“I hereby confirm that …” — On the hitherto neglected use

of the 1st person perfect indicative as a performative

19th International Colloquium on Latin Linguistics (ICLL)
München, 24. – 28. April 2017
Stefan Höfler, Universität Wien

§1 Starting Point1
 Pinkster 2015b (handout 18th ICLL): Tabulae Pompeianae Sulpiciorum [Banker’s archive, c. 30
– 60 CE] (Wax tablets found in 1959 just outside ancient Pompeii):
(1) Chirographum C Nouii Euni
C(aius) Nouius Eunus scripssi me accepisse {ạb}
mutua ab Eueno Tì(berii) Cessaris Augustì
liberto Primiano apssente per
Hessucus ser(uum) eìus et debere eì sesterta
decem milia nummu, que eì redam
cum petiaerit …
 His oral commentary: “By the way, it is interesting to note that they used the perfect scripsi here
instead of the present scribo, but that’s a completely different matter.” (vel sim.)
o As rightfully noted, the use of the 1st person perfect indicative here is not trivial.
o The meaning of the phrase is:
“I, Gaius Nouius Eunus, confirm that I have received a loan from … and that I owe him … ”
and not
“ … confirmed/†have written down that I had/have received …”
†

 Logic basically requires that the 1st person perfect scripsi ‘I wrote’ always implies a writing
process in the past and that it never refers to the present act of writing, which, however, seems to
be the case here.

 Aim of this talk:
o Find out why they did use the perfect scripsi here.
o Find other comparable 1st person perfect indicative forms.
o Explain the origin of this usage.

 Structure of this talk:

o §2 The Latin Perfect
o §3 The Greek Tragic Aorist and the “Koinzidenzfall”
o §4 Evidence from the Tabulae Pompeianae Sulpiciorum
o §5 Other Evidence from Pompeii
o §6 Evidence from informal letters
o §7 Evidence from formal letters
o §8 Evidence from defixiones
o §9 Evidence from Oscan
o §10 Origin of the usage and Indo-European comparanda
o §11 References

1I hereby express my gratitude to Jay Jasanoff (Harvard) and Martin Peters (Vienna) for inspiring discussions on this topic, but
no endorsement of any specific ideas or conclusions is implied.

1 Stefan Höfler, hoefles6@univie.ac.at

 §2 The Latin Perfect
 According to the handbooks (Weiss 2009:452ff. [cf. also the discussion in note 17 on p. 452];
Pinkster 2015:442ff.; cf. also Haverling 2002), the Latin perfect descriptively functions as a
(present) perfect (2) and a past tense (3):
(2) Nunc intellexi. (Plaut. Cist. 624)
“Now I understand!” (cf. coll. Germ. “Jetzt hab ich’s gecheckt!”)

(3) ipse (i.e. Regulus) Carthaginem rediit neque eum caritas patriae retinuit nec
suorum. (Cic. Off. 3.100)
“Regulus himself returned to Carthage, nor did love of his homeland and family
keep him back.”

 These two functions reflect the origin of the Latin perfect which formally continues two separate
categories of Proto-Indo-European (PIE): the (resultative) perfect (e.g. peperci) and the
(perfective) aorist (e.g. parsi).
 Some scholars have also identified a specific usage of the perfect that is found in letters and has
been called “Perfekt des Briefstils” (cf. e.g. Kühner/Stegmann 1912:156-159; Bringmann
1971:93, note 20):
o The writer uses the perfect for a present action (mostly mittere and scribere) because he
knows that by the time the reader receives the letter, the action is already accomplished,
as in…
(4) (beginning of the letter) Nonis Quintilibus ueni in Puteolanum. postridie iens ad Brutum
in Nesidem haec scripsi. (Cic. Att. 16.1.1)
“I arrived at Puteoli on the 7th. I write / wrote this on the following day as I am / was
crossing to Nesis.”
 In this case, scripsi ‒ exceptionally! ‒ refers to the present act of writing, as opposed to what has
been said under §1.
 The fact, however, that the most prominent examples of the “Perfekt des Briefstils” are scripsi
and misi can partly be explained otherwise, see §§6 and 7.

§3 The Greek Tragic Aorist and the “Koinzidenzfall”

 In Greek, the aorist is generally used as a simple past with perfective aspect.
(5) … ἐπεὶ Τροίης ἱερὸν πτολίεϑρον ἔπερσε(ν). (Od. 1.2)
“… after he (had) sacked the sacred citadel of Troy.”
 Among other special usages, the 1st person aorist indicative can be used as a performative speech
act.
 This phenomenon, the so-called “tragic (or dramatic) aorist” (cf. Lloyd 1999; Bary 2012) is used
when the verb expresses an action performed by the act of speaking.
(6) {Ὀρ.} ὄμοσον — εἰ δὲ μή, κτενῶ σε — μὴ λέγειν ἐμὴν χάριν.
{Φρ.} τὴν ἐμὴν ψυχὴν κατώμοσ᾽, ἣν ἂν εὐορκοῖμ᾽ ἐγώ. (E. Or. 1516f)
Or.: “Swear you are not saying this to humor me, or I will kill you.”
Phr. “I (hereby) swear by my life, an oath I would keep!”
 In this case, the uttering of (τὴν ἐμὴν ψυχὴν) κατώμοσα “I hereby swear” constitutes the oath
itself. Of course, no “real” past tense reading possible here (†“I swore”).

2 Stefan Höfler, hoefles6@univie.ac.at

  The tragic aorist, for obvious reasons, is confined to the 1st person and appears only with a
restricted class of verbs (mostly verba dicendi). In English, a translation using the words hereby,
herewith (German hiermit) is not only the most suitable rendition of the “tragic aorist”, but also
serves as a cross check for whether or not a 1st person aorist indicative can be regarded as a true
“tragic aorist”.
 Since Koschmieder 1965:26ff, this special case of performative speech act has been known as the
“Koinzidenzfall”:
“Ich war bei der Untersuchung der Funktion der sog. „Tempora“ im Hebräischen durch den Fall bērachtī ʼōþō =
‚ich segne ihn hiermit‘ darauf aufmerksam geworden, daß es sich hierbei um einen Sonderfall handelt, in dem
nämlich das Aussprechen des Satzes nicht nur von der Handlung spricht, sondern auch eben die betr. Handlung ist;
die bezeichnete Handlung findet nicht nur gleichzeitig mit dem Aussprechen des betr. Satzes statt, wie in den
übrigen Fällen der typischen Gegenwart, z.B. ich schreibe eben, ich lese gerade, jetzt lasse ich los, usw., so n der n
si e b e ste ht üb era upt [sic] i m Au s sp rec he n de s Sa tze s .” (Koschmieder 1965:26f; bold print by me)

 Compare the modern-day formulaic expressions such as:

o I (hereby) name this ship ‘Queen Elizabeth’.
o I hereby invite you to attend a meeting of the Finance Committee.
o I solemnly swear that I'm up to no good.
o Hiermit erkläre ich Sie zu Mann und Frau.
o Ich bitte dich hiermit um Verzeihung.

 Within Greek, there is also the possibility to use the 1st person present indicative for the
“Koinzidenzfall”
(7) {Αἰ.} ὄμνυμι Γαῖαν <Ἡλίου ϑ᾽ ἁγνὸν σέβας>
ϑεούς τε πάντας ἐμμενεῖν ἅ σου κλύω. (E. Med. 746f)
“I swear by Earth, by the holy worship of Helios, and by all the gods that I will
do as I hear from you.” (Bary 2012:35)
 Bary 2012 (with references to previous accounts) offers a very attractive explanation for this
phenomenon. According to her, the Greek “tense-aspect pair” system can be illustrated as follows
(Bary 2012:37):
present past
imperfective ‘present’ ‘imperfect’
perfective2 - ‘aorist’

 She concludes that the ideal form for performative utterances such as ‘I (hereby) swear’, ‘I
(hereby) apologize’ would be a combination of perfective aspect and present tense (“since event
time and moment of utterance coincide”; Bary 2012:50), which, however, does not exist in Greek.
“In the absence of the optimal form, two suboptimal forms are equally good: the form for present tense and
imperfective aspect and the form for past tense and aoristic² aspect. The latter is what is traditionally called the tragic
aorist.” (Bary 2012:50f; bold print by me)

 The form scripsi of example (1) does in fact meet all the requirements of a “performative” /
“Koinzidenzfall” / “tragic aorist”:
o It is a 1st person (“I hereby write”).
o It is formally a past tense but refers to a present action (“I hereby write”).
o The utterance of the action constitutes the action itself (“I hereby write”).
 In accordance with the κατώμοσα (6) / ὄμνυμι (7) situation, also in Latin we would expect to
find both present and perfect forms to be used for the “Koinzidenzfall”.

2 Bary uses the term “aoristic aspect” for what is usually known as “perfective aspect”.

3 Stefan Höfler, hoefles6@univie.ac.at

 o For the present cf. Plaut. Amph. 435f:
(8) {Sos.} Per Iouem iuro med esse neque me falsum dicere.
{Merc.} At ego per Mercurium iuro, tibi Iouem non credere.
Sos.: “By Jupiter I swear that I am he, and that I do not say false.”
Merc.: “But by Mercury, I swear that Jupiter does not believe you.”
 But for our study, of course only the use of perfect forms will be of interest.
 Where do we expect evidence for potential performatives aka “Koinzidenzfall” in Latin?
o In every text where a 1st person uses instantaneous speech: plays, letters, legal contracts,
graffiti, curse tablets, etc.

§4 Evidence from the Tabulae Pompeianae Sulpiciorum

 wax tablets from a Banker’s archive, c. 30 – 60 CE and consist of various legal documents.
o For an example see (1) on page 1. Critical edition by Camodeca 1999.
 The chirographs (hand-written treaties) from the TPSulp. usually consist of two to three wooden
tablets coated in wax.
 The main and most immediate function of the chirograph is that the writer confirms by his (her)
own handwriting that he (or she) has done so-and-so.3
 The chief actor writes his version of the text on the interior wax surfaces of two tablets.
o This interior text often displays unusual spellings, spelling mistakes and progressive
phonology.
 A second version of the text is written by a professional scribe on a third tablet (exterior text in
“correct” Latin), and all three tablets are kept together.
o See Meyer 2004:126ff for pictures and discussion.
 The format of the text is consistent and does not only appear as such in the TPSulp. but also in
texts from other areas of the empire.
“They invariably begin with a date …, then give the names of the author-protagonists, who … claim ‘scripsi …’
followed by verbs that make clear which act has been undertaken. ‘scripsi me convenisse’ denotes a agreement,
‘scripsi me accepisse’ or ‘scripsi me habere’ or even ‘scripsi me percipere in solutum’ a discharge of obligation,
‘scripsi me accepisse mutua et debere’ … a loan called a mutuum …” (Meyer 2004:149; omitting footnotes)
 In Camodeca 1999 we find 43 attestations of scripsi (scripssi) in the TPSulp. in 35 formulaic
phrases (8× the duplicate is preserved) in 31 different documents dating from 29 CE onwards .
o In one case there is a Greek interior version (TBSulp. 78) using the aorist ἔγραψα.
 As seen above under §3, the use of scripsi here does indeed meet all the requirements of a
“Koinzidenzfall”.
 If scripsi here is a “real” performative (and not some sort of “Perfekt des Briefstils”), we would,
according to the Greek κατώμοσα (5) / ὄμνυμι (6) situation, expect other “performative verbs”
to appear in present tense.
 And indeed, in 5 cases (in 3 different texts) the chirographs end with the performative verb fateor
‘(this,) I hereby acknowledge’, in one case (TPSulp. 54) even with the phrase
(9) fateor autem et iuraui per Iouem et numen diui Aug(usti) me hoc anno pro eodem
nulli ali fide mea esse iussisse. (TPSulp. 54.12-14; regularized spelling)
“For I hereby acknowledge and swear by Jupiter and the divine power of the deified
Augustus that I have, this year, stood surety on his behalf and on behalf of no one else.”

3Cf. also Platschek 2013:134 who discusses a passage in Justinian’s Digest that cites the same chirograph formula ille scripsi me
accepisse … and rightly translates “Ich, der und der, erkläre hiermit schriftlich, erhalten zu haben”.

4 Stefan Höfler, hoefles6@univie.ac.at

  If scripsi (and iuraui) were instances of the “Perfekt des Briefstils” we would expect a consistent
usage of perfect forms and, thus, a form *fassus sum.

 Another 1st person perfect indicative used to conclude the chirograph is spopondi ‘I hereby
pledge’ (14× in 13 texts in the TPSulp.).
 This performative vow also appears 10× in 6 texts under the form spepondi, which according to
Gellius (6.9) is an archaism and was in use among earlier writers (Valerius Antias, Cicero, Caesar;
all 1st century BCE).
o In 2 cases the interior text has spepondi, the exterior text spopondi.
 It seems feasible to assume that the professional scribes knew that the “correct” form was
spopondi and therefore used this form in the exterior version, but that among the vulgus the old
form spepondi ‘I hereby pledge’ was still wide-spread in the first century CE because of its status
as a common oral phrase (in legal context).4
 If so, chances are considerable that also the use of the perfect itself (as a performative) is an
archaism.5

§5 Other Evidence from Pompeii

 CIL IV 9109 (Graffito in a weaving shop):
(10) scripsi coeptum stamini
decembre VII K(alendas) ianuarias
“I hereby take note that weaving has begun on December 26.”
 Purpose of the graffito: “… serving as a sort of aide-mémoire for keeping track … of business”
(Cooley 2012:115)
 The graffito was written at the exact day when the weaving began, the form scripsi refers to the
present act of writing.
o Translation as “I have written down that the weaving was begun …” (Cooley l.c.) or “Ich
hab es aufgeschrieben: das Weben angefangen …” (Hunink 2011:318) are therefore
unpromising.

§6 Evidence from informal letters

 Non-literary letters from two areas: Britain (on wooden tablets) and Egypt (papyri or ostraka).
(cf. Halla-aho 2008:2ff).
 CEL 74.12-18 (Egypt):
(11) misi tibe per Arrianum equitem chiloma entro ha[b]et collyram I et in lintiolo […]
alligatum quod rogo te ut ema[s] mi matium salem et [mi]ttas mi celerius quia pane uolo
facere…
“Herewith I am sending you a box through the cavalryman Arrianus. Inside there is a
collyra and (a denarius?) wrapped in linen, as I ask you to buy me a matium of salt and
send it to me quickly, because I want to make bread.” (cf. Halla-aho 2008:88; Adams
2016: chapter 26)

4 Adams 1990:244 claims that spepondi “was presumably an archaic spelling observed by Eunus [i.e. the writer of the chirograph]
in earlier documents.” According to the numerous orthographical peculiarities that Eunus makes in his writing, however (see
Adams 1990:230ff), it is not very likely that Eunus actually did observe a whole lot of “earlier documents”.
5 Plautus, however, already exclusively uses the present tense with this verb for the “Koinzidenzfall” as in Capt. 898: …

{Erg.} Sponden tu istud? {Heg.} Spondeo. “Erg.: Do you promise it? Heg.: I (hereby) promise.”

5 Stefan Höfler, hoefles6@univie.ac.at

  If this letter was sent together with the box (which would seem natural), a “Koinzidenzfall” misi
‘I hereby send’ is a plausible reading.
“[S]ometimes the person delivering the goods might bring the letter at the same time, and a list of the items would
then allow the recipient to make sure he got everything.” (Halla-aho 2008:13342)
 But “real” perfect misi ‘I sent’ is possible, too, if the box was sent earlier.
 Or “Perfekt des Briefstils” in the sense of ‘I am sending (and because I know that by the time you
read this message the sending of the letter is already accomplished, I am using the perfect instead
of the present)’?
 But it is odd that the most prominent examples (misi and scripsi) of the “Perfekt des Briefstils”
can be interpreted and are typologically well-known as typical “Koinzidenzfälle” ‘I hereby send’6
and ‘I hereby write’.
o For more on the common phrase misi tibi ‘I hereby send you’ or ‘I (have) sent you’ in
non-literary letters see Adams 1996; Halla-aho 2008:134-137.

§7 Evidence from formal letters

 The form scripsi is ubiquitous in letters and in most of the cases is used as a present perfect ‘I
have written’ (12) or a simple past ‘I wrote’ (13).
(12) de Antonio iam antea tibi scripsi non esse eum a me conventum. (Cic. Att. 15.1.2)
“As for Antonius, I have already written to you that the two of us have not yet met.”
(13) scripsi equidem olim ei iratus, quod ille prior scripserat … (Cic. Att. 3.12.2)
“I did write him once, furious, what he had written to me”
 Some cases of scripsi can indeed be identified as the “Perfekt des Briefstils” in the sense of ‘I
write/I am writing/I wrote’ (14).
(14) (letter end) haec scripsi nauigans cum Pompeianum accederem xiiii Kal. (Cic. Att. 16.7.8)
“I write this at sea on my way to my Pompeian (villa), August 19.”
 Sometimes, however, scripsi can be regarded as a “Koinzidenzfall” ‘I hereby write’.
(15) (D. Brutus to Cicero) scripsi tibi quae hic gererentur: in itinere est Antonius, ad Lepidum
proficiscitur, … (Cic. Fam. 11.11.1)
“I hereby write you what is going on here. Antony is on the march, he is going to
Lepidus, …”

 Since the object of scripsi, namely quae hic gererentur7, immediately follows as a written account
in the present tense, the use of scripsi as some sort of past tense is rather unlikely.

 The same situation is found with the form misi: present perfect ‘I have sent’ (16) or simple past
‘I sent’ (17) …
(16) misi autem ad te quattuor admonitores non nimis verecundos. (Cic. Fam. 9.8.1)
“I have sent four admonishers to you, not particularly modest ones.”
(17) ei statim rescripsi hominemque certum misi de comitibus meis. (Cic. Att. 8.1.2)
“I answered him immediately and sent him one of my most reliable men.”
 … but sometimes a “Koinzidenzfall” ‘I hereby send’ (18) is a possible reading, as in §6, when
one assumes that the sending of the letter and the sending of an attachment to the letter happened
at the same time.

6 For typological parallels within Imperial Aramaic letters (“perf.” ’awšẹrt ‘I hereby send’) cf. Gzella 2004:209; Schwiderski
2013:165f.
7 Actually, if scripsi were (as it is argued) a non-past tense ‘I hereby write’, one would expect a *quae hic gerantur. The actual

attested quae hic gererentur can, however, be “grammatically” motivated.

6 Stefan Höfler, hoefles6@univie.ac.at

  Cicero, for example, often sends Atticus copies of letters he has written or received:
(18) M. Antonius ad me scripsit de restitutione Sex. Clodi; quam honorifice, quod ad me
attinet, ex ipsius litteris cognosces (misi enim tibi exemplum). (Cic. Att. 14.13.6)
“Marcus Antonius has written to me about the recall of Sextus Clodius — in what a
complimentary manner, as far as I am concerned, you may see from his letter (for I send
you a copy herewith).”
 In some cases the non-past nature of the “Koinzidenzfall” misi is also vouchered for by the use of
a perfect (and not a pluperfect) in a connected relative clause, namely (19):
(19) litteras quas ad Pompeium scripsi tibi misi. (Cic. Att. 3.9.3; end of the letter)
“I herewith send you the letter I wrote to Pompeius.”
 Similarly in Att. 3.8.4; 12.18.2; etc.

 In the case where misi is a real past tense, Cicero uses the pluperfect scripseram in the relative
clause:
(20) et, ut recordor, una cum illius obiurgatoria tibi meam [epistulam] quoque quam ad eum
rescripseram misi. (Cic. Att. 13.6.3)
“To the best of my recollection, along with his letter of remonstrance I (then) sent you
also the letter that I had written to him.”
 Even more evident is the following case (comparable to scripsi in (15)) where the text qua object
of misi immediately follows:
(21) aliquando tamen … senatus consultum, quod tibi misi, factum est auctoritatesque
perscriptae:
S. C. AUCTORITATESQ. Pr. Kal. Octobres … (Cic. Fam. 8.8)
“At last, however, … a decree of the senate was passed, which I hereby send you, and
some resolutions which were reduced to writing:
RESOLUTION OF THE SENATE: September 29, ...”

§8 Evidence from defixiones

 defixiones are curse tablets, usually tiny sheets of lead inscribed with maledictions.
 The act of writing down the curse arguably constitutes the curse itself.
o The vital role of performative speech acts and especially the “Koinzidenzfall” within
Latin defixiones has been duly acknowledged and discussed at length by Kropp
2008:137ff, especially pp.145ff; cf. also Versnel 2010:348ff; Urbanová 2014:1082ff.
 The corpus in consideration here comprises the Tabellae Sulis found in Bath (UK), a collection
of about 130 defixiones from the 2nd to 4th century CE. See Tomlin 1988.
 Use of 1st person present indicative is well attested:
(22) ẹxe ̣cro qui inuolauer/it … (dfx 3.2/78; Kropp’s citation)
“I hereby curse (him) who has stolen …”
(23) deuoueo eum [q]ui / caracellam meam / inuolauerit … (dfx 3.2/10)
“I hereby curse him who has stolen my hooded cloak…”
(24) … dono … eum latr[on]/em qui rem ipsa/m involavi[t] … (dfx 3.2/36).
“I hereby hand over the thief who stole this thing.”

 But we also find the use of the 1st person perfect indicative:
(25) Mineru(a)e / de(ae) Suli donaui / furem qui / caracallam meam inuo/lauit … (dfx 3.2/79)

7 Stefan Höfler, hoefles6@univie.ac.at

 “To Minerva the goddess Sulis I hereby hand over the thief who has stolen my hooded
cloak …”
(26) Nomine Camulorigis et Titocunae molam quam perdiderunt in fano dei deuoui. (dfx
3.19/3)8
“In the name of Camulorix and Titocuna, I hereby offer the mule (?) that they lost, in the
sanctuary of the god.”
 The interchange between present and perfect forms for the same meaning (‘I hereby give’) is
exactly what we expect from what was said at the end of §3 (cf. Gk. κατώμοσα (6) / ὄμνυμι (7)
‘I hereby swear’).

§9 Evidence from Oscan

 Within Oscan, the only attested 1st person perfect indicative is manafum ‘(lit.) I handed over’9,
twice in 1 text from Capua (Cp 37 = Ve. 6 in lines 1 and 3), a curse tablet of considerable length.
(27) ̣
keri: arent[ikai: man]afum: pai: pu ̣[i: pu]i ̣ heriam suvam legị [num:
̣ ̣ ̣ad /
suvam: a]fluk
… / … idik: t(i)fei: manafum: … (Cp 37 = Ve. 6.1-3)10
“To Ceres Arentica, I hereby entrust, who … // … This, I hereby entrust to you.”
 Murano 2012:643 rightfully interprets the form manafum as a “performative aorist” (a term
coined by Faraone 1995:13f note 42), which is, of course, to be equated with the “tragic aorist”
of §3.11
 Since this Oscan text dates from the end of the 4th century BCE, we now have substantial evidence
of the performative use of past tense forms of the 1st person indicative in two Italic languages
over a rather long period of time.
 Even if we cannot establish whether this is an inherited function of the PIE (or at least pre-Italic)
aorist or if both languages adopted Greek costumes (compare the defixio DTA 96: Μικίωνα ἐγὼ
ἔλαβον καὶ ἔδησα ‘I hereby seize and bind Mikion’; Faraone 1995:13f note 42), the former
option seems to be the more plausible one.

§10 Origin of the usage and Indo-European comparanda

 In Vedic, the 1st person aorist injunctive is used for the Koinzidenzfall (see Hoffmann
1967:251ff):
(28) … tád u ṣú prá vocam. (RV 1.164.26)
‘… this I hereby proclaim.’ (‘das verkünde ich hiermit.’; Hoffmann 1967:251)
 The aorist injunctive is formally an aorist without the temporal augment (ávocam), which makes
sense if we reconsider what has been said under §3 (i.e. that the ideal combination for the
“Koinzidenzfall” would be present [or non-past] tense and perfective aspect).12
 The Vedic 1st person aorist injunctive can therefore be equated with the Greek “tragic aorist”
and perhaps also with the Latin perfect scripsi, misi, and Oscan manafum.
 Whatever its origin, I hope to have shown that the performative value of the 1st person perfect
indicative in Latin needs to be acknowledged.

8 This defixio is from Ratcliffe-on-Soar, not from Bath. Note the use of the perfect perdiderunt in the relative clause.
9 The Latin functional and etymological equivalent would be mandāuī; on the formal side, though, °um represents the secondary
ending *°om.
10 For a recent discussion of the passage see Dupraz 2012:220f (who translates “I have entrusted”). Álvarez-Pedrosa Núñez

1997:108 rightfully uses a present tense (“[e]ncomiendo …”) in his translation.

11 Unfortunately, however, she translates the form as ‘I have entrusted’.
12 For reasons of time and space I refrain from going into detail about “the vexed question of how to interpret Av. stuiiē, Ved.

stuṣé ‘I hereby praise’” (that I mentioned in my abstract), which deserves an extensive discussion of its own.

8 Stefan Höfler, hoefles6@univie.ac.at

 §11 References
ADAMS, James N. (1990), ‘The Latinity of C. Novius Eunus’, Zeitschrift für Papyrologie und Epigraphik 82, 227-
247.
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9 Stefan Höfler, hoefles6@univie.ac.at

Notes

10 Stefan Höfler, hoefles6@univie.ac.at

Notes

11 Stefan Höfler, hoefles6@univie.ac.at

Notes

12 Stefan Höfler, hoefles6@univie.ac.at