Feminism in India - Wikipedia

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Feminism in India

Feminism in India is a set of movements


aimed at defining, establishing, and
defending equal political, economic, and
social rights and opportunities for women
in India. It is the pursuit of women's rights
within the society of India. Like their
feminist counterparts all over the world,
feminists in India seek gender equality: the
right to work for equal wages, the right to
equal access to health and education, and
equal political rights.[1] Indian feminists
also have fought against culture-specific
issues within India's patriarchal society,
such as inheritance laws.

Women participating in the Shaheen Bagh protest in 2020

Protest against 2012 Delhi gang rape and murder


The history of feminism in India can be
divided into three phases: the first phase,
beginning in the mid-19th century, initiated
when reformists began to speak in favour
of women rights by making reforms in
education and customs involving
women;[2][3] the second phase, from 1915
to Indian independence, when Gandhi
incorporated women's movements into the
Quit India movement and independent
women's organisations began to emerge;[4]
and finally, the third phase, post-
independence, which has focused on fair
treatment of women at home after
marriage as well as the work force, and
their right to political parity.[4]
Despite the progress made by Indian
feminist movements, women living in
modern India still face many issues of
discrimination. India's patriarchal culture
has made the process of gaining land-
ownership rights and access to education
challenging for women.[5] In the past two
decades, there has also emerged a trend
of sex-selective abortion.[6] To Indian
feminists, these are seen as injustices
worth struggling against and feminism is
often misunderstood by Indians as female
domination rather than equality.[7]

As in the West, there has been some


criticism of feminist movements in India.
They have especially been criticised for
focusing too much on privileged women,
and neglecting the needs and
representation of poorer or lower caste
women. This has led to the creation of
caste-specific feminist organisations and
movements.[8]

Definition in the Indian


context
Women's role in pre-colonial social
structures reveals that feminism was
theorised differently in India than in the
West.[9] In India, women's issues first
began to be addressed when the state
commissioned a report on the status of
women to a group of feminist researchers
and activists. The report recognised the
fact that in India, women were oppressed
under a system of structural hierarchies
and injustices. During this period, Indian
feminists were influenced by the Western
debates being conducted about violence
against women. However, due to the
difference in the historical and social
culture of India, the debate in favour of
Indian women had to be conducted
creatively, and certain Western ideas had
to be rejected.[10] Women's issues began
to gain an international prominence when
the decade of 1975–1985 was declared
the United Nations Decade for Women.[3]

Indian feminists face certain obstacles in


Indian society that are not present or as
prevalent in Western society. While Indian
feminists have the same ultimate goal as
their Western counterparts, their version of
feminism can differ in many ways in order
to tackle the kind of issues and
circumstances they face in the modern-
day patriarchal society of India. Indian
feminists attempt to challenge the
patriarchal structure of their society in a
variety of ways. Sampat Pal Devi is a
former government worker and mother of
five, who noticed domestic abuse and
violence within her own community as she
grew up in India. As a result, she decided
to start a vigilant group known as the
'Gulabi Gang' who track down abusers and
beat them with bamboo sticks until it is
believed that they have repented and
victims have been sufficiently avenged. In
the area of religion, Indian feminists draw
attention to the powerful image of female
Goddesses in Hinduism. They also point
out the matriarchal pre-history of Indian
society and emphasise that there have
been periods of Indian history that were
not patriarchal, and communities eixted in
India that were largely female-orientated
and matriarchal.

Indian women negotiate survival through


an array of oppressive patriarchal family
structures: age, ordinal status, relationship
to men through family of origin, marriage
and procreation, and patriarchal attributes.
Examples of patriarchal attributes include
dowry, siring sons etc., kinship, caste,
community, village, market, and the state.
It should, however, be noted that several
communities in India, such as the Nairs of
Kerala, Shettys of Mangalore, certain
Marathi clans, and Bengali families, exhibit
matriarchal tendencies. In these
communities, the head of the family is the
oldest woman, rather than the oldest man.
Sikh culture is also regarded as relatively
gender-neutral.[11][12][N 1]

In India, of communities recognised in the


national Constitution as Scheduled Tribes,
"some ... [are] matriarchal and
matrilineal"[13] "and thus have been known
to be more egalitarian."[14] According to
interviewer Anuj Kumar, Manipur, "has a
matriarchal society",[15] but this may not be
a scholarly assessment.[N 2] Manipur was
ruled by strong dynasties and the need for
expansions of borders, crushing any
outsider threats, etc. engaged the men. So,
women had to take charge of home-front.

The heterogeneity of the Indian experience


reveals that there are multiple patriarchies,
contributing to the existence of multiple
feminism. Hence, feminism in India is not a
singular theoretical orientation; it has
changed over time in relation to historical
and cultural realities, levels of
consciousness, perceptions and actions of
individual women and women as a group.
The widely used definition is "An
awareness of women's oppression and
exploitation in society, at work and within
the family, and conscious action by women
and men to change this situation."[12]
Acknowledging sexism in daily life and
attempting to challenge and eliminate it
through deconstructing mutually exclusive
notions of femininity and masculinity as
biologically determined categories opens
the way towards an equitable society for
both men and women.[12]

The male and female dichotomy of polar


opposites with the former oppressing the
latter at all times is refuted in the Indian
context because it was men who initiated
social reform movements against various
social evils. Patriarchy is just one of the
hierarchies. Relational hierarchies between
women within the same family are more
adverse. Here women are pitted against
one another. Not all women are powerless
at all times.[16]

There have been intense debates within


the Indian women's movements about the
relationship between Western and Indian
feminism. Many Indian feminists
simultaneously claim a specific "Indian"
sensitivity as well as international feminist
solidarity with groups and individuals
worldwide.[10][17] The rise of liberal
feminism in the West in the 1970s focused
deeply on demands for equal
opportunities in education and
employment, as well as ending violence
against women. To a large extent, the
emerging feminist movement in India was
influenced by Western ideals. These called
for education and equal rights but also
adapted their appeals to local issues and
concerns, such as dowry-related violence
against women, Sati, sex-selective
abortion, and custodial rape. Some Indian
feminists have suggested that these
issues are not specifically "Indian" in nature
but rather a reflection of a wider trend of
patriarchal oppression of women.[10]

History
According to Maitrayee Chaudhuri, unlike
the Western feminist movement, India's
movement was initiated by men, and later
joined by women. But feminism as an
initiative started independently a little later
in Maharashtra by pioneering sex of
women's rights and education: Savitribai
Phule, who started the first school for girls
in India (1848);[18][19] Tarabai Shinde, who
wrote India's first feminist text Stri Purush
Tulana (A Comparison Between Women
and Men) in 1882; and Pandita Ramabai,
who criticized patriarchy and caste-system
in Hinduism, married outside her caste and
converted to Christianity (1880s). The
efforts of Bengali reformers included
abolishing sati, which was a widow's death
by burning on her husband's funeral
pyre,[3][20] abolishing the custom of child
marriage, abolishing the disfiguring of
widows, introducing the marriage of upper
caste Hindu widows, promoting women's
education, obtaining legal rights for
women to own property, and requiring the
law to acknowledge women's status by
granting them basic rights in matters such
as adoption.[2]

The 19th century was the period that saw


a majority of women's issues which came
under the spotlight and reforms began to
be made. Much of the early reforms for
Indian women were conducted by men.
However, by the late 19th century they
were joined in their efforts by their wives,
sisters, daughters, protegees and other
individuals directly affected by campaigns
such as those carried out for women's
education. By the late 20th century, women
gained greater autonomy through the
formation of independent women's own
organisations. By the late thirties and
forties a new narrative began to be
constructed regarding "women's activism".
This was newly researched and expanded
with the vision to create 'logical' and
organic links between feminism and
Marxism, as well as with anti-
communalism and anti-casteism, etc. The
Constitution of India did guarantee
"equality between the sexes", which
created a relative lull in women's
movements until the 1970s.[4]

During the formative years of women's


rights movements, the difference between
the sexes was more or less taken for
granted in that their roles, functions, aims
and desires were different. As a result,
they were not only to be reared differently
but treated differently also. Over the
course of time, this difference itself
became a major reason for initiating
women's movements. Early 19th century
reformers argued that the difference
between men and women was no reason
for the subjection of women in society.
However, later reformers were of the
opinion that indeed it was this particular
difference that subjugated women to their
roles in society, for example, as mothers.
Therefore, there was a need for the proper
care of women's rights. With the formation
of women's organisations and their own
participation in campaigns, their roles as
mothers was again stressed but in a
different light: this time the argument was
for women's rights to speech, education
and emancipation. However, the image of
women with the mother as a symbol
underwent changes over time – from an
emphasis on family to the creation of an
archetypal mother figure, evoking deep,
often atavistic images.[4]

First phase: 1850–1915

Kamini Roy (poet and suffragette) became the first woman Honors Graduate in India in 1886.
The colonial venture into modernity
brought concepts of democracy, equality
and individual rights. The rise of the
concept of nationalism and introspection
of discriminatory practices brought about
social reform movements related to caste
and gender relations. This first phase of
feminism in India was initiated by men to
uproot the social evils,[21] to allow
remarriage of widows, to forbid child
marriage, and to reduce illiteracy. It also
aimed to regulate the age of consent and
to ensure property rights through legal
intervention.[4] However, efforts for
improving the status of women in Indian
society were somewhat thwarted by the
late nineteenth century, as nationalist
movements emerged in India. These
movements resisted 'colonial interventions
in gender relations' particularly in the areas
of family relations. In the mid to late
nineteenth century, there was a national
form of resistance to any colonial efforts
made to 'modernize' the Hindu family. This
included the Age of Consent controversy
that erupted after the government tried to
raise the age of marriage for women.[3][22]

Several Indian states were ruled by women


during British colonial advance including
Jhansi (Rani Laxmibai), Kittur (Rani
Chennama), Bhopal (Quidisa Begum) and
Punjab (Jind Kaur).[23]

Second Phase: 1915–1947

During this period the struggle against


colonial rule intensified. Nationalism
became the pre-eminent cause. Claiming
Indian superiority became the tool of
cultural revivalism resulting in an essential
model of Indian womanhood similar to
that of Victorian womanhood: special yet
separated from public space. Gandhi
legitimized and expanded Indian women's
public activities by initiating them into the
non-violent civil disobedience movement
against the British Raj. He exalted their
feminine roles of caring, self-abnegation,
sacrifice and tolerance; and carved a niche
for those in the public arena. Peasant
women played an important role in the
rural satyagrahas of Borsad and
Bardoli.[24] Women-only organisations like
All India Women's Conference (AIWC) and
the National Federation of Indian Women
(NFIW) emerged. Women were grappling
with issues relating to the scope of
women's political participation, women's
franchise, communal awards, and
leadership roles in political parties.[4]
The 1920s was a new era for Indian
women and is defined as 'feminism' that
was responsible for the creation of
localized women's associations. These
associations emphasized women's
education issues, developed livelihood
strategies for working-class women, and
also organised national level women's
associations such as the All India
Women's Conference. AIWC was closely
affiliated with the Indian National
Congress. Under the leadership of
Mahatma Gandhi, it worked within the
nationalist and anti-colonialist freedom
movements. This made the mass
mobilisation of women an integral part of
Indian nationalism. Women therefore were
a very important part of various nationalist
and anti-colonial efforts, including the civil
disobedience movements in the 1930s.[4]

After independence, the All India Women's


Conference continued to operate and in
1954 the Indian Communist Party formed
its own women's wing known as the
National Federation of Indian Women.
However, feminist agendas and
movements became less active right after
India's 1947 independence, as the
nationalist agendas on nation building
took precedence over feminist issues.[25]
Women's participation in the struggle for
freedom developed their critical
consciousness about their role and rights
in independent India. This resulted in the
introduction of the franchise and civic
rights of women in the Indian constitution.
There was provision for women's
upliftment through affirmative action,
maternal health and child care provision
(crèches), equal pay for equal work etc.
The state adopted a patronizing role
towards women. For example, India's
constitution states that women are a
"weaker section" of the population, and
therefore need assistance to function as
equals.[2] Thus women in India did not
have to struggle for basic rights as did
women in the West. The utopia ended
soon when the social and cultural
ideologies and structures failed to honour
the newly acquired concepts of
fundamental rights and democracy.[4]

Post–1947

Indira Gandhi (née Nehru) was the only child of the India's first Prime Minister, Jawaharlal Nehru. She is the first and only
woman Prime Minister of India and the second-longest-serving Prime Minister.
Post independence feminists began to
redefine the extent to which women were
allowed to engage in the workforce. Prior
to independence, most feminists accepted
the sexual divide within the labour force.
However, feminists in the 1970s
challenged the inequalities that had been
established and fought to reverse them.
These inequalities included unequal wages
for women, relegation of women to
'unskilled' spheres of work, and restricting
women as a reserve army for labour. In
other words, the feminists' aim was to
abolish the free service of women who
were essentially being used as cheap
capital.[4] Feminist class-consciousness
also came into focus in the 1970s, with
feminists recognizing the inequalities not
just between men and women but also
within power structures such as caste,
tribe, language, religion, region, class etc.
This also posed as a challenge for
feminists while shaping their overreaching
campaigns as there had to be a focus
within efforts to ensure that fulfilling the
demands of one group would not create
further inequalities for another. Now, in the
early twenty-first century, the focus of the
Indian feminist movement has gone
beyond treating women as useful
members of society and a right to parity,
but also having the power to decide the
course of their personal lives and the right
of self-determination.[4]

In 1966 Indira Gandhi became the first


woman Prime Minister of India. She served
as prime minister of India for three
consecutive terms (1966–77) and a fourth
term from 1980 until she was
assassinated in 1984.[26]

Section 53A of the Code of Criminal


Procedure of the Indian law, 1973 lays
down certain provisions for medical
examination of the accused.[27] Section
164A of the Code of Criminal Procedure
deals with the medical examination of the
victim.[28]

Mary Roy won a lawsuit in 1986, against


the inheritance legislation of her Keralite
Syrian Christian community in the Supreme
Court. The judgement ensured equal rights
for Syrian Christian women with their male
siblings in regard to their ancestral
property.[29][30] Until then, her Syrian
Christian community followed the
provisions of the Travancore Succession
Act of 1916 and the Cochin Succession
Act, 1921, while elsewhere in India the
same community followed the Indian
Succession Act of 1925.[31]

In 1991, the Kerala High Court restricted


entry of women above the age of 10 and
below the age of 50 from Sabarimala
Shrine as they were of the menstruating
age. However, on 28 September 2018, the
Supreme Court of India lifted the ban on
the entry of women. It said that
discrimination against women on any
grounds, even religious, is
unconstitutional.[32][33]

The state of Kerala is often viewed as the


ideal progressive leader in the women's
rights movement in India among states.
Kerala maintains very high relative levels of
women's literacy and women's health, as
well as greater female inheritance and
property rights. For example, a 1998 study
conducted by Bina Agarwal found that
while only 13% of all women in India with
landowning fathers inherited that land as
daughters, 24% of such women were able
to do so in the state of Kerala.[34] This is
important because it has been shown that
measures to improve such access to
property and economic independence
through channels such as education not
only directly improve women's wellbeing
and capabilities, but also reduce their risk
of exposure to marital or any sort of
domestic violence.[34]

The Protection of Women from Domestic


Violence Act 2005 is an Act of the
Parliament of India enacted to protect
women from domestic violence. It was
brought into force by the Indian
government from 26 October 2006. The
Act provides for the first time in Indian law
a definition of "domestic violence", with
this definition being broad and including
not only physical violence, but also other
forms of violence such as
emotional/verbal, sexual, and economic
abuse. It is a civil law meant primarily for
protection orders and not meant to
penalize criminally.However, as per the
recent study 51.5% males have
experienced the violence from their
wives/partner. Many men feel bad to share
about they are being beaten by their
wives.[35]
Also, as per the research Married
men have reported the domestic
violence.[36]

The Sexual Harassment of Women at


Workplace (Prevention, Prohibition and
Redressal) Act, 2013 is a legislative act in
India that seeks to protect women from
sexual harassment at their place of work.
The Act came into force from 9 December
2013. The Criminal Law (Amendment) Act,
2013 introduced changes to the Indian
Penal Code, making sexual harassment an
expressed offence under Section 354 A,
which is punishable up to three years of
imprisonment and or with fine. The
Amendment also introduced new sections
making acts like disrobing a woman
without consent, stalking and sexual acts
by person in authority an offense. It also
made acid attacks a specific offence with
a punishment of imprisonment not less
than 10 years and which could extend to
life imprisonment and with fine.[37] The
definition of rape under the law was
expanded to consider rape as any acts like
penetration by penis, or any object or any
part of body to any extent, into the vagina,
mouth, urethra or anus of a woman or
making her to do so with another person or
applying of mouth to sexual organs
without the consent or will of the woman
constitutes the offence of rape.[38] The
section has also clarified that penetration
means "penetration to any extent", and
lack of physical resistance is immaterial
for constituting an offence. Except in
certain aggravated situation the
punishment will be imprisonment not less
than seven years but which may extend to
imprisonment for life, and shall also be
liable to fine. In aggravated situations,
punishment will be rigorous imprisonment
for a term which shall not be less than ten
years but which may extend to
imprisonment for life, and shall also be
liable to fine.[38] The revised statutes of
2013 Indian law, in section 376A, also
mandates minimum punishment in certain
cases. For instance, if the sexual assault
inflicts an injury which causes death or
causes the victim to be in a persistent
vegetative state, then the convicted rapist
must be sentenced to rigorous
imprisonment of at least twenty years and
up to the remainder of the natural life or
with a death penalty."[38][39] In the case of
"gang rape", the same mandatory
sentencing is now required by law.[39] The
convicted is also required to pay
compensation to the victim which shall be
reasonable to meet the medical expenses
and rehabilitation of the victim, and per
Section 357 B in the Code of Criminal
Procedure. Death penalty for the most
extreme rape cases is specified.[39] The
new law has made it mandatory for all
government and privately run hospitals in
India to give free first aid and medical
treatment to victims of rape.[40] The 2013
law also increased the age of consent
from 16 years to 18 years, and any sexual
activity with anyone less than age of 18,
irrespective of consent, now constitutes
statutory rape.[39]

In May 2013, the Supreme Court of India


held that the two-finger test on a rape
victim violates her right to privacy, and
asked the Delhi government to provide
better medical procedures to confirm
sexual assault.[41][42]

In 2014, an Indian family court in Mumbai


ruled that a husband objecting to his wife
wearing a kurta and jeans and forcing her
to wear a sari amounted to cruelty, which
led to the wife being granted a divorce.[43]
In 2016 a judgment of the Delhi high court
was made public in which it was ruled that
the eldest female member of a Hindu
Undivided Family can be its "Karta".[44]

In 2018 the Supreme Court of India struck


down a law making it a crime for a man to
have sex with a married woman without
the permission of her husband.[45] Prior to
November 2018, women were forbidden to
climb Agasthyarkoodam. A court ruling
removed the prohibition.[46]

Issues
Despite "on-paper" advancements, many
problems still remain which inhibit women
from fully taking advantage of new rights
and opportunities in India.

There are many traditions and customs


that have been an important part of Indian
culture for hundreds of years. Religious
laws and expectations, or "personal laws"
enumerated by each specific religion, often
conflict with the Indian Constitution,
eliminating rights and powers women
should legally have. Despite these
crossovers in legality, the Indian
government does not interfere with religion
and the personal laws they hold.[47] Indian
society is largely composed of hierarchical
systems within families and communities.
These hierarchies can be broken down into
age, sex, ordinal position, kinship
relationships (within families), and caste,
lineage, wealth, occupations, and
relationship to ruling power (within the
community). When hierarchies emerge
within the family based on social
convention and economic need, girls in
poorer families suffer twice the impact of
vulnerability and stability. From birth, girls
are automatically entitled to less; from
playtime, to food, to education, girls can
expect to always be entitled to less than
their brothers. Girls also have less access
to their family's income and assets, which
is exacerbated among poor, rural Indian
families. From the start, it is understood
that females will be burdened with
strenuous work and exhausting
responsibilities for the rest of their lives,
always with little to no compensation or
recognition.[48]

India is also a patriarchal society, which, by


definition, describes cultures in which
males as fathers or husbands are
assumed to be in charge and the official
heads of households. A patrilineal system
governs the society, where descent and
inheritance are traced through the male
line and men are generally in control of the
distribution of family resources.[16]
These traditions and ways of Indian life
have been in effect for so long that this
type of lifestyle is what women have
become accustomed to and expect. Indian
women often do not take full advantage of
their constitutional rights because they are
not properly aware or informed of them.
Women also tend to have poor utilization
of voting rights because they possess low
levels of political awareness and sense of
political efficacy. Women are not often
encouraged to become informed about
issues. Due to this, political parties do not
invest much time in female candidates
because there is a perception that they are
a "wasted investment".[2]
The female-to-male ratio in India is 933 to
1000, showing that there are numerically
fewer women in the country than men. This
is due to several factors, including
infanticides, most commonly among
female infants, and the poor care of
female infants and childbearing women.
Although outlawed, infanticides are still
very common in rural India, and are
continuing to become even more
prominent. This is due to the fact, most
especially in rural areas, that families
cannot afford female children because of
the dowry they must pay when their
daughter gets married. Like infanticide, the
payment of dowry is also illegal, but is still
a frequent and prevalent occurrence in
rural India.[2] Women are considered to be
"worthless" by their husbands if they are
not "able" to produce a male child, and can
often face much abuse if this is the
case.[49]

Birth ratio

Between the years of 1991 to 2001, the


female-male ratio of the population of
India fell from 94.5 girls per 100 boys to
92.7 girls per 100 boys.[6] Some parts of
the country, such as Kerala, did not
experience such a decline, but in the richer
Indian states of Punjab, Haryana, Gujarat,
and Maharashtra, the female-male ratio
fell very sharply (the female-male ratios in
these states were between 79.3 and
87.8).[6] This is the evidence of natality
inequality, and an indication that sex-
selective abortion has become more
pervasive. The Indian parliament has
banned the use of sex determination
techniques for foetuses due to this, but
enforcement of this law has been largely
ignored.[50]

Marriage

Most of the average Indian woman's life is


spent in marriage; many women are still
married before the legal age of 18, and the
incidence of non-marriage is low in India.
Childbearing and raising children are the
priorities of early adulthood for Indian
women. Thus, if they enter the workforce
at all, it is far later than Indian men. Urban
Indian men reach the peak of their labour
force participation between the ages of 25
and 29, while urban Indian women do so
between the ages of 40 and 44.[5] Because
of this, women have less time for the
acquisition of skills and fewer
opportunities for job improvements.

There is a poor representation of women in


the Indian workforce. Females have a ten
percent higher drop-out rate than males
from middle and primary schools, as well
as lower levels of literacy than men. Since
unemployment is also high in India, it is
easy for employers to manipulate the law,
especially when it comes to women,
because it is part of Indian culture for
women not to argue with men. Additionally,
labour unions are insensitive to women's
needs. Women also have to settle for jobs
that comply with their obligations as wives,
mothers, and homemakers.[5][2]

The Gulabi Gang in India wear pink saris


and carry lathis (bamboo staves) for
protection against physical attack, and
punish abusive husbands, publicly shaming
and sometimes beating them. They also
watch out for and expose dowry beatings,
dowry death, rape, child marriages,
desertion, depriving girls of education,
child molestation, and sexual harassment.
They have invaded police stations to
demand that police investigate these
matters, and other things that affect the
community such as corruption. India's
police are notoriously corrupt and
sometimes only the threat of a full-scale
female riot will get them to act. Nobody
knows quite how many of them there are.
Estimates range from 270,000 to 400,000.
In 2018 the Supreme Court of India struck
down a law making it a crime for a man to
have sex with a married woman without
the permission of her husband.[45]

Clothing

Another issue that concerns women is the


dress code expected of them. Islam
requires both men and women to dress
modestly; this concept is known as hijab
and covers a wide interpretation of
behavior and garments. There is mixed
opinion among feminists over extremes of
externally imposed control. Women from
other religions are also expected to follow
dress codes.

In 2014, an Indian family court in Mumbai


ruled that a husband objecting to his wife
wearing a kurta and jeans and forcing her
to wear a sari amounts to cruelty inflicted
by the husband and can be a ground to
seek divorce.[51] The wife was thus
granted a divorce on the ground of cruelty
as defined under section 27(1)(d) of
Special Marriage Act, 1954.[51]

Theology

Hindu community
A jagran in honour of Devi, the Hindu goddess.

In the Hindu religion, there has been partial


success in terms of gender equality reform
laws and family law. While this is a major
advancement relative to other religions in
India, it is still not a complete triumph in
terms of feminism and relieving
oppression.[47] Gandhi came up with the
term stree shakti (women power) for the
concept of womanhood. In the Hindu
religion, Gods are not exclusively male.
Hinduism sheds a positive light on
femininity; females are considered to
complement and complete their male
counterparts. It is important to note that
both the deity of knowledge and the deity
of wealth are female.[2] In 1991, the Kerala
High Court restricted entry of women
above the age of 10 and below the age of
50 from Sabarimala Shrine as they were of
the menstruating age. However, on 28
September 2018, the Supreme Court of
India lifted the ban on the entry of women.
It said that discrimination against women
on any grounds, even religious, is
unconstitutional.[32][33]

Hindu mythology reveals that patriarchy,


the idea that men are superior to women,
was invented. The epic, Mahabharata, for
example, refers to a time when there was
no concept of marriage. Men and women
were free to go to anyone. Feminism, the
idea that men and women are equal is,
however, discovered in Hinduism as the
scriptures point to the difference between
the soul and the flesh. The soul has no
gender. Gender comes from the flesh. [2]
(https://qz.com/india/300432/here-is-wha
t-they-dont-tell-you-about-feminism-and-se
xuality-in-hindu-mythology/)

The ancient scriptures and texts seem to


provide evidence that gender of these
deities was not seen as binary but more
like a spectrum. The creator, Brahma (the
creator), is perceived by many Hindus to
be genderless. Many gods, such as
‘Ardhanarishvara’ are also seen as
androgynous. There are several words in
Sanskrit and Tamil, such as ‘pedi’, ‘kliba’
and ‘sanda’ that suggest that civilization
has long been familiar with queer thought
and behavior. The idea of ardhanariswara,
a symbol of god as half male half female
is also an appealing way to represent
Brahman in human terms because the
boundaries of male-ness and female ness
are not apparent. When a person grapples
with the idea of a form-less, all
encompassing Brahman that pervades all
forms, one does not need to think of
atomized, essentialized females and
males. Shakti, female strength/power, is
about regenerate, which rests on creation
and destruction. This dual personification
of god as female and male and the
preeminence of shakti in symbolism is a
unique symbolism. At least in the realm of
religious symbolism, there is nothing that
makes females feel lesser than males.
Both Hindu women and men wear bindis
on their foreheads, and it was traditionally
available in myriad hues of red, and
sandalwood paste, or saffron: it could be
round in shape, a streak, a line, or in more
decorative forms; it is now worn in other
colours too. The spot on the forehead
where the bindi is worn marks the ajna
chakra, which contains the pineal gland
and the hypothalamus, and is represented
by the Omkara. Liberation, or the
possession of higher and more meaningful
inclinations, and a turning of the mind
towards the sublime—such as the intended
achievement of a metaphysical/mystical
union with the Infinite, the beyond, and the
ever expanding frontiers of both the
universe and human consciousness—is
what is signified by women wearing a
bindi. There is no compulsion at all, but
most Hindu women in India wear it through
the day, with pleasure.[3] (https://m.econo
mictimes.com/news/india/view-the-bindi-a
s-the-equalizer-and-hindu-women-as-seek
ers/articleshow/87734975.cms)

There is such a diversity of “forms of


worship” that individuals can and do
exercise agency in what they choose to
follow at different points of their life-
course. There are centralized
organizations focusing on male or female
gurus. There are temple based forms
where priests dictate the practice of ritual
offering and that are male dominated.
There are direct devotional forms where
there is little segregation of male and
female, with an emphasis on the direct
relationship between “the god” and the
worshipper with no outside intervention.
“The worship” can take on myriads of
forms including combinations of
knowledge, work, faith/devotion, and
following disciplines. “God” can be
personified, or imagined in millions of
other ways. In the end,an individual can be
anything from an atheist to a faith-based
follower, change the object of worship
depending on life stage and preferences, in
short find ways of living “manusher
dharma” i.e. striving to become more
human/e. Second, Hinduism assumes that
individuals are likely to change during their
lifetime. The whole notion of having a
personal deity—a tangible way of thinking
about Brahman—that reflect one’s
emotional and social state, allows a great
deal of choice. Although how often are the
broad non-gendered, non-discriminatory
fundamentals of the religion are misused
by groups that use their power to exploit
and trample over other human beings in
the name of religion. The 13th century
“laws” of Manu continue to be selectively
evoked by people whose inhumanity is
reflected in their abuse of women. [4] (http
s://www.cpp.edu/~wlhip/hindu-feminism.
html)

Muslim community

Woman sitting at the threshold of the main building of Hazratbal shrine in Srinagar, Jammu and Kashmir, as the sign on the
gate reads "Ladies Are Not Allowed"

The Hindu and Muslim communities in


India were treated differently by the
government in that separate types of
concessions were made for each 1 (http
s://qz.com/india/300432/here-is-what-the
y-dont-tell-you-about-feminism-and-sexual
ity-in-hindu-mythology/) in [5] (https://qz.c
om/india/300432/here-is-what-they-dont-t
ell-you-about-feminism-and-sexuality-in-hi
ndu-mythology/) [6] (https://qz.com/indi
a/300432/here-is-what-they-dont-tell-you-
about-feminism-and-sexuality-in-hindu-myt
hology/) accommodate their separate
religious laws and regulations. The case of
Shah Bano begun in 1985 was one such
example of Rajiv Gandhi attempting to
make "concessions" for the Muslim
community to in turn secure support for
the Congress. Shah Bano, a 73-year-old
Muslim woman, was divorced by her
husband after forty-three years of
marriage. According to the Sharia or
Muslim Law, her husband was not required
to pay her alimony. Shah Bano challenged
this decision in the Supreme Court, which
ultimately ruled in her favour and ordered
her husband to pay her a monthly
maintenance allowance. This caused
chaos amongst the Muslim clerics who
denounced the judgement and suggested
that their religion, Islam was under attack
in the country. In a fear of losing overall
Muslim support, Rajiv succumbed to the
pressures of the Conservative Maulavis
from Muslims community and his own
party and backed the Muslim Women
(Protection of Rights on Divorce) Bill which
restricts alimony for Muslim Women only
for 90 days after divorce. This caused an
outcry from Muslim feminists and Hindu
nationalists who found the appeasement
of Muslim males by the Congress for
political purposes wrong and
opportunistic.[52]

Feminism was challenged by various


minority groups for not entirely addressing
the needs of minority populations. It was
suggested that 'mainstream' feminism was
upper caste and Hindu in its orientation
and did not address the concerns of
minority women. This led to the formation
of the Awaaz-e-Niswaan (The Voice of
Women) in 1987 in Mumbai in largely
Muslim part of the city. The Muslim
community has personal laws that often
were considered harmful to the rights of
Muslim women.[53] The Muslim personal
law allows Polygamy but not Polyandry.

The dynamic of women's rights in India is


on the foreground of the Muslim
community and the Indian Nation State.
Article 14 of the Indian Constitution states
'Equality before law' and grants every
person equality before the law and equal
protection in India. Article 15 prohibits
discrimination based on religion, race,
caste, sex or place of birth. Muslims
women in India however are used as both
an instrument and symbol for Islam in
South Asia. Muslim Personal Law governs
many aspects of a married Muslim
Woman's rights in India. Personal Law
serves a purpose in maintaining the
democratic right to freedom of religion
and preserving traditions which have been
a part of India for many centuries. The
idea of having 'differential citizenship' has
resulted from the differences between
constitutional and personal laws in India.
Since the partition of Pakistan and
Bangladesh the Muslim community in India
have been greatly reduced. Maintaining
Muslim traditions in India serves as a
means of achieving religious equality as
well preserving their respective community
under the Indian Nation State. Islam
although being one of the first religions to
advocate for women's rights both socially
and in the political arena, has been heavily
misinterpreted over the years with the
death of the Islamic prophet Muhammad
and with the residency of Islam in different
societies. In India, "like Hindu women,
Muslim women also demanded legal
redress for polygamy, child marriage,
purdah and denial of property rights".[54]

Constitutional laws in India have taken


more initiative to improve gender equality
than Muslim Personal Law. The political
arena for Muslims in India are
overwhelmingly male dominated and the
Muslim society in India is heavily
patriarchal. The Ulama is given massive
criticism for supporting a 'patriarchal
interpretation' and using the Quran to
further their own agendas. The Mullahs
who dominate the political arena for
Muslims in India have not prioritized
reform to the Muslim Personal Laws. In
addition Muslim women in India face
larger issues in "illiteracy, social
conservatism ... economic dependence on
men, domestic and social violence, a wide
gap between formal constitutional equality
and actual inequality, inferiority and
subordination of Indian women.".[55]

Sikh community

Female pilgrims inside the Harmandir Sahib


According to Sikh tradition, both men and
women are to follow the five Ks: Kesh
(uncut hair), Kangha (comb), Kara (iron
bracelet), Kachera (cotton undergarment)
and Kirpan (iron dagger). Both men and
women are to be treated equally inside a
Gurudwara, and required to follow the
same etiquette: both men and women
should cover their head and wear modest
clothing, both sit side by side in
congregation and to eat langar. Although
Sikh scriptures are usually publicly recited
by men, there are no restrictions on who
can become a granthi, and women can
also apply. Both men and women can
choose to wear a turban. Sikh women
usually take the surname Kaur, with the
purpose of rejecting both casteism and
inequality among men and women.
Similarly, Sikh men usually take the
surname Singh. The Sikh faith condemns
the practices of female infanticide,[56]
widow burning,[57] dowry,[58] and treatment
of menstruating women as impure,[59] and
also discourages seclusion and face
veil.[60] However, many of these are still
practiced by Sikhs.

Impact
Feminism did not gain meaning or become
an operational principle in Indian life until
the country gained independence in 1947
and adopted a democratic government.[2]
The Indian Constitution then granted
equality, freedom from discrimination
based on gender or religion, and
guaranteed religious freedoms.[47] Also,
seven five-year plans were developed to
provide health, education, employment,
and welfare to women. The sixth five-year
plan even declared women "partners in
development".[2]

Employment

In general, in the uneducated and rural


sections of Indian society, which form a
major percentage of the total population,
women are seen as economic burdens.
Their contributions to productivity are
mostly invisible as their familial and
domestic contributions are overlooked.
Indian women were contributing nearly 36
percent of total employment in agriculture
and related activities, nearly 19 percent in
the service sector, and nearly 12.5 in the
industry sector as of the year 2000. High
illiteracy rates among women confine
them to lower paying, unskilled jobs with
less job security than men. Even in
agricultural jobs where the work of men
and women are highly similar, women are
still more likely to be paid less for the
same amount and type of work as men.
Although the Government of India has tried
to eliminate inequality in the workforce,
women still receive unequal treatment.
"Men are more likely to get promotions
than women—besides, for men the nature
of their jobs often changed with these
promotions, unlike women, who usually
only got increased responsibility and
higher workload.".[61] However, AIIMS
nurses union has alleged gender
discrimination for Nursing Officers
recruitment, giving 80 percent posts to
female candidates and remaining to male
candidates.[62][63][64]
In 1955 the Bollywood group Cine
Costume Make-Up Artist & Hair Dressers'
Association (CCMAA) created a rule that
did not allow women to obtain
memberships as makeup artists.[65]
However, in 2014 the Supreme Court of
India ruled that this rule was in violation of
the Indian constitutional guarantees
granted under Article 14 (right to equality),
19(1)(g) (freedom to carry out any
profession) and Article 21 (right to
liberty).[65] The judges of the Supreme
Court of India stated that the ban on
women makeup artist members had no
"rationale nexus" to the cause sought to be
achieved and was "unacceptable,
impermissible and inconsistent" with the
constitutional rights guaranteed to the
citizens.[65] The Court also found illegal
the rule which mandated that for any artist,
female or male, to work in the industry,
they must have domicile status of five
years in the state where they intend to
work.[65] In 2015 it was announced that
Charu Khurana had become the first
woman to be registered by the Cine
Costume Make-Up Artist & Hair Dressers'
Association.[66]

Globalization
Feminists are also concerned about the
impact of globalization on women in India.
Some feminists argue that globalization
has led to economic changes that have
raised more social and economical
challenges for women, particularly for
working-class and lower-caste women.
Multinational companies in India have been
seen to exploit the labour of 'young,
underpaid and disadvantaged women' in
free trade zones and sweat shops, and use
"Young lower middle class, educated
women", in call centres. These women
have few effective labour rights, or rights
to collective action.[67][68]
In addition to this, multinational
corporations are seen to advertise a
homogenous image of ideal women
across the country is argued to cause an
increase in the commodification of
women's bodies. This is also manifested in
the form of nationalist pride exhibited
through Indian women winning
international beauty pageants. According
to some feminists, such developments
have offered women greater sexual
autonomy and more control over their
bodies. However, many other feminists
feel that such commodification of female
bodies has only served the purpose of
feeding to male fantasies.[67]
Education

Girls in Kalleda Rural School, Andhra Pradesh.

Some of the main reasons that girls are


less likely to reach optimal levels of
education include the fact that girls are
needed to assist their mothers at home,
have been raised to believe that a life of
domestic work is their destined
occupation, have illiterate mothers who
cannot educate their children, have an
economic dependency on men, and are
sometimes subject to child-marriage.
Many poor families marry their daughters
off early with a belief that the more she
will stay at home, the more they'll be
needed to invest in her. Plus it is a popular
belief that they should be married off early
so that they produce off-springs early in
their life.

In 1986, the National Policy on Education


(NPE) was created in India, and the
government launched the program called
Mahila Samakhya, whose focus was on
the empowerment of women. The
program's goal is to create a learning
environment for women to realize their
potential, learn to demand information and
find the knowledge to take charge of their
own lives. In certain areas of India,
progress is being made and an increase in
the enrollment of girls in schools and as
teachers has begun to increase. By 2001
literacy for women had exceeded 50% of
the overall female population, though
these statistics were still very low
compared to world standards and even
male literacy within India.[69] Efforts are
still being made to improve the level of
education that females receive to match
that of male students.

Impact

At shortlisting stage IIM Indore is giving


extra marks to female candidates
now.[70]
DRDO launched the scholarship scheme
exclusively for girls in year 2019.[71][72]
Girls in Haryana now will be getting
passport with graduation degree.[73]

Indian feminists
Raja Ram Mohan Roy (1772–1833) –
crusaded against sati, polygamy, and
child marriage. Fought for education and
property inheritance rights for
women.[74][75]
Jyotirao Phule (1827–1890) – worked
with his wife, Savitribai Phule and friend,
Sadashiv Ballal Govande to set up a
centre against infanticide, to help
widows in labor give birth.[76]
Savitribai Phule (1831–1897) – started
the first school for girls in the
subcontinent.[18][19]
Tarabai Shinde (1850–1910) – activist
whose work Stri Purush Tulana is
considered the first modern Indian
feminist text.[77]
Pandita Ramabai (1858–1922) – social
reformer a champion for the
emancipation of women in British
India.[78]
Kamini Roy (1864–1933) – poet,
suffragette, and first woman honors
graduate in India.[79]
Sarala Devi Chaudhurani (1872–1945) –
early feminist and founder of the Bharat
Stree Mahamandal, one of the first
women's organisations in India.[80]
Saroj Nalini Dutt (1887–1925) – early
social reformer who pioneered the
formation of educational Women's
Institutes in Bengal.[81]
Durgabai Deshmukh (1909–1981) –
public activist for women's emancipation
and was also the founder of Andhra
Mahila Sabha.[82]
Barnita Bagchi – scholar and sociologist
with a focus on women's education.[83]
Jasodhara Bagchi (1937–2015) –
founder of the School of Women's
Studies at Jadavpur University.[84]
Rita Banerji – feminist author and
founder of The 50 Million Missing
Campaign (http://www.50millionmissin
g.info) , an online, global lobby working
to raise awareness about the female
gendercide (femicide) in India.
Prem Chowdhry – social scientist,
feminist, Senior Academic Fellow and
critic of violence against couples
refusing arranged marriages. She is a
Life Member of the Center for Women
Studies.[85] She is a well-known scholar
of gender studies, authority on the
political economy and social history of
Haryana state in India[86] and daughter
of Hardwari Lal,[87] the renowned
educationist and Indian National
Congress member of parliament for
Haryana.[88]
Mira Datta Gupta – activist for women's
issues and one of the founding
members of the All India Women's
Conference.[89]
Meghna Pant – author known for taking
a strong feminist stance in her writing
and work
Padma Gole – poet whose writings
faithfully depicted the domestic lives of
Indian middle-class women.[90]
Devaki Jain – founder of the Institute of
Social Studies Trust and scholar in the
field of feminist economics.[91]
Anuradha Ghandy (1954–2008) was an
Indian communist, Proletarian Feminist,
and revolutionary leader. She was a
prominent leader of the banned
Communist Party of India (Maoist) . In
her book " Philosophical Trends in the
Feminist Movement " , she outlines the
history of the world's feminist
movements and critiques them to create
the foundation for proletarian
feminism.[92]
Brinda Karat – first woman member of
the CPI(M) Politburo and former Vice
President of the All India Democratic
Women's Association (AIDWA).[93]
Madhu Kishwar – founding president of
Manushi Sangathan, a forum that will
promote greater social justice and
strengthen human rights, especially for
women. She founded the magazine
Manushi: A Journal about Women and
Society devoted to feminism as well as
to gender studies and activism in 1978
with Ruth Vanita.[94][95]
Vina Mazumdar – secretary of the first
Committee on the Status of Women in
India and founding Director of Centre for
Women's Development Studies (https://
web.archive.org/web/20041211142951/
http://www.cwds.org/index.htm)
(CWDS).[96]
Uma Narayan – feminist scholar, and
Chair of Philosophy at Vassar
College.[97]
Asra Nomani – Indian-American
journalist, author of Standing Alone in
Mecca: An American Woman's Struggle
for the Soul of Islam
Medha Patkar – feminist social worker
and politician who advocates for
women's rights in post-independence
India.[2]
Angellica Aribam - Political activist,
fourth-wave feminist working to get
more women into politics.[98]
Manasi Pradhan – founder of Honour
for Women National Campaign, a
nationwide movement to end violence
against women in India
Amrita Pritam – first woman to win the
Sahitya Akademi Award for literature.
Gita Sahgal[99] – writer and journalist on
issues of feminism, fundamentalism,
and racism, a director of prize-winning
documentary films, and a women's
rights and human rights activist.[100][101]
Manikuntala Sen – politician in the
Communist Party of India whose
memoir described her experiences as a
woman activist.[102]
Vandana Shiva – environmentalist and
prominent leader of the Ecofeminist
movement.[103]
Sophia Duleep Singh –[104] prominent
suffragette and daughter of Maharaja
Duleep Singh. She was a firebrand
feminist and is best remembered for her
leading role in the Women's Tax
Resistance League, but she also
participated in other women's suffrage
groups including the Women's Social
and Political Union.[105] Secret
documents revealed her identity as a
firebrand "harridan law breaker" for her
diaries revealed that she maintained
contacts with the leaders of the Indian
nationalist movement like Gopalkrishna
Gokhale, Sarala Devi and Lala Lajpat
Rai.[105]
Nivedita Menon – feminist and
academic. Author of Seeing like a
Feminist.
Nandini Sahu – eco-feministic Indian
English poet and academic. Author of
Sita (A poem).
Ruth Vanita – academic, activist and
author who specializes in lesbian and
gay studies, gender studies, British and
South Asian literary history. She founded
the magazine Manushi: A Journal about
Women and Society devoted to feminism
as well as to gender studies and
activism in 1978 with Madhu
Kishwar.[95][106]
Ramarao Indira – academic, critic,
rationalist who is an expert in modern
feminism thoughts. She has written
many articles and books on feminism in
Kannada and English.[107][108]
Theilin Phanbuh – chairperson of the
Meghalaya State Commission for Women
and Padma Shri awardee[109][110]
Kirthi Jayakumar – founder of The Red
Elephant Foundation, Author, Artist and
Intersectional Feminist.
Sharmila Rege – sociologist, Dalit
Feminist, Activist in academia and
Teacher of Women's Studies at
Krantijyoti Savitribai Phule Women's
Studies Center, Savitribai Phule Pune
University, Pune.[111]
Neera Desai – founder of first Research
Centre for Women's Studies in SNDT
Women's University. She wrote her M.A.
thesis on Women in Modern India, with a
particular focus on the Bhakti
Movement.[112]
Rajeswari Sunder Rajan – contemporary
feminist and academic. Author of Real
and Imagined Women: Gender, Culture,
and Postcolonialism.[113]
Gita Sen – academic, scholar, and
activist specializing in population policy.
She has worked with the United Nations
System and is the General Coordinator
of DAWN (Development Alternatives with
Women for a New Era). Currently, Sen is
an adjunct professor at Harvard
University and a Professor Emeritus at
the Indian Institute of Management
Bangalore.[114]
Nandini Sahu – contemporary eco-
feministic Indian English Poet and
Professor at IGNOU. Author of Sita (An
Epic)
Jyoti Puri - Hazel Dick Leonard Chair and
Professor of Sociology at Simmons
University. She is a leading feminist
sociologist who advocates for
transnational and postcolonial
approaches to the study of gender,
sexuality, state, nationalism, and death
and migration. Focus includes anti-
sodomy laws in India.

See also
Dalit feminism
Domestic violence in India
Dowry system in India
Female foeticide in India
Feminist theology
Gender inequality in India
Gender pay gap in India
Islamic feminism
Men's rights movement in India
National Commission for Women
Rape in India
Sexism in India
Sikh feminism
Welfare schemes for women in India
Women in agriculture in India
Women in Hinduism
Women in India
Women in Islam
Women in Indian Armed Forces
Women in Sikhism
Women's Reservation Bill
Women's suffrage in India

Notes
1. The last Sikh Guru Guru Gobind Singh, gave
all Sikh females regardless of their age or
marital status the name of Kaur meaning
that they would not have to take their
husband's name if they married.
2. A few people consider any non-patriarchal
system to be matriarchal, thus including
genderally equalitarian systems, but most
academics exclude them from matriarchies
strictly defined.

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Further reading
Bhasin, Kamla; Khan, Nighat Said (1986).
Some questions on feminism and its
relevance in South Asia. New Delhi: Kali
for Women. ISBN 9788185107141.
Chaudhuri, Maitrayee (2005). Feminism
in India. Issues in Contemporary Indian
Feminism. London New York New York:
Zed Books. ISBN 9781842776025.
Madhavananda, and R. C. Majumdar.
Great women of India. Mayavati (2014)
Jain, Pratibha; Sharma, Sangeeta (1995),
"Women in the freedom struggle:
invisible images", in Jain, Pratibha;
Sharma, Sangeeta (eds.), Women
images, Jaipur: Rawat Publications,
OCLC 34318242 (https://www.worldcat.
org/oclc/34318242) .
Singh, Maina Chawla (June 2004).
"Feminism in India" (https://web.archive.
org/web/20160118221223/http://home.
ewha.ac.kr/~acws/eng/) . Asian Journal
of Women's Studies. 10 (2): BR2.
Archived from the original (http://home.e
wha.ac.kr/~acws/eng/) on 18 January
2016.
Kishwar, Madhu (2008). Zealous
reformers, deadly laws: battling
stereotypes. Los Angeles: SAGE
Publications. ISBN 9780761936374.
Madhu Kishwar. "The Daughters of
Aryavarta: Women in the Arya Samaj
movement, Punjab". In Women in
Colonial India; Essays on Survival, Work
and the State, edited by J.
Krishnamurthy, Oxford University Press,
1989.

External links
Manushi – Forum for Women's Rights
and Democratic Reforms (http://www.m
anushi.in/)
"Nothing to Go Back To – The Fate of
the Widows of Vrindavan, India" (http://w
omennewsnetwork.net/2007/11/05/not
hing-to-go-back-to-the-fate-of-the-wido
ws-of-vrindavan-india/) WNN – Women
News Network 5 Nov 2007

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