Name : Icha Novita Sari

Npm : 1923014
Class : A.3.1
Subject : Phonetic and Phonology
Supporting lecturer : Neti Lastri, M.pd

SUMMARY PHONOLOGY AND PART OF PHONOLOGY

1. Phonemes
Phoneme (Gr. phone “sound, voice”) is the smallest contrastive unit of language that
may change the meaning of a morpheme and, as a pursuant, a word.
Put it simply, phoneme is a contrasting phonological unit. Let us consider several
examples:
a) pig – big /p/* – /b/
b) [[[pen – pan /e/ – /æ/
c) sink – think /s/ – /θ/
As can be seen from the examples above, the distinction between /p/ – /b/, /e/ – /æ/, and /s/ –
/θ/ creates new words in English, which means that English has such phonemes as /p/, /b/, /e/,
/æ/, /s/, /θ/ (among other English phonemes). When linguists construct phonological system
of a language (let’s say the language of a tribe), they try to find pairs of words in which the
distinction is as small as in the words above. If such a pair is found, then it means that this
language has such phonemes. Let us consider one more example, in Russian this time:
2. Phone and Allophone

 Sound (phone) is a vibration or wave caused by an object.

This definition comes from acoustics and underlines physical characteristics of sounds of
speech. Sounds are instances of phonemes in real speech. Put it simply, sounds are everything
we hear with our ears. Here are some examples of sounds:
a) [k], [b], [f], [u], [d], [e], [i:]
b) the word “cat” consists of three sounds and can be transcribed as follows: [kæt][
 Allophone (Gr. allos “other” and phone “sound, voice”) is a variant of a phoneme.
Allophones are different pronunciations of words which do not change the meaning of these
words. Let us consider the following allophones:
a) [pʰ] as in “pin” and [p] as in “spin”
b) [l] as in “lean” and [ɫ] as in “fill”
Whether we (or a foreigner) pronounce [pin] or [pʰin], [spin] or [spʰin]; [li:n] or [ɫi:n], [fil] or
[fiɫ], it does not really change the meaning in English. Therefore, we are dealing not with
phonemes, but with allophones.
3. Distinctive Features
In linguistics, a distinctive feature is the most basic unit of phonological structure that may be
analyzed in phonological theory.
Distinctive features are grouped into categories according to the natural classes of segments
they describe: major class features, laryngeal features, manner features, and place features.
These feature categories in turn are further specified on the basis of the phonetic properties of
the segments in question.
Since the inception of the phonological analysis of distinctive features in the 1950s, features
[traditionally have been specified by binary values to signify whether a segment is described
by the feature; a positive value, [+], denotes the presence of a feature, while a negative value,
[−], indicates its absence. In addition, a phoneme may be unmarked with respect to a feature.
It is also possible for certain phonemes to have different features across languages. For
example, [l] could be classified as a continuant or not in a given language depending on how
it patterns with other consonants.
4. Sound that are not phonemes
In dictionary transcriptions, we have sounds, not phonemes. Sounds are physical segments.
Sounds, unlike phonemes, have such concrete characteristics as duration in time and
loudness. Sounds are produced by organs of speech. Sounds are quite concrete and linguists
consider them to be units of speech; while phonemes are abstract (they are generalizations
made on the basis of comparison of words) and linguists consider them to be units of
language (cf Saussurian distinction langue – parole). Sometimes, in non-linguistic circles, the
word “sound” is used to name what is, in fact, a phoneme.
Sometimes, there is more than one way to pronounce a phoneme. These different
pronunciations are called allophones. They are not phonemes, because they do not change the
meaning of the word. Allophones often show up when people have different accents. One
good example is the word "butter". Some native speakers will say [bʌɾə]. Others will say
[bʌtə]. You can see here that [t] and [ɾ] are allophones of the same phoneme. Whatever way
you say it, the meaning of the word does not change! It's still the yellow stuff made from milk
that you put on bread.
5. Complentary Distribution
Complementary distribution is the mutually exclusive relationship between two phonetically
similar segments. It exists when one segment occurs in an environment where the other
segment never occurs.
The rationale for complementary distribution comes from one of the principles of
phonemics:

 Sounds tend to be modified by their environments.

A phoneme is made up of certain features that are basic to it. When this phoneme occurs in
certain phonetic environments, one or more of its features may undergo changes caused by
those environments.
(English)
The phones [p] and [pH] are in complementary distribution. [pH] occurs syllable-initially in a
stressed syllable, but [p] never does, as demonstrated here:

Phonetic Gloss Underlying

representation representation
pHEpp«&u0279; 'pepper' /pEpp«&u0279;/
spIn 'spin' /spIn/

6. Predictability or Redudancy Features

Redundancy refers to the predictability of a certain feature due to the fact that its presence
guarantees the presence of another feature. For instance, when describing an aspirated plosive
in Standard English, it would be redundant to use the feature [-vce] since only [-vce] plosives
can be aspirated. Likewise, vowels are not specified for [+vce] since these sounds are always
underlyingly voiced.
Features that are redundant (that is, whose values are predictable) are also referred to as
underspecified. In other words, when all phonemes of a given class (ex: nasals) must be
specified for a given feature, e.g., [+vce], we say that this class is underspecified for that
feature. All nasals in English are [+vce], so we say that they are underspecified for [-vce].
Underspecificity can be either language-specific or universal. Place of articulation
underspecificity for affricates in English is language-specific (all affricates are palato-
alveolar) since langauges exists that display alveolar affricates as well. Universal
underspecificity, however, is cross-linguistic. Vowel classes in all languages are
underspecified for [+vce].
7. Minimal Pairs and Sets

 Minimal Pairs
In phonology, minimal pairs are pairs of words or phrases in a particular language, which
differ in only one phonological element, such as a phone, phoneme, and have distinct
meanings. They are used to demonstrate that two phones constitute two separate phonemes in
the language.
Deference between two otherwise identical strings of sound and this difference result in a
change of meaning. ex: wet:yet to:do kill:gill park:bark might:night lot:rot Sue:zoo
fairy:very
Phoneme in minimal pairs
If we substitute one segment for another and this result in a change in meaning the two
segments belong to two difference phonemes Thus (k) and (m) are realization of two
difference phonemes (k) and (m) because substituting one for the other as first element of the
string (aet) gives two difference words . (cat) and (mat)
Example: pig:big (p is opposed to b)- /p/ is opposed to /t/ as in (pea:tea)- /p/ is opposed to /j/
as in (peep:jeep)- /p/ is opposed to /d/ as in (Pig:dig)- peep:cheap- Peat:feet- Port:thought-
pea:we- rip:ring
 Minimal set
A set of distinct words in a language which differ in only one or a limited number of
phonological elements. If there are two words in the set, it is a minimal pair. A minimal set is
used to demonstrate that the phonological element under consideration is phonemic—that is,
that it has contrastive function in determining meaning.
8. Phonotactics
In phonology, phonotactics is the study of the ways in which phonemes are allowed to
combine in a particular language. (A phoneme is the smallest unit of sound capable of
conveying a distinct meaning.) Adjective: phonotactic.
Over time, a language may undergo phonotactic variation and change. For example, as Daniel
Schreier points out, "Old English phonotactics admitted a variety of consonantal sequences
that are no longer found in contemporary varieties" (Consonant Change in English
Worldwide, 2005).
Understanding Phonotactic Constraints
Phonotactic constraints are rules and restrictions concerning the ways in which syllables can
be created in a language. Linguist Elizabeth Zsiga observes that languages "do not allow
random sequences of sounds; rather, the sound sequences a language allows are a systematic
and predictable part of its structure."
Phonotactic constraints, says Zsiga, are "restrictions on the types of sounds that are allowed
to occur next to each other or in particular positions in the word" ("The Sounds of Language"
in An Introduction to Language and Linguistics, 2014).
Examples and Observations
"Becoming sensitive to phonotactics is not only important for learning how sounds occur
together; it is also crucial for discovering word boundaries."
(Kyra Karmiloff and Annette Karmiloff-Smith, Pathways to Language. Harvard University
Press, 2001)
9. Syllables and Cluster

 Syllables
We have seen elsewhere (Phonological Organization) that phonemes may be combined to
form words and that there is an intermediate level of phonological organization between the
phoneme and the word known as the syllable. This article examines the organization of
syllables in greater depth.
Three-part structure of English syllables
Syllables have a fundamental three-part structure as follows (Harley, 2006).
The initial element is the onset. Only consonants can fill the onset slot. Similarly, the final
element – the coda – can only be filled by consonants. The central element is the nucleus
(sometimes known as the peak) and all syllables must minimally consist of a nucleus. For the
majority of English syllables the nucleus is typically a vowel sound. However, for a relatively
small number of syllables a so-called syllabic consonant may optionally fill the slot. In this
article we will focus only on syllables in which a vowel acts as the nucleus. In English, the
nucleus only contains one vowel, either a monophthong or a diphthong, known as the nuclear
vowel.
Examples of nuclear syllables
Of the 20 or so vowels in English, only a handful appears to construct meaningful words
when spoken in isolation. It is, therefore, much more likely that consonants will accompany a
nuclear vowel: appearing in the peripheral positions, either in the initial position before the
central nuclear vowel or in the final position after the nuclear vowel. Syllables may be
constructed with consonants only in the initial position, only in the final position, or in both
positions at the same time. Whereas only one vowel is permitted within any syllable, up to
three consonants can be placed before the nucleus. This is in the so-called prevocalic position
and, as we have seen, it is referred to as the onset of the syllable:

 Clusters
Prevocalic (onset) clusters
In CV syllables (i.e. syllables with only one consonant in the onset) any consonant can
occupy the initial position, with the exception of the voiced post-alveolar fricative /ʒ/ (as in
the word beige) and the voiced velar nasal /ŋ/ (as in the word wing).
two-consonant clusters
In CCV syllables there is a sequence of two consonants without an intervening vowel.
Sequences such as this are called clusters (sometimes known as blends). As you might
expect, there are restrictions on which consonants can combine to create these two-consonant
clusters. The allowable combinations are summarized diagrammatically in Figure 1 (adapted
from Jackson 1980, p. 43) [1].
Figure 1. Syllable-initial two-consonant clusters.
There are, therefore, 26 two-consonant clusters in English: /sm/, /sn/, /st/, /sw/, /sk/, /sl/, /sp/,
/sf/, /θw/, /dw/, /tw/, /θr/, /dr/, /tr/, /kw/, /kr/, /kl/, /pr/, /fr/, /br/, /gr/, /pl/, /fl/, /bl/, /gl/ and /ʃr/.
Table 1 sets out examples of each of these syllable-initial combinations in actual words.
three-consonant clusters
In CCCV syllables the restrictions are even greater (Figure 2; adapted from Jackson 1980, p.
44).[
Figure 2. Syllable-initial three-consonant clusters.
We see from Figure 2 that all allowable three-consonant clusters are s-clusters, i.e. the initial
consonant is /s/. Further, there are only six three-consonant clusters: /spl/, /spr/, /str/, /sfr/,
/skr/ and /skw/. The combination /sfr/ is extremely restricted in English. Examples include
sphragide /sfreɪdʒaɪd/ (a pellet of clay from the Greek island Lemnos), sphragistics
/sfrəʤɪstɪks/ (the study of seals and signet rings) and sphrigosis /sfrɪʤəʊsɪs/ (over abundant
growth in plants). These words all have a Greek origin and have been adopted into the
language. As such, it is arguable that the combination /sfr/ in syllable-initial position is not
strictly allowable under the rules of English phonology. Table 2 provides some examples of
three-consonant syllable-initial clusters in words.
Postvocalic (coda) clusters
In addition to three possible consonants in syllable-initial position, up to four consonants may
be arranged after the vowel. This is in the so-called postvocalic position and, as we know, is
referred to as the coda. Together the nucleus and the coda construct what is known as the
syllable rime:
Syllable rime
As with clusters in syllable-initial position, there are limitations on which consonants may
combine and in what order in syllable-final position. Unlike syllable-initial clusters, however,
it is not easy to represent all allowable combinations diagrammatically. Suffice it to say that
there are at least 48 allowable three-consonant clusters and around seven allowable four-
consonant clusters in syllable-final position in English. The following are some examples of
syllable rimes.
10. Co-Articulation Effect
The study of coarticulation—namely, the articulatory modification of a given speech sound
arising from coproduction or overlap with neighboring sounds in the speech chain—has
attracted the close attention of phonetic researchers for at least the last 60 years. Knowledge
about coarticulatory patterns in speech should provide information about the planning
mechanisms of consecutive consonants and vowels and the execution of coordinative
articulatory structures during the production of those segmental units. Coarticulatory effects
involve changes in articulatory displacement over time toward the left (anticipatory) or the
right (carryover) of the trigger, and their typology and extent depend on the articulator under
investigation (lip, velum, tongue, jaw, larynx) and the articulatory characteristics of the
individual consonants and vowels, as well as nonsegmental factors such as speech rate, stress,
and language.
Examples of coarticulation are anticipatory velar lowering during a vowel preceding a
syllable-final nasal consonant (send) and tongue body raising and fronting during a schwa
placed next to the palatoalveolar consonant /ʃ/ (the shore, ashamed). Coarticulatory effects
may involve several articulatory structures (velum, lips, tongue tip, tongue body, jaw, larynx)
and acoustic properties (e.g., second formant frequency, segmental duration). They may
result from the activation of a single articulatory gesture (as in ashamed), or from the
interaction among articulatory gestures for different segments (as in the cluster /sk/ in the
Spanish word asco ‘nausea,’ where /s/ is front lingual and /k/ a dorsal consonant).
11. Assimilation
Assimilation is a common phonological process by which one sound becomes more like a
nearby sound. This can occur either within a word or between words. In rapid speech, for
example, "handbag" is often pronounced [ˈhambag], and "hot potato" as [ˈhɒppəteɪtoʊ]. As in
these two examples, sound segments typically assimilate to a following sound (this is called
regressive or anticipatory assimilation), but they may also assimilate to a preceding one
(progressive assimilation). While assimilation most commonly occurs between immediately
adjacent sounds, it may occur between sounds separated by others ("assimilation at a
distance").
Assimilation can be synchronic— that is, an active process in a language at a given point in
time— or diachronic: That is, a historical sound change.
12. Elision
In phonetics and phonology, elision is the omission of a sound (a phoneme) in speech. Elision
is common in casual conversation.
Elision is the omission of sounds, syllables or words in speech. This is done to make the
language easier to say, and faster.
Example
'I don't know' /I duno/ , /kamra/ for camera, and 'fish 'n' chips' are all examples of elision.
In the classroom
Elision is an important area in listening skills, as learners are often unable to hear elided
words correctly, especially if they have little contact with native speakers. Word-counting
and dictations are two activities that practise recognition, whilst at the production stage
drilling elided forms such as contracted forms is common.
More specifically, elision may refer to the omission of an unstressed vowel, consonant, or
syllable. This omission is often indicated in print by an apostrophe. Verb: elide.[[[
13. Form and Meaning
Form in linguistics and language refers to the symbols used to represent meaning. Each form
has a particular meaning in a particular context. This cannot be stressed enough. It implies
that a form can have different meanings in different contexts. However, the range of
meanings for a form is usually limited to a prototype or prototypes based around an image
schema to a set of extensions. This is referred to as polysemy (think of the different meanings
listed in a dictionary of a particular word).
Note that the relationship of the form to meaning is largely arbitrary. This is quite easily
proven to be true. Firstly, if meaning is linked to form then naturally all languages will have
the same form for the exact same meaning. This is obviously not true by observation of any
two language. Secondly, meaning changes over time for a form. An example of this is ‘gay’.
Two hundred years ago this word had meant ‘happy’. Today it signifies a social group.
Furthermore, ‘gay’ no longer has negative connotations that it did just 30 years ago.
But in linguistics, it is not form and meaning but form-meaning, one word. The proper terms
used for form-meaning, form and meaning are sign, signifier and signified respectively.
Finally, signs can represent either real things or imaginary concepts. As long as these things
or concepts are considered coherent they can be given a form, and turned into a sign by a
language community.