouard Chiricat.
20 Smyth 1956, no. 852 for -uÀAio as a diminutive suffix.
21 According to Strabo (13. 1.3; 13.3.3)5 the city's epithet came from Mount Phrikion in Lokris above
Thermopylai, with which the inhabitants of Aeolian Larisa identified themselves. But it is hard to see how the
Phrik- of Larissa gives rise to the Phrikyl- stem of our decree, and the association remains unsubstantiated .
22 On the names of Attic gene , several of which bear an -idai suffix, see Parker 1996, 284-327.
23 Arnaoutoglou, pers. comm., continuing: 'for example you may have Aristomacheioi, Pausistrateioi,
Nikasoneioi. . . in Hellenistic Argos there is a koinon Phaenistan'. For a full account of Rhodian associations, see
Pugliese Carratelli 1939-40, 147-200.
24 Euthalidai: IG XII 1 890. I.Rhod. Peraia 604 (SEG IV 175) gives us a koivòv ico [v
25 Gabrielsen, 2001, 225, 227; cf. Jones 1987, 244, offering the view that thes
from the names of individual benefactors.
2 For the same group, see also CIG 6818= McCabe, Teos 34; EA 5 (1985) 13-17 = McCabe, Teos 34*5 = SEG
XXXV 1 152; Jones 1987, 306-10; Piérart 1985, 177-8.
27 The other groups are the Nysaiis and the Argadeis (uncertain).

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(/. Erythrai 17). Another epigraphically attested association, that of 'the m

Erythrae', who honoured magistrates charged with the protection of fore
the period of Augustus (/. Erythrai 74, from Chios), is equally obscur
Overall, then, the evidence does not support the existence of comparable associations at
Erythrae. But our knowledge of Erythraean politics and civic life in the middle of the third
century is very far from complete (Kinns 1980, 113), and it is not perhaps impossible that this
additional variety of sub-polis organisation was present, but simply - until now - unattested.
Retreating to less speculative territory, we can safely say at least this: the existence of this
inscribed gnome demonstrates that the Phrikyladai formed a koinon> a group of people who
presumably come together for some purpose.28 As this is the sole testimony for the group, we
can make only three assertions about their activity: it involves the acquisition and/or
consumption of wine (on which more presently), they have proposed an honorific gnome, and
they are making arrangements for it to be written up on a stone stele.
THE OINONAI
As Arnaoutoglou points out, collective identities were fostered among ancient G

through shared religious rituals including sacrifice, dedication and prayer, bu
activities such as feasting, celebrating, and convening (Arnaoutoglou 201 1, 43
We must not, however, forget the importance of liquid consumption. It goes w
drinking of wine, its use in libations, its offering as first fruits, and its acq
important aspect of the social and cult activity of ancient Greek communitie
wine in Erythrae is illustrated not only in Athenaios' reference to Erythraean
odourless ( Deipnosophistai , 32b) and the application of the epithet pherestap
( Deipnosophistai , 112b), but also, far more vividly, on a decree which may w
Erythrae, the inscribed regulations for those buying the priesthood of the Kyr
that the purchasers are to have the responsibility of mixing wine; their ritua
centred on bathing, drinking and eating.30
Who were the honorands, the 'appointed oinonať? They surely have somethin
wine supply, but their precise role is less than clear. LSJ s.v. oivcovnç, offer
point, suggesting 'wine-merchants', and referring to Photius' definition of the
buys up some sort of wine' (oivcovnç* oïov oîvov auvcovoújievoç). But they are p
other than wine sellers, a Greek term for which, oivorccoAm, is known from a dedi
vinani from first-century Delos (ZD 171 1). OivorcœXriç is, in fact, significantly
term for wine seller or merchant, whereas oivœvnç is barely attested: we can
epigraphic attestations of the word, and it appears only very rarely in literary
meaping.31 Our suspicion, therefore, is that the term is being used here in som
technical sense; our uncertainty, however, lies in knowing exactly what it deno
28 For this view of the koinon , see Aristotle, Nicomachean Ethics , n6oa4-6 with Vlassopou
29 Poland 1909, 262-4; Schmitt Pantel 1995. On offerings of the first fruits of the wine, see J
122, 269.
30 SEG LII 1 147; Dignas 2002, A lines 6-13: oi ôè 7i[piá(ievoi] xòcç ieprixeíaç xeXeûai K[a
Anúaovai xovç [Pouôpévlouç, ó pèv avfļp ãvÔpaç, iļ 8 [è yuvfļ yuva]ÍKaç- yépa Ôè Àáyexai Àjo
Kpr)XTļpio|io [ti Ôúo òfk)Ào')]ç Kai xò|i TCÓKoy Kai xò [cncéXoç]; cf. also SEG III 1146 lines
Dignas 2002 goes on to specify that if some other priest or priestess performs the kreterism
hand over half of the fees to those who have bought the priesthood. (SEG LVII 1628 sugg
which the regulations were inscribed should be associated with I. Erythrai 206, which wa
slope of the Erythraean Akropolis.) For the definition of kreterismos as a ritual related to drin
see Graf 2010, 306-7.
31 Oinopolai in Delos: ID 171 1 with Constantakopoulou 2012, 306 and Rauh 1993, 94; also
1922; SB 18.13315. The majority of attestations of the form Oinones in literary texts relate
(usually the fern. Oinone ), or to contexts where the word must be being used in some othe
N. 4 scholion 71 line 4: here the sense is [perhaps] 'producer of wine', vel. sim.). The best pa

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One answer may lie in the suffix -covriç. Telonai (tax fa

are well attested in Athens and elsewhere in the Gree
Engen, in his discussion of sitonai , is that they were p
obtain grain for public distribution:32 they were pur
Athens, where they seem to be magistrates responsible
using public funds (LSJ, s.v. ßocovriq).33 In the Athen
the 330s they appear alongside the hieropoioi with the
sacrifice to Athena (IG II3 447.43-4). In fact, Kretschme
words with the -côvt1ç suffix (Kretschmer 1944, 265). Some of them are compound words
attested only in comedie contexts: the opsones of Aristophanes' lost Frying-Pan Men (LSJ> s.v.
ò'|/còvriç suggests 'caterer': Aristophanes apud Athenaios, Deipnosophistai I7ia-b), is blamed for
delaying the arrival of dinner; generally, however, these terms refer to purchasers or providers of
particular items, such as the elaionai (LSJ, s.v. éÀmcòvriç), who are purchasers of olive oil for the
state (SEG XV 108; IG II2 1100). One interpretation, then, is that our oinonai are simply those
who provide or purchase wine on behalf of the koinon. It is perhaps attractive to consider
the possibility that our honorands are a triumvirate contracted out to acquire, and to distribute
promptly, wine for this (perhaps their) koinon. Epigraphical evidence suggests that some
associations were reliant on contributions of participants for their supplies: members of the
Iobacchoi of Attica were obliged to contribute to monthly dues for wine.34 Other organisations
may have contracted individuals to provide a secure supply of provisions: the statutes of a club
from the second century ad, deriving from central Attica (SEG XXXI 122 = Lupu 2005, no. 5)
tell us of the fine inflicted on those contracted to obtain (oi £pyoA,aßriG(xvT£<;) wine and pork if
they failed to hand them over.
Why are they 'second-appointed' oinonai (oívcòvai ôeúxepoi: line 7)? Does this mean that they are
appointed for a second time? Does it indicate that they were the second-ever appointed cohort of
oinonai} Or is it the case that they are a second set of oinonai appointed within one year? We cannot
find an exact parallel for this expression,35 but there is, in other Erythraean decrees, evidence for the
division of years among different office holders. I.Erythrai 29 talks about strategoi who held office
'for the second four-month period of the year when Apollodoros was hieropoioi (lines 15-17;
cf. I. Erythrai 112 lines 12-14 and I. Erythrai 104, 119).36 If this is the right way to interpret this
term, it perhaps points to the role of oinones being a particularly important (or exhausting -
financially or otherwise) office, which had to be rotated round the group on a regular basis; and
jgloss in Photius quoted above) for the term clearly being used to mean ťwine merchant' is very late: Theodoras
Metochites, Epistula ad monachum Methodium Senacherim , Section 1 line 7: émaxávxa Tcávxeç oívcovai évGáôe Kai
oivoKarcTļtaH . . .
32 Demosthenes 18.248; Engen, 2010, 89; see Oliver 2007, 215 on their 'general responsibilities to make grain
available to purchase . . . whether there had been a specific grain fund or they brought grain on behalf of the polis
is not clear'. A very clear discussion of -onai officials appears in Riel 2013, 298, distinguishing between those who
are contractors/lessees, those who are farmers or collectors of taxes, and those who are purchasers or dealers.
33 See MacDowell 1990 on Demosthenes 21.172, observing that boonai were officials appointed to assist hieropoioi
by purchasing, with public funds, cattle for a sacrifice. They are mentioned in inscriptions in connection with the
Panathenaia, the Dionysia and other festivals (IG II3 447.44, 1498.81, etc.). See also the mention of them
(alongside sitonai ) in ID 399 line 7.
34 IG II2 1368 lines 46-50 (2nd century ad); cf. IG II2 1366 line 23. Contributions in wine: Sokolowsky 1955, no.
50 line 44.
35 I. Labr. 8B, lines 15-16, almost provides a parallel for the phrase, but not the sentiment: ąipov[|i]ęv[oi Ô' év
o'>0e]vi Ô[e] úxepoi eivai xcòv efepyexqaávxcov ito[xè rrļv 7ió] Xiv. . . (the point here is that it would have been a bad thing
to be one of the deuterot). But it seems to be the case that our deuteroi oinonai , given that they are being honoured, are
looked upon favourably by the Phrikyladai. Perhaps they have performed conspicuously better than the putative protoi
oinonai : we might speculate about this initial board of magistrates embezzling funds, bringing bad wine, or failing to
deliver altogether. Perhaps compare IG XII. 5 54 (Naxos, 2nd/3rd century ad), although the sense here is not entirely
clear either.
3 I. Erythrai 29 lines 15-17: ércaivéoai xoi)ç ax [paxn] yoùç xoùç axpaxnyrioavxaç ènì ieporcoiov ÂTtoAAoôcópou [xfi]v
ôeuxépav xexpáprivov. Kinns, 1980, 1 14-15 suggests that I. Erythrai 29 should be dated to the 240s, rather than (as
I. Erythrai has it) the 270S/260S: this would make it more closely contemporary with our text.

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that, in turn, might suggest that the provision of wine was not just a const
of this association, but the central purpose of its existence.
If the provision of wine was so important to this group, does this mean t
the hell-fire clubs of drinkers or banqueters known from classical Athens,
(1990) linked with Thucydides' reports of the drunken mutilation of st
place on the eve of the sailing of the Sicilian expedition in 415 bc (Thu
333-6)? That is one possibility, but rather than viewing the Phrikyladai
hedonists, we might speculate that the koinon was a group responsible for t
activity, such as that undertaken by the Kyrbantes. The idea that a wealthy
purchasing a priesthood which requires him to supply wine, has hired and f
oinonai to acquire enough wine for ritual purposes is appealing but can
There are, however, plausible alternatives to this view of the oinonai
alternative view stems from the fact that there are some -onai designations
those who took on responsibilities other than the straightforward pro
contractors or lessees. As Csapo has recently observed, theatronai wer
more exactly, 'leased a theatre from the state', probably in return fo
admission charges (Csapo 2007, 89). The halonai are glossed by LSJ as 'contractors for salt-
works' (7. Prime 67.115); the nomonai are glossed as those officials who lease public pasture ( IG
VII 3171.43). A second alternative is that such magistrates are farmers or collectors of taxes:
Papazarkadas, in his discussion of attestation of hylonai (known neither to LSJ nor to
Kretschmer) in a fourth-century tribal decree from the Athenian agora, suggests that they were
individuals (or centrally appointed magistrates) who had bid for and purchased the right to
collect taxes, presumably in the form of wood (Papazarkadas 2009, 160).
The levying of taxes on the production of wine is known from the mid-third century in the so-
called 'revenue laws' of Ptolemy II Philadelphos. These documents constitute royal edicts to
transfer the one-sixth apomoira (quota) of produce from vineyards and orchards, which until
then was owed to native Egyptian cults, to the cult of Arsinoé (Austin 2006, no. 296). 37 The
idea that the oinonai themselves collected tax upon wine producers (perhaps in the form of wine)
is quite compatible with their being praised for having taken care of the koinon kocãíôç Kai
çiÀOTÍfxcoç: perhaps they advanced a particularly generous sum in the purchase of the tax
collection rights from the Phrikyladai? Or maybe they won popularity or raised profile among
members of the koinon and its magistrates as they collected the taxes from the cultivators and
producers efficiently or promptly?38
We have to acknowledge at this point that (if this interpretation of the term is correct) we do not
know whether the Phrikyladai were levying the tax on their own behalf, perhaps on the produce of
land which belonged to the koinon ,39 or, alternatively, whether they had purchased the right, from
the state or another group, to collect this tax. The latter interpretation, which posits a view of them
as an ad hoc organisation, without landholdings of its own, is attractive, given that this is the sole
37 The tax collectors in these laws, dating to the period 263-259, are known as oi tt|v covfiv êxovteç/7tpiáêvoi:
Bingen 1952, cols. 36-7. See also Burstein 1985 no. 94, Bagnali and Derow 2004 no. 114. The tax farmers in that
directive are, however, managers of tax collection, rather than actual tax collectors. See also, on the wider
phenomenon of the apomoira and our understanding of it from everyday documents, Clarysse and Vandorpe
1998, observing that the tax was soon redirected towards other ends. For a document offering properties for sale
on the condition that a vineyard tax be paid, see P. Eleph 14 (Edfu, c.223 bc) = Select Papyri vol. II text 233. For
the possibility that an apomoira was levied (probably by the Achaemenids) among the tribal subdivision of Pelekos
in Karia in the 4th century bc, see Hornblower 1982, 72, 162 with M5 and Hornblower 1994, 62. IG XII Suppl.
347 of the late 5th century implies also the ambition of one classical polis to collect duty on the wine trade: see
Arnaoutoglou 1998, no. 36.
3 We might also compare the role of the priamenoi of the grain tax in the grain-tax law: Stroud 1998 lines 10-15.
39 Attic gene and orgeones could own considerable amounts of land, as Papazarkadas 201 1, 181-206 points out,
and, in Attica, other types of association could act as administrators of property or even landholders, and they
could generate an income from leasing (Papazarkadas 201 1, 206-11). For non-Attic associations owning land,
including that for burials and clubhouses, see Nijf 1997, 38-55, 107; Arnaoutoglou, 201 1, 29; Gabrielsen 2009,
182 n. 36.

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attestation of the body, and also given the implication that the asso
(see below). It would mean that the oinonai are praised for hav
philotimia , the raison ď être of the Phrikyladai.
HONORIFIC AND EPIGRAPHICAL HABITS
Our three honorands have been granted honours for having taken care of, or havi
or perhaps having managed, the koinon KaXcoq Kai cpitampcoç (line io): the verb e
could refer to a wide range of administrative or euergetic activities. Acting as
whatever we envisage this role to be, may have offered the individual an oppor
donations of money (cf. Oliver 2007, 222), or wine, or to perform an office (w
acquiring or distributing wine, or collecting tax on it) in a way that would hav
profile among the community or raised their stock with those at the top of the g
This inscription, while honouring the oinonai , works to the benefit also of the Phr
the honorands receive a crown of foliage (lines 12-13), the inscription will act
anyone else who 'wants to act with philotimia ' - lines 16 and following - so that
that the koinon of the Phrikyladai knows how to pay back due gratitude for th
which it might be benefited'. This brings us to the important question of height
and ensuring its durability by writing it up on stone, which is addressed in som
to-read areas of the stone, in particular, lines 19 and 22-3 (see Fig. 2).
In lines 19-20, the infinitive <xvaypá'|/ai is subordinate to the ôeô[ó]%0ai Opuc
11-12, and brings us back to the substance of the decree: we think that it mea
or something (the subject, we suggest, is the aix[rļ] oqpévoDç of line 22) is to wri
granted to the honorands ([xoù]ç SeSojyiévoDç aûx[oî]ç oxe<pávoD[ç]), with the gn
YvcòjiTiç), on a stone stele and set it up where (seems?) good to them or where t
aúx[oíç? SoKtļ] ) .
In the heavily restored lines 22 and 23, we find that the people who write up the d
required to request a topos, a location, for the stone: qíxfrJqqpÉvouç xórcov. In gener
of a request of topos is fairly unproblematic: it is the regular procedure for the
inscription in public or sacred space, and should perhaps be conceptualised
possession of a specific, if very small, plot of land.40 The authority for grant
typically rests - logically enough - with the organisation which controlled the
space: this might be the polis, but might also (especially in the case of req
inscriptions in sacred space) be whichever non-polis organisation controlled that
The precise situation in our decree, however, is rather less clear, in two (related
not (at this point in the decree) know who is responsible for making the request for a
do not know the identity of the body from which the topos is going to be reques
Evidence from other inscriptions provides us with two possible scenarios. The
that the requesters are the honorands themselves, and that the target of t
honouring body - the koinon . If this is the case, then what is being set out here
that the honorands should seek permission from the koinon to set up their de
controlled by that organisation (a sanctuary, perhaps, or some sort of clubhouse
similar to the procedure which seems to be envisaged in, for example, an hono
thiasotai from Athens (IG II2 1263), in which the honorand is permitted to set
40 The view suggested by Lalonde 1971, 6-8.

41 As, for example, in the case of a first-century bc decree of Gytheion, in which the polis seek
the priests of the sanctuary of Apollo to set up its decree in that space; an earlier decree, IG V.i 1
city had previously sold this sanctuary to two private individuals, and therefore, it seems, lost the
to set up its inscriptions in it. The example is given (and discussed) by Lalonde 1971, 220 n. 9

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anywhere he chooses within the sanctuary - provided that he asks permiss

The alternative scenario is that the request is intended to be directed
some external organisation (most likely, the polis), and that the requ
honorands but from the koinon (or its designated agents) š This is atte
(at least geographically) closer to our inscription, and which seems t
for the negotiation which is going on in our text: CIG 6818 (=McCabe, Teos 34), perhaps a
decree of a symmoria , includes a publication clause which is relatively similar in formulation to
that of our text, stating that appointed men are to make a request for a specific place from the
demos of the Teians: arco8ei%0iļvai 8è Kai avôpaç xoùç avrriaopévouç rcapà toû Stuliod tòv tótcov,
Kai éàv 8o0iļ, év%apáôvxaç tóv te (xuécpavov Kai xò '|/rļ<piapa (lines 5-8). Here, it seems
reasonable to assume that this organisation (whatever its nature) does not own its own land - or,
if even if it does, wants this inscription to enjoy the higher prestige or visibility which might arise
from being located in a piece of civic space; they therefore need to petition the demos of the
Teians for the grant of a suitable spot. Interestingly, the drafter of the decree seems to envision
the possibility that such a request might not be successful (though this could, admittedly, simply
be a gesture of politeness): it is only if the topos is granted that the decree will be carved.43
Returning to the gnome of the Phrikyladai, if our restorations in lines 22 and following are
correct, then it would seem that the author of our text is rather more confident (or less
diplomatic) about the likely success of the request: we have suggested restoring, in lines 22-23, a
reference to the xórcov . . . KupcoOrļaoļievov; that is, the 'place that will have been approved' (as a
result of the petition: aixnaapévouç). We should acknowledge, though, that we are not
completely confident of our restoration here (we cannot find a precise parallel for the use of
Kupóco in exactly this context; see above, 'Epigraphical observations').
We are, however, fairly confident that some sort of request for a topos is being made in these
lines. And, particularly since (unlike, for example, in the decree of the Attic thiasotai IG II2
1263: see n. 42) the location of the inscription is left unspecified, we are inclined to infer that
this association lacks a spatial centre which would provide a regular place for the setting up of a
decree. If this line of reasoning is correct (and again we emphasise that it should be treated with
some caution), then two things follow. First, this makes our second possible scenario the more
likely one: that is, the request for a topos is being made by the koinon (or by its representatives)
to an external body. Second, and more generally, this gives us a further clue about the possible
size and structure of this organisation. The fact that it seems not to have a topos of its own might
well reflect the size of the organisation which, unlike many in the Greek world, lacks a
sanctuary, a clubhouse, or other property upon which it could set up a decree. Again, material
from Teos provides informative comparando : three honorary decrees of the symmory of Echinos,
which we have already mentioned, specify in their publication clause that the inscription will be
set up beside the altar of the symmory (rcapà tòv ßcopov Tfjiç crupjiopíaç: McCabe, Teos 34*5 lines
28-9; cf. McCabe, Teos 32 lines 32-3 and 33 line 32). Our koinon , meanwhile, appears to lack
even an altar to call its own.
The absence of clarity in this clause's provisions is also worth noting, and, again, might suggest
something about the formal status (or lack of it) of this body. The concern with establishing an
appropriate place of publication for a decree is paralleled in Erythrae and the Greek world more
widely, but the relative generality and succinctness of our decree's provisions can be contrasted
with the elaborate detail about the place of publication of decrees into which the Erythraeans
sometimes went: in the decree, probably of the second century, for the judge Kallikrates, they
spent some 14 lines explaining the selection of the topos, its location, and appointing officials
to oversee the work of setting the inscription up there (/. Erythrai 114; cf. SEG XXXVII
42 Honorand requests topos from honouring body: IG II2 1263 (Athens, 300/299): ÔeÔô%0ai xoîç ©laoœxaiç,
ércaivéoai Armiļipiov LcooávSpou 'OMvöiov àpexnç ëvem Kai ôiKawawnç f|ç ě%cov Siaxeteî rcpòç xò koivòv xcov
0UXCCOXCÖV Kai oxecpavôaai avxòv àva0rpaxi arcò :F: ôpaxpœv xò Sè avaOiļļia àvaGeîvai év xœi ieprôi ou áv
PoúÀ,T1xai aixnaaç xovç Oiaacoxaç (lines 20-7). Cf. also ID 1520.
43 The drafters, however, could have done more to underline the uncertainty: as it stands, the construction is an
open rather than remote future conditional.

193.140.28.146 on Thu, 02 Feb 2023 08:51:12 UTC
927, 934). 44 Returning to our, less expansive, decree: unless our

off track, it seems that the target of the koinon' s request for a to
makes it most likely that it was the demos of the Erythraeans whic
is the body which is most likely to have controlled the significant
city (and therefore, as the obvious recipient of the request, is prob
be specifically named).45
If this is correct, then it might be tempting to speculate abou
request for our understanding of the relationship between koin
take two forms, depending on how we choose to interpret the natu
of thought (represented particularly by Lalonde's work on insc
the practical side of this procedure: the act of aitesis was a re
case, the right to set up an inscription on a patch of ground),
the creation of an inscribed monument; if it has any wider sign
that the petitioner is in an inferior position to the body peti
the place in which it wishes to set up its monuments). An alter
on the aitesis formula in numismatic contexts, argues instead th
symbolic than practical, and might indeed have been deliberat
marginal groups (or individuals) in order to create or cultivate a relationship with a more
powerful body, and in order to harness the authority of that body to legitimise (or just add lustre
to) their own activities.46 However, this view is controversial even in numismatic circles (cf.
Weiss 2000), and it is not clear to us that the purely symbolic argument works so well when we
are dealing with an inscription. There is, after all, a basic practical problem underpinning this
request: the koinon needs a place to put its monument.
Nonetheless, the process of making the request - and the decision to include the request in the
inscribed text - might still reveal something about the way in which this koinon had to negotiate its
position with the polis: the request acts as a marker of the koinon' s position outside the formal
structures of the city, while simultaneously serving to demonstrate the connections between the
two bodies. Moreover, if we assume that the request for a topos was granted (a fairly safe
assumption, given that the inscription exists), then this monument, standing in some public
space in the city, would further reinforce the koinon' s implied claim to a place in Erythraean
civic life.
Finally, the inscription had to be carved, and set up. This is covered in the closing lines of the
text (lines 23-9), about whose content we are much more certain: three men are to be chosen who
will take care that the stele is set up, the gnome is written up and the crowns are engraved - as we saw
earlier, this practice of selecting men to set up an honorific stele is known to have been used in
decrees of the Erythraean demos and boule;47 the avôpocç [xpeîç] selected for this task are, it
turns out, the honorands. These men, the object of à7roôeîi;ai in line 23, may be anticipated by
the accusative qixfrjoqpévouç of line 22: it is, then, revealed here that the honorands, themselves
44 I. Erythrai 114 lines 22-36: ïva Ôè Kai ę[ię OTiļîļv Aa0ivrļv a]vaypa[<p]iļi xóôe xò vjnļcpiaļia Kai avaieOfļi eiç ôv [ã]v
TÓ7io[v ó] ô[fj]jioç yvcík, xouç pèv xpuxáveiç 7tapa0eívai xcoí ôrijicoí ôi[ayv] covai xcmfov] xfji àva0éoei, xòv Ôè ypappaxéa
xnç povÀxiç 'moypá'1/ai xòv yvcoa0évxa imo xr|vôe xrçv [y]vcó|ir)v* àrcoÔeíÇai Ôè Kai èmaxáxaç [èni] xrļv àvá0eaiv ooouç âv
Ôó£t1[v xo]i)ç [ô]è à7coÔei%0évxaç xó xe iļ/fļcpiaļia xóôe Kai xòv axécpavov é[y]KoA,á'|/avxaç eiç craļAjļv [àv]a0[eí]vai eiç xòv
yvo)G0T|GÓpevov xórcov iwiò xoû ôripov xò ôè éaópevov eiç xaûxa ÔaTiávnpa Ö0ev 'mripexr|0rioexai, ypá'|/ai xouç
oxpaxriyr|oovxaç ém iepojtoioû Xpuaoyóvou xrļv Ôevxépav xexpaprjvov ypácpovxaç év xcòi Tiepi xnç ôioiKf|oecoç
ij/Tļ<piapaxr xaûxa ó' eivai eiç cpuÀaKriv xnç 7CÓÀ£Côç' èyvco ò ôrjpoç xónov èv x[f|]i àyopâi éÇíjç xnç axr^riÇ Baxíxxou
xoû Âya0OKÀ£Íouç- émaxáxai àrteôeí%0r|aav 'Hpóôoxoç 0epae[í]ot)ç, Aiovóaioç AiovuaoÔcápOD. On the date of the
decree, see Crowther 1992, 33 n. 74.
45 Lalonde, 1971, 6-8, notes that the process for the grant of a topos is often not fully expressed in inscribed
documents, perhaps because it was such an embedded part of the procedure of setting up an inscribed text; the
failure to specify who controls the topos need not, therefore, necessarily be seen as significant.
46 Lalonde 1971, 6-8, 159-69. Burnett, Amandry and Carradice 1999, 1: 'There was a need - whether legally
required or arising from the competitive desire to attract the emperor's attention by flattering him - for provincial
coinage to have imperial or other Roman . . . sanction.'
47 See above, on I. Erythrai 114 and SEG XXXVII 934.

193.140.28.146 on Thu, 02 Feb 2023 08:51:12 UTC
charged with the creation of the physical version of this gnome , are the o
request for the place of publication - although it remains unclear whether t
so in their role as honorands, or in their role as appointed (inscribing)
indeed, it would even have occurred to the members of this organisat
bureaucratic distinction).
Asking an honorand to cover the costs of setting up their own dec
common practice (though still liable to be seen as a decision which de
honour being awarded).48 The appointment of honorands to set up th
parallels from associations in Salamis and Teos.49 The combination of
honorand not only to fund but also to organise the creation of their
but is attested in an honorific decree already referred to, that of the
Teos (McCabe, Teos 33 [= CIG 3066]).50 We are left, then, with a feelin
koinon of the Phrikyladai are reckoning on the generosity of the oin
slightly more generous interpretation - that the koinon is such a sm
three oinonai were the only men suitably qualified to set up such a dec
The final lines of the text bring us back to the problem of whether
of this as a decree. As we noted earlier, the term gnome is usually de
proposal at a stage before it has been ratified as a decree. If our restor
correct, the stele is to be set up, the gnome is to be written up and the crowns are to be
engraved. But it is interesting that, despite the motion formula standard to a proposal of lines
11-12, ôeô [ó] xöoci OpncuAfrôaiç, at no stage is the gnome referred to as a dogma (enactment) or
psephisma (thing voted) of the koinon,51 Is this, perhaps, because the proposal was never formally
ratified by a single body? Is it plausible that the Phrikyladai - of whom we never hear any more
in Greek history - lacked a formal assembly or decree-making mechanisms but nevertheless
recorded this proposal on stone as if they did possess them?*2 Indeed, as we are told in lines
1-2, this is a gnome of those appointed by the koinon to draft how the oinonai are to be
honoured: there is no indication of deliberative or decision-making institution, but it seems to be
the case that the koinon has appointed two men - Simos and Amymon, who may have had prior
administrative experience or public profile - to draft an honorific proposal.
It is worth noting here that this is not the only oddity of phrasing or terminology in this text: in
line 2, for example, we cannot find epigraphic parallels for the phrase ypá'|/ai koc0óti; we have also
already noted the unparalleled glossing of the oinonai as deuteroi. These recurring oddities in the
phraseology of our text lead us both to think that the Phrikyladai were ready to disregard the
normative expectations of documentary language, and also to wonder about their status as an
48 Honorand covering the costs of an inscription: see IG I3 156 lines 19-29; IG II2 130 lines 18-19. Walbank 1978,
8: ťthis provision [i.e. funding by the honorand] would indicate, perhaps, that the state did not think so highly of the
proxenos' claims as he himself did'. On funding formulae in Athenian decrees, see Henry, 1983 12 n. 1 and 144 n. 14
and Henry 1980.
49 Honorands to organise creation of their monument: McCabe, Teos 32 (= CIG 3065) lines 33-5, McCabe, Teos
34*5 (= EA 5 [1985] 13-17) lines 31-3 (both decrees of the symmory of Echinos from Teos); SEG II 9 (decree of
thiasotaiy Salamis): Báxpaxoç, Aókijioç, Kpáxriç are chosen to write up the honorific list of magistrates, a list which
includes Báxpaxoç (the proposer!) and Kpáxriç; IG II2 1292: decree of Sarapiastai, Athens, honouring their
treasurer, who is then also made responsible for locating (from the organisation's funds) the finance for the
inscription of the honour.
50 Honorands to organise both the creation and the funding of their own stele: McCabe, Teos 33 (= CIG 3066), a
decree of the symmory of Echinos from Teos, lines 27-38: ïva ôè Kai pvtipoveùrixai aùxœv eiç árcavxa xòv xpóvov r'
(p<iX>oxipía, Kai Çri^áxnv aùxoùç oi érciyivó|ievoi 'Exivaôœv, ávaypá'|/ai xoùç àrcoôeixÔTiaopévouç ãvôpaç xoù[xo] xò
'|/f|<picpa eiç Gxr)A,Tļv A,i0ivrļv, Kai xoùç axecpávouç, Kai axiļaai rcapà xòp ßcopov xf'ç ouppopíaç. ßovA,[0]pevoi ôè Kai év
xoùxoiç àKÓXouOoi (paíveoOai Kai à [Ô] arcavo v Kaxaaxiļaai xò koivóv, xrjv eiç xaùxa 0a[rcavrļv] eaopevrļv èk xcov iôícov
àveôéâvxo rcoif)oeiv. àrceôeíxÔrjoav 'EMávucoç ZcotAnu, Eájxupoç] Apxepiôcopoi).
51 It may be relevant that while the decree contains what Rhodes designates ťmotion formula', it lacks enactment
formula (see Rhodes 1972, 64-5; Rhodes with Lewis, 1997, 20-1). It is, however, hard to be certain that such a
distinction, which clearly exists in Athenian material, also operated among the associations of third-century Erythrai.
52 Indeed, one possibility, suggested to us by Alexandra Wilding, is that this was ťa lesser decision trying to act like
a decree'.

193.140.28.146 on Thu, 02 Feb 2023 08:51:12 UTC
28o PETER LIDDEL AND POLLY LOW
organisation. On the other hand, it is clear that their

informed by that of the polis in which they were locat
dating by hieropoios> even, in fact, the style of the hon
all find close parallels in inscriptions of the Erythra
CONCLUSION
We can be relatively certain about some aspects of this inscription: its Erythrae
third-century date, the fact that it is an honorific gnome of a koinon , and th
organisation, honorific practices and even letter cutters of that koinon demonstrate some
considerable overlap with those of the polis of the Erythraeans. The decree demonstrates our
association's recognition of a euergetic act carried out by a group of oinonai^ and their
commemoration of it in a way that will demonstrate their ability to reward such behaviour. This
inscription can, we suggest, usefully illustrate (maybe even illuminate) some features of sub-polis
organisations in this period, and perhaps especially in this part of the world: we have noted, in
the course of our discussion, various similarities with Teian material, which might point to some
kind of shared ' koinon culture' on the western coast of Asia Minor in this period, a culture
which cut across city-state boundaries.53
But there is still much uncertainty surrounding our interpretation of this document. In
particular, our conclusions are rather insecure in two areas, the first of which is the role of the
oinonai. Are they rather marginal officials in this organisation (as the perhaps somewhat cheap
way in which the act of honouring them is organised might suggest - would the chief officials of
an organisation be told to make arrangements for their own decree?), or should we in fact
imagine that the oinonai , and the tasks which they performed, were central to the activities of
this koinon ? The second (and related) area is the nature of this group - its size, purpose,
organisation, and relationship with the polis (particularly in view of the apparent overlap in
personnel, and perhaps in magistrates - the eponymous hieropoios - between the two groups). It
might be relevant to add that Graf has noted, by reference to a study of the epigraphical
evidence for the Kyrbantes of Erythrae, that the city appears to have accepted the coexistence of
polis cults and private cults (Graf 2010, 308); with respect to the Phrikyladai, it may well have
been the case that the Erythraeans acquiesced in a private organisation making use of polis-style
institutions. It is tempting, too, to wonder if this text might reveal something about the state of
Erythraean civic life in middle of the third century: we have noted that the history of Erythrae in
the 250s and 240s is rather obscure, but we would add here that what can be seen through the
fog seems quite interesting: the city seems to drift into a state of de facto independence, visible -
for example - in the fact that it seems to be conducting an autonomous foreign policy in this
period.54 And it is in this period that the Phrikyladai produce this sole attestation of their activity.
The fact that this inscription is the only extant evidence for this group is a source of some
frustration: we could - obviously - say more about this koinon if we had more evidence for it, or
even if we knew who or what it took its name from. However, the uniqueness of this example
might also tell us something about the sort of organisation we are dealing with. Of course, we
are inevitably dealing with fragments of fragments of evidence - tips of tips of icebergs - but
even so, the impression that this group appears almost out of nowhere is perhaps not completely
misleading: the world of koina (and other sub-polis groups) in the Hellenistic period seems
generally to be a very productive one - in the sense that it seems to be possible for new groups
to spring into life with (apparent) ease (and, it probably follows, for many of those groups to
fade away again with equal ease). The world of the koina> that is, is vibrant, but also, perhaps,
53 See §ahin 1985 (publishing McCabe, Teos 34*5 = SEG XXXV 1152). For Teian associations and their
commemoration of the dead, see Boulay 2013.
54 Kinns 1980, 113. Some (e.g. McNicholl 1997, 63) take the view that its independence was guaranteed by
Antiochus II in the mid-third century: for his letter to them, see I. Erythrai 31 (= Bagnali and Derow 2004, no. 22).

193.140.28.146 on Thu, 02 Feb 2023 08:51:12 UTC
AN HONORIFIC GNOME OF THE PHRIKYLADAI 28 1
rather unstable - something which might explain some of the odditi

the framing and promulgation of this text.
Even - perhaps especially - if short-lived, though, these organisat
space for themselves in the existing frameworks of the city-state,55
some hints about how that process might operate. Particularly im
overlap in officials between the polis and the koinon : it need not
exception of the hieropoios ) that the two bodies are sharing the sam
same people are active (at a relatively high level) in both contexts,
performing the wider range of euergetic acts which might be count
citizen. More speculatively, we have suggested that there might also be a spatial (and
commemorative) aspect to the relationship between the two bodies, played out in the decisions
which the koinon makes about the placement of its inscription - and, just as important, the way
it chooses to advertise those decisions. Here, we acknowledge that our argument is very tentative
(primarily because of the state of the text at the relevant point of the inscription), but this is, we
suggest, a phenomenon which is visible in other (similar) contexts, and one which should not be
omitted from any attempt to pin down the nature of the interaction between polis and non-polis
groups in the Hellenistic (or even Greek) world.
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
We owe thanks to Tom Harrison, who, while visiting Manchester, happened

Liverpool World Museum was willing to arrange student visits to its storero
of their classical collection is held (much of it - but not the inscription un
derives from the collection formerly held at Ince Blundell Hall). We o
gratitude to Gina Muskett, former Curator of Classical Antiquities at
Liverpool, not only for giving us access to unpublished material, but
cooperation in this project at every stage. Nikolaos Papazarkadas gave us a
with reading and restoring the text, and we owe a great deal to his epigra
intellectual generosity. We owe thanks also to Daryn Lehoux for travelling
to put into practice his Reflectance Transformation Imaging / Polynom
techniques in producing digitally enhanced images of the stone. Versions o
presented at seminars in Oxford, Copenhagen, Manchester and Edinbur
thank all those who have contributed their thoughts, in particular Riet van
Carbon, Christy Constantakopoulou, Thomas Corsten, Charles Crowther, V
Mogens Hansen, David Langslow, John Ma, Robert Parker, Peter Thoneman
the Copenhagen Associations Project.
peter. liddel@manchester. ac . uk
SUPPLEMENTARY MATERIAL
Supplementary material is available online at http://dx.d0i.0rg/10.1017/S0068245
55 For the view that associations use honorific epigraphy 'to clarify their role in society,' see
56 Contrast the view of Arnaoutoglou (201 1, 44), who suggests that cult associations in
provided a context of participation for those who were 'institutionally excluded'.

193.140.28.146 on Thu, 02 Feb 2023 08:51:12 UTC
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193.140.28.146 on Thu, 02 Feb 2023 08:51:12 UTC
284 PETER liDDEL AND POLLY LOW
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193.140.28.146 on Thu, 02 Feb 2023 08:51:12 UTC

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AN HONORIFIC "GNOME OF THE KOINON" OF THE PHRIKYLADAI.

Stable URL: https://www.jstor.org/stable/44082113

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AN HONORIFIC GNOME OF THE KOINON OF THE

by Peter Liddel and Polly Low

In this article, we publish - and discuss the historical implications of - an in

1 See his obituary in the Manchester Guardian , 2 January 1886.

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Fig. i. World Museum accession number 20.5.01.58: the gnome of

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propose (partly on palaeographic grounds, but more particularly again on

WORLD MUSEUM, LIVERPOOL, ACCESSION NUMBER 20.5.01.58

[rļvcopri TCDv á7ioÔei%0évTcov utcò to <û?>

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Lines 1-22 an alternative would be to insert punctuation between [k]oivoû and yp

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Line 2: ypayai KaOóxt: this appears to be epigraphically unparalleled. However,

Lines 2 j- 22 o5 âv aux[oîç? | &oiqļ]: cf. IG II3 1290 line 13.

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be written up with the gnome (lines 19-20) supports

Lines 26-72 éyKoXxx | [<p] 0f|cro [vxoi] : this restoratio

AN OVERVIEW OF THE TEXT

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gratitude. The text closes with arrangements for publicatio

PROSOPOGRAPHY AND ONOMASTICS

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consist of the root of OpiK-,19 followed by the dimin

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(/. Erythrai 17). Another epigraphically attested association, that of 'the m

As Arnaoutoglou points out, collective identities were fostered among ancient G

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One answer may lie in the suffix -covriç. Telonai (tax fa

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HONORIFIC AND EPIGRAPHICAL HABITS

40 The view suggested by Lalonde 1971, 6-8.

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anywhere he chooses within the sanctuary - provided that he asks permiss

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927, 934). 44 Returning to our, less expansive, decree: unless our

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organisation. On the other hand, it is clear that their

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rather unstable - something which might explain some of the odditi

We owe thanks to Tom Harrison, who, while visiting Manchester, happened

Supplementary material is available online at http://dx.d0i.0rg/10.1017/S0068245

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Abbreviated Titles TLG Thesaurus Linguae Graecae. A Digital

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Engen, D. 2010. Honor and Profit. Athenian McNicholl,

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H xt(iT)TiKT| yv(ojiTļ tod Koivoú Tcov OpiKuXxxfoóv. Mia véa ercv/poupiļ an

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