The Meaning of Theodulf's Apse Mosaic at Germigny-des-Prés

Author(s): Ann Freeman and Paul Meyvaert

Source: Gesta, Vol. 40, No. 2 (2001), pp. 125-139
Published by: The University of Chicago Press on behalf of the International Center of
Medieval Art
Stable URL: https://www.jstor.org/stable/767242
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The Meaning of Theodulf's Apse
Mosaic at Germigny-des-Pr6s
ANN FREEMAN

PAUL MEYVAERT

Cambridge, Massachusetts

Abstract ORACLUM SCM ET CERUBIN HIC ASPICE SPECTANS

ET TESTAMENTI EN MICAT ARCA DEI'
To an extent hitherto unrecognized, the work Theodulf com-
HAEC CERNENS PRECIBUSQUE STUDENS PULSARE
posed in Charlemagne's name (often called the Libri Carolini
but actually entitled Opus Caroli regis contra synodum) pro- TONANTEM THEODULFUM VOTIS IUNGITO QUAESO
vides a key to the symbolic meaning of the mosaic he placed TUIS2
in the apse of the small church he erected for his personal
use at his country villa in Germigny-des-Pris. Religio-political As you gaze upon the holy propitiatorium and Cherubim,
circumstances prevented Charlemagne from circulating the beholder,
manifesto, but its arguments and its contents remained fresh in
[As you gaze upon this inner sanctuary with the Cherubim,
Theodulfs mind, especially when he visited churches in Rome
during the several months he spent there, in 800-801, on the
beholder,]3
occasion of Charlemagne's coronation as emperor by Pope And see the shimmering of the Ark of God's covenant,
Leo III. Some ofRome's mosaics, particularly those at S. Maria Perceiving these things, and prepared to beset the Thunderer
Maggiore and SS. Cosma e Damiano, recalled crucial chap- with prayers,
ters he had composed for the Opus Caroli and provided him
Add, I beg you, Theodulf's name to your invocations.
with the basic theme for the Germigny mosaic. In highly sym-
bolic terms, which can only be deciphered in the light of the
The literature on this mosaic is already abundant.4 The
Opus Caroli, the mosaic spells out God's plan for the salvation
of mankind in the church Theodulf dedicated to the Savior. intention here is to add a new chapter to the investigation by
introducing factors so far not considered but crucial to a full
understanding of the apse program that Theodulf devised.
The cathedral of the city of Orleans lies not far from the
One important factor, absent from all previous discussions, is
banks of the river Loire. About 35 kilometers upstream (as the
the journey Theodulf can be shown to have made to Rome,
crow flies) we encounter the famous abbey of Fleury, also
not long after becoming bishop and shortly before building
known as Saint-Benoit-sur-Loire, and approximately 5 kilo-
Germigny-des-Pres;5 another has to do with his reliance on
meters this side of the abbey, again close to the Loire, stands
several crucial chapters of a work he had composed for Char-
the little village of Germigny-des-Pr6s. All three places are
lemagne a few years previously. The preparation of a critical
associated with an expatriate Visigoth from the time of Charle-
edition of this treatise-known as the Libri Carolini until the
magne. Theodulf was bishop of Orl6ans and abbot of Fleury,
new edition restored its original title, Opus Caroli regis con-
and he had a country residence at Germigny-des-Pres. No
tra synodum6--has brought to light new connections between
physical souvenir of his presence survives either in the city or
the treatise, the mosaic, and the corpus of Theodulf's poetry.
at the abbey, but some parts of the small private oratory he
built at his country villa of Germigny remain, in particular a
Theodulfs Journey to Rome
mosaic occupying the vault of the central apse (Color Plate
la). Surveys of medieval art refer to it as the earliest mosaic Undoubtedly an aristocrat by birth and educated in the
surviving north of the Alps from Carolingian times. As apseclassical tradition still alive in his Hispanic homeland, Theo-
decoration, its imagery is unique. The Ark of the Covenant dulf was forced by the Moorish invasions to seek a future else-
occupies the center of the design: it is surmounted by two where. Still a relatively young man at the time of his flight, he
small angels of gold, symmetrically disposed, while above andhad probably already been ordained deacon; he held this rank
to either side of the Ark, close to the edge of the composition,after his arrival among the Franks.7 His learning and capabil-
there stand two very much larger angels. The wings of both ity in argument were recognized at the royal court where, be-
the smaller and larger angels intertwine, and on axis betweentween 791 and 793, he composed the Opus Caroli regis contra
the figures, emerging from a starry heaven, a hand descends. synodum at Charlemagne's request.8 His service to the king
Below his mosaic, along the contour of the apse, Theodulf was later rewarded by his appointment as bishop of Orl6ans and
placed an inscription that occupies two lines: abbot of the monastery of Fleury, probably in 797 or 798.9 On

GESTA XL/2 ? The International Center of Medieval Art 2001 125

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becoming abbot of Fleury, he decided to transform the nearby It would seem from Alcuin's allusions that Candidus was
villa at Germaniacus, owned by the abbey, into his episcopal/ in fact Theodulf's companion during his stay in Rome and that
abbatial country residence.'0 This led naturally to his resolve they probably traveled back to Gaul together. Since Candidus
to construct a small oratory there, destined for his personal use. reached his destination around Easter, 4 April 801, we can
In the year following his appointment as bishop and abbot, safely conclude that Theodulf spent more than two months in
probably before construction of his new oratory had begun, Rome, from the end of November 800 through early or mid-
Theodulf made a journey to Italy that was to influence his February 801.17 This would have provided him ample opportu-
plans for Germigny profoundly. The trip came about as a result nity to become acquainted with many of its venerable churches:
of events that occurred in Rome in April 799. During the pro- we know from Alcuin's letter that he was assiduous in attend-
cession of the Greater Litany, Pope Leo III was attacked and ing liturgical celebrations. Although much of what he would
taken prisoner; he managed to break free from his captors and have seen has since been lost, art-historical evidence suggests
find safety with envoys of Charlemagne then in Rome, who that Theodulf visited two particular churches that do survive.
conducted him to the royal court at Paderborn, where he re- At S. Maria Maggiore he seems to have looked at a series of
mained for several months." Charlemagne meanwhile con- Old Testament scenes from the fifth century, some showing
cluded that a strong display of his own authority was needed the Ark of the Covenant, while at SS. Cosma e Damiano, in
to redress the situation. In October of the same year, 799, he addition to the apse mosaic with its depiction of Christ of
sent Leo back to Rome in the company of several Frankish the Parousia and the river Jordan, dating from the time of
bishops and counts, having decided that he himself, with his Pope Felix IV (526-530), he seems to have seen the four
army, would march into Italy the following year and preside large angels on the triumphal arch, dating to the time of Pope
over a synod to be held in Rome. Charlemagne may have dis- Sergius I (687-701).18
cussed these plans with Theodulf in June of 800 during a
visit to Orl6ans, inviting him at that time to join the expedi- The Opus Caroli as Key to the Meaning of
tion.'2 Contemporary chronicles do not give a precise date for the Germigny Mosaic
the departure of the army from Gaul, but they tell us that after
spending seven days at Ravenna, Charlemagne and his retinue As already noted, Theodulf was busy during the years
reached Rome on 24 November."3 791-793 (before he became bishop) composing the Opus
The synod, with the Frankish king presiding, was held Caroli for Charlemagne. Given the importance of this treatise
at St. Peter's and lasted from the first to the twenty-third of for our present purpose, we must consider how it came to be
December. Two days later, on Christmas Day of the year 800, written. In 787 the empress Irene had convoked a council at
Leo III crowned Charlemagne as emperor. Alcuin's disciple Nicaea to reverse the iconoclastic decrees of her late husband
Candidus was part of the Frankish entourage, and it is the and his predecessors and to decree that images should once
account of events he gave his master on returning home to again be venerated. When the Greek Acts of this Council
Tours (around Easter 801) that is the source of our glimpse reached Rome, a poor Latin translation was made-proskyne-
into Theodulf's activities in Rome. For Alcuin sent a letter to sis was consistently misrendered as adoratio-and a copy of
Theodulf soon after Candidus' return (that is, not long after this flawed translation found its way to Charlemagne's court.
4 April 801) in which we read: Here, for reasons not clear to us, it was taken to be an official
document deriving from Constantinople. Its contention that
Our son Candidus, your faithful companion, often speaks images were not only to be venerated but adored provoked
to us about your good deeds; how with a loud voice you an outcry, and a decision was made to launch a theological
presented truthful testimonies in the course of the public counter-offensive against statements made at Nicaea II;19 this
deliberations, how your conduct, whether you were con- refutation was to be made in the name of the king, as defender
sorting with the highly placed or the lowly, remained above
of the Catholic faith, and the task of producing it was entrusted
reproach, and with what religious assiduity you attended to Theodulf. As the work neared completion, an unexpected
liturgical celebrations.14 development took place. The Franks, in fact, were not only
mistaken about the origin of the Latin text being criticized,
It was in recognition of Theodulf's strong advocacy on but his also, as now appeared, ignorant of the pope's position on
images. A chapter included in the Opus Caroli, then still in
behalf that Leo III, with his own hands, bestowed the pallium,
preparation, stated that in matters of faith Rome was always
together with the personal title of archbishop, on him before
he departed from Rome. Alcuin, in his letter to Theodulf, took
to be consulted (I.6). Consultation revealed, to their great
care to congratulate him on the promotion he had recentlydismay,
re- that far from sharing their indignation, Hadrian I had
ceived.15 Theodulf himself, much later, in disgrace and cap-wholeheartedly endorsed Nicaea II on the question of images.
tivity toward the end of his life, mentions (in a poem to Onhis becoming aware of the real situation, Charlemagne decided
friend Bishop Modoin) the honor done him when he received not to let the manifesto go into circulation, but relegated it
the pallium from the pope's "holy hand" (sancta manu).16 instead to the royal archives.20 For Theodulf, the decision to

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suppress a work into which he had put so much effort, and of The Spanish tradition, out of which Theodulf came, did not
which he had reason to be proud, must have proved a bitter foster images in churches.25 The council of Elvira had for-
disappointment. Apart from a few members of the court's in- merly decreed that "pictures should not be placed in churches,
ner circle who had participated in revising and correcting the lest what we revere and adore be depicted on the walls."26 In
text, none of his contemporaries had had any opportunity to the Opus Caroli (111.16) Theodulf rejected the claim put for-
read his powerful treatise.21 We can be certain, however, that ward at Nicaea II that honor paid to the image passed on to
during the years that followed Theodulf himself did not for- its prototype: "It may be that learned men can avoid adoring
get what he had written: the Opus Caroli will provide our key images by venerating not what they are but what they repre-
to understanding his design for the apse mosaic at Germigny. sent; nevertheless, in so doing they create a pitfall for the
At the time his treatise was taking shape Theodulf was, of unlearned, who venerate and adore only what they see." Else-
course, unaware that he would one day become a bishop and where (IV. 18) we glimpse what he meant by "venerate" when
build and embellish a church. His main object then was to de- he expresses dismay at the growing custom of placing lights
velop lines of argument counteracting statements made by the or burning incense before images, or placing small offerings
Greeks. At Nicaea II the story of Moses fashioning the Ark nearby. This evidence of popular cult involving images prob-
and the Cherubim had been presented as a justification for the ably reinforced his negative views; he did not object to seeing
making of images. In chapter 15 of Book I of the Opus Caroli, a whole church censed during the rite of its consecration, but
Theodulf inveighed against such a parallel. All images were he shuddered to behold an image portraying a face "with eyes
man-made objects, while the Ark with its contents and the that cannot see" receiving the same honor (IV.3). In this light
Cherubim were fashioned by Moses at God's express command. we can understand his reluctance to imitate the widespread
They therefore belonged to a different and superior order of re- practice of placing images of Christ in the apses that over-
ality; no comparison with man-made images was possible. In shadowed altars.27
view of what Theodulf later did at Germigny the following Theodulf's decision to make the Ark of the Covenant the
passage deserves notice: central theme at Germigny may well have resulted from see-
ing certain images in Rome, images which stimulated him to
Let us, therefore, but only through an inward spiritual vi- reflect on parts of the treatise he had earlier written. The visual
sion, behold these memorable things, namely the Ark and experience was crucial; it seems doubtful that mere reflection
its contents, and the propitiatory with the Cherubim, and on the treatise would have produced the apse mosaic we now
let us seek them out with the whole strength of our mind. see. We can therefore imagine Theodulf visiting the churches
Let us not look for them on painted panels or walls, but of Ravenna and Rome and noting attentively what religious
with our mind's eye gaze upon them in the inner recesses of motifs other than persons might occupy a central position in
our hearts. We do not seek truth through images and paint- the decoration of an arch or apse. He would have seen several
ings; we who attain to that truth which is Christ do so crosses and Apocalyptic Thrones, though probably not an
though faith, hope and charity, and with His help [emphasis Ark of the Covenant.28 In S. Maria Maggiore, however, if he
added] .22 followed the sequence of scenes above the nave arcades, he
would have seen the Ark in three panels.29 In one (Fig. la),
This surely leaves the impression that at the time of compos- priests and Levites carry the Ark in the lower section, while
ing the Opus Caroli Theodulf could not have looked with full the dying Moses is represented above. In another (Fig. lb),
approval on an artistic rendering of the Ark with its Cherubim. paired scenes show the Ark being carried across the Jordan at
But circumstances changed, and a few years later Theodulf, Joshua's command and, below, Joshua sending his spies to re-
now bishop and abbot, full of memories of Roman churches connoiter Jericho. In yet another (Fig. Ic), the Ark, accom-
he had visited, found himself planning to build a church of panied by trumpeters, is carried around Jericho, while, above,
his own at Germigny. Can we determine what his attitude its walls are seen crumbling. The Ark as represented at Ger-
might have been toward church decoration at this particular migny has a clear affinity with the type shown here, as several
moment? art historians have observed,30 especially the Ark in the panel
depicting the crossing of the Jordan-a panel to which we
In the Opus Caroli Theodulf had consistently maintained
that images had long been placed in churches (ab antiquis),
will return. Both Arks (Color Plate 1, Fig. lib) are embel-
either as decoration or to recall past events. They were, how-
lished with the same square motif, and they are carried by
ever, in no way essential: "since we recognize that they play
poles that are situated not beneath the box, as they seem to be
no role in accomplishing the mystery of our redemption, it in the other two panels, but at mid-level. We might also note
follows that no damage to Catholic faith can result from that the Ark in Fig. Ic occupies a fairly central place within
the whole composition. Thus it may be that the mosaics of
either their omission or display" (II.21). Within such a perspec-
tive there is no room for a theology of images,23 though thereS. Maria Maggiore set the reasoning into motion that was
might be one for a theology of holy objects (res sacrae), likeeventually to bear fruit in Theodulf's unique apse mosaic at
the cross or the vessels used in sacred liturgical functions.24
Germigny-des-Pr6s.

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 MA-.-

I[

FIGURE l a, b, c. Rome, S. Maria Maggiore, nave mosaics, details: a. Priests and Levites carry the Ark; b. th
around Jericho (photos: after Wilpert, Die r6mischen Mosaiken, 1917, Pls. 22, 23, 25).

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 That Theodulf had in mind the two peoples, Jews an
The Cherubim
Gentiles, who at the end of time will constitute the inhabitan
In addition to images seen in Rome, chapters 20 and 21of heaven (a "homeland with no distinction of place between
of Book I of the Opus Caroli played their part in helping
these two peoples") is demonstrated by a small detail in the
mosaic. The large angel on the right side of the Ark has a cru
Theodulf shape the symbolic imagery of his mosaic. The head-
ing of chapter 20 may itself have acted as a catalyst to ciform
his halo. The cross is indicated by means of three small
thoughts. At Nicaea II, Tarasius, patriarch of Constantinople,parallel lines (made from different colored tesserae) placed a
had proclaimed: "Just as the Old Testament had the Cherubim regular intervals and arranged in a manner to suggest a cross.3
of glory overshadowing the mercy-seat, let us likewise have These lines are linked to a row of similarly colored tesserae
images of the Lord Jesus Christ, of the holy Mother of God, that runs around the inner circumference of the halo (Color
Plate lb).35 The halo of the angel on the left side of the Ark
and of the Saints, overshadowing our altars."31 With this head-
ing in mind, our first impression on examining the Germigny lacks this feature entirely (Color Plate Ic).36 So we see th
mosaic is that Theodulf has tried to reverse Tarasius' state- Theodulf meant the large angel on the right of the Ark to stand
ment: here it is the Ark with its Cherubim that overshadows for the Christian people, and the one on the left to stand for th
the altar (obumbrans altare)! As we shall see, this is almost Jewish nation, which at the end of time would be united wit
Christ. Thus he succeeded in transferring the symbolism of
certainly what he intended. Chapter 20, into which he had in-
serted a long quotation from Bede's De templo,32 is a key chapter
to 20 in the Opus Caroli to the apse mosaic of his church
ideas that Theodulf sought to transpose into visual images in Although Theodulf must have seen several depictions of
his mosaic. angels during his visits to the churches of Rome, it is worth
Moses, according to Exodus 25:18, had built the Ark noting
and that the large angel representing the Christian peopl
placed two small Cherubim on its propitiatorium or mercy- makes a gesture identical to that of one of the angels on the
arch
seat. Bede, who provided a mystic reading of the furnishings ofat SS. Cosma e Damiano in Rome.37 Likewise, an un
the Temple in Jerusalem, explained that Solomon, when he
decorated colored band, lighter in color, encircles the hair o
the angels on this arch, as at Germigny. In addition, parts o
built his temple, added two much larger angels to these smaller
ones. Theodulf following in Bede's footsteps, emphasizedthe thatgarments of the large angels at Germigny float free on
every detail relating to the Cherubim, however minute, iseither
rich side of their bodies, as is the case with the second ange
from the left on the Roman arch. Such correspondences sug
in allegorical meaning. Yet still it is difficult, when reading
this long chapter, to identify beyond doubt the particular gest
sym-that during his stay in Rome Theodulf may already hav
bolic readings uppermost in Theodulf's mind when he created
begun assembling the elements for a preliminary design of h
his image. In chapter 15 of Book I, which also dealt withmosaic,
the perhaps even enlisting the services of a Roman mosaic
Ark, Theodulf followed Augustine in explaining that theworker
two to come to Germigny to advise him.38
Cherubim on the Ark signified the Old and New Testaments;
The Empty Ark
their wings touched each other to show the great consonance
existing between the two Testaments. In Chapter 20, while re-In numerous passages of the Opus Caroli Theodulf
calling this Augustinian teaching, he seems to have preferred
explained the use of images in churches: they were present
either as decoration or to recall past events. Should we inter
Bede, who interprets the Ark's two smaller Cherubim as sym-
bolizing the angelic ministry that assists God's work of pret
salva-the Germigny image merely as a memoria rei gestae
recalling the Ark that Moses built at God's command? O
tion. Extending their inner wings toward one another signifies
should we assume that it carried all the symbolism Theodulf
that "they praise their Lord and Savior for all the good things
they have received," while the extension of their outer wings
had spoken of in Book I. 15 of the Opus Caroli? There he ex-
toward the two walls demonstrates that "they consider the plained that the Ark itself, according to some (secundum quos
faithful of both peoples, Jews and Gentiles, to be possessors
dam), stood for "our Lord and Savior" and that, as regards it
with themselves of the heavenly court." The two much larger
contents, Aaron's flowering rod showed the Lord as both king
Cherubim added by Solomon when he built his Temple have and priest, while the Tablets of the Law signified the two Tes
taments, and the Manna referred to the Eucharist. Viewed fro
the same symbolic value, Theodulf says, as the smaller ones:
such a perspective, the Ark, an Old Testament image, function
Solomon, whose name means peace-maker and who repre- as a prefiguration of what the New Testament was to bring.
sents Christ, elevated the size of the Cherubim by increas- There is one detail in the image, however, that raises
ing and enlarging them. This was to indicate that the Church
the question whether this is indeed a sufficient interpretatio
after the Lord's incarnation was to be increased by theThe
fel-earliest sketch we have of the Germigny mosaic is a water
lowship of different peoples, and linked to the inhabitants
color prepared by Prosper M6rim6e in July 1841, at a time
of heaven, whose praise to God for the gift of blessedness
when some parts of the mosaic were still painted over.39 Th
granted them also includes praise for our own salvationimpression it leaves is that the top surface of the Ark is cov-
and guidance toward that same blessedness.33 ered by a curtain which has been pulled to one side, with its

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 Goquij r- aMOSAIQ.UVESE GEKMC JGNY"Eoj,.,ap ph; g
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FIGURE 2. Germigny-des-Pres, apse mosaic, sk

janvier 1847 de deux inscriptions dans l'6gli

folds over hanging

the front
become visible of
to th
Ch
stronger he that
impression would have
this show
is the c
Th6odore Chr6tin appearing there 184
made in March wa
this part
had finished cleaning of the mo
the mosaic an
either
plaster that had been Albert
spread Delto
over it
ment
construction of the architect
new in c
vault (Fig.
important because to
it present
shows a an empty
vertical
this view.42
upper right-hand corner of the Ark: t
As with with
that we are being presented othera fea
vie
Ark, which appears to be empty.to
concern seems ha
This
symbolic image.
Romagnesi also saw it: "Ce coffre [t In
et un linge parait (I.1) he had quoted
en sortir."40 Had ot

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"When that which is perfect has come, that which is imper- Opus Caroli-where the statement is erroneously attributed
fect shall be done away."43 In chapter 19 of Book I, immedi- to John the Deacon, legate of the oriental bishops48-Theodulf
ately preceding the crucial chapter 20 discussed above, with disputes the value of this passage as testimony to the making
its reference to the Ark and its contents, Theodulf wrote: and venerating of images. He had carefully reread the narra-
tive in Joshua, where those carrying the Ark reached the Jordan
But we who do not follow the letter of the law [II Corin- and its waters parted miraculously to allow them to walk dry-
thians 3:6] but rather the spirit that gives life, we who are footed over the river bed. Joshua then ordered twelve stones
not the carnal but the spiritual Israel, who disregard what is to be taken from the river and later erected as monuments in
visible so that we may contemplate the invisible, we rejoice Galgala, while commanding that another twelve stones be
in having received from the Lord not only mysteries sur- placed in the river as memorials marking the place where the
passing images (in themselves devoid of any mystery), but Ark had been safely carried over the Jordan. Nicaea II had
mysteries of such magnitude that they surpass even the made no reference to the stones, their number, and their place-
Tables of the Law and the two Cherubim. For these Tables
ment; Theodulf's purpose in introducing the subject was to
and Cherubim were only exemplars of things to come; the
reveal their deep symbolic meanings.
Jews possessed in a material way things which, through He must surely have remembered this chapter of the Opus
their symbolism, were open prefigurations of thingsCaroli to when, during his stay in Rome, he visited S. Maria
come. To the extent that the body exceeds its shadow, or Maggiore and discovered in the nave the panel depicting the
truth its image, or real things their prefigurations, to that
Ark being carried across the Jordan (Fig. lb). This panel por-
measure the New Testament surpasses the Old.44 trays the actual event, as described in the Bible, and does not
seem to incorporate any special symbolic meaning: the down-
In the Opus Caroli Theodulf continually stresses the fact that
stream waters have vanished, while those coming from their
the Ark of the Covenant differed from all man-made objects source have been miraculously pushed back toward the moun-
because it had been constructed by Moses at God's express tains from which they flow, these heights being represented by
command, not a memorial of something past but a holy pre- a group of tall domed slabs closely bundled together. When
figuration of mysteries yet to come (ob futurorum mysteri- visiting SS. Cosma e Damiano, Theodulf saw a different rep-
orum sacratissimam praefigurationem).45 Presenting the Ark as
resentation of the Jordan in the apse mosaic (Fig. 3). Here the
void of its contents seems to emphasize God's intervention.
river-identified by the inscription IORDANES just below-
The "future mysteries" which the contents (and especially the
is shown as one continuous separate band, in blue, following
manna) had symbolized have now become reality.46 The four the whole lower contour of the apse vault.49 Whatever the par-
angels all appear to be pointing downward toward the empty ticular images he recalled from his stay in Rome, Theodulf
Ark but, because the altar stands immediately below it, theydecided to modify and use some of them in order to integrate
are simultaneously pointing toward the altar.47 The imagethemes
in from chapter 21 into his mosaic.
the apse at Germigny, this implies, was designed to draw the That the Jordan is represented at Germigny has hitherto,
viewer's attention to the reality of Christ's presence on the
hardly surprisingly, remained unrecognized. The river is not
altar below. What had formerly served as a prefiguration fades
mentioned in Theodulf's inscription. Only by knowing about
away in the presence of the reality: "Nos habemus in veritate
Theodulf's journey to Rome and with the Opus Caroli in
spiritaliter ea quae illis exemplaribus... praefigurabantur."
hand do we become alert to its traces. In his description of the
Christian truth has replaced Old Testament foreshadowings.mosaic, published in 1916, Paul Clemen mentioned what he
Theodulf may have devised this means to reverse Tarasius'
thought to be an attempt to show water: "Von der Plattform,
statement, quoted above: "Just as the Old Testament had the
auf der die Bundeslade steht, gehen nun zur Seite zwei natu-
Cherubim of glory overshadowing the mercy-seat, let us like-
ralistisch dargestellte Strome oder Bdiche aus, die mit einer
wise have images of the Lord Jesus Christ overshadowing leichten
our Windung der unteren Kontur der Kuppel folgen."50
altars." The Lord Jesus at Germigny was present on the altar
These "rivers or brooks"-to use Clemen's expressions-are
in the form of the Eucharist. Theodulf placed above it an Old
certainly more noticeable on either side of the ark. Chr6tin,
Testament image that was a prefiguration. But by presenting
whose drawing was made shortly after he cleaned the surface,
the Ark as empty, Theodulf showed that the promise has been
early in 1847, was aware that this band of differently colored
fulfilled.
tesserae stretched around the entire apse vault, passing in front
of the Ark. It did not occur to him, however, that the number
The Ark, the River Jordan, and Christian Baptism
of undulations had any significance, and so he drew the top
Passages from the Old Testament mentioning the erection line of the "river" as continuously wavy (Fig. 2).51 Alluding to
of memorial slabs or stones were cited at Nicaea II as scriptural this feature, Andr6 Grabar commented: "Des eaux (?) s'6ten-
approval for the making of images. Thus the discourse of Leon- dent au-devant de celle-ci."52 Even more recently Barral i Altet
remarked: "L'Arche d'alliance figur6e dans l'axe de l'abside
tios, read during the Fourth Session, referred to Joshua "who
set up twelve stones for a memorial." In Book 1.21 of the au-dessus d'une ligne ond6e (nuages?, flots?) ... ."53 Published

131

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 V?l

'gg,

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Vl

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AM

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FIGURE 3. Rome, SS. Cosma e Damiano, apse mosaic, Christ and the River Jordan, the apostles Peter and Paul present St
courtesy of Fr. J. M. Guirau, Rome).

photographs of Germigny, taken at different lightby Clemen, do

settings, he saw a configuration that he interpreted as the
profile
not always make it easy to discern this particular of aAchain of mountains: he alludes to the "bande
feature.
few, however, clearly show two well-defined groups of triple
sinueuse d'un bleu trbs fonc6, qui se d6tache sur le bleu plus
undulations on the left side of the Ark, within what
claireClemen
du ciel... On a l'impression que la bande bleu fonc6
called the "stream." Allowing for a similar number figure
on thelaother
silhouette d'un paysage; on croit, 'a droite, pouvoir
side-where more damage to the mosaic seems reconnaltre
to have oc- le profil d'une chaine de montagnes.""55 A.-O. Poil-
curred-we can assume the total number of undulations was
pr6's description of 1998 is more complete: "Le contour de
twelve. These, we argue, can be read as references to the stones
l'espace bleu suit la courbure de l'abside. Il est marqu6 d'une
in the Jordan. To underline features here discussed, we offer
bandea d'un bleu plus sombre qui forme de chaque cot6 de
computer-enhanced version of a hand-colored plate published
l'Arche deux groupes de trois petites vaguelettes."56 This accu-
by Clemen (Color Plate 2).54 rately indicates what we can see on either side of the Ark,
Also present in the mosaic, and even more clearly visible,
namely two groups of what we will call three stele or upright
are the twelve stones set up "in Galgala," at a distance from the (Poilpr6's "vaguelettes")-thus again twelve in all. The
slabs
Jordan. A stray remark by H. E. Del Medico in his 1943 outline
de- of these stele is not unlike that of the mountains to-
scription of the mosaic shows that he had observed something.
ward which the waters of the Jordan are pushed in the scene
Although he makes no reference to the stream of water noticed
at S. Maria Maggiore (Fig. lb). It was perhaps from this very

132

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image that Theodulf derived his idea both for the "undula- come to be painted over.60 When Chr6tin finished cleaning the
tions" in the Jordan and for the stele. A continuous band of mosaic in January 1847, the hand re-emerged into view; we
white tesserae originally provided an outline for this whole have explicit statements of contemporaries showing that this
"landscape" of twelve stele, distinguishing it from the band ofis indeed what occurred. In the drawing of the mosaic made
lighter blue showing the heaven above.57 soon thereafter by Chr6tin for Vergnaud-Romagnesi, the hand
The message Theodulf intended to convey through these appears and, moreover, is shown with a dark line down the
images of the stones in the Jordan and the stones set up in center of the palm,61 a feature yet to be explained. For Theo-
Galgala is entirely symbolic and fully explained in chapter 21dulf the marked hand served as a central symbol, we will argue,
of the Opus Caroli. His words deserve quoting here: giving meaning to every other element of the composition.
As an iconographic motif in Christian art-borrowed
If we inquire what these stones [taken from the Jordan] no doubt from Hebrew prototypes-the Hand of God was a
prefigure on the spiritual level, their meaning is explained tocommonplace, and Theodulf would have seen many examples
us by the new Joshua, namely the Lord and Savior Jesus during his visits to the churches of Italy. Nevertheless, anyone
Christ, who has granted us a home in the heavenly father- really familiar with the Opus Caroli would have difficulty
land. For in order to establish the sacrament of baptism... believing that he could have adopted this motif without qual-
he chose twelve apostles to whom he said: "Go and teachification: Theodulf could never have brought himself to show
all peoples, baptizing them in the name of the Father and a feature intended to represent the divine as such. If the hand
the Son and the Holy Spirit." And they will bear witness tois part of the original composition at Germigny, something
the progeny of the holy church until the end of time, en- must have intervened to channel his thoughts into a new and
couraging them through the most holy sacrament of baptismunprecedented course. Knowing at least some of the churches
toward the heavenly kingdom. he visited while in Rome, we are prepared to venture a guess
as to what occurred.
The other twelve stones, placed in the bed of the Jordan,
Gazing up at the majestic Christ of the Parousia, Christ
symbolize the figures of the holy patriarchs and prophets.
of the Second Coming, in the same church of SS. Cosma
Although they themselves, placed under the shadow of the
Damiano from which he would borrow the motif of the river
Law, did not openly preach the sacrament of baptism, never-
Jordan, Theodulf might have reflected that this image of Christ
theless by foreshadowing it in mystical images, they were,
lacked an important feature. He knew that, according to Luke's
so to speak, immersed in the waters of the river. Although
Gospel (24:39), when Jesus, after his resurrection, appeared
they did not openly institute baptism, they cannot be consid-
suddenly to his startled and doubting disciples, he sought to
ered to have been deprived of its mystery. Through them
reassure them about his identity by pointing to the wounds
sons were born to the Holy Church, namely the apostles
in his hands and feet, saying "See my hands and my feet, that
established foremost over the whole world, and forever
it is I myself." He also knew that according to John's Gospel
mindful of the name of the Lord from generation to genera-
(20:27), Jesus had asked the doubting Thomas to place his
tion (Psalms 44:18), so that both former and latter, replen-
finger in the wound of his hand. The risen Savior in the apse
ished by holy gifts and instructed by orthodox teaching,
of SS. Cosma e Damiano displays no trace of the wounds
never cease to seek the Lord-by no means through the
inflicted during the crucifixion. Directly above this image of
color of images or other superstitious things, but through
Christ Theodulf saw the Hand of God emerging from the
faith and good works.58
heavens to place a laurel wreath upon the head of Jesus.62 He
was very familiar with the Etymologies of Isidore, one of his
Thus the theme of holy baptism, already foreshadowed in the
favorite authors, and may have recalled what was said in the
Old Testament (the stones in the Jordan), instituted by the
section on the Persons of the Trinity: "De filio Dei ... Manus
Savior, and proclaimed to the whole world by his Apostles
Dei est, quod omnia per ipsum facta sunt."63 The Hand of God
(the Jordan stones erected in Galgala) as the gateway that will
(manus Dei) stood for the Son of God, through whom both
lead mankind to heaven, has been subtly woven by Theodulf
into the mosaic of the small church which he dedicated to the creation and salvation had been wrought. Theodulf, who may
Savior.59 already have resolved to dedicate his church, like that of the
Lateran, to the Holy Savior,64 then decided to incorporate a
symbolic hand into his design, but to make it the Hand of the
The Hand of the Savior (dextera Dei)
Risen Savior, displaying his wounds.65 The key piece of evi-
The hand that emerges from above, between the heads of dence for determining the significance of the motif for Theo-
the two larger Cherubim (Fig. 4), has not always been recog- dulf, however, is found elsewhere.
nized as part of the original composition. It is missing in three Helen Waddell, browsing through the corpus of Theo-
drawings dating from 1841, namely those of Prosper M6rim6e, dulf's poetry, voiced surprise on encountering the unusual title
Albert Delton, and Frangois Vergnaud-Romagnesi, but this is "Wherefore did the scars of Christ's Passion remain in the body
because in the course of time some portions of the mosaic had of his Resurrection?" (Quam ob rem cicatrices, quas Dominus

133

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FIGURE 4. Germigny-des-Pre's, apse mosaic, detail: Hand of the Savior (photo.: courtesy of Jean-Frangois Bradu).

in passione suscepit, in resurrectione obductae non sint), and through the ages.68 2) Christ kept his wounds to show that, while
having studied and translated the poem, declared that nothing retaining his human form, he prays for us to the Father, dis-
else in Carolingian verse was worthy to stand beside it.66 This playing to Him our wounds, which he has taken upon himself;
poem, we believe, was almost certainly written with the hand they remain a constant reminder of his suffering for mankind.
that bears the wound at Germigny in mind.67 It specifically al- Their presence urges the Father to maintain his compassion to-
ludes (line 26) to those who will gaze on the signs of Christ's ward us. 3) Beholding the wounds, Christians will never cease
passion (tua dum, passio, signa vident)-strongly suggesting to render praise to Christ for their salvation. 4) Finally, the
an image. Theodulf proceeds almost as if reciting the reasons wounds are a reminder of Christ's return at the end of time,
that prompted him to depict the wound in the hand. 1) Christ when condemnation will be visited on the wicked if they fail
retained his wounds not only to prove to his disciples that he to offer God the worship due Him.
was real and not a ghost, but also to lift up their spirits and In devising his image Theodulf may also have recalled a
encourage them to proclaim the hope of the resurrection down passage from chapter 15 of Book I in the Opus Caroli, a chap-

134

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PLATE 2. Germigny-des-Pris, oratory, apse mosaic, computer-enhanced version of Pl. XLII from Clemen, Die
erei in den Rheinlanden, 1916 (courtesy of Manuel Sanchez-Ruiz).

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ter dealing with the symbolism of the Ark. Here he explained
that the Son, Word of the Father, was the message that emerged
from between the two angels:
From above the cover of the Ark, that is from between the
two angels, God speaks-for the Son, through whom all
things are made, is the Word of the Father. And since He is
of one substance with the Father, as He himself proclaimed
in the Gospel "I and the Father are one," or as He said to
Philip "He who sees me sees the Father," in Him-from be-
tween the two Testaments, the voice of the Father is forever
heard.69
Conclusion: God's Plan for the Salvation of Mankind
Theodulf created another image, probably for the villa
adjacent to his oratory, which displayed personifications of the
seven liberal arts on the branches of a towering tree. Although
the image itself is lost, we have Theodulf's poetic description,
stressing not only its beauty (venustas) but also, especially, the
many symbolic meanings (mystica multa) it encompassed.70
The presence of mystica multa in the apse mosaic of his or-
atory is not in doubt, and we can only wonder whether perhaps
he composed a parallel poem, now lost, to explain the imagery.
Or was the symbolism embodied in the mosaic so linked, in
his mind, with the Opus Caroli that he could only hope to
share its meaning with others if circumstances permitted
Charlemagne to release his treatise for circulation? Approach-
ing the Germigny mosaic from this angle, as solidly based on
the Opus Caroli and created not for a public church but for his
private chapel, it can be seen as Theodulf's way of protesting
what was going on elsewhere. We should not depict and put
on display what we adore, Christ or the Virgin.71 As the Opus
Caroli maintained, the true place for these figures is in our
minds and hearts. If we wish to use images, let them be images
of artistic beauty, but capable of carrying the teachings of
Christian faith through a symbolic visual language.
The Germigny mosaic "with its formal beauty, technical
sophistication, and iconographic originality" demonstrated that
essential Christian doctrine could be conveyed through sym-
bolic imagery.72 The wounded hand, descending from heaven,
reminds us that the Son, second Person of the Trinity and
right hand of the Father, partook both in creation and in
man's redemption; it became the central symbol in the church
Theodulf dedicated to the Savior. The image of the Ark of
the Covenant recalled the object that had been built at God's
express command in Old Testament times to be the foreshad-
owing of mysteries yet to come. But once the New Testament
had replaced the Old, and the Manna had become the Eu-
charist, the Ark could be shown emptied of its contents: the
eucharistic celebration taking place at the altar was now the
reality: "Nos habemus in veritate . . . ea quae. . . praefigura-
bantur." In the new dispensation, mankind's path to heaven
would be through the waters of baptism, inaugurated by
Christ's baptism in the Jordan. The baptismal waters acquired
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their redeeming power through Christ's passion. Old Testament
patriarchs and prophets had a share, by anticipation, in these
cleansing waters, and the apostles, at Christ's command, pro-
claim the efficacy of baptism until the end of time. Redeemed
humanity, invited into heaven, will then include not only
those from among the Gentiles who have become Christians,
but also those from the Jewish nation who will rally to Christ
at the end of time.
Without reference to the Opus Caroli with its crucial
chapters on the Ark and the Cherubim, Joshua, and the Jor-
dan, and to Theodulf's poem on the resurrected Christ bearing
his wounds, and without awareness that Theodulf traveled to
Rome, the significance of the mosaic was bound to remain
obscure. It is only now, with the recovery of its sources, both
literary and visual, that we begin to understand the messages
Theodulf wished his image to convey. The great basilicas he
had seen in Ravenna and Rome are undeniably more impres-
sive and rightfully more famous. Theodulf's private oratory
at Germigny-des-Pr6s nevertheless deserves admiration for the
subtlety, finesse, and powerful implications of its symbolic
imagery.
NOTES
1. The spelling cerubin agrees with Theodulf's own spelling (character
istic of a Visigoth) in the court copy of his Opus Caroli (Vat. lat. 7207
here, every time the word occurs, the court correctors modified it to r
cherubim.
2. The poetic use of Tonans for God or Christ is found fairly frequently
in Carolingian poetry.
3. Oraclum is the word that presents a small problem. Our friend Paul
Dutton, who kindly assisted us with the translation, pointed out that
Theodulf would have been familiar with Exodus 37:6: "fecit et propi-
tiatorium id est oraculum de auro mundissimo." His use of oraclum-
for metrical reasons-could indicate that he was drawing attention to
the propitiatorium or cover of the Ark. We will see that the manner in
which the cover is treated in the image, that is, to emphasize the Ark's
emptiness, is important. We know too, however, that Theodulf was
familiar with Bede's De templo, and Bede sometimes uses oraculum to
mean the holy of holies, the place within the Temple where the Ark
was kept. If this is the meaning of oraculum Theodulf had in mind, the
alternative translation becomes acceptable.
4. A good bibliography (up to 1990) is that given in X. Barral i Altet,
"Germigny-des-Pres," in Recueil gendral des mosa'ques de la Gaulle,
Xe suppldment a' Gallia, II/4 (Paris, 1991), 127-132. It fails, however,
to include Soyer's article of 1923 (see n. 59 below). The most impor-
tant recent studies to appear are those of A.-O. Poilpr6, "Le d6cor de
l'oratoire de Germigny-des-Pres: l'authentique et le restaur6," Cahiers
de civilisation mddidvale, XLI (1998), 281-297, and E. Revel-Neher,
"Antiquus populus, novus populus: Jerusalem and the People of God in
the Germigny-des-Pres Carolingian Mosaic," Jewish Art, XXIII-XXIV
(1997/98), 54-66.
5. With respect to exploring the art works of Rome we owe a special deb
of gratitude to Herbert Kessler, who came to teach for a term at Harvard
while this article was in preparation. His knowledge of the ancient
churches of Rome is unrivalled, as witnessed in his recent volume, Rome
1300 (New Haven, 2000), published in collaboration with his wife,
Johanna Zacharias. We knew that Theodulf had spent several months in
135
 Rome before erecting his church at Germigny-des-Pr6s and could not
have had a better or more perspicacious guide helping us to explore the
possible influence by one or another of Rome's old churches on Theodulf
and his oratory at Germigny.
6. See Opus Caroli regis contra synodum (Libri Carolini), ed. A. Freeman
with P. Meyvaert, MGH Concilia, II, Supplementum, I (Hannover, 1998).
Cited henceforth as Opus Caroli.
7. The corpus of Theodulf's poems-all, it would seem, belonging to the
period following his arrival in Gaul from Spain-opens with a pair
forming the last segment of what had originally been a tetralogy. In the
second (and final) poem, Theodulf apologizes for appearing to lecture
bishops, whose rank he does not share: "Nec me praesulibus doctorem
praefero sanctis, / ... cum sim levitide turba / Pars" (MGH Poetae, I, 453,
lines 29-32). That levitide is here to be interpreted as "deacon" is con-
firmed by his references to pouring water on hands, arranging pallium
and vestments, mopping sweating brows, placing mats under feet in cold
weather, and fanning heads when the weather is hot-all being functions
performed by deacons for bishops at liturgical celebrations (see lines
31-52).
8. For the dating of the Opus Caroli, see A. Freeman, "Carolingian Ortho-
doxy and the Fate of the Libri Carolini," Viator, XVI (1985), 65-108.
9. Our earliest testimony for Theodulf as bishop is Alcuin's letter of 22
July 798 to Charlemagne, requesting the king to send his treatise
against Felix of Urgel for scrutiny to Richbod and Theodulf (episcopis
doctoribus et magistris): see Letter 149, MGH Epistolae, IV, 243-244.
P. Brommer, "Die bisch6fliche Gesetzgebung Theodulfs von Orl6ans,"
Zeitschrift der Savigny-Stiftung fiir Rechtsgeschichte. Kanonistische Ab-
teilung, LX (1974), 7 n. 30, refers to a "Fragmentum Historiae Fran-
ciae," published by Dom Martin Bouquet, which stated that Theodulf's
appointment to Fleury coincided with his appointment as bishop. The
Fleury abbatial list in Paris, Bibliothbque nationale de France, MS lat.
1720 (see next note) gives the length of Theodulf's abbacy as nineteen
and a half years. Since he lost his abbacy when Louis the Pious deprived
him of his see, in 817/18, this confirms that he must have become bishop
and abbot in late 797 or early 798.
10. The Fleury list in BNF, MS lat. 1720, fols. 6v-7v, ends with Theodulf,
listing him as fourteenth abbot. The section on Germigny deserves
quoting: "Denique Germaniacus dicitur villa, tribus a nostro monasterio
distans millibus. Haec ab abbatibus qui ante eum fuerant, maxima ex
parte a fidelibus viris, quorum hereditas erat, partim data, partim vendita
est. In hac igitur idem Theodulfus abbas et episcopus ecclesiam tam
mirifici operis construxit ut nullum in tota Neustria inveniri posset aedi-
ficii opus quod ei, antequam cremaretur, valeret aequari. Totam namque
arcuato opere eandem extruens basilicam, ita floribus gipseis atque mu-
sivo eius venustavit interiora, pavimentum quoque marmoreo depinxit
emblemate, ut oculi intuentium vix grata satiarentur specie. Porro in
matherio turris de qua signa pendebant, huiuscemodi versus argenteo
colore expressos: 'Haec in honore Dei Theodulfus templa sacravi / Quae
dum quisquis ades oro memento mei.'... At vero Theodulfus aulam a
se constructam omnium conditori ac salvatori rerum Deo consecrans,
Cherubin gloriae obumbrantia propitiatorium super altare ipsius arti-
ficiosissimo magisterio expressum his decoravit versibus [here follows
the inscription cited above]. For a printed text, see Migne, PL, CXXXIX,
579. J. Dufour, "Manuscrits de Moissac ant6rieurs au milieu du XIIe
sibcle et nouvellement identifi6s," Scriptorium, XXXVI (1982), 151-153,
shows that BNF, MS lat. 1720 is a twelfth-century manuscript from
Moissac and conjectures that confraternity links between Fleury and
Moissac explain how this early abbatial list from Fleury came to be at
Moissac. When the list was copied there in the twelfth century, no attempt
was made to bring it up to date. It is not clear from the wording whether
the fire that damaged Germigny was caused by the Viking assaults on
Fleury of 865 or 878, or was a disaster that occurred earlier, not long
after completion of the building.
136
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11. The events of 799-800 culminating in the coronation of Charlemagne as
emperor have been treated many times. The following list makes no
claim to be complete: D. Bullough, The Age of Charlemagne (London,
1965), 171-172; R. Folz, The Coronation of Charlemagne (London,
1974); P Classen, Karl der Grosse: Das Papsttum und Byzanz (Sigmar-
ingen, 1985), 42-80; R. Collins, Charlemagne (London, 1998), 140-159.
None of these works specifically mentions that Theodulf accompanied
Charlemagne to Rome. A splendid catalogue, connected with the exhibi-
tion commemorating the encounter at Paderborn, was recently published:
799: Kunst und Kultur der Karolingerzeit, 2 vols. (Paderborn, 1999).
12. Theodulf's poem Ad regem (No. 32), written shortly after Pope Leo III's
stay at Paderborn, is an invitation to the king to visit Orl6ans before he
departs for Rome: "Atque utinam dominus te istas deducat ad arces, /
Et videat dominum urbs Aureliana suum" (MGH Poetae, I, 524, lines
45-46). It is God who has decreed that on this occasion Charlemagne,
acting for St. Peter, will save the papacy: "Nam salvare Petrus cum pos-
set in urbe Quirina, / ... Hunc tibi salvandum, rex clementissime, misit
/ Teque sua voluit fungier ille vice" (ibid., lines 25-27).
13. For Charlemagne's itinerary from Paderborn to Rome, via Tours and
Orleans, see the map in H. Mordek, "Von Paderborn nach Rome-der
Weg zur Kaiserkr6nung," in 799: Kunst und Kultur der Karolingerzeit:
Beitrige zum Katalog der Ausstellung Paderborn (Paderborn, 1999), 51.
Whether Theodulf had already become part of the king's retinue during
the visit to Orleans or whether he joined him at a later date is not clear.
The Royal Frankish Annals at 800 state: "At the beginning of August he
[Charlemagne] came to Mainz. Announcing an expedition to Italy, he
left Mainz and went with his army to Ravenna. There he arranged a
campaign against the Beneventans and after a delay of seven days
headed for Rome.... Pope Leo came to meet him.... the pope led the
king into the basilica of the Blessed Apostle Peter. This took place on
November 24." Carolingian Chronicles, ed. B. W. Scholz (Ann Arbor,
1970), 80.
14. Letter 225 (MGH Epistolae, IV, 368). We can perhaps be grateful that
Alcuin was somewhat hypochondriacal. In 801 Easter fell on April 4,
and very shortly thereafter Alcuin developed a bad fever which, accord-
ing to his own account, brought him close to death's door. In any case,
he made sure to mention this terrible "Easter" fever to all those with
whom he was corresponding at this time, thus providing useful evidence
for the dates of these letters.
15. Alcuin wrote (ibid.): "Gaudens gaudebo de augmento honoris vestri
et de sigillo sacerdotalis dignitatis, quod apostolica vobis superaddidit
auctoritas."
16. MGH Poetae, I, 565, line 66.
17. Our friend Michael McCormick, whose new book, The Origins of Euro-
pean Commerce, 300-800 (Cambridge, forthcoming) will contain infor-
mation about travel times (Chap. 16 and Table 16.2), estimates between
four and eight weeks (depending on circumstances) for the journey Theo-
dulf and Candidus made together from Rome to Orleans and Tours
respectively.
18. See V. Tiberia, Il mosaico restaurato: l'arco della Basilica dei Santi
Cosma e Damiano (Rome, 1998), with excellent illustrations.
19. In the letter of 825 from the bishops, gathered in Paris, to Louis the
Pious, we read: "When your father [Charlemagne] ... had the Acts of
that same synod read aloud in his own presence and that of his advi-
sors, he found them reprehensible in many places . . . and having noted
down the capitula that were open to censure, he sent them . .. to pope
Hadrian [in 792], so that they might be corrected by his judgment and
authority." Quoted from Freeman, "Carolingian Orthodoxy," 101. It was
Hadrian's reply to this Capitulare adversus synodum, received at the
court sometime in 793, that alerted the Franks to the pope's attitude to-
ward images. During this period, that is, while the above Capitulare was
being dispatched to Rome and dealt with at the papal curia, Theodulf
continued his composition of the Opus Caroli.
20. Our failure to turn up a single echo of the Opus Caroli, however faint, in
treatises on images by Agobard of Lyons, Jonas of Orl6ans (Theodulf's
successor), Claudius of Turin, or, most notably, in documents connected
with the Paris "synod" of 824/25 (in which Jonas participated), validates
this assertion. Theodulf's treatise did not circulate until the time of Hinc-
mar, who as a youth came across it in the royal archives ("non modicum
volumen quod in palatio adolescentulus legi"), probably later "borrow-
ing" and putting it into circulation for the first time. See Freeman, "Car-
olingian Orthodoxy," 96-99. Why the Opus Caroli was not presented at
the Council of Frankfurt in 794, and how the very brief reference to a
single passage of the Acts of Nicaea II made at Frankfurt should be inter-
preted, is explained on 92-95. This information was apparently not yet
available to Celia Chazelle when she was composing her article, "Matter,
Spirit, and Image in the Libri Carolini," for Recherches Augustiniennes,
XXI (1986), 163-184, since she assumes that the Opus Caroli was offi-
cially presented at Frankfurt and that any statement in Theodulf's treatise
may be taken as a statement of this Council.
21. The fact that the work bore Charlemagne's own name as author must
have played an important part in the decision to shelve it in the archives
rather than to allow it to circulate at the time. A work was "published"
only when the author granted permission for its transcription: Bede in
his De orthographia writes: "transcribere, cum ius nostrum in alium
transit" (CCSL, CXXIIIA, 19). In the Preface to his Ecclesiastical His-
tory, addressed to King Ceolwulf, he states that he had previously sent
a copy of this work to the king "ad legendum et probandum"-that is,
to elicit his opinion and criticism-and was now sending it back again
"ad transcribendum" (C. Plummer, ed., Venerabilis Baedae opera his-
torica [Oxford, 1896], 5). In his letter to abbot Albinus of Canterbury
(ibid., 3), Bede specifies that the two works he is sending, the Ecclesi-
astical History and De templo, are "ad transcribendum." The work that
Hincmar found in the court archives was not a transcription of the Opus
Caroli but its original draft (Vat. lat. 7207), of which Charlemagne had
never allowed a fair copy to be made. Note the use of transcribere on
the display page of a court manuscript (Brussels, Bibliotheque Royale,
MS II 2572, fol.1), where Charlemagne authorized the dissemination
of a work by Peter the archdeacon: "Incipit liber de diversis qaestiuncu-
lis ... quem iussit Domnus Rex Carolus transcribere ex autentico Petri
archidiaconi." See Bullough, The Age of Charlemagne, 56.
22. Opus Caroli, 1.15 (MGH Concilia, II, Supp. I, 175, lines 2h-8).
23. There was room, however, for a theory of esthetics, which E. De Bruyne
has analyzed. See his Etudes d'esthetique mddidevale, 3 vols. (Bruges,
1946), I, 261-282 (he believed Alcuin to be the author of the Opus
Caroli).
24. For an analysis of the Opus Caroli's attitude toward the res sacrae, see
Chazelle, "Matter, Spirit and Image," passim.
25. See A. Freeman, "Scripture and Images in the Libri Carolini," in Testo
e immagine nell'alto medioevo, I, Settimane di studio del Centro ital-
iano di studi sull'alto medioevo, XLI (Spoleto, 1994), 163-188. J. D.
Dodds, Architecture and Ideology in Early Medieval Spain (University
Park, PA, 1990), 43, suggests that the Council of Elvira's statement
was a dead letter by the eighth century and that the "aniconism" of the
period had different roots, linked probably to the Moorish presence in
the Iberian peninsula. Let us not forget, however, that Agobard of Lyons,
also a Spaniard, cites the council of Elvira in his treatise on images
("Scripture and Images," 181 n. 48).
26. Ibid., 180 n. 46.
27. It is here that one senses the danger of accepting the positions voiced in
Theodulf's Opus Caroli as representative of an attitude generally shared
during Charlemagne's time; note the contrast with what Bede says in
his Vitae abbatum (a work Theodulf probably never saw). After enumer-
ating all the painted images brought from Rome to adorn his monastic
church in Northumbria, he exclaims: "Thus all who entered the church--
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even those who could not read-were able, whichever way they looked,
to contemplate the beloved faces of Christ and His saints, even if only in
a picture; to put themselves more firmly in mind of the Lord's Incarnation
and, as they beheld the decisive moment of the Last Judgment before
their very eyes [the reference here is to paintings of the Apocalypse] be
brought to examine their conscience with severity" (adapted from The
Age of Bede [Harmondsworth, 1983], 191). Although Alcuin, as we know
from the York Annals, condemned the "adoration" of images, he almost
certainly shared Bede's sentiments as expressed in this quotation. After
becoming acquainted with the work on his return to court in 793, follow-
ing his three-year absence in England, he may well have voiced objec-
tions and urged caution toward the more extreme positions to be found
in the Opus Caroli.
28. For example, crosses at S. Apollinare (Ravenna), S. Pudentiana, S. Stefano
Rotondo (Rome); Apocalyptic Throne with cross at the two baptisteries in
Ravenna, and at S. Maria Maggiore (Rome).
29. See J. Wilpert, Die rimischen Mosaiken der kirchlichen Bauten vom
IV-XIII. Jahrhundert (Freiburg, 1917), P1. 22, 23, 25; H. Karpp, Die
friihchristlichen und mittelalterlichen Mosaiken in Santa Maria Mag-
giore zu Rom (Baden-Baden, 1966), Figs. 125, 128, and 138. A present-
day visitor to S. Maria Maggiore has some difficulty making out the de-
tails of these images; Kessler reminds us that the present windows were
not in place in the eighth century and that, with smaller windows and
no doubt a profusion of lamps within the church, the mosaic imagery
would have been more clearly discernible in Theodulf's day.
30. E. Revel-Neher in LArche d'Alliance dans l'art juif et chretien du sec-
ond au dixieme siecles (Paris, 1984), 149, links the type of Ark ("coffret
plat 'a barre," 253) found at Germigny to that at S. Maria Maggiore, as
does P. Bloch, "Das Apsismosaik von Germigny-des-Pr6s, Karl der
Grosse und der Alte Bund," in Karl der Grosse, III (Diisseldorf, 1965),
241.
31. See Opus Caroli, 1.20 (MGH Concilia, II, Supp. I, 195, lines 27-30):
"Sicut veteres habuerunt cherubim obumbrantem propitiatorium, et nos
imagines Domini Iesu Christi et sanctae Dei genetricis et sanctorum
eius habeamus obumbrantes altare."
32. For the long section borrowed from Bede, see Opus Caroli, 1.20 (MG
Concilia, II, Supp. I, 198-203). A good English rendering of Bede's D
templo is now available: Bede, On the Temple, trans. S. Connolly (Liver
pool, 1995); for the passage in question, 49-52. Theodulf's treatmen
of the Ark and Cherubim in Book I. 15 (169-175), largely dependent
Augustine, was complete before he encountered Bede's text. Only i
Bede do we find the number of cherubim being increased from two to
four; this was the source for the iconography at Germigny.
33. Opus Caroli, 1.20 (MGH Concilia, II, Supp. I, 198, lines 16-26).
34. E. Revel-Neher, LArche d'Alliance, 187, unaware of the direct conne
tion with Opus Caroli, 1.20, was the first to draw attention to the way
certain tesserae were arranged within this halo: ". . les tesseres son
pos6es de telle faqon qu'elles suggerent, sur le fond d'or, des traits bleu
a intervalles r6guliers, divisant le nimbe en quatre parties 6gales.
S'il fallait admettre que c'est la l'6tat dans lequel se trouvait cette parti
de la mosaique ~a l'origine, il est bien 6vident qu'il s'agirait d'un nim
crucifbre." Surprisingly she does not make this telling point part of h
argument in "Antiquus populus."
35. This feature, within the circumference of the halo, was pointed out by
A.-O. Poilpr6 ("Le d6cor," 294): "Le nimbe de l'ange de gauche se sin
gularise par un cerne bleu clair, a l'int6rieure du contour noir q
d61imite la circonf6rence, ou naisent quatre groupes de trois segmen
dispos6s a intervalles r6guliers." This detail is very noticeable in th
photos reproduced here, which she kindly provided. See also the illu
tration in E Heer, Charlemagne and his World (New York, 1975), 138
36. The head of this angel was used by the French postal service for t
stamp (6.70 Fr) issued on 23 October, 2000. One wonders whether in
137
 addition to what Bede says Theodulf might also have had in mind the 48. In our edition of the Opus Caroli (203 n. 3), we failed to correct Theo-
phrase Eclesia ex circumcisione (the Church from among the Jews), dulf's mistaken attribution and to identify the correct source as Leon-
written beneath a fifth-century mosaic at S. Sabina in Rome. See tios of Neapolis, "Discourse against the Jews" [Clavis patrum grecorum,
W. Oakeshott, The Mosaics of Rome (New York, 1967), P1. 74. No. 7885], part of which was read at Nicaea II (ed. Migne, PL, CXXIX,
292D-298B, the reference to Joshua at 297A).
37. Tiberia, II mosaico restaurato, 70-71, Pls. vi-vii. Here four angels flank
the Lamb who occupies the throne in the central medallion. The angel 49. We thank Herbert Kessler for drawing our attention to this Roman
referred to here is the first on the left. It was Herbert Kessler who mosaic. The same depiction of the Jordan is found in the apse mosaic
pointed out to us the similarity between the angel's gesture at Germigny of S. Prassede, but this dates from the time of Paschal I (817-824).
and on the arch at SS. Cosma e Damiano. At Germigny the angel rep- 50. Clemen, Die romanische Monumentalmalerei, 720. Plate XLII in Cle-
resenting the Jewish people makes the same gesture with the left hand. men's volume is a watercolor of the mosaic showing the stream on either

38. Unaware that Theodulf's journey to Rome played a pivotal role in the side emerging from under the "platform." What Clemen and Chr6tin (in
decoration of his church at Germigny, several art historians have never- his drawing) interpret as a kind of platform on which the Ark is resting
theless found its closest parallels in Rome: P. Clemen, Die romanische proves on closer scrutiny-given the precise angles at which the darker
section begins-to be no more than a shadow projected by the Ark
Monumentalmalerei in den Rheinlanden (Dtisseldorf, 1916), 723: "Viel
from the heavenly light above. In this connection Kessler has called our
niher stehen dem Stil von Germigny die Paschalismosaiken in Rom. Es
sind San Prassede, S. Caecilia, S. Marco, S. Maria in Domenico, die hier attention to the use of strong shadows in the Joshua scene at S. Maria
in Betracht kommen." P. Bloch ("Das Apsismosaik," in Karl der Grosse,Maggiore.
III, 260) concluded his analysis of the mosaic with the statement: "Das
51. Fournier's watercolor of 1869 merely reproduces Chr6tin's and has no
Apsismosaik von Germigny-des-Pr6s ... laBt sich stilistich am ehesten independent value for the study of the mosaic. See Meyvaert, "Maxim-
mit r6mischen Arbeiten des 8. Jahrhunderts in Verbindung bringen, voran ilien Theodore Chr6tin," 212, and Fig. 6.
die Mosaiken aus dem Oratorium Papst Johannes' VII." R. Krautheimer
52. A. Grabar, "Les mosaiques de Germigny-des-Pr6s," CA, VII (1954), 173.
(Rome: Profile of a City [Princeton, 1980], 124) noted that the Roman U. Schedler, "Die Pfalzkapelle in Aachen und St. Salvator zu Germigny-
mosaic workers of the time of Leo III and Paschal I "reverted to the cus-
des-Pr6s-Vorbild und Widerspruch," in Das Frankfurter Konzil von
tomary Roman technique of using predominantly glass tesserae." What 794, 2 vols. (Mainz, 1997), II, 686-687, with an allusion to Grabar, sug-
excited those collecting fallen tesserae at Germigny in the 1840s was gests that the attempt to show water must be the work of a nineteenth-
precisely their being of glass. For example, in a letter of A. Duchalais century restorer trying to depict the Ark as the Ark of Noah! Knowledge
to E Vergnaud-Romagnesi of 20 July 1840, we read: "J'ai pu examiner of the documents connected with Germigny in the 1840s would help to
quelques morceaux de cette mosaique qui 6taient tomb6s. Ce sont de dispel such speculations. The Roman mosaic worker Ciuli did no more
petites cubes de verre, sur lesquels on a 6tendu une couche d'or, qu'on than help put a new dome above the mosaic, while the adventurer and
a recouvert ensuite d'un autre petit verre tres mince que l'on est parvenu
forger, Chr6tin, spent only two weeks there, removing a coat of plaster
a fixer sur la premier de sorte que l'or ou la couleur est fix6 entre les from the mosaic's surface, bringing to light Theodulf's inscription, and
deux" (Collection Jarry, 2 J 2646, Archives du Loiret, Orl6ans). forging a new inscription giving 806 as the dedication date. Fortunately
39. For M6rim6e's watercolor and a full account of what happened to the mo- Prosper M6rim6e then intervened to prevent him from making any further
saic between the years 1841 and 1848, see P. Meyvaert, "Maximilien inroads. See again Meyvaert, "Maximilien Th6odore Chr6tin," passim.
Th6odore Chr6tin and the Apse Mosaic at Germigny-des-Pr6s," GBA, 53. Barral i Altet, "Germigny-des-Pr6s," 129.
CXXXVII (2001), 203-220. The archival documents in Paris and Orl6ans
54. We owe this computer-enhanced version of P Clemen's color Plate XLII
are crucial in interpreting the three sketches that survive from 1841.
(see n. 50 above) to the kindness of our friend Manuel Sanchez-Ruiz, of
40. It was Vergnaud-Romagnesi who had prompted Chr6tin to make a draw- the Sasaki architectural firm. The aim was to help bring out more clearly
ing (ibid., 212). Revel-Neher, L'Arche d'Alliance, 187, and more fully in the various features discussed in this article, such as the cruciform nim-
"Antiquus populus," 59-60, interprets this feature as representing the bus, which Clemen had failed to notice.
flowering rod of Aaron.
55. H. E. Del Medico, "La mosaique de l'abside orientale 'a Germigny-des-
41. Poilpre, "Le d6cor," 285, 287. Pr6s," Monuments et mimoires publies par l'Acade'mie des inscriptions
et belles-lettres, XXXIX (1943), 89. This author's strange theory that
42. Herbert Kessler agrees that several texts of the Opus Caroli appear to
Germigny represents mosaics from Ravenna intended for Aachen but
support such an interpretation.
"way-laid" by Theodulf for his own purposes, has met with little suc-
43. Opus Caroli, 1.1 (MGH Concilia, II, Supp. I, 113, lines 24-25: "si iam cess. Totally unaware of any connection between the mosaic and the
venit, quod perfectum est, iam evacuatum est, quod ex parte est." Opus Caroli, he is overly pessimistic about the possibility of determin-
ing which elements in the mosaic are part of the original design. We
44. Ibid., 1.19 (ibid., 193, lines 9-29).
hope that it will now be recognized that any feature directly linked to the
45. Ibid., 1.15 (ibid., 169, lines 12-14). Opus Caroli must be original and therefore owed to Theodulf himself.
46. Bloch, "Das Apsismosaik," 255, stressed the unique position the Ark 56. Quoted from A.-O. Poilpr6's unpublished M.A. thesis "Le d6cor monu-
occupies in the Opus Caroli: "In vier Kapiteln gehen die Libri Carolini mental de l'6glise de Germigny-des-Prds: Bilan et perspectives de
auf diese Argumentation ein, wobei gerade die Ausnahmestellung der recherches" (Universit6 de Poitiers, 1995-96), 36. We thank the author
Bundeslade herausgearbeitet wird: sie allein sei in ihrer Form von Gott for sending us a copy of this thesis, which became the basis for her article
und dem Heiligen Geist inspiriert, im Gegensatz zu allen anderen "Le d6cor de l'oratoire," (see n. I above). She further noted: "[Cette bande
Kunstwerken als manufactae imagines." bleu] est s6par6e de la partie supdrieure par une rang6e de cubes blancs
et gris, mieux visible a droite qu'a gauche." This line of white tesserae
47. J. Hubert, "Germigny-des-Pr6s," CAF, Orl6ans (1930 [1931]), 552, con-
can be seen in some of the better photographs of the mosaic.
jectured that in Theodulf's day the altar stood in the center of the church
and was only moved in the ninth century, after his death, to the apse. But 57. We asked Herbert Kessler to try and visit Germigny on his next stay
the wording of the Fleury list (see n. 10 above) leaves no room for doubt in France. He was there in December 2000, and sent us word that, know-
that Theodulf himself was responsible for placing the mosaic above the ing now what to look for, he could easily discern the features linked to
altar. Book I, chapter 21, of the Opus Caroli.

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58. Opus Caroli, 1.21 (MGH Concilia, II, Supp. I, 204, line 26 - 205, 1889), 77: "la main perc6e du Christ sort d'un ciel 6toil6, comme pour
line 28). montrer l'union de l'ancien et du nouveau testament." M. van Berchem

59. As we know from the Fleury abbatial list in BNF, MS lat. 1720 (see n. 10 and E. Clouzot, in Mosa''ques chretiennes du IVme au Xme sikcle
above). J. Soyer has shown that this is the only dedication mentioned (Geneva, 1924), 225, commented: "Une main sort [du ciel 6toi16] celle
in the early documents. See his "Les inscriptions grav6es sur les piliers de du Christ pourrait-on croire a la cicatrice de la paume [Prevost, 77],
en r6alit6 celui de Dieu le Pere, la pr6tendue cicatrice n'6tant qu'une
l'6glise carolingienne de Germigny-des-Pr6s sont-elles authentiques?,"
ligne trop accentu6, particularit6 qui se retrouve dans la main des anges
Bulletin archdologique du Comite' des travaux historiques (1923), 197-
216. The dedication to Saints Geneveva and Germanus, purportedly a droite et a gauche." J. Hubert, "Germigny-des-Pr6s," 556 n. 1: "La
cicatrice que l'on voit aujourd'hui au centre de la main divine est une
found on one of the pillars in January 1847, was the work of the forger
restauration de Lisch. Elle n'existait pas avant la reconstruction, comme
Chr6tin. See Meyvaert, "Maximilien Theodore Chr6tin," 209-210.
le prouve le relev6 de la mosaique fait en 1869 par Fournier jeune."
60. Ibid., Figs. 1-3. Hubert, however, was unaware of Chr6tin's drawing and of Fournier's
61. From the fact that this line is missing in the watercolor of Fournier dependence on it, and all of the above were unaware of Theodulf's
(1869), it has been argued that it must have been added to the mosaic poem cited here.
after that date. Fournier's image, however, is of no value whatever for 66. H. Waddell, Poetry of the Dark Ages (New York, 1948), 21-22.
studying the mosaic since it is nothing more than a copy of Chr6tin's
67. MGH Poetae, I, 465-466 [carmen 11].
drawing. One need only put the drawings by Chr6tin and Fournier side
by side with a genuine photograph of the mosaic to see that in every 68. Thus a silent symbolic link is established between Christ's hand and
detail, except for the line in the palm, which Fournier omits, he follows the twelve stele which represent the apostles. See above, 133.
Chr6tin, not the mosaic itself (ibid., 212). A.-O. Poilpr6 concluded in
69. Opus Caroli, 1.15 (MGH Concilia, II, Supp. I, 172, lines 2-9): "Desuper
her recent study ("Le d6cor de l'oratoire," 294) that the hand must be
quo propitiatorio, id est de medio cherubim loquitur Deus, quia idem
part of the original composition: "l'authenticit6 de la manus Dei est
Filius est Verbum Patris, per quem facta sunt omnia. Et cum sit unius
assez claire ... la manus Dei ne peut etre consid6r6e comme une inven-
cum Patre substantiae, sicut ipse in evangelio ait: Ego et Pater unum
tion du XIXe s."
sumus, sive ut Philippo ait: Qui videt me, videt et Patrem, Dei Patris in
62. For a drawing of this apse mosaic that includes the hand, see R. Wiss-eo semper de medio duorum Testamentorum vox auditur."
kirchen, Das Mosaikprogramm von S. Prassede in Rom (Mtinster/Westf.,
70. For an extensive treatment of this poem see A. C. Esmeijer, "De VII
1990), P1. 1, 2b; also C. R. Morey, Lost Mosaics and Frescoes of Rome
liberalibus artibus in quadam pictura depictis: Een reconstructie van de
of the Mediaeval Period (Princeton, 1915), 37, Fig. 7.
arbor philosophiae van Theodulf van Orleans," in Album amicorum
63. Etymologiae, VII.ii.23. J. G. Van Gelder (The Hague, 1973), 102-115.
64. Known today as S. Giovanni in Laterano, the basilica was originally
71. That Theodulf would have been disinclined to show an image not only
dedicated to the Holy Savior (Basilica Constantiniana quae et Salva-of Christ but also of the Virgin emerges from a passage like the follow-
toris is the title found in the earliest documents). Pope Sergius IIIing, Opus Caroli, IV21 (MGH Concilia, II, Supp. I, 540, lines 4-6):
(904-911), who rebuilt the church after its destruction by an earth- "Unde necesse est, ut quisquis earn adorare desiderat, non in colorum
quake, dedicated it to John the Baptist. fucis, non in materialibus opificiis, non in quibuslibet officinis, sed illo
mentis aciem figat, quo earn cum Christo regnare constat."
65. The first to suggest that the stripe in the center of the hand might rep-
resent a wound was Abbe Prevost, La basilique de Theodulfe (Orleans,
72. The apt quotation is borrowed from Revel-Neher, "Antiquus populus," 55.

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