NINTH EDITION

~~
Ni11th ed ition published 2020
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first ed ition puhlished by Routledgc 1089
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Nam e.s: Oakland, John, author.
Title: British civilization : an introduction / .lohn Oakland .
Description : Ninth cdition. 1London; Ncw York, NY : Routledge/
Taylor & francis Group: 2020. 1 Indndes indcx .
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ISBN 9781138318137 (lwdback: alk. papcr) 1 ISBN 9781138318144
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 Contents

List of plates ix
List of figures XIII

List of tables XV

Prefúce and admowledgemenls XVII

Chronology of signifi,umt dates in Hritish histmy xix

The British context 1

Historical growth 3
Structural changc 12
Co ntcmporary conJitions 15
British attituJcs to Britain 21
[xercises 24
further reading 25
\!Vehsites 2U

2 The country 27
Ccographical idcntitics 28
Physical foaturcs and dimatc 30
Agriculturc, tishcrics anJ forcstry 40
l~ncrgy rcsourccs 44
Transport and communications 48
Attitudcs to th 'cnvironment 54
[xeráses 59
further rearl-i-ng 59
Websites fü)

3 The people 61
Early scttlcmcnt to AD 1066 63
Growth and immigration to the tw 'ntieth century G7
Conten t s

Immigration from 1900 72

Ethnic groups in the UK 79
Population movements from 1~)00 80
Attitudcs to national, ethnic and local idrnliti es 82
Exercises 87
Further reading 87
Webs-ites 88

4 Religion 89
Rcligious history ~)]
Th c Christian tra<lition ~)5
Thc non-Christian tradition 104
Coop -' ration among the faiths 108
Rcligion in schools 1()~)
Rcligious identincation 110
Attitudes to r ,]i gion and morality 11 l
Exerci,·es l 14
r:urther reading 114
Websites 11 5

5 Politics and government 117

Political history 1l ~)
Local governrncnt and dC'volution l 2(i
Th ' contemporary British political fram cwork 129
Constitution and rnonarchy no
lJK Parliarne nt: role, lcgislation and ckctions 138
Thc UK party política] systc m 144
Thc UK govcrnrncnt 150
UK parliarncntary control of governmcnt l 53
Attitudcs to politics l 55
flxercises 157
r:urther reading 158
Websites 158

6 lnternational relations 161

Forcign and dcfc ncc policy 1()3
Empirl\ Commonwcalth an<l Ireland 170
Th c European Union lEU) 174
Exerc-ises 184
r:urther reading 184
Websites 185
 Contents vii
.,
A ~
JT
7 The legal system 187
Legal history 189
Sourccs of British law 191
Court structun.'s in Englan<l and Walcs 192
Civil and criminal proccJurc in England and Wales l ~)8
Law an<l or<lcr 204
Thc legal profrssion 211
J\ttitudcs to thc legal systcm and c rim c 214
Exercises 216
Purther reading 216
Websites 217

8 The economy 219

Early British cconomic hislory 221
Thc modcrn economy: pohcics, structurc and perl"ormancc 223
Social dass, thc workforcc anJ cmploynwnt 233
Financia! institutions 23q
Industrial and commcrcial instilutions 243
Consumcr protcction 247
J\ttitudcs t() thc cTonomy 24H
l!.xeróses 250
1:urtlu:r readi.n¡; 251
Weusites 251

9 Social services 253

Social S('rviccs h istory 255
HouscholJ anJ lamily structurcs 257
Social S('Curity ( pcnsions anJ wclfarc hcncfüs) 2()1
The National Hcalth Servio.: (NHS) 2M
Thc personal social s<. rviccs/social carc 271
Housing 273
J\ttitudcs to tlw social scrviccs 281
[xercises 284
Further rea.din¡; 284
\#dJsites 285

1 O Education 287
School h istory 289
Thc 1~)44 Edu cation /\et 2~) 1
Thc contcmporary statc' school sector 2~)3
Thc contcmporary indcpcndcnt (fe '-paying) school sector 298
C o ntents

School organizatio11 ; 111d 1 · , .1111111 . 111, 111 · . 300

Higher c<lun1lio11 304
Further, adult .1nd li 1~ ·11111¡•, 1·11111 . 111 1111 31 l
J\ttitudcs to cJucatirn1 312
Exerci,es 315
further reading 31G
Websites 31(-i

11 The media 319

Thc print media 322
Thc broa kasting media 332
Media ownership and freedom of exprcssion 340
Attitu<les to thc media 344
Exen:ises 346
Further rearling 34()
Websites 347

12 Leisure, sport and the arts 349

Leisurc a ·tivitics 352
Sport 3(i2
Thc arts 372
Exercises 382
Further reuding 382
Websites 3H3

lndex 385
 Plates

l .l William tlw Conqul'ror, Norrn;;in Conqw'sl, 1O(i() 3

l .2 .larnl'S l, 1603, dynastic union 5
l .3 Qul'l'r1 VictorÍél, Ernprl'SS or India, e
I H7(> ()
l.4 Cknwnl/\tlkl', l.ahour Prinw Minisk1~ 1~)45- 51 H
1.5 Margard Th ..,tdwr, Conscrv . ,tiw Prinw Ministn, 1~)7~)- q 1 ~)
l .(i Edward Hcalh signing EEC agtl'l'll'1l'lll, lklgium 1~)72 1O
l. 7 Bornh atl;.1ck on London hus, · fovislock Squarl·, 7 .luly 2005 11
2.1 Thl' Whill' Clills or 1)ovn, England 33
2.2 Sl-é.lÍl·ll Pih·, Nalional l\u-k, Curnhrié1, l·:ngbnd 35
2.3 ML Snowdon, Waks 3(i
2.4 lk-n Nl·vis, Scotland 37
2.5 Thl' Ciant's Causl'way, J\ntrim, Northcrn lrclaml 3H
2. (i Scllalicld nudt·ar rqmH: t'ssing planl, Curnhria , EngLrnd 47
2. 7 lJpdéltt·d Routl'mastcr London hus, 2012 50
3. 1 l lappishurgh, Norl~llk, carlicsl known (~iolprinls in Brilain (i3
3.2 J\whury Hrngc, Wiltshirc (-i4
3. 3 St Patrick 's Day l\,radc, Ikl l~st c;7
3.4 St 1)avid 's Day, Cardiff (iH
3. 5 Srnttish pipcr in tr..,Jitional drcss playing hagpipc..·s (i~)
3. (i Nolting l lill Carnival, l .ondon 74
3. 7 Diwali Festival of l .ight, l .t·itTstl'r 77
4. l Tlw Martyrs ' Memorial, Oxford ~)3
4.2 West Newton church ( Church of England), Sandringham, Norf<llk ~)()
4. 3 Cantnbury Cathcc.lrnl (Church of England) ~)7
4.4 Rn¡uicm Mass at Wt·stminstn Cathcdral (Roman Catholic),
(,ondon IOl
4. 5 Bayswatn Synagoguc, l .ondon 105
4. 6 Muslim Friday prayers 1()(-j

4 .7 J\ l lindu Wl·dding cc rcrnony 107

 ~,
,.~
_,,. ..
X Plotes

5.1 Oliver Cromwell, 1:=;qq 1(, '-i :,-.: 120

5.2 Sir Robert Walpok, 1(i7(i I H 122
5.3 City Ha11, London 129
5.4 Thc Scottish Parliament, E<linhurgh 132
5.5 Thc Welsh J\ssembly, Cardiff 133
5.6 Stormont, Northcrn Ireland 133
5.7 Hous 'S of Parliame nt, UK 138
5.8 Statc Op ' nin g of UK Parliamcnt 140
5.9 Cabin ' t m ' cting in th e Cabinl't Room, Downing Strect 152
6.1 Que n [lizabeth II at Commonwcalth n:ce ption 163
6.2 G7 leadcrs' group l 65
6.3 British troops withdraw from /\tghanistan 168
6.4 Cornrnonwealth Heads of Govcrnment meeting 173
6.5 Thc Eurnpcan Parliament, Brusscls 175
6.6 Th c Europ · an Court of Justice, Luxcrnbourg 178
7.1 Thc Old Bailcy, London 195
7.2 Kingston-upon-Thames crown court l ~)5
7.3 Thc UK Supreme Court 196
7.4 The Royal Courts ofJu tice, th e Strand, I.ondon 198
7.5 Occupy London protcsters clash with poli ce, London, 2012 209
7.G Middle Temple, London 212
8.1 Ironbridgc, Shropshirc 222
8.2 l3MW Mini ·ar plant, Cowky, Oxfórd, 2009 226
8.3 Bombar<lier train production, 1krb y 227
8.4 Rolls-Royce aircraft enginc produ<:tion, D erby 228
8.5 Thc Lloyd's Building, London 230
8.6 Thc Bank of England, Lonc.1011 235
8.7 Canary Whart: London 240
9.1 Doctors' waiting room at hu:-.y (; I\ ' nwdical practice 267
9.2 NHS ope rating theatn· in ;id i1111 267
9.3 University College Hospit;il, l .1111111111 268
9.4 Dctached house on m·w hou:-.i11¡i, 1·... t;1k 274
9.5 Terraced housing, Kcnsal I{ ist ·, l .1111111111 275
9.6 A council estate with tow1 ·r hl111 k.. . , Tl1 ;11111·:-. 1111·;1d , l .()ndon 276
9.7 Homcl ess 1nan begging, ( :ni111\\'1·II H11;11I . l .111111011 280
HU Pupils in a primary sdwul d :1s:-., ' li1(lt i111·.. l .1111111111 294
10.2 Nottingham Bluecoat /\c;1d1·111 y 297
l0.3 Pupils at Eton Collegv ( puhli1 :-.1 1111(11) 299
10.4 Sccondary school chcrnistr 1 l:1.. . . . . 301
10.5 Balliol Collcgc, Oxford 305
10.G Le ds University 30G
11 . l Ncws UKprintingplant , B1<1,l1111111w. 1 ,111,l,111 324
11.2 National daily newsp;1rw1 :-. 326
 Piaf e :;

] l .3 Ncw Broadcasting Hous ", Portland Place, London 344

l l .4 Photographers and press outside hospital after birth of
Prin cc Gcorge 345
12. l Drinking outsidC' th c Whitc Horsc pub, Soho, London 355
12.2 Eaglc an<l ChilJ puh, Oxfor<l 358
] 2.3 lkniJorm, Costa Blan ca, Spain 3(-i()
12.4 FJ\ Cup Final at W ·mbky Stadium, 2018 36()
] 2.5 Wc mhlcy Sta<lium, l ,on<lon 3G7
12.G Villagc cricket match, Chagford, Dcvon 368
12. 7 Surkrs on Cornish coast 3G9
12.H Shaft:cshury J\vc nu c th -atrcs, London 375
] 2.9 Tlw Mill ·nnium Walkway and Tate Mo<lcrn, London 380
 Figures

2.1 Thc Unitc<l KingJorn anJ thc Rcpuhli c of lrcland 32

2.2 Highland anJ lowlanJ Britain 34
2.3 English rcgions (4- 12), devolved arcas (1 - 3) ami l'nngy sotllTl'S 4(>
4.1 Main contcrnporary rcligious groups ~)5
5 .1 Th c co ntc rnpora ry British política! framcwork 130
5.2 Th c Housc of Cornrnons 141
5.3 From bill to UK /\ et of Parliarncnt 143
6.1 Thc Europea n Union , 201 ~) ] 77
7 .1 Civi l anJ Criminal courts in EnglanJ and Waks 1~)2
7 .2 J\ typi ca l rnagistratcs' court in action 200
7 .3 A typ ica l crown court in action 201
7.4 C rimin al procc<lurc 202
8.1 Intl ation ratc (% consumer pri cc inckx ), 2014- l ~) 231
H.2 Un e rnploymc nt ratc (pcrce ntagc ) 1971 - 201 ~) 238
1O. l Thc statc school sector in Engl and ami Walcs 2~)(-;
10.2 Th e indcpcnd ·nt school sector 29H
 Tables

·1.1 British c1ttitudcs in th 'füst dcca<ll' of thc twcnty--first

tTntury, 200~) 22
1.2 Most important issucs facing Britain today (%), 2017 23
3 .l Early scttlcmcnt to AD 10()(¡
3.2 Composition oF cthnic groups in thL' lJK, 201 l
3 .3 Population of thc UK, 2017
3.4 Estimatl'd populations of city rl'gions, mid-2015
5. 1 British govt'rnmcnts anJ Prime Ministcrs sincc l ~)45 145
5.2 General clcc tion rcs ults (UK), 8 .Jun c 2017 14~)
(J . ! Europl'an Uninn Parliamcnt l'kction rLsults 2014
(Britain: main partics ) 17~)
G.2 UK rcsults of" ElJ R ,frrcn<lum 23 .lunc 201 <-> 183
9 .1 Typcs of housc holJ, UK, 2017 258
9.2 Typcs of fami li cs, UK, 2017 25q
1 ·1. l Main national print ncwspapcrs (average c irculation 2018) 327
12.1 J\<lult lcisurc pastimcs in Britain (%) 2017 354
12 .2 Lca<ling rnuntrics visitcd hy UK rl'sidents (rnillion1, 201(-i 3<-il
12.3 1. ' a<ling countrics visiting thc l JK: visits ami spcnding, 20 l G 3(>1
12.4 Most popular sports cvcnts (attcnded) in thc UK, 20] 8 365
12.5 Livc rnusi c c vcnts, 2015- 1 (-i, att ' n<lance hy pcrcentagc 377
 Preface and
acknowledgements

Thc tcrm 'British civilization' dcscrihes a devcloped society1 which occupics ,1

spccii-ic physical span. ' (tlw lJnitcJ Kingdom). lt has bccn populated hy suc.·-
c 'Ssive migrant ¡wopk\ whosc cultures, L·ustoms and evolution h,wc variously
co ntributnl to institutional building blocks which today wllccliwly reprcsenl
'a wholc way of lifc'. /\lthough the word 'civilization' has hecn tradition·dly
assoc iatcd with notions of natinnal and racial su¡wriority and impcrialis m 1 it
now has a more dcscriptiVL\ or ncutral 1 forn'.
This hook spccifically examines n-ntral structurc1l katurcs oF British soci-
cty1 such as thc political ami govcrnmL'ntal syst m, intcrnational rclations, thc
law, thc cconomy, social scrviccs, thc mcdia 1 cdu ca tion, rcligion, thc country1
tlw pco plL 1 thc arts, sport ami lcisurc. Thesc illustratc a history nf c ultura] , gL'O-
gra phi cal and human divnsity1 whi ch still intlucrn-es debates about idc ntitics
and social changc. Thc chaptcrs includc opinion polls and survcys1 which con-
sidcr thL' attitudcs of British p eoplc to thc conditions in which tht'Y livc and
opcratc today.
Mcthodologically, tlw book uses Jcsc riptivc and ~malytical approachcs in
its cxa mination of thc UK. Each chaptcr rde rs to rclcvant historical and policy
contL xts ,rnJ providcs information on cu1Tent dcvclopm ' nts in Britain. This
allows studcnts to organizc th eir own study nccds and responses to British
socicty1 and c ncourages critica] discussion . Essay an<l term cxc rciscs at thc cnd
of ' ach chaptl'r dcal with central issut's, and most can be initially answcrcd
from m aterial containcd in thc tcxt. Ad<litional information may bL found in
suggcstcd furthcr rca<ling and wcbsitcs. lntroductory referencc diction ·:irics are
Crnwthe1~ .J. (2005) Oxjúrd Cuide to Hritish and American Culture, O x f'ord:
Oxford Univcrsity Prcss1 and (2005- 13) Longman Dictionary of English Lan-
guage anrl Culture 1 London: Longman .
.,
"~ xviii Preface and acknowledgements
;T
A book of this type is neccssa ril ind1 ·htnl l'or m any of its facts, ideas and
statistics, to a range of sourccs, lo w hid1 ;1t ·k11owleJgerncnt is grateful1y m ade
(see also Further rcading at thc L'nd ol' t',1<: h chaptcr). Particular thanks are due
to th ' annual publi cations of th<:. OHicc for National Statisti ·s (ONS), London:
Palgrave Macmillan (esp ecially Regional Trends, Social Tren.ds, Ann.ual Abstract
of Statistic:'), Family Spending and Key Population and Vital Statistics ); thc annual
l3ritish Social Attitude -, NatCen for Social Rcsearch, London; ncwspapcrs and
magazin es sucl1 as The Times (London) and The Economist (London) ; and pub-
li c opinion poll sources, such as lpsos MORI; Gallup; ICM ; Populus; YouG ov,
ONS surveys and D epartme nt for Culture, Media and Sport statistical rel<:.ascs
(DCMS) .
Many of th c websitcs refercnc d in this book are proJuct.d by public and
govcrnment organizations. Although thc. e providc ofücial pc rspcctives, th cy
are oftcn m ore up to date and informative than so rne indcpcndc nt wcbsites,
which can frequcntly change th cir addrcsscs and conte nt or <lisappcar.
Thc terrn 'billion ' in this book means a 'thousand million ' ( l ,000,000,000).
 Chronology of
significant dates
British history

Early history

l>rchi story : British lsk s :rnd Ircland originally part o f Eurnrcan land mass; warrncr
co nditions altcrnatcd with long lcl' /\ges
c. 850,000 I\C:: human footprints founJ on thl· bcach at Happishurgh, Norfolk , are thc:
oldcst JiscovcreJ outsick /\frica
c. 800,000 1\( :: +lint tools, found on the Nort<.lk roast, indiu1k ht'.nnan occupatiun
r. 700,000 1\( :: hutch e rcd animal hrnws anJ storw tools lóund in soulhnn England
suggcst human hunting a ·tivity
C. 520,()()() IH :: ea rli est human bon es found, in southcrn England (13nxgro e Man)
. 250,()()Q IH :: nomadic Old Stonl' /\ge ( Palacolithic) pcnplcs arriVl'J
50,000 I\C:: warm t~ r climat ' e ncourageJ arrival of anccstors of rnod c rn populations
C. 10,Q()() BC: cn<l of kc /\ges; porulatinn consi~ted of Middlc Stnnc /\ge (Mcsolithic)
h untc rs anJ nsh c rs
5, ()()() IIC: today's ílritish islanJs gradually separntcJ from continenta l l~uropc
c. 3,000 1\( :: Nc w Stonl~/\ge (Neolithir) pcopl l"s pt)pulatcd thc western pJrts nf th
islands; farming introdu ccd ; sto ne a nd ca rth mnnum c nts huilt
c. 1,800 I\C: Bronze Age settlers (Ikakc r folkJ in south-east ami l'astl'rn En gland;
tradcd in gold, coppe r and tin
GOO 11< :: sdtkmcnt nf Cclts (Irnn /\ge ) from western and central Europc hl ga n
c. 200 nt :: invasions by Bclgic (alkgcdly Ccltic) tribcs; mainly jn castcrn Englantl
55-54 I\C: Julius Caesa r's ex rloratory cxpeditions
1\I) 43 : Roman conq uest of England, Wales and (tcmporarily) lowl anJ Scutlan<l
by EmpenJr Claudius and latcr governors such as Agrícola ; C hdstian
intlue nces
122-38: Hadrian's Wall built be twee n Scotland and England
c. 400 : Cclti c/G aelic groups from lrcland colonized western Scotland
c. 4m): Roman army withdrew from Britain; wars b ·twccn th c Cclts
 Chro nology of significa nt dul1",

c. 41 O: Germanic (J\ngln-S:1:,.;1111) i11,·:1:--.i1111:--. lwgan

430: cxisting Ccltic Christi:111itv i11 lrvL111d lat1..' r sprcad by St Patrick (from
432) and othcr lrish 111i:- . :--.i1ln:1ri1..·s to Scotland , Wales and north ern
England
c. 500-820: se ve n Anglo-Saxon ki ngdorns ( H c ptarchy) evolved, which hlter
becamc England; mainly C -ltic ¡-Poples populatcd Wales, Irelancl,
Scotland and Cornwall
597: St J\ugustine preached Christianity (Roman Catholic Church model)
to J\n glo-Saxons of southcrn England; creation of ecclcsiastical capita l
in Canterbury, Kent
664: Sy nod of Whithy chose Rornan Catholic Churrh mod el for 13ritish
Christianity
78~)-~)5: Scandinavian (Viking) raids lwgan
800: Cornwall congu e rcd by Anglo-Saxons
820: J\nglo-Saxon kin gdorns dominatcd by Wcsscx
832-60: un ion of rnost Scots anc.l Picts in Scotlan<l unc.lcr Kcnnc.th Mac/\lpin to
form th e eventual kingdom of Scotland
8GOs: Scandinavians C<Jntroll ed much oF northcrn an<l castl'fn England ( Easl
J\nglia, Northumhria and castcrn Mcrcia - th ' Dan1..'law)
871-~)9: reign ofAlfre d t hc Great oFWcsscx
878: Scandinavians d f ated in England hy King J\lfrcd and confo1 <l to
Danclaw
954-9: J\nglo-Saxon kingdoms conso lid at ,J into Kin gdorn of l~ngland :
rccovcry of thc Danelaw
1013- 14: Sve n oF Norway rnnquered England
1014: Scan<linaviéins ddcated in lrclanJ
1018: Scotland cam · un<ler English rule

The early Middle Ages

1066: Septcmber, King Harold defeate d Norwegian army at Stamford Bridge; Octo-
bcr; William I (thc Conqueror) dcf ' ated Harold at Hastings and a. ·ccndcd th e
English throne; The Norman Conqu 'St, fe udalism introJuccd
1072: William I invaded Scotland
1086: Domesday Book (tax and land rernrJs) cornpil ed for EnglanJ hy Normans
1160: H enry II invaded and controllcd tlw ,..-ast coast of Ircland
1200s: first Oxford and Cambridge cnlkgl'S l~)und -d
1215: King John forccd by baron to s<.'al tlw Magna Carta at Runnym de ncar Wind-
snr, which protect d English arist(HTal i1.. · rights against roya l abuse
1265: following carli er attcmpts to l'St :1hli:--.h l·: nglish parliament structur s in 1254
and 1258, Simon de MontFnrt ()rg:111i,nl :1slw rt- li wd English proto-parliarnent
1282: much of Walcs controllc<l hy l•:11gbnd 1111tb· blw:1rd 1
1295: Model Parliament (first regula,· l·: 11gli:--. li l':1rli :11wnt) rrc:.1tcd by Edward I
1296: Scots defeatcd by Edward 1
1297: first lrish Parliament
1301: Edward of Caernarvon (h1k1· l·:1h, :11tl 11) 11 .11111 -d :1.-. . lir.st l' rinn.- ofWales
1314: Scott.ish victory at battk ol' lb 111 n 11kl,1 111 1 11 ·1·.:1i11nl S, 11ttis h indc pe ndcnce
1326: first Scottish Parliamcnt
 C hr o n ol ogy o f si gn i f ican t dates xxi
.,
"°~
;.T
The late Middle Ages

1337 : Hundrcd Yca rs W ar hctw -·e n England and France bega n

1348-9: pl ague (13l ack D eath) d cstrnyed a third of the isla nds' population
1362: English rl'place<l Frc nrh as the official lan guage
13 l: Pcasant.s' Rcvo lt (popul ar rchcllion) in Englan d
\·. 1387-c. 13~)4: Gcof-frcy C haulTr wrotc Th.e Canterhury 'fo.les
1400-10: failcd Wclsh rcvolt by Owain G lynd wr again .st English rule
1406: or
Earl DlThy hought !sic of Man from ·ot lan d s
1407: H o usc of Co mm o ns beca m e rcsp o nsiblc for taxation
1411: first univc rsity in Scotland foundcc.l (St J\ndrews )
1415: Battlc of /\gincourt; England d dL·a tcd Francc
1455-87: Wars of thc Roses lwtwce n Yorkists and Lan rastrians
1469: Orkncy anJ S lwt la nd transfrrr ,J to Scotland hy Nurway
1477: lirst book printcJ in EngbnJ, by Willi a m Caxt o n

Towards the nation state (Britain)

15W : acn.-ssin n nf Hvnry VIII

15 13 : He nry VIII d l IL_,at cd th c Scnts at Fl odd l' n
1534- 40: H enry VIII brokc with Papacy ami b cca m c I kaJ of th l' En gli sh
C hurc h ( Roman Catholi r); lwginnin g or tlw Engli sh lfrlúrmation
153(¡-42: J\cts of l Jnion nca tcd lega l anJ ac.lministrati vc intl·gration or England
ami Walcs
1547-53: Proksta ntis m ht·rame o fli r ial rcl igion in England undlT Edward VI
l 553-5 N: C;_¡ th o li r rL'~Ktion unde r M;i ry 1: Rom ~lll Ca th o li c ism rcslurcc.1
1558- 1603 : l·: li za hct h 1: Prnll:slantism rcron l-irm cd
1558: Ca lais, England's last posscss io n in Fr;rn cc, lt1s t
1560: ProtL'Sta nt C hurch o r Scotland <:rL·atcd by .lohn Kn ox; Scotti sh
Rdti rm ation
l 585- q(): tirs t Engli sh coloni a l vcntun.'s in North J\m crica
1587: Mary Stuart , Quccn o f Scots, cxcc ut cd in Lo ndon
1588: defec1 t of Sp,rnish /\rmad a
c. 15~)0-c 16 13: pla ys n f William Shakc-spca rc writtc n
IGOO: East In dia (trading ) Company f-oundcJ
1603: dy1nstic un io n of England and Scotland und n J am es VI of ScntlanJ
(.la m es I of En gla nJ); l Jninn of thc Two Crowns
1()()7: Pla11tali on of Ulstcr (North c rn lrc lanc.l) with Srnttish anJ English
Pro tcstant scttlc rs: cstah lishm c nt oHirst permancnt l~ngli sh co lony in
North J\m e ri ca at Jamc:stown (Virginia)
1611 : J\uthorizc:d (Kin g .la nws) Vc rsion of th c 13iblc issuecl
1628 : monarc h '.s pow1..r rcstrictc d hy th c Pctition of Right
l(i4 1: rchd li on in lre land
1()42- 48: C ivil Wars bctWCl' n King C harl es I and Parliament
I G4~) : l'Xl'CUti o n of C harles I; m o narchy abolished
1. 653-58: Oli ver Cromwc ll rul ·d England as Lord Protector
IGGO: m o narchy rest o rc J und c r C harles II (the Restoration)
1665: Grcat Pl ague in Engla nd
.,
"'~ xxii Chr o n o l ogy o f s i gn i f i cant d a t (i·.
;T
1666: Great fire of l .ond1111
1679: Habeas Corpus /\ et 1):1:--sn l; 1):1rty políti ca! systcm gradually initiatcd
1686: Isaac N ewt on proposn l Ltws 1)1' motion and gravitatio n
1688: Glorious Revolu tio n; a~·n-ssi1>n or William 111 and Mary 11 to th e
thro ne
1689: Declaration of Righ ts
1690: lrish defeated by William III at thc Battlc of t hc Boync

The eighteenth century

1707: Acts of U ni on join ed England/Wal es and Scotla nd (Crcat Britain); uni-

tication of Scottish and English Parliamcnts
171 5: Scottish Jacobitc (Stuart) rcbdlions crush ·-d
172 1: Robert Walpole bccam e Britain's tirst prime ministcr
1739: War with Spa1n
1742: W ar with Frann:
1745 : Failcd Scottish reb ellio n undcr Bonnic Princc C harlic to rcstorc th c
l3ritish thron c to thc Stuarts
175G: Seven Years War between E urnpcan pnwcrs
1750s- l 830s: Industrial Rcvo lutions
1759: war with France; Ca nada won from frcnch
"1761: op e nin g of the Hridgewater Ca nal bcga n thc Cana l Ag '
1765: lslc oF Man purchased by British C row n
1769 : thc stcam engine and thc spinnin g machinc in vcntcd
1775-83: Am erican W ar fo r lndep nd encc; loss of th<:. T hirtecn Co lo nics
1793- 18 15: Rcvnlutionary and Napoleonic Wars

The nineteenth century

1801: Act of Union join ed Gr at ílritain and Irdand (UnitcJ Kin gdom)
1805: Battl e of Trafa lgar; N elson <lefeated th e Frcnch n avy
1807: abolition of the slavc trad c in thc British Empire; e nJing of slavery in
1833
1815 : Napol eon defeat eJ hy Wt:llington and Prussian alli cs (Blüch er) at
W aterloo
1825: opcn ing of th e Stock ton and 1)arlington Railway, th c wo rld's füst pub-
lic passenger railway
1829: Cathohc ema ncipatiun ( l"rt-nlurn of religious worship)
1832: f-irst Reform /\et cx tc nd n l t lw 1mh.· fra nchise ( vote) hy 50 pcr cent
1837-1901: reigo of Qu een Vi ctoria
1838: People's Chartc r ami th t· hq.',innin g ni" tradc unions
1839: thc Durharn Rqwrt t111 d1l111inil111 .-.tat us for sorn e coloni cs, such as
Canada
1845: disastrous harwst l:1il111 ,· i,, l1 (·b,1 tl
1851: first organizcd tradt · 1111 i,111.-, ;11'1 ,, ·; 11 n l
1853-6: thc Crimean War
 Chrono lo gy o f signifi cant dates xxiii
.,
"°~
;T
1 ~(:i/: Trade Union Congress (TUC) stablishcd
1~70: compulsory dcmcntary state school education introduced in England;
Canada beca me first <lominion state
1N7 l: legal rerngnition of tradc unions
¡~q9: thc 13oc r War (South /\fri ca)

The twentieth century

1 t)() l: J ea th of Que(."'n Victoria

J<)ü4: Ent 'ntc Cordialc with Fran cc
1 ~) l0- 36: British Emrir' rcach ,J its glohal territorial r ca k
1 ~)11: rolitical veto rovwr of thc Housl' of 1.ords rcstrictcd
Iq14- 18: Firsl World War
19 16: Eastu Rising against Britain in 1)uhlin
19 18: ali mcn ovn 21 and wonwn ovn 10 rcccivnl thc vote
1~) 19: ! .cague of Nations crvatcd
1921-2: lrish Frc · Statl' l'Stab lislwd hy /\nglo-lrish Trcaty; NorthL-rn lrvland rt·maincd
rart of thc lJnitcd Kingdom with its nwn Lkvolwd rarliamrnt
U24: iirst Labour govcrnmcnt
1~)2(): eH.: ncral Strikl·
1928: votes lt1r ali womcn ovn 21
1030 ·: cco nomi c dcrr 'ssion , rovnty and high u,wmploynll'nl; .larrnw March
1 ~)3()

193 1: Hritish Co mmonwca lth of Nati o ns cnwrgt·s

193b: ahdicatinn oF King Edward VIII
l 93~)- 45: Scrnnd World War (W. C hurchill , prim e ministn I q40)
1940: Hattk of Britain
1l)41: /\nglo- /\mcri ca n alliancc Sl' akd hy thc J\tlanti c C hartcr
1942: Bevc ridgc lfrport laid th c foundations for th c WclFarc Statv; Amt·rican
troops aniv 'd in Euro¡w ( Bclfast)
1~)44: Butlcr Education /\et; state scn.rndary cducation Free and co mrulsory l o
agc 15; allicd troors land cJ in Normandy on D-Day (liberation ol" Fran cc)
1045: Unitcd Natinns fmmcd with Britain as a Fnundn mcmlwr; Lahour won
la nJslid c g ' ncra l clcction w ith Clcmcnt Attkc as prime minist 'r
1947: thc Yalta Conf<.Tl'lK(' sharcd post-war Europc; inLk pl'nc.kn cc for Indi a
and Pakistan , hcginning of largc-scalc dccolonialization; cnal industry
nationaliz,: d
1948: National H ca lth Serví ·e created, free m ed ica) carc for ali; rost-war immi-
gration from the Commonwcalth hcgan; Olympic Carnes, l .o ndon
194~) : lrish Free Statc became thc Rcpuhli - of lrcland; N/\TO cr ·at ·d; th e mnJ-
crn Commonwcalth e merged
l ~)50-3: British troops supporteJ UN action in Korcan War
1951 : Conscrvatives (Churchill as PM ) won general election; festival of Britain
l ~)52: acccssion of Elizabeth 11
11)53 : Wat ·on and Crick puhljsheJ discovcry of DNA
1955: Conservativ 'S won g neral clcction with Sir J\nthony Edcn as prime minis-
tcr; comm e rcia l television startcd
1~)56: the Suez Canal Crisis; Britain 's first nucl ear power st~1tion he ·am e operative
 .,
A-1.,. xxiv C hrono l ogy of significa nt dot e·,
JT
1957: Ghana became first Britis h 111ln11y in /\!°rica to gain independencc; Britain
tested its first hydrogcn hrnnh: ( :11·:111 /\ir Act; Eden resign ed as prim e min-
istcr, replaced by HarolJ M:1rn1illan
1958: tirst phase of motorway systl'll1 orvn cJ
1959: Conservatives under Harold Macmillan won general election
1960: Britain join ed E.uropean Frel' Tradc Association (EFTA)
1963: Conservative Sir Alee Douglas-Home b ecam prime ministcr; new unive r-
siti ~s, such as York and Sussex, created; fran ce vetoed Britain 's cntry to
European Economi c Community (EEC) , now EU
1964: th c risc of supermarkets; Labour won gen ral election with Haro]d Wilso n
as prim e ministe r
1965: death penalty (by hanging) for serious crimes effo -tivdy aholished; com-
preh -nsivc cduca tion syste m initiated
1%5-~) : oil and gas cliscnvcrics in th e North Sea
1966: England won foothall World Cup
19G7: ahortion and homosexu ality clccriminalize<l
1968: protcst and violcn ce c rupted in North crn lrclan<l
1969: vote extended to ali persons ovcr 18; Concorde, world 's tirst supe rso nic
airlin cr, made its tirst flight
1970: Conscrvatives won general election with Edward Hcath as prime minist e r
1971 : d · cima! curren y introduccd; füst British soldjcr killcd in North e rn frc-
lanJ 's 'Trouhlcs'; North Sea oil conccssinns auction eJ
1972: direct rule from Westminster in N o rth crn Ireland ; 14 prntcstcrs kill .d
on Bloody Sunday, Londonderry, No rth e rn lrelanJ ; A sians ex pell ed fro m
Uganda with many settling in Britain
1973: Britain left EFTA and entered EEC (now EU)
1974: f ehruary, general election resulted in 'hung Parliam cnt' with Harold Wilson
as prime minister; October, Lahour won small majority in general election
with Harold Wilson as prim e minist ·r
l ~)7 5: rdc rcndum affirmed Britain 's continucd me mbc rship o f EEC
1976: ílritain forc ed to borrow m oncy from lnt rnati o nal Mo neta ry FunJ;
Harold Wilson resign d as rrim ministcr an<l was re pla ccd by Jam es
Callaghan
1978-79: strikes paralysed Britain Juring ' Wintcr of Oiscontcnt'
l ~)78: world's first t est tube bahy horn in Oldham
1979: Margaret Thatch e1~ Britain 's lirst woman prim e minister; Lord Mountbat-
t n kill ed by IRA; Wal es ami Srntl and rejectcd devolution
198 1: Social D emocrati c Party (SIW) forme d ; hung ' r strik s by Rcpubli ca n
prison ers ended afo:r tl' ll lk·ath.·; Humber 8ridg opcncd; race ri ots in
Brixton
1982: th e Falklands War with /\1 g\·n tina ; cconornic r e ssion
1983: Conservativc Prime Mini stn M~1rga rct Thatcher re-cl cctcd
1984: min e rs' strikc owr pit l l\\sun ·s; 1RA bombers attacked Conscrvative Party
Confcrcnce in Bright\\11
198 5: Anglo-Irish Ag1n ·1111 ·111 g;I\'\' lri sh Rcpubli c a voicc in thc organization of
North ern Irdand
1986: maj or national ind11st i1 ·., ¡11 iv;1tiznl
I

1987: Conservativc Prinll' M111i:, t1·1 M;1rgarl't Thatch er won third general dection
1988: SDP mergeJ wit h l .ilii-d l1:111 y l \) hu :ome the Liberal De mocrats
1989: Tim Bern ers- l .1·l' i1n·,·11t.-, I 1111· Wnrld Wide W b
 Chronology o f sign i ficant dates XXV
.,
A~
;.T
introduction of 'poll tax' provoked riots in London; Thatcher rcsigned;
rcplaced hy .John Major
1~) ~) 1 : libera tion of Kuwait by coaütion forces; Operation D esert Storm
1q~)2: Conservatives won gt.ne ral election with John Major as prime minister;
withdrawal of pound sterlin g from ERM on 'Black Wedn esday '
Channd rail tunn el b etween Franc:e and Britain open ed; füst wom ' 11 pri sts
ordain ed in Church of England
rcfcrcn dums o n d ' volution for Scotland and Walcs; sov1.: re ignty of Hong
Kong transferred to China; Labour won general clcction with Tony Blair as
prim e minist 'r
1!)98: BclFast ( Good f-riJay) J\grt:em c.: nt; e ndo rseJ by referenJum s in both parts
of lrcland; lecti o n of devolved Northcrn lrclanJ J\ ssc mhly
1~)99: Jcvolution ·tructurcs in Scotland (a Parliam c nt) ami Walcs (an J\ssc mhl y )

The twenty-first century

2000: numher of hcrcditary rx-crs in thc House of Lords rcJuccJ from 750 to ~)2
(now 88); stock markc ts tell as 'dntcorn buhhlc ' hurst
2001: Labour won general e le ·tion with Tony Rlair as prinw ministcr; l<.)()t anJ
mnuth discasc in rural 13ritain; North crn lrvland J\ssc' mhly susrc' nckd
until 2007; Britain cngaged in NJ\TO and lJN pt·arr h -c·ping ~H:tion in
J\tghani stan
2003: gains For Dcmocratic Unionist Party and Sinn h ':in in Northcrn lrcland
J\sse mbly l'l ectio ns; cualition forces (incluJing Britain) invadcd Iraq
2004: ten n c-w statcs join cd EU
2005: Lahour Party ac hi cvcd thirJ succcssivc victory in gcnnal clcction (Tony
Blair as PM); JRJ\ ord crcd mcmlwrs to c~:asc 'mi li tary opcrations'; intcr-
national dccommissioning hody r ·ported that IR/\ wc apons had hcc n ' pul
hcyond use'; sume lJniunisl rar,imil itaries mnvcd to disarm ; Kyoto Prntrn:n l
on clirnatc changc ca rne into forc e; suicide homhcrs kilkJ 52 pcopk' on
London's transport system
2006: Northi..·rn Ircl and J\ssc mhly m ct hctwcc n May an<l No v ' mh1::r for lirst tim e
sin ce suspcnsion in 2001
2007 : North e rn Ircland J\sse mbly rcs lorcJ anJ lan Paislcy lcJ powcr-sharing
gov c rnm c nt as first minister, with Sinn frin's Martin McC, uinncss as
his d cputy; Gordon 13rown bccam e PM and Lahour Party le adcr f'ollow-
ing rcsignation of Tony Blair: scvere fl oods in central EnglancJ causcJ
great damage; Romania ami Bulgaria joincd EU; Al ex Salmond, lcad 'r
of thc Scottish NationaLParty (SNP), h t'c:a m e first ministcr of ScotlanJ
following thc Scottish Parliam c nt election and led a minority Scottish
governm1:.' nt
2007- 10: credit c runch; finan cia) anJ hanking probl ems; intemational recession
2008 : Lahour Party suffcred worst local election results in 40 ycars finishing
bchind th e Conservativcs and Liberal Democrats with 24 p er cent of thc
national vote
2009: in European elections, on a lo w turnout of 33 per ce nt, Labour p oll ed 15. 7
pe r v nt of th e vote an<l finish ecl third b ehind the Cnnscrv·itives (27. 7 per
ce nt) and the United Kingdom Indc penden ce Party ( 16.5 r 1.'. r cent)
.,
A~ xxvi Chro no l ogy of si gn i ficant d ci l<: :.
;T
2010: British general clection rl·s1ilt1 ·d i,1 l111n g Parliament ancl coalition gov-
c rnm e nt b etwee n Consnv:1tivvs :1nd l ,ihc ral Dcrnocrats, David Cam ero n
(Con) bccoming prime mi11i sll' 1 ;1 11d Nick C legg (Lib Dcm) as dcputy prim e
ministcr
2011: Jan Paisley resign ed and was n·rlaced as first minister in Northcrn lreland by
Pctcr Robinson ; thc SNP gaincJ an overa ll majority in tbc Scottish Parliamcnt
with J\l ex Salmond as first ministcr
2012: Olyrnpi c Gam csJ London
2013 : dcspitc austcrity measures, d eficit crisis continue<l ; sorne imrrovcm ent in eco-
nomic growth, manufacturing outputJ un rnploymcnt and huilding works; for-
m cr PM Margaret Thatch er died on 8 April ; Croatia join cd ElJ
2014: widcspread scverc tloods and prnperty damage; substantial victory for thc
Unitc<l Kingdom lndc pcnde nce Party (UKI P) winning 24 scats in thc Euro-
pean Union Parliam ent dcction, with Labour on 20 seats and th c Conservativcs
on 19; th c Lih ·ral D c mncrats lost ali hut one of their sea ts; Commonwcalth
Games hc ld in Glasgow, 23 July-3 J\ugust; Britain bcgan withdrawal of troo r s
frnm Afghanistan; British econo rnic growth co ntinu cd , but budgt.' t dchcit still a
maj or probl c m rcsultin g in austcrity cuts; in th c rcfe re ndum on 1~) S -'ptember
for Srnttish ind cp endence from th e UK, 2)001,926 (55 .30 r c r cent) votcd 'No '
and I JG 17/)89 l44. 70) voted 'Yes'; J\l ex SalmonJ, First Ministcr in Scottish
Parljamc nt rcsigncd ancl was replacecl by Nicola Sturgcon (SNP); f-irst wom an
bishnp of th c Church of England consecrated
2015 : intlation c.Jropped bdow O per cent in Fcbruary, th e low est sincc rernrJs bega n;
surport for d -> ath pe nalty droppcd (March) to hclow 50 p 'r ce nt ( 48 pcr
cent) for th c f.irst tim e since 1983; immigration heaLkd list of main con ccrns
of clcctorat (March) , replacing the NHS; general election (May) rcturncd th c
Conservatives to power with an overa!] majorit.y and D av id Camcron as prim e
mini ste r.
2016: refere ndum on UK's m embership of t.hL' l~U, 23 .Jun e 2016; on a turnout nf
72.2 per cent, 51.9 per cent ( 17,4 1O, 742 voters) votcd to lea ve the EU (Hrexit)
and 48.1 per cent ( 16, 14 l J 241 J voted to rcmain ; r eo pk's helicf in God frll to
hclow 50 p er cent; collapse of NHS forccast with incrcascs in waiting times;
risc in pollution caused by commuters and vchi ·les; ncw forests proposeJ to
restore t.h e co untryside.
2017: gen 'ral election, Thursday 8 .Tun e, rcsultcd in a l1un g Parliam e ntJ whcre no
party haJ an overall majority of st.·ats in the House of Commons (ConscrvativL~
42.4 pcr cent, Labour 40.0 pcr CL' ntJ; Thcrcsa May (Cnnscrvative) continued
as PMJ supported by North ern lrcl and 's DlJP; Articlc 50 triggcrcd British ex it
from the ElJ; crirne statistics and rrison population incrcas ' ; grow th in popu-
larity of wom en 's sport; in crcasl' uF hatc spccch on th e Intern et; net immigra-
tion fa.lis; we ak pound, dl'clinl' in wagcs, drop in hnuschold spc nding and weak
productivityJ but. low u11t·mpluynll'nt; cin ema attcnclan cc grcw; slow progress
in Brexit negotiations lwtw~·vn l JK anJ ElJ· brcakdown of uevolved govern-
rncnt in Northern I rcland ; lsL1111 ist tnrorist attacks in Man chester and central
London, with h eav y l1lss ()1 · lil ~·
2018 : lJK and ElJ nego liatnrs :1gr1'l' :1 tinw lin c on 'i mplcm entation' of 13rex it talks;
Brexit bill passcs tlrniu gh l\11 li :11rn· nt , with promisc of 'mcanjngful say for
MPs' on any <l eal a g 1\ ·nl; ( :l11 ·q111-rs c1hinct surnmit agreernent on plan for
Brex.it; resignation ni" 1 ;1lii11\·t 111 i11i stns; l 4 Novcmbcr UK cabinct approveJ
<lraft Brexit o utli,w d1·;.I 1111 1·11111r1' rL·lations and sc nt to EU for approval;
 Chronolo g y o f si g n if i ca nt dates xxvii
.,
--~
JT
D ccc rnbcr, UK Parliament vot es on e.leal and El J m c mbers ratify withdrawal
agree nwnt
-~ º 19: UK is schcdul d to c nd its m crnhership of EU at 1 1 pm on 2~) March ; th en
cn tc rs a transiti on pcriod dcsigned to avoid a 'cliff-edge ' Hrexit. On 14 March
afte r mo nths of in conclu. ivc debates, MPs vote to delay the Rrexit process fo r
3 m o nths o r mo re. 8 April 201 9, th c Brcxit path for th c UK to lea v<.· thc ElJ is
deadl ocked .
 l
The British context

■ Histori cal growth

Structural change

Contemporary conditions

British attitu<les to Britain

Exercises

Further reading

Websítes
The Br it ish context

This chaptcr examines four aspects of British civilization (historical growth,

structural change, contemporary conditions and British attitudcs to Britain).
Thcse are related in later chapters to th emati - topics such as govcrnrncnt, cdu-
cation or religion. Each is placed within a historical context in order to illustrate
how Britain has evolved to its contemporary position.
The histori ·al contcxt is important for understanding British soci ty,
whethcr for Britons or for overseas observers. However, s "an.:h cs for histori-
cal 'truth' in evitably in vol ve contested intcrprctations or ignoran ce of th e pre-
sumcd facts. Polls rcgularly suggest that many British respondents often lack
an ad cquatc knowlcdgc of Britain's past, currcnt conditions and institutional
stru turcs.
lnternational respondents' replies to polls may also revcal stc rcotypical
pe rceptions ahout B1itain and its p eople. Thcy te nd to see thc B1itish as eith er
fair-minded, outward-looking and tolcrant or, convc rscly, as closc-minded, insu-
lar, convcntional and backward-looking with an -xaggerated rcspcct for thcir
history and traditions. The country is sornctimcs pen:civcd through images of
rnonarchy, castl es, aristocracy, quaint and ecccntric bchaviour, class conflict,
a stagnating, risk-averse economy, unimaginativc fooJ and dysfunctional old-
fashion -d institutions. Such views arguably do not accuratcly convey the com-
plcx and Jiverse reality of l3ritain, with its problcms, strcngths and weaknesses.
For cxample, historical ~onfusion was shown in repli es by both British and
ovcrseas respondents to a British Council survcy in Fcbruary 2014 at a time
wh en the centenary anniwrsary of th e 1914-18 hrst World War was bcing
comrncmorated as a signilicrnt eve nt in British and world history. Only 38 pcr
cent of British responcknts kn cw that US and Canadian troops fóught in thc
War and 35 per cent wcrc ;_1wéJrC that /\ustralian and New ZealanJ Common-
wealth troops also took p,1rl. Tlwrc was ignoran ce about which side (J\.llicd or
Gcrman) sorne countril'S lc1t1ght on , with 27 per Ct'nt of Indian rcsponclents
thinking that India fought ,1g;_1inst Britain, despite 1.4 rnillion [ndians scrving
in the 13ritish forces. Thc surw y nntt-d how the War still provokes positivc and
negative overseas attitud~·s l<1 tlw l JK and rcvealed how many British often tend
to vicw their wartimc l.':x¡wril·11n·s i11 tnms of patriotism and sacriticc.
British state schools li;1 v1· 11 ·n·11tl y lwcn criticized hJr their teaching of his-
tory by restricting stud y tn li111itnl pniods and subj ects, such as th e Tudors
or Nazism. In an attclllpt t(l l ·n, n ·d , 111 allcged lack of historical knowlcdgc,
reforms have been madi · tn tlw st;1ll- .-...c liool National Currículum, so that his-
tory is now intendcd lo lw :1 1111111· 1°;11 t - 1) :ts nl and chronological subjcct. Courses
 T he British c ontext

, in citi zcnship have also been introduced in the hope that pupils will lcarn what
, () 11Stitutes British civic culture. T hese efforts at consciou, ness raising may not
.tl ways be successful 1 but politicians arguc that such reforms of th e school cur-
1 i,·ulum do valuably promote debate on national idcntity, and impro ve pupils'
knowlcdgc.

Historical growth

l)rita in 's constitutiona l titk is th e Unitcd KingJom of Great Britain anJ

Northcrn Trcland (UK). Th c nation compriscs largc and smallcr islands off
t h ' north-wcstern Europea n mainland 1 whi ·h ar, touchcd by thc North Sea,
1 h ' English Channcl 1 th e lri sh Sea an<l thc Atlantic Occan . Thc biggest isl a nd,

( ;reat Britain, is <livided into England Scotland anJ Walcs an d North crn lrc-
1 1

Lind , harcs thc sccon<l-largcst island with the Rcpublic of Irc land, with which
it has a land bordcr. T his bord ·' r remains a c rucial and divisivc clc mrnt in thc
l JK's att ' rnpt to !cave thc Eurnpean Un ion ( EU).

PLATE 1. 1 Representa tion of Wi ll iam

the Conqueror (centre with his half-
brothers) on the Bayeux Tapestry;
a 70 m embroidered cloth made
in Eng la nd in the 1070s (now in
Bayeux Ab bey, France) , depicting
events lead ing to the Norman
Conquest of England , 1066 .
© Hemis/Alamy Stock Photo
The British co n t ext

In prchistory, thcsc areas wc1-c visitnl hy Ol<l, Middlc and N cw Stone Agc
nomads (Palacolithict sorne of whorn sL1ycd pcrrnancntly. From about 600
l3C- AD ] OG6, th c islands expericnccd scttk mcnt and invasion movements from
pcoplc who originated in mainlan<l Europe, such as Celtic groups, Bclgic tribcs,
Romans, Germani · tribes (Anglo-Saxons ), Scandinavians (Vikings) and Nor-
mans. Thc Norman Conquest by Wilham thc Conqucror was a dcfining cvcnt,
which spread Norman control over much of th e islands and fundam entally
influenced the country's ·ocial and political structures.
Convcntional accounts of British history suggcst that dcsccndants of th csc
early immi gra nts over time coll ectively created th e foundations for a multi-
cthnic UK with mixcd idcntities and cultures. Various dcgrccs of interbrccding
bctwccn newcom ers and nativcs produccd furthcr, and oftcn contcstcd, idcnti-
ties. Research publishc<l in Nature in 2015 (see Furth er reading) indi ·ate<l for
examplc that assumc<l majority Celtic areas were more genetically diverse th,m
has been thought, while other groups (sucl1 as Picts and Scots) are thought to
havc bccn isolatcd for ccnturics.
Thc scttlcrs and invaders contributcd bctwccn th c ninth ami twelfth centu-
rics Al to th c building-blocks which gradually establish ed th e scparate nations
of Enghm<l, Waks, Scotland and Ircland ( with England and Scotland gaining
strongcr individual identities by the tenth e -ntury ). Thc countrics cxpcrienceJ
ditfcrent interna] devclopmcnts and political changcs, as wcll as conf-licts with
cach othcr and other countrics, in thcir growth to nationhood. Thcrc are still
diff-c:.~rcnces between th ese peoples and competing allegiances within and among
the four nations.
Th e later developrnent of the islands was grcatly influcnccd first by thc
expansionist, military aims of English monarchs and second by political unions.
Ireland and Walcs had b ccn cffectively under English control since the twelft:h
and thirtcenth centuries respectively. In ] 603, .James VI of ScotlanJ, whosc
mothcr was Mary, Que ' n of Scots, inh erited th e English thron e a · James [ after
th e dcath of Elizabcth I, which dynastically joined Scotland and England.
Movcm ent towards a British state [with its parliamcntary power bas , at West-
minster in London) was ad1i cvcd by political unions bctwccn England, Walcs
and Scotland (Great Brit,iin) in 1707 and b ctwecn Grcat Britain and Ireland
(United Kingdom) in 1HO 1. l 11 1921 , Southern Ireland left the union to become
th e independent Rcpuhli c o l' lrcLrnd while Northcrn lrcland rcmaincd part of
th e United Kingdom .
These historical Jcvclop11H·11ts i11 volwd political deals, manipulation, wars,
constitutional struggks ,1ml n-ligious co n llicts, and resultc<l in th e gradual cre-
ation of a British stalt' ( tlw l ll<). wli ich owcd much to English modcls and
dominance. State struct11n·s, :,-111 ·li ;1-" tlw monarchy, government, the Church,
Parliament and th e law, <ii'll'II d1 ·w l11¡wd slowly and uneve nly, rathcr than by
long-tcrm planne<l cha11g1· :111d tl11·n · v n(' also periods of uph eaval and ideolog-
ical conflict (such as ro v: tli -., t ;11ttl trild h,1ttks, civil wars, nationalist rcvolts by
 Th e Br i ti sh c ontext

PLATE 1.2 James I of England (VI of

Scotland) in full state robes . Portrait
by lnigo Jones c. 1620, fol lowing
the dynastic un ion of the Scottish and
Eng lish crowns in 1603 .
© GL Archive/ Alamy Stock Photo

the Scots, Wclsh an<l lrish against thc English, struggks with Eurnpean pnwcrs,
religious fermcnt, th e Protcstant Rcformation and so ·ial disscnt).
lt might sccm that this British story involvcs a confuscd an<l haphazard
history of oftcn unforescen cvcnts, rathcr than purposcful action. Yt't sorn e
historians havc argucd that Britain has dcvclupcd in a gradualist, cvolutionary
and pragmati c manncr, whcrc co mmon-scnsc changc was accc ptcd if it workc<l.
T his proccss has bee n attributcd to thc suppose<l in sular and co nscrvativc rn cn-
ta liti cs of island peoples, with th c ir preforcnce for traditional habits and institu-
tio ns, ordc rly progrcss and distrust of suelden changc. J\.lthough sorne intlucnccs
have come from abroad during th e long histori ca l process, thc abscncc of any
successful rnilitary invasion of th t' islan<ls since th e Norman Conquest of l 06G
h as allowed England, Scotland, Wales an<l Ireland to develop internally in dis-
tincttve ways, despite freque nt and violent struggles b etween and within thcm.
The social organizations an<l constitutional principles of the British state,
. uch as parliamcntary democracy, govcrnmcnt, the rule of law, economic sys-
tcms, a wdfarc state and varied rcligious faiths, have bccn slowly an<l variously
fo rgcd by disputes, conflict, conqucst, self..interest, consc nsus and compromise.
 The Br i tish c o ntext

The structures and philosophies of British l·ivi c statehood have oh:en been imi-
tated by other countries, or exportcd ahroad through the creation of a global
empire from th e sixte nth century and a commercial need to build world mar-
kets for British goods.
The developed British Empire was an cxtension of earlicr English mon-
archs' internal military expansionism within th e islands and in mainland Europe.
rollowing la ter Europcan reversals, they sought raw materials, possessions, tradc
and powcr abroa<l. This colonialism was aidcd by incrcasing military strenhrth
( achieved by successive victories) into the twentieth century. In Britain today,
th ere i: a vigorous debate about colonialism. Sorne critics scc it as a ncgativc,
regrettable stain on B1itish and world history, while others controversially feel
that it may have sorne positive features.
Intcrnally, agricultural and farming rcvolutions in Britain from thc Ncw
Stonc Agc and Anglo-Saxon periods added apprcciably to the country's wealth,
exports, prestige and international trade. It also developed a manufacturing and
financia] bas<\ with connections to Europe and bcyond . It beca me an industrial
and increasingly urbanized ountry from th e late eighteenth century because of

PLATE 1.3 Oueen Victoria, l 8 19-

190 l . Oueen of the UK, beca me
Empress of India in 1876 ; had th e
longest reign of any Briti sh monarch
(63 years) until overtaken by Ouee n
Elizabeth l l (66 years in 20 l 8);
photograph by Alexander Bassomo,
l 882 . © Mary Evans Pictu re Librmy
 Th e Brit i s h c on t ext

;i series of in<lustrial revolutions and inventions. Throughout its history, Britain

ha: becn responsible for major and influe ntial scientific, medica! and technolog-
it·al advances.
Thc dcvclopmcnt of the Brüish state and its empire was aided by increasing
t·rnnomic and military force, so that by the nineteenth century th e co untry had
lwcom<:: a dominant industrial an<l political world power. lt was a main playe r
in devcloping Western civic prin ciplcs oflaw, propcrty, busin ess, liherty, capital-
i.'- rn, parliamcntary dc mocracy and civil socicty.
Acts of Onion within Britain in 1707 and 1801 , dcspitc continuing tcnsions
;1nd allcgian ccs to long-hdd scparatc i<lcntitics, ha<l also gra<lually c nco uragcd
t he idea of a ílritish identity ( Britishncss ), in which ali the componcnt countries
nf thc eventual Unitcd Kingdom could sharc. This was ti ed to Britain's imperial
position in thc world and an iJe ntitication with thc powcrfu] institutions of thc
-; tate, such as monarchy, law, Parliament, thc military and Protcsta nt rcligion.
l{ut individual idcntitics in thc four nations of thc un ion pcrsistcd anJ bccamc
strongcr as othe r forces, such as class and in equalities of wcalth, arosc in thc
ninctccnth ccn tury. Prcssure for political and constitutional changc cvc ntually
rcsultcJ first in th c partition oflrcland in 1921 and sccond in dcvolution (tran s-
1·--r of sorne politi cal powc r frorn th c I .o ndon Parliarncnt to ckl'lc<l hodil s in
Scotland, Walcs and Northcrn Ircland) by 1~)98-99. Thcsc changcs cncouragcd
d --batcs ahout such issucs as the naturc oF Britishncss and thc structurc of thc
lJnitcd Kingdom. Although ScotlanJ votcd against indcrc nd cncc in a 2014 rcf-
t~rendum after a ticrcc Nationalist campaign, thc qucstion of ultimatc ind -prn-
<lence for ScotlanJ is still <.kbated.
The British state has scen other fundamental political reforms and changcs
ovcr time, such as cxtcnsion of th c vote in thc ninctccn th and twcnti<.'th Cl' ll-
turies, th c <liminishing powcr of thc aristocratic Housc of Lon.Is, thc grnwing
authority of th c clcctcd Housc of Commons, thc t.kclim' oF cxccu tivc rnon-
archy and a wcak 'ning of ch urch authority and rc ligious ohscrvancc. Britain
underwc nt substantial collectivist social changc · in thc twcnticth ccntury with
thc growth of a lahour movcmL'nt, thc formation of thc Lahour Party, cco-
nomic polici cs of nati onalization ( with thc statc hccoming thc owner of public
ind ustries and scrviccsJ and th e crcation oF a wclfarc statc, associatc<l with thc
tirst largc majority Lahour govcrnmcnt lcJ by Prime Ministcr Ckmcnt Attkc
(l 945-5 1 ).
Thcsc c mphas 'S latcr changc<l in thc twcnticth ccntury as ncw political
partics and allianccs devclopcd, an<l govcrnment cconomic policies shiftcd
füi tish soci 'ty, collcctivcly and individually, along more free market lines (pri-
vatization of stat ·-owncd busincsscs and scrvie<~s). Britain's first woman Prime
Ministcr (Margarct Thatchcr) an<l h er Conservative governrnents (1979-90)
were central to such dcvelopme nts1 which attracted both strong support and
tierce opposition. lt was felt that th e statc should not intcrfcrc in business, and
th e powc r of the trade unions was rcduced by a series of laws. Thcse battles
 The Br i tish context

PLATE 1.4 Clement Attlee,

Labour Prime Minister
in first ma jority Labour
government 1945-5 1
inaugurated radica l
reform programmes
leading to the Welfare
State, National
Health Service and
nationa lization of private
industry into public
services . © Pictor ia l Press
Ltd/ Alamy Stock Photo

bctween broadly 'centn:.-left' (Labour) and 'centre-right' (Conscrvative)' views

of poli tics, economics anJ socicty continue to characterize most of the country's
structures and inflm.'ncc pco ple's votes, despite attempts by other parti es, such
as the Liberal D emocrats, thc Greens, the Unitcd KingJom Indcpendence Party
(UKIP), and Welsh ami Srnttish Nationalist Parties, to break into th c two-party
tradition. Howevcr, thc n·ntralizt:·J stat c based in London has fragrncntcd to a
degree as the govcrnnwnts in thL' component countries gaine<l grcatcr devolved
political powers by 1~)~)H qq_
Britain also ex pcrirn n·d signilit·ant changt> (as wdl as rclative international
decline) in the twcnti<.'tli l·l·ntur . Its social and cconomic strength was seri-
ously reduced by thc t·l'ktts ni" two world wars in thc firsthalfofthc twentieth
century and by thc dis111 :111tli11 g <il' its imperial global power in thc sccond half
It ethnic composition, st: tll ' ·"' rn1 t 111"<'.\ social p olicies, religious bcli fs ande o-
nomic institutions h;1w :di hn·11 :11'1 ~·tlt·d hy profound dom estic dcvclopments
(su ·has large-scalc inrn1i g1:1ti1111) :1 1HI l''.\ tnna l pressures. Traditional notions of
Britain's place in tht· wn1Id, 1!11 · 11 :1 l111 t· of its society and hopes for its future
have b een subjectcd tn ili:--.. , 1·111 , 11 · 1·v:du :1tion and pressures on many levels, and
 The Br itish context

PLATE 1.5 Margaret Thatcher,

ata press conference,
London , 8 June 1987, during
general election campaign .
Conservative Prime Minister
and first British woman Prime
Minister 1979-9 1, introduced
privatization programmes and
denationalization of public
services . © David Levenson/
A lamy Stock Photo

hy a p ' rvasive sensc of Jcclinc. Th esc continu ,J as thc country ente red thc
lwcnty-first century.
Sino.:'. thc Second World War ( l ~)39-45), Britain has had to adjust with dif-
li culty to a withdrawal from cmpi rc, which was inc vitahl e in th c facc of rising
nati onalism and s ,]f-<lctcrm ination in th c colonics; a rcdu ction in world polit-
ical status; global eco nomic rccessions; a rclativc decline in cconomi c powcr;
incrcascd fóre ign compctition; inte rna! social changc; a geopolitical world ordcr
of sup erpowe rs (thc Unitcd Statcs an<l th e Sovi 't Un ion); ncw tcnsion s after
the break-up of th e Soviet Union in th e 1990s, w ith th c USA bccoming thc
dominant force; thc cmcrgcnce of Far Lastnn powcrs such as .lapan, China an<l
India; growing South American cco nomics; a hanging Europe following thc
J ' struction wrought by two world wars; continuing unrest in Eastern Europe,
thc Mi<ldlc an<l Far Last and Africa; and a grudging acknowledgemcnt by th e
British pcople an<l their politicians that thc world had inevitably changed.
Th e nation ha. bcen force<l into a rductant search for a ncw ide ntity and
direction, both internationally and nationally, which, arguably, it has not yet
achieved. While maintaining many of its traditional worldwidc commc rcial,
 The Brili sh c ontext

cultural and political links, such as thc inLTl ·asingly criticized 'special re]ation-
ship' with the United States of Amcri ca, il moved from empire and the succcs-
sor Commonwcalth of Nations towards an eco nomic and political commitmcnt
to Europe, mainly through m embership of what is now th e European Union
(EU). But this r lation. hip, in its turn, is also now changing.
In reccnt ccnturi <:s, Britain had rarely seen itse]f as an integral part of
mainland Europc. It has instead sheltered behind th c sea barrier of the English
Channcl and its outlook was wcstwards and wor1dwidc. Th e psychological and
physical isolation from Europc had slowly begun to change, as illustrated by
in crcasc<l cooperation between Britain and other Europcan countrics and by
th c opening (1994) of a Chanm.1 rail tunnel b etwccn England and Fran cc. How-
cvcr, th e rclationship betwccn Britain and Europc ·ontinu \ to be probl ' matic
and ncw associations have been forced by cvcnts and circumstan ccs, rath r than
whol ehcartcdly sought. Scepticism about Europe and th e historical impulses
to national indc pcndence and isolationism still condition m any British pcoplc
in th eir <lcalings with and attitudcs to the outside world, d spite thcir relian c,
on global tra<lc and international relationships. Proposals to lcave thc EU had
in crcased in re c nt years and Prime Minist -'r David Cameron promised a refer-
cndum (vote ) on EU membcrship if the Co nscrvatives won th ' 2015 General
Elcction, which they did. Ncgotiations continuc<l b ctwee n Britain and thc EU

PLATE 1.6 Edward Heath ( 191 6-2005 ) wh o, a s Rri tis h Conservative Prime Minister ( 1970- 7 4)
led Brita in into the then European Eco no rni c; Cornrnunity (now European Unio n) by signing the
EEC Agreement in 1972 . © Publ i P, c:;'.;/S li ull0.1slock
 íhe Br i tish context

lt) llowing the 2016 Referendum in which Britain votcd to leave the EU in 2019
;111d th e 2017 triggering of the Lisbon Tre aty'sArticlc 50 to formalize d eparture.

This process, to what many Britons regard as an unknown foturc, is complex

;1nd opposcd, but supported by othe rs.
D espitc a -urrc nt nationalist and populist trend among som · Britons, critic.
.,rgue that isolationism is not a viahl ' option in a globalized and unpre dict-
;1hle world. I3ritain has bccn invo lvc<l, not without continuing publi c protest, in
rl'cent ovcrs 'as military action in Bosnia, Kosovo, two Iraq wars, Afghanistan,
1.ihya an<l othcr trouhl e spots worldwide as a coalition partnc r in th e North
J\tla nti c Trcaty Organization (NATO) and J\mcri ca n-l eJ military action. Britain
has itsclf attractc<l tcrrorist attacks ( arguably as a fl'action to thcsc comrnit-
rnents), such as suicide bombings against the London publi c transport systcm
hy British-born Islamists on 7 .July 2005. Thcsc and frcqucnt furth cr atta -ks
in London and thrnughout thc country, and thc continuing high-kvc l terror
th rcat, havc raise<l debates about thc naturc and loyalty of Britain 's multi-cthni c
population and ahout govcrnrncnt policics on asylum scckcrs and imrnigration
as thc country sccks to protcct itself in a changing worl<l. Britain is involvc<l in

PLATE 1.7 Bomb attack on London

double-decker bus, Tavistock
Square, 7 July 2005 . Suic ide
bombers attacked the London
Transport system , including the
Underground, kil ling 56 peop le
(including 13 on the bus) .
© Balkanpix .Com/ Shutterstock
 The Briti sh c onte x t

the global debate of the twenty-first ccn tury, from which it cannot iso1ate itse1t~
as it <lid at sorne periods in its earl icr history.
It is 1ike1y that an cxit from thc EU wi1] oblige Britain to increase its global
'free tradc' connections, while prescrving sorne kind of Europcan relationship,
in a<l<lition to defensive and diplomatic alliance ·. Mcanwhile, thc British are still
fundam ··ntally dividcJ over I~uropc and th country's futurc. Rcmainers votcd
in the 2016 rcfer -n<lum to stay within thc EU and most of thcm regard thl
poli result as the most disastrous British politi ·al rnistakc of the past 70 years.
The Lcavcrs ( Br ·xitccrs) scc a futurc of econornic and politi ·al opportunity for
Britain to 'tak' back control' of its own <lcstiny, economicall y an<l politically.

Structural change

It has been traditionally argucd that British historical growth has bccn guidc<l
by pragmatisrn, grad ualisrn, flcxibility, cornrnon sl'nse and cxpcricn ·e of what
works in practicc. Thc cr ation of a way of lif , governrncnt, so ·ial structur s,
cconornic rclationships and law supposedly dcpcnds upon evolution ary adapta-
tion to changing, ofrcn unforeseen, circurnstanc · s.
This gradualist modcl of changc is ofte:.n contrasted to forrnally <levcloped
constitutionali ·m and nation building, by which British historica l growth has
be ·n implementcd by laws passed through statc institutions. In 13ritain, thesc
are not contain~d in any one written constitution with chccks and balances, but
derive frorn many separat sources.
The resulting strncturcs an<l institutions from both rno<lcls have becn con -
ditioned by struggles between social, ·conomic, kgal, religious, constitutional
an<l political argumcnts. Sorne changes wcre abrupt, whilc othcrs occurre<l in
a slower, more pragmatic fas hion. Th ~y have takcn different institutional forms
and izes; operate on national and local lcvels; and shape cultural i<lentitics,
values and attitu<les. Thl' social organization and constitutiona1 principlcs of thc
statc, such as parlianwnt<1ry <lcmocracy, government, the rule of law, economic
systems, a welfare statc and rcligious faiths, havc mostly bcen slowly forgcd
by disputes, conflicts, scll'-intnl'st, conscnsus and compromisc, which continue
today. Sometimcs, howcwr, th c proccss has becn abrupt and accomplished
more quickly.
The major formal institutions, sud1 as Parliamcnt, law and governmcnt, are
concerned with stat<: or puhlil · husi1wss. Thcy initiatc policies in 'top-down' form
so that decisions are 01'tt·11 dl Tidn I hy n ' ntralizcd and multi-lcvcl bodics (whethcr
electcd or appointnl) ;111d tlwn ;1ppl ivd nn low r lcvcls. Sorne of these proccsses
are criticized in Britai11 h<-1 ;1t1...,1 · tlw allcgcdly distancc dccision-makers from the
general public, undl ·1\ 111 ;1l I l 11 111t ;il)ilit y ;rnd rcsult in a '<lcmo ·ratic dcficit'.
British pcopk 1"1l ·q11l ·111l 1011q)L1in that they should be consu1ted more
about institution,il l 11 :111¡•,1·.. , i11 ... lH i<"l y and have a greater voice in local an<l
 Th e Brit i sh con text

national affairs. Th ey increasingly allege that elites and burcaucracies at various

lcveL ignor th e m, lack competence, wastc taxpaycrs' money on dubious proj-
l 'Cts and produce inadequat' poli cies. This situation has led to a disen chantmcnt

with and withdrawal from politi cal proccsscs by man y pcopl ~; a distrust of poli-
ticians; and demands that public officials should b e more accountablc. Poll s sug-
gcst that individual citizcns are now unwilling to engage in local and national
;1ffairs, often partly Juc to a fecling that thcir opinions would not be -onsi<lcrcd .
However, J cs pitc an apparcnt withdrawal from politics, thcr ' are still
lcvcls of social activity, such as sports act ivitics, familics, 1 isurc evrn ts, ncigh-
hourhoods, youth culture, faith an<l spccial intcrc st groups, local communifa~s1
cthnic fcllowships an<l habitual ways oF lifr which havc lhcir own particular
val u systcms and organizations. Thcy oh.e n hav' a 'bo ttom-up' form in which
policit's and bchaviour are sai<l to be linkcd closcly to the conccrns of socicty 's
grassroots. Th<.: y may illustratc more lrn:alizcd , informal and Jcmocratic ch ar-
a ·teristics than thc top-<lown mod cl. But th cse communitics, includi ng loca l
gov rnm1..' nt 1 ca n also he Jominat<..'d by group\ which may be in conflict wilh
oth er in<lividuals who obj1..·ct to hcing controllcd by the lcadcrship. This sit-
uatio n may prnvokc disputes, alicnation and a sens1..· of pm crlcssness in th<..'
r xcl u<lcJ groups.
Th · 'British way oF lifc' an<l British i<lcntiti cs are <lctcrmi1wd hy how peo-
ple function within and rcact1 whcthcr positiv ,]y, ncgatiwl y or apathcti ·ally,
to thc two local anJ natinnal structun:s. Thesc are not remole ahslractions1 hut
affcct individuals Jircctly an<l immc<liatcly in thcir Jaily livcs. For cxamplc1 gov-
crnment poli cics impingc upon citii'.cns and lhcir familics; co mmcrci:.il organi-
zatio ns influcn ce choi c ' · in food, musi c1 dothcs and fashion; lhc media may try
to shap c 1wws valucs anJ agendas, or scck more profüs; spnnsorship and advcr-
tising may dete rmine thc naturc of sports, comm 'rct' and lhc media; devolved
govc rnmcnt hodi cs in Scotland, Waks and Northc rn Ircland initiatc polici cs for
thcir own regions; loca l governmcnt throughout th · lJK attcmpts to organizc
and condition communal aclivitics; and community lifr is suhjcct to small-scalc
( and som ' tim es <..'CC<.: ntri -) influcn ccs.
Th<.:sc structural fcatures r ,flecl a range of cultural practiccs on hoth high
and popular c ultural levds in Britain. High cultural forms may often appcal to a
mi nority an<l b e -onncctcd to wealth an<l social rnnccrns, although thc gradual
b lurring of dass barricrs1 ex pandcJ cducation an<l a decline in de fi._~rcncc havc now
op e ncJ thcsc up to widcr participation. Yct popular cultural activities havc always
been prcscnt in British socicty. Th ey havc becom , more numerous and Jiversc
sincc thc l ~)GOs be -ausc of grcater aHlucn -e1 more varied lite opportunities and
new acc ·s. iblc formS¡ su -h as social mc<lia. /\ mass popular culture (reflccted 1 fór
exampk, in sport, tdcvision music and fashion) now influences social patterns
1 1

bchaviour cconomic consumption and th c adoption of diversc lifcstyles.

1 1

The numbcr an<l varicty of top-down and bottom-up structures mean that
there are many difte rent and often contlicting 'ways of life ' in rnntl'mporary
The Br i ti sh context

Britain, which contribute to thc pluralistic nature of thc society. Sorne crit-
ics argu e that the main definin g Fcaturcs of British life are a healthy diversity
and ch angc at all levcls. Oth ers m aintain th at these phcnome na, p articularl y
from th e 1960s, have lcd to social fragm entation and anti-soci al b ehaviour; a
w akcned sensc of co mmunity and civic resp onsibility; a d 'cline in nationa11 y
ac epteJ values and idcntities; confusion and un certainty; a trivializcd societ y;
andan in crcascd sens " of person al entitlcm ent and rights. Y t oth ers suggcst that
this cmph asis upon 'pluralism' and 'Jivcrsity' is in accurate. Thcy stress in, tead
no rmativc and traditi onal behaviour patterns or val u s which th ey maintain still
exi t for most pco ple in Britain.
But it is also argued th at nati on al and local b(: haviour in Britain has oftcn
refl ectcd a strong individualistic streak in the British m entality, whi ch vicws
'auth ority' with suspi ·ion and has oftcn led to non confórmity in man y areas
of society. D ebates frequcntly focus on whcthcr th e co untry is an cntreprc-
ncurial, cooperativc or centralizcd state. Thc discussion al so qu cstion s whethe r
traditional notions of community, ngagem e nt and ·ommitmc nt are failin g in
Britain and th c co untry has he ·orne a 'broken socicty' without fi xt d civic or
so ·ial guidelines.
Such argumcnts occurrcd in th e run-up to rccent ge neral elcctions ami
were reflected in th e fi erce carnpaigning of th e 2016 Refcrcndum . Political
commentators argued that key institutions in British society wc rc weakening in
an atmos phere of national in security. The publi c distrustcd hankcrs and finan-
cia] organizations, journalist s and politician. were criticizcd, and cven iconic
f .. atures of modern Bri ta in such as th e BB C an<l thc N ation al Hcalth Serv icc
(NHS) were allegedly in declin e. It was al o argued that thc poor and less afflu-
cnt hav ~ long lived with out hope and the p oliti cal system had not deliver .,. ¿ fór
th em.
Traditionally, it ha. b een assumed that cstablish c<l o rgani za tional and
in stitutional stru cturcs sho uld address su ·h probl ' ms and must adapt to nc w
situations if th e y are to surviv c, and th eir futurc roles may th crcfore b e very
diffe rcnt from th c ir ori gin al fun cti ons. Press ures are consequ ently placed on
th cm to more adc<..juakl y r ·lkct and resp ond to current public worri c, and
concern s. Thc pcrforn1 ,111 ccs oF British nati onal and local in stitutions are vig-
orously debatcd a mi 111 ;111 _ ;m • found wa nting. It is qucstion ed wh cthc r they
are able to cope w itli ;111d n ·lll·l'l tlw nccds of a compl ex contemporary lif ;
whether ( and ho w ) thl · 111 igh L lw rc fn rmed in order t o operat more effi-
cie ntly and respon siw l ; nr wlll'tlwr tlwy are in fact in capable of operating in
today's Britain arnl o!" c lo:-- i11 g tlw g;1p lwtween th c govcrn cd an<l those who
attempt to govc rn .
Such questio11i11 g i:-- li11knl l<1 v,1rin l and gradu alist argume nts about how
thc country should lw t11 ~;; 111i "ll"l l .\ <H·i,tll y, politically and cconomically. It is
oftcn debated wlwth, ·r tlti , .-..t 11il ., 1·: 1H ltin g actua ll y rcsults in appropriate actio n
or merely promok:-- tl i,·i, i\'< ·. l:,, l1i1111 :1hll· and te mporary programmes, whi ch
 Th e Bri tis h co n t ext

quickly fail. The inconclusive results of the 201 O anJ 2017 general "lections,
which 1,J to coalition and no-majority gov rnment rcspectively, reflectcd thcse
(loubts and concerns.

Contemporary conditions

Debates about thc statc of conte mporary British so 'iPty an<l its institutions
(ontinue, such as th e propo ' d cxit from the EU (Brexit). Britain today is a
,-o mplcx socicty in which divcrsity and change havc crcated problems as wcll
as a<lvantages. Whilc thc country rnay gív ' a surfacc impression of homoge-
ncous bchaviour, th e rc are <livisions causcd by Factors such as thc dominant
influcncc of London on thc r 'St of th ·' country ( as wdl as its scparatcncss);
the cultural an<l c thnic Jistinctiveness of Walcs, ScotlanJ, Northcrn lrcland
and England; tlt'mands for grcatcr <:1utonomy, Jcmoc racy and ac ·ountahility
in. devolved an<l local govcrnmcnt arcas and lcss ccntralizcd control From
London; disparitics b 'tw ' en afflucnt an<l cconorni cally deprcsscd rcgions
throughout thc country (including thc crimc, dccay an<l social dcprivation
in many inn ' r-city ami rural locations); cultural and cconomic gaps hdwccn
north ami south; política! vari e ty ( rcflcctcd in support for ditlcrcnt política!
parti -'s in dillercnt parts of th e country); continuing Jl,hatcs on thc positions
of womcn, special-intcrcst groups, such as LGBT, rnigrants and minority eth-
ni c communitics; tcnsions hetween national idcntity and cthnicity; dcmands
for individual and collcctivc rights ( with argumcnts about thc m cd for re cip-
roc a! rcsponsibility ); inct¡uality bctvvCl'l1 rich anJ poorJ with a growing undcr-
d ass of disa<lvantagcJ, alicnatcd or rootlc. s pcopk; tl'nsions bl t wccn citics
and countrysidc; and growing gcncrational <liffcrcnccs hctwccn young and old
in ali ethnic groups (associatcJ with thc inncasing longcvity an<l numbcrs of
thc cid 'rly in an agcing soci cty and thc incrcase of mental illncss among tlw
yo ung). Critics arguc that th e traditional gradualist and cvolutionary solutions
to problcms and conccrns do not appcar to b' working. But thcre also sccm to
be no ncw, availablc answcrs.
Such foaturcs illustratc sorne, if not ali, of th " divisions in British socit'ty.
Th ey also suggest a decline in thc traditional defrrcncc to authority, conscnsus
views and support for national institutions such as the monarchy, the profr,s-
sions, schools, churches and Parliamcnt. Britons are now more nonconformist,
multi-ethnic, secular an<l individualisti c than in the past. Opinion polls suggcst
that they havc bccome more aggrcssive, more rebelliousJ more selfish or indi-
vidualistic, lcss tol 'rant, lcss kind, lcss moral, less honest and lcss polite. Their
soci ty is incrcasingly portraycd a. aff-ccte<l by mistrust, coarscne s and cynicism
in which matcrialism, egotism, rclativistic values, cclcbrity worship, pe rsonal
cntitle mcnt, vulgarity, public é'motionalism and sensationalism constilutc ncw
pattcrns of behaviour.
The Brit i sh context

On sorne kvels, such devclopnwnts h~1w lcc.l to an increase in anti-social

bchaviour, yobbishncss Qoutishncss/hooligani srn) , public scruffiness, vandalism,
scrious alcohol and drug abuse, 'hingc-drinking' (excessivc public and prívate
alcohol consumption), disputes bctwcc n neighbours, violent crim e and assa ults,
public disord r, th e growth of criminal gangs and gun and kni fc attacks, which
many 13riti h pcoplc find disturbing for their crude, op n violrnce. The tolcra nt
civic imagc of individual liberty, social cohesion, id ~ntity and community, whi -h
foreigncr and Britons oftcn have of the country, has suffered. For sorne criti cs,
this has been replaccd by dysfun ctional familics, social fragm cntation, instability,
isolation anc.l community disintegration. Recent polls suggest that many respon-
dcn ts b elievc British soci ety is Jividcd. As th c country split into strident groups
arguing against cach othcr over Brexit and worries about national unity in 2017-
19, it was asked whcthcr Britain was 'ungovcrnablc' and out of control. A Pop-
ulous poll for The Times in fcbruary 2010 had earlicr fóund that 70 pcr e nt of
rcspondents belicvcd British soci 'ty was brokcn; 73 per cent thought that l3ritish
politics was broke n; an<l 64 pcr cent b lievc<l th at Britain was going in thc wrong
direction. Thcsc poll p erccntagcs have continucd to appcar in Britain sincc 201 O.
Sorne critics, politicians and responJ ,nts in survt.ys may say th ey want a
return to civi - rcsponsibility, consensus or in clusive politi cs anda caring so -icty
in which 1ndividuals feel that thcy have a place. Yct thcsc hopes m ay clash with
actual bchaviour and with th e changes that havc arfe ·t d Britain in th e past
60 ycars and produccd a society with diffr,1-c nt cxp ri c nccs an<l cx pe ·tations.
Britons scem to have b ecom e more sclf-containcd and unwilling to spend time
on activities that they -fccl they cannot influc nce. Mcmhcrship of political par-
ti es has declined (save for an apparent Labour Party m c mbcrship incrcasc in
201 7) and local community work is no longc r attractivc for many. It is ask ~d
wheth 'r such negati ve and apathetic imag ~s of contemporary Britain are wiJc-
sprcad and representa ti ve of the whole socicty, or th e n .sult of occas ional 'moral
panics' often generatcd by an intrusivc media, social commentators and soc ial
m edia activity. Polis in<li catc that many Briti. h people do in fact frcl that th c
negativcs have in crcascd , are more apparent in cvcryday ]¡fo and are symptom-
atic of real social hrc<1kdo wn .
Contemporary srn.- ict y is oftcn measurcd against an assumed earlicr, more
positive history. Howt· wr, rcsca rch ckm onstratcs that the past in Br1tain was
notas idyllic as is sonwti11H·s 11osta lgi ca ll y imagin e<l an<l th at thcr ' wcrc periods
wh n the leve ls ol" ni111t·, ;1¡~gn·ssion , violenc \ povcrty, Jcprivation and un cm-
ployment wen.:.' far grc;1tn tl1:111 tlw y :in· now, both in th e citics and countrysidc.
Y t the myth ol" :1 g(lldt ·11 ;1~:t· ami oldn patterns of assumed positiv ' b ehaviour
still hold considcr:1hlt · n 1111 :111 t i1 - :1tt r:1dion forma n y British pcoplc. Th er , is con-
sequently a tt ns ion ht ·t w 1 ·1 ·11 p1"t·s u11 wd lrad ition an<l attempts at modernization
or change; a frustr:1t i< lll t 11 ;1t 1 ·:--t;1hli sl11 ·d institutional structures are unabl e to
r ctify difficultics, lwtlw, 1·.1:1d11 :ill v or qui ckly; anda widespread kcling that
th c individual is pov 1·111 ·•..•, t11i11ll111 ·111 1· <ir actually h elp to promote rcform.
 Th e British con text

Ncvcrthclcss, <lespite major domestic social rcforms, international pres-

sures and more internal div rsity an<l contlict, therc is a conservatism in British
life which rcgards -hange with suspicion. This may lcad to tension bctwccn the
1wed for real rcfórm and a no, talgia for an assumed ide al past, causing difficul-
ti 'S for progress, the 'volution of social structures and the solving of the nation's
problem . .
Fundam -ntal changc docs not com -. casily to old cultures such as Britain,
:md social structures - or th' human b ·ings who operate th m - are oftcn
resi tant to major alt ration . lt is argucd that since thc 1960s th - country has
lwe n unwilling to fac e sensible and larg ·-scalt' reasscssmcnt of its social, polit-
ical, conomic and institutional structurcs, and is now bcing overwhclrncd by
l'vents beyo nd it-; control and ca pacity to allcviatc. /\ rclativc economic d ecline
-;ince thc late ninctccnth cc ntury was joincJ to a politi cal system and natinnal
1nentality unablc to l.·opc with thc rcality or necds of thc post-industrial and
,.: ulturally diwrsc socicty that Britain haJ hccomc. Critics argue that thc coun-
try sufk·rs from structural J +ccts, whi -h potcntially could and should responJ
to radical rcthinking. lndith.·ren<.-c anda rnmplacrnt attachrrwnt to past habits
are, in th is viC'w, no longcr sufücient.
Britain <loes havc its prohkms. Yct dcspitc thc lurid pi cturc of social <lccay
paintcd by rnany commrntators, the csscntial fahric of British socicty is not
nccessarily falling apart. Biase<l idcological vicws anJ a British capacity for
~clf-Jcnigration anJ complaint can cncourage unbalanccJ, scnsational vi 'WS
and extreme mc<lia rcporting, with th<.· rcsult that cvcnts may be cxaggcratcd
heyond th ·ir national importancc or reprcscntativc valuc.
Britain has changed in thc past 70 post-war ycars, with most of its pco pk
now rnjoying grcatn prospcrity and opportunities than in thc past, although
wage lcvcls for sorne are low ;:ih:cr rcccssion. Povcrty today is 1-cal h>r many peo-
ple (including sorne 2.5 rnillion chi1Jrcn), illustrated by a grnwth of free fooJ
banks in many high strcets. For sorne, pove rty tenJs to be a rclativc, rnthn than
an absolutc, conccpt and thcy may rcgard thcmsclvcs as roor if th 'Y lack al1 the
trappings of thc consumcr and retail society. Britain was s ' riously affcctcd hy
a global -' conomic downturn an<l rcccssion 2007-l O, from which it is slowly
emcrging. Thc cconomy from 2014 grtw ata fastcr rate than its intcrnational
compctitors.
Yet opinion polls haw suggestcd that increaseJ rclativc prospcrity has not
hrought grcatcr happincss for many Britons. Consurnerism, increased ~thnic
divc rsity, an expanJcd role for wome n in a mobil workforce, greater individ-
ual frccdom and incrca. ing (if not cornpkt ) tolerance for alternative ]ifestyles
(such as a greater acccptanc -. of thc kshian, gay, bisexual, and transgendcr
communitics - LGBT) anJ technological advances have done much to trans-
for m Britain, som 'tim es for the bettcr, sometimes for the worst . Howcvcr, con-
t inuing structural and social prohlcms1 as well as vcry varying lik-chan ces and
opportunitics for p eople, warn against undue complaccncy.
T h e Br i tish context

Indeed 1 assumptions about thl' ;dl(·gt·d Lraditional certaintics of British lifc

have bccn strongly questioned in rccrnt dccad ' S as política] parties attempt
to d 'V ·lop new policies. Conservativc gowrnmcnts under Margaret Thatchcr
( l 97~)-0O) tri ed to reform social structurcs and promote ncw economic atti-
tu<les. They attemptcd to reduce thc state's role in public affairs and rl'place it
by 'markct forces'. Th r focus was upon economic growth; compctition; privat-
ization ( thc own rship of state conccrns transferrcd to th priva te sector often
by the sales of sharcs in new companics); thc crcation of choi ce and standards
in public scrvic s su -h as cducation and hea lth; an<l the reform of bodi es such
as th e tra<lc unions, thc proi-essions and local govnnmcnt. 1-\: oplc w ' re c ncour-
ag<::.d to be more responsiblc for th cir own affairs without automatic rdiancc on
the statc for support (th' 'dcpcndcncy culture') an<l to adopt mor ' indivi<lu.:11
compctitivencss and cfficiency (thc 'c ntcrprisc culture').
Such policics wcrc partly sun.:cssful on sorne cconomic and political lcvcls,
but thcre was rcsistan ce to thc alkged accompanying sdfishncss and social divi-
sivencs.. Whilc sorne pcoplc applau<lcd thc frccdoms of an cntcrprisc culture ,
othcrs strnngly wishcd for more intervcntion and funding in puhli c social sn-
viccs. This suggcsts that it is Jiffi ·ult to changc Britons' attitu<lcs an<l that many
pcopl e still look to thc statc for support in arcas such as hcalth, c-ducation and
social sccurity. Ncvcrthekss, a mixture of traditional, gra<lualist cconomic pro-
grammcs anJ ncw policies continucd un<ler Lahour1 Conscrvativc and coalition
govcrnmcnts from l ~)97 to 2018 .
Th ' Labour Party in thc l 99Os did try to modcrnizc its intcrnal structurcs
and policics, and moved to tlw political centre' in an attcmpt to changc its puh-
lic image and appt:.al to miJJle Britain. Sincc gaining pown in 1997 (rcpcatc<l
in 2001 an<l 2005), th e Labour government followc<l a basi ·a lly Conservativc
economic approach 1 whilc initially pur. uing cautious fis ·a] and monctary poli-
ci ·s. In its early years in government, it also attcmptcd ( not without opposibon)
to transform Britain by supposedly creating a 'ncw, young and inclusiv ,' socicty.
Labour claimed that it was addressing social an<l economic r alitit·s, ' mpha-
sizing personal initiativc and responsibility whik strcssing that hard ehoices ha<l
to be made. 1t neverthclcss spent largc amounts of public moncy on c<lu ·a-
tion, h ea lth 1 transport, social security and the poli ·e servio:' in ord 'r to pr ·'V nt
th cir d 'cline1 raising fcars of p ersonal income tax incrcascs to pay for the m.
But a majority of respondcnts to opinion polls fclt that th cy haJ not s ·en great
improvements in public scrvice und c r th e Labour govcrnmcnt. Many lost th cir
trust in Labour polici ·' S al"tn 2007 and its abi]ity to stccr thc country through
th -' rcccssion 1 to pay off thc hudgct cklicit, to avoi<l tax incrcases, to maintain
public services and to avoid grcé.ltcr cosls.
The difficultics of h..ilan cing tht· free market and social wclfarc models
of society continucd umln l,1tn Const rvative and coalition governmcnts. lt
secmcd that budg ·t cll·lit·its :1nd 1nlwnl growth indicated that thc governmcnt
was losing its grip on tlw ('l ·n110111y ;111d snvices.
 The British con t ext

How<:'ver, the Conscrvative-Lib =-ral Democrat coalition govcrnment

(2010-15) also attracted criticism bcca usc of its au tcrity programmes to
rc<lucc th e budget J ,ficit from the 2007 rcccssion; its alleg ,d privatization of
aspe ·ts of publi c scrviccs (sucl1 as education and student tuition fces) and th e
National H ealth Scrvicc; its inability to co ntrol financia} mark<:t\ banks and
thc C ity of Lon<lon; its mov ' to th<.> right; its forcign policy wcakncsscs an<l it ·
stumbling policics on thc El J.
Mcanwhilc, thc Labour Opposition was cJging towards more lcftist poli-
cics in an attcmpt to win support from disatfrctcd votcrs in thc 2015 and 20] 7
general ·lcction ca mpaigns, such as nationalization of in<lustrics and scrviccs
and social programmcs. Labour's ldtwar<l movcs on cconomic and social pol-
icics w ·re insufüci ' nt to J ,fr,at a wcé:lk Conscrvé:ltivc governmcnt in th' 2017
ge neral ekction. ft secmed as though thc main partics wcn.· adopting ol<l two-
pa rty i<leologic\ but wc1-c not attracting an ov 'rall rnajority of votcrs or provi<l-
ing sa tisfa ctory é:l nsw c rs.
Opposition to sorne govnnnwnt polic ics in Britain ( whidll'vcr party is
in powcr) an<l acce ptancc: of othcrs dcrnonslrall' that gradualist social c hangl'
can occur in various, oh.en intcrconnectl d, ways. Sorne structurcs witlwr away
becausc thcy arl' no longl'f uscd, whilc othcrs are rdt)fllll'd intl'fnall y as rww
_ituations arisc. A<lditionéll forces for changc a1-c opposition political parli( 'S
with thcir altcrnativc prngrammcs; inll'r 'St or p1Tssttrc groups cxcrting influ-
cnce upon dccision-m akns; grass roots mov l' ll1Cnts protcsting at sorne action
or lack of adion; rchcllion by Mcmbcrs of Parliam e nl (MPs) against proposed
govcrnmcnt kgi, lation; campaigns hy thc media to promote n.-form or un covcr
u rn<lals; an<l thc wcight ol' publi c opinion for or against oflicié:11 plans. How-
cv ' r, UK ce ntral govcrnmcnt iniliativl'S (an<l thosc ol' dl'volwd govcrnmcnt in
Scotlan<l, Walcs and Northnn lrcland) arl' th c ccntrnl fa ctors in cktcrmining
stru tura! changc al nalional and local kvcl as polití cians impkmcnt policics or
r "'spon<l to cv -nts, l'Vc n though th cy may not always pcrform adcquatl'ly orto
ma ny pcopk's liking.
Thc British havc tra<litionally allowed thcir elcctcd govcrnmcnts signdi-
·a nt powcr in th c running of th c country. But thl'rl' is a limít to thcir tokra11<:l'
an<l thcir <lisquid may he shown in publi c opinion poll s (rcvcaling a J ' clining
trust in governmcnts an<l thl ir po1i ci 's); dcmonstrations (such as strcct pro-
te ·ts about th c Iraq wars, British parti c ipation in J\tghanista n, intnnational
ca pitalism, climatc changc and fúx hunting); and ge neral ckction r -sults. Most
pol-iticians haw tra<litionally bccn sensitivc to th e vicws of th e p coplc, sincc
thcir hol<l upon political powc r is <lepc ndl'nt upon th c clectorate. Govcrnments
usually govcrn with on ' 'YC on public opinion and gcncrally attempt to gain
acccp tan cc for thcir poli cics.
Th c British assumc, rightly or wrongly, that th ey have an individual inde-
p n<lcncc and 1ihcrty within th <: fram cwork of national institutions and are
4uick to voicc disapproval if th eir intcrcsts are threatened. Proll'st is a traditi o nal
The British context

reaction, a. we11 as being a ah:ty v;-tlw aga inst more serious social and politi-
cal disruption . Yet dissension rnay he neutrali zed by th e promise of rcfom1, or
si mply ignored by gov -rnment, politicians and burea ucrats. Adequatc responses
may not com e from th e authorities and th ere is always th e dangcr of more
serú)us confli t, apathy and public alienation as thc gap between the votcrs and
ele -teJ politicians grows.
The British today are confronting diffe rent cultural and ccono mi rcalities
to those in thc past when thcy haJ a defin ed worlJ role a11 d a greater scns<:.· of
national idcntity. Th ey do not have the b enetits of carli er industrial re volutions,
su ch as chcap raw mate rials, chcap labour andan uncompetitivc world mark ' t,
but have moved to a post-industrial cco nom y in which th c servi cc sector anJ
job fl exibility domínate. The society has se e n a declin e in traditional cert ain-
tics and bccom c more mobilc, str 'ssfol and co ntlict-riddc n. Critics argue that
th c olJ, supposedly pragmatic and gradualist mc th ods of innovation , which
arguahly illustratc thc British te n<lency to muddk through <lifliculties with-
out cffective long-term plannin g or fundamental rdt, rm, ar' no longc r suffi-
cicnt for an era in which speciali zcd edu ca tion and training, high-technology
compct 'nce and a nced to respond to intcrnational compctition are thc main
detnrninants.
Critics spec ulated that the years 2010- 17 coulJ b ' diflicult for Britain . 1t
was argued that the co untry's position was un certain b eca use of global ·ompcti-
tion and dom estic p olitical issues. Howcvcr, whil =- th e Eu rozone stagnated, Brit-
ain e me rged relatively strongly from its 2007- 1O recess ion an<l was th e world's
fastcst-growing economy in 2013-14. But thc dfects of thc global c redit crisis
and pcession 011 p eople, business and politics co ntinued into 2018. In Septcm-
bu 2014, Scotland vot d in a referendum against indcpcnJe ncc fro m th c UK .
In 2015 thcre was a general clection in Britain, which was won by thc Conscrva-
tivcs with a small overall majority. In 2017 a rcfcrcn<lum on Britain'. mc rnhcr-
ship of thc EU was he!J, and th e Lcav ~ (Brcxit) side won with a small majority,
as a result of whi ch thc Conse rva ti ve leade r (Davi<l Cameron) re. igned to he
replaccd by Th eresa Ma y. Sh c wrnt for a quick election, lost h er overall majority
and rdied on th e support of the Northcrn Ireland Dcmocratic Unionist Party
(DUP) for political survival.
The terms of exit in 201 ~) frnm the EU are currently b eing debated
between Britain anJ tlw U J. If Brit.1in dncs eventually leavc th e EU, it would
lose its power to shapL' a hlnc th.1t takcs 45 p er cent of its exports and coukl
becom e an isolatcd, sndln, insuLir, ill\ ard-looking country with lcss influenct'
in thc world. Howcwr, it rni ght lln11ri sh .is an indepcndcnt, open, liberal, tra<l-
ing nation 011 glohal 111 ;1rkds, w hil ·li , nu ld boost business, rcstorc <.:.conomi ·
stability and re<lun· tlw 1(lst 1,!' tlw st;1l\'. But therc is mu h ·ce pti cism about
Britain's ability to 01wr;11<- ;1,-, ; 1 .,i 11 ¡J1 · r,l1 ih,d rlaye1~ ablc to main tain its 2017
position as thc world 's lil'tl1 Lir¡•,1 ·., 11 ·11111u111 .
 Th e Br iti sh cont e x t

British attitudes to Britain

British attitudes towards their lcadcrs and institutions have often bee n ·trnngly
sceptical. For -xample, BritishSucialAtt-itudes: 1988-9 (pp. 121-2) suggcstc<l that:

Thc [ British] public's trust in thc pillars of th c British establishment is

at best highly qualifüJ .. . [Th 'Y] stem intuitivt ly to have <lis ·ovcrcJ
that thc surcst protcction against <lisillusionm 'nt with th eir public fig-
ures anJ powerful institutions is to avoiJ d "vdoping illusions ahout
th cm in the f-irst place.

T his obscrvation ha · lwcom ' more rclcvant in rcccnt ycars as opinion polis
indicatcd increa ing popular Jissatisfaction with politicians anJ authority 1-ig-
ures; sccpti<:ism at thc pcrfúrmanc ·' of institutions and thcir burcaucracics;
and di:engagcml' I1t from politi ·al e ngagcmcnt rdkctcd in low clcction turn-
out and 1-luctuating mcmhtrship of political partics. Thcrc has instcad hlTn a
trenJ towards onlim· política! commcnt, strect protesL anJ dcrnonstrations,
hlogging sites, pctitions, media ·ampaigns and mcmbcrship of singlc-issul' or
spccial-intcrest grnups. Thcsc attitudcs r ,flcct an individualistit·, indcpcndcnl
and disscnting British traJition that has hl'l'll cynical, irrcvcrcnt, critica) and
apathtti c about statc structurcs and powcrful individuals. lnstitutions such as
the monarchy, Parliamcnt, law, th e Church, hanks and l-inancia1 markcts havc
had to carn th ' approval ami support ol' thl· pcoplc, whi -h can also he quickly
taken back. Britain has historically cxpl·rirnced many popular rcvolts and upris-
in gs against thc powcr of thc statc. Most have hcrn short-1ivt'd, hut thc spirit
of rcbclliousncss rcmains. Yl't, central institutions in rcccnt ycars havt intruJcd
Furthcr into pcoplc's livcs, mi cro-managing and ovcrsccing more of thcir livcs,
rccords, work anJ lcisurc.
Opinion polls and n:scarch survcys frcqucntly rcport on aspccts of Brit-
ish lifc which a:ltcct pcoplc on a personal lcvcl an<l are of rnnccrn to thl."m.
T hcy may oftcn givc accuratc pictun-s of what is happcning at tlw grassroots,
although thcy Jo hav , to b ' tr ·atcJ with caution. Public responses may lack
adcquatc anJ accuratc facts, tcnd to <leal with topical rathcr than long-tcrm
·onccrns and can vary within a short pcrioJ of time. In spitc of thcir dcnials,
politicians Jo takc thc rcsults of polls, survcys and tócus groups . criously and
oft '11 rcact to thcm in thcir policymaking.
Sorne carly twcnty-first-century polis rcvcal interesting perspectives ovcr
time. For cxamplc, a YouGov poll in Deccmhcr 2009 (see Table 1.1) reportcd
respondcnts' opinions about many of thc issues discussed in this chaptcr. It
show ·<l how Britons had responded to ~vcnts in the f-irst decade of the
twcnty-tirst ccntury in cultural, cconomic and política] terms. This p eriod saw
Britain movc cconomically from bust to boom befare again suffc ring in the
The Brit i sh con te xt

TABLE 1.1 British attitudes in the first decade of the twenty-first century, 2009

l 53 per cent worried about UK terrorism harming them or their family

2 53 per cent thought that the British are as class-ridden as ever; but 41
per cent believed the class divide is getting smaller
3 62 per cent had made small lifestyle changes to fight global warming
4 65 per cent thought that life is better for them than it was for their
parents at the sorne age
5 68 per cent said that women's position had improved - but notas
much as men's
6 88 per cent believed that the cult of celebrity had helped to make
Britain a coarser, cruder society
7 41 per cent thought that having troops in Afghanistan increased the
risk of terrorism in Britain
8 48 per cent hove never trusted politicians . Of those who used to trust
them, 33 per cent no longer did so
9 60 per cent were concerned that Muslims in Britain often live in totally
separate communities
l O 62 per cent believed that political correctness meant that they dared
not soy what they really meant
11 64 per cent said that mobile phones and the Internet had made life
better

Source: adapted from YouGov for The Sunday Times, london, 27 December 2009

global r cession of 2007- 1 O. Thc dccadc had lcft thc British kcling lcss scrnrc
and lcss trustful of their ka<lers, but also k ss outspokcn bce:1 usc of p )litical
correctncss, p eer pressure, an<l lcgislation on abus ', hatc -rime and 'frccdom o l'
cxpress ion' in contcmporary Britain.
Latcr polls rated othcr common topics ol" concern. For cxamp le, an lpsos
MORI poll covering the pcriod 30 Junc- 1O .July 2()1 7 and including thl' 8
July General Election askcd respondcnts what thcy saw as thc most important
issues/problcms facing Britain (see Tabl e 1.2).
The statc of the National Health Servicc had ovcrtakcn th e EU/Brcxit, imrn i-
gration and the economy a the main cause of pcoplc's conccm. Thcsc ilcms havc
tended to move within small margins of changc in rcccnt polis, with thc top spot
usually going to a ncwly personalized and economic issuc. Thcsc may includc
uncmployment, povcrty and in quality, low pay anJ mínimum wagcs, pc nsions,
social sccurity anJ b t:·1wtits.Tlwy Jcmonstratcd that, although thc UK cconomy was
grnwing in 2014 and 20 15, rnany pc_•opk on low wagcs were not bcnditing from
the national cconorn ic irnprownwnl. Thc issues of pcnsions and social se -urity
()r
h ave advanccJ bl-Cé-1t1st· tlH · diHirnltics facing pcnsion provision in 13ritain, pco-
ple 's fears aboul tlwir li11;111n ·s i11 old ;1gt' and conc rn about an ageing population.
These polls alsu rn 11ti1111 n l ;1 tn ·ml in which th ' National Hcalth S -' rvicc,
cducation (schoo ls) ;11111 1 ri1111' 1l:tw ;111d (1rdcr) have consistently b ccn promincnt
 Th e Br i t i sh context 23
.,
A~
;T
. , TABLE 1.2 Most important issues facing Britain today (%), 2017

NHS/Hospitals/Health care 50
Common Market/Brexit/EU/Europe 41
lmmigration/lmmigrants 28
Economy 25
Education 25
Defence/Foreign affairs/Terrorism 19
Housing 19
Poverty /1 nequa lity 17
Crime/Law and order / Anti-social behaviour 14
Ageing population/Social care 14
· Source: odopted from lpsos MORI, 30 June-1 OJuly 2017
',-

·onn rns i.n rcccnt ycars ,rnd rdkct a wi<lcr social pcrspcctivc. 1mmigration has
varil'd in importancc as hav c dcfcncc, forcign affairs and tcrrnrism. Thc in c:rcc1sc
in immi gration in to Britain has hlcomc a vny signiVicant concnn, as has thc tl'r-
rorist thrcat from British Islamists in Britain itsclf Thcsc \Vl'll-puhlicizc<l issucs
incrcasingly rdlcct British socil'ly and are prl'SSurc points whi ch influcncc polit-
i ·al policics c1nJ g(:ncra l clcctions.
Howcvn, thc ahovl poli rcsults suggcst that prcvious primary conccrns
such as dcvolution , tradc unions and strikcs, J\IDS, nuclear wca pons and
<lisarmamcnt, constitution al rcfonn, privatization, puhlic transport, nation-
aliza tion , pctrnl pric<'s an d Fud, local gowrnmcnt, thc cxchangc ratc of thc
pounJ, thc countrysidc, rural li k· anc.l Northnn lrcl ancl had lost soml' immcdi-
acy, although thc EU and thl statc of thc UK currcntly pro vokc ticrcc debate.
Many worrics are 'bread and butter' cconomic issucs, such as housing, wagcs
and prin.'s, whik othcr issucs suc h as morality and individual bchaviour, Jrug
abuse, l'nvironmcntal conccrns an<l pollutinn rdkct soc ial valu<:'s. lmrnigration
an<l tlll' NHS arl' multifacl'tcd co n<-erns, may inclulk personal an<l economic
factors, and are importa nt electoral issucs.
Thc ra nkin gs in o pinion polis do not imply that othcr issucs are unimport-
ant. Sorne polis sh ow a widcr rangc of concerns from thc econorny to nuclear
wcapons and includ' many structural f(.'aturcs or institutions which are of
irnml'<liatc daily conccrn to thc l3ritish public and condition their attitudcs to
thcir soc idy. T'h cy co lk ctivcly sugg 'st a picture of conternporary Britain and
its worri<'S. They also allow commcntato rs to ran ge widely in their opinions of
Britain from thosc w hi ch indicate a cou ntry in terminal decline to others that
suggcst more positiw outrnrnes, ckspi tc the problems of a society which is
attcmpting to cor ' with pr ' ·sures.
Thc British Social Attitudes Survey (BSA), 2017 examincd scvna l diffcrcnt
pcrspcctivcs on contemporary British society. These opinions trnd to :illl'r ll1l'ir
The British contex t

emphasis over time, but the protagoni sls rcrnain constant. Leftist responde nts
(48 pcr cent) wcre willing to pay highn tax<.:'S for increased public spcnding on
hcalth (83 per cent), education (71 pcr ce nt), wclfar~ benefüs anJ the policc
(57 pcr cent), anJ supported govcrnmcnt plan s to crcat new job.. Forty-two
p "r ·cnt supportc<l an increased r distribution of wcalth from th e rich to the
poor (28 p r cent disagre d) .
However~ 53 per cent of conservativc-inclin cJ rcspondents said that th 'Y
favoured holding terror suspccts ind ·nnitcly without trial and 70 per cent sup-
portcd stronge r . top an<l search powers for thc polin. But attitu<lcs towarJs
same-scx rclation ships wcrc more liberal and rclaxc<l with 64 pcr ce nt of
respondents b licving that th csc are acccptabl ". Scventy-sevcn per C' nt of
rcspondents fc lt that a pcrso n with a painful incurable disease should b legally
entitled to ask that a doctor cn<l th eir life (rathc r than fa cing thc threat of crim-
inal ·hargcs) and attitudes towar<ls disabled claimants had also bcco mc more
liberal. Th ese vi ws \vcrc taken against thc background of a country wh ich was
dividcd socially anJ politically following thc 2016 refcrc ndum vote, th c 2017
genera l election and thc Brexit ncgotiations.

Exercises
Briefly define and examine the following terms, commenting on their
significance in British life :

dynastic pragmatism ethnic insu lar

free market deficit Lib Dems 'enterprise culture'
Brexit polis celebrity populist
referendum grassroots con sen sus sponsorship
deference conservatism inner-city diversity
con sen sus euro pluralism ethnic
nostalgia autonomy post-industrial modernization
myth dependency nonconformist evolutionary
neoliberal M . Thatcher yobbishness community
hierarchies homogeneous inclusive apathetic
dissent micro-managing celebrity 'top-down'
vandalism 'bottom-up' Picts/Scots global
privatization nationalization pensions exchange rote
austerity pressure group electorate Celtic
hate crime stop and search anti-social behaviour

Write short essays on the following topics :

What are your opinion s about British society? Support your views with
examples .
 T h e Br i t is h co ntext

2 Carefully examine the polls in this chapter, particularly those in the

section British attitudes to Britain. Consider critically the public function
and validity of opinion polls . What do they tell us about British people
and their society?

3 What is meant by structural change in society? Discuss the forces which

might bring it about.

4 Do you feel that contemporary Britain is weakened by its history and

post myths?

5 Discuss the policies of Clement Attlee's Labour government in 1945-51 .

How did they represent major changes in British society and play a
central role in the development of socialism in Britain?

Further reading

Addi son, P. (201 O) No Turning Back: The Peacetime Revolutions of Post-War Britain,
Oxford : Oxford University Press
2 Annual Abstractof Statistics, London : Office for National Stati stics and Palgrave Macmillan
3 Bernstein, G.L. (2004) The Myth of Decline: The Rise of Britain since 1945, London :
Pimlico
4 Block, J. (2004) Britain since the Seventies: Politics and Society in the Consumer Age,
London : Reaktion Books
5 Burk, K. (ed .) (2009) The British Is/es since 1945, O xford : Oxford University Press
6 Clarke, P. (2004) Hope and Glory: Britain 1900-2000, London : Penguin Books
7 Colley, L. (2014) Acts of Un ion and Disunion : What has Held the UK Together - and What
is Dividing lt?, London : Profile Books
8 Curtice, J. , Bryson, C. and Park, A. (annual) British Social Attitudes, London : NATCEN
Social Research
9 English, R. and Kenny, M . (eds) ( 1999) Rethinking British Decline, London : Macmillan
1O Ferguson, N . (2004) Empire: How Britain Made the Modern World, London : Penguin
Books
11 Goodhart, D. (2017) The Road to Somewhere : The Populist Revolt and the Future of Poli-
tics, London: C. Hurst and Co . Publishers
12 Halsey, A.H . and Webb, J. (2000) Twentieth-Century British Social Trends, London :
Palgrave/Macmillan
13 Jones, O . (2012) Chavs : The Demonization of the Working Class, London : Verso
14 Leslie, S. (lead author) 'The fine-sea le genetic structure of the British population' , Nature,
19 March 2015, vol. 519, 309-314
15 Lynch , M . (2008) Britain 1945- 2007, London : Hodder Education
16 Marwick, A. (2003) British Society since 1945, London : Pelican Books
17 Office for National Statistics, ONS (annual) Social Trends , London : Polgrave M acmi llan
The Brit i s h context

18 O'Hara, G . (2012) Governing Post-War Britain: The Poradoxes of Progress, 1951-1973,

London : Palgrave Macmillan
19 Pugh, M . (2012) Stote ond Society: A Social ond Politicol History of Britoin since J 870,
London: Bloomsbury Academic
20 Sampson, A. (2004) Who Runs This Place?: The Anatomy of Britoin in the 21 st Century,
London : John Murray
21 Scruton, R. (2017) Where We Are: The State of Britain Now, London : Bloomsbury
22 Storry, M . and Childs, P. (2017) British Cultural ldentities, London : Routledge

Websites
Central Office of lnformation : www.coi .gov.uk
Prime Minister's Office : www.number-1O.gov.uk
British Tourist Authority : www.visitbritain .com
British Council : www.mori .com/polls/l 999 /britcoun .shtml
The MORI Organization: www.mori .com
Office for National Statistics: www.ons.gov.uk
The National Archives : www.nationalarchives .gov.uk
Website of UK Government: www.direct.gov.uk
lpsos MORI polis : www.ipsos-mori .com
Guardian newspaper: www.guardian .co .uk
State of the Union, 2013 : www.britishfuture .org
YouGov poli surveys : https://yougov.co .uk
Populus polling organization : www.populus .co .uk
 2
The country

■ G cographical idcntiti cs

■ Physica l foatures an<l -limate

11 Agriculture, fishcries and forestry

■ Energy resources

111 Transport and communica tions

■ Attitu<les to th c cnvironment

■ Exercises

■ Further reading

■ Websites
 The country

This chaptcr cxamin ·s th' physical fcaturc. ol' th c UK; gcographical iJcntiti cs;
thc products that are dcrivcd from th e land and th c seas through agri cultur ',
f-ishcrics and forests; and encrgy rcsourccs. Such activitics havc involvcd thc
inte nsivc use of thc lan<l an<l th ' dcvclopmcnt of transport, industry, commu-
nications an<l cornmern.' over th ' e nturi s, with signiticantly ncgativc rcsult.s
for the cnvironmcnt.
Thc Oepartment for th c Environmcnt, Foo<l an<l Rural J\ffoirs (Dcfra)
is responsibl e for agriculture, fish e ri es, cnvironmcntal protcction and rural
communiti s in thc UK. It <l vdops land policy and rcgulations, although its
performanc ' <loes attract criticism. [t coopcratcs with thc Scottish Govcrn-
mcnt an<l the National Ass -mblics of Walcs and Northcrn ln: land, which havc
sorne devolved cnvironmental r 'Sponsibilitics for their own countric.. Euro-
pean Union (EU) and UN polici es have also inHu 'nccd British rural an<l urban
lan<lsca pes.

Geographical identities

Thc country's titlc for constitutional and politi cal purposc.s is thc Unitcd King-
<lom of Grcat Britain anJ North rn Ireland (the UK or Hritain lt)r short). Britain
rnmprises a numhcr of islands lying off thc north-wcst coast of co ntinental
Europc, which are often known geographically (if inaccuratcly For sorne pcopk
on politi ·al grounds) as th e British Islcs. The mainlan<l of EnglanJ, Srntland and
Wal es fom1s the largest island with th e political titl ' of C,rcat Britain. North e rn
lreland sharcs thc second-largest island with thc Rcpublic of IrclanJ, whi ch
has b -en politically indep ende nt sincc 1921. Small ·r islands, such as J\nglcscy,
thc Islc ofWight1 Orkneys, Shctlands, H ebrides an<l Scillics, a1T also part of thc
British political un ion .
However, thc Islc of Man in thc lrish Sea and thc Channcl IslanJs off thc
north coast of Francc are not part of tlw UK. They ach have th c ir own idcntitics,
legal systems, legi.slatun·s ,11H.I :1dministrativc structurcs and are sclf-govcrning
Crown DcpcnJcncics which havc ;1 historical rclationship with thc British
Crown. But thc British guwrn nwnt is rcsponsible f<Jr thcir dcfcn cc anJ forcign
relations and ca n int1 ·rw1w il' good ;1drninistration is not maintain cd.
Many p eoplc in Brit.;1i11 111;1y id1 ·11til"y thcmselves at onc leve! with th 'civic
national unit and rcspu11d l11 ;1s1· 11s1· ni' Britishness1 although this fccling appcar.s
to be weakening. ( )11 ; 1 .,111;ill1·1 11· 1·1 111' gcographical i<lentification, thc pcopks
 The country

() FScotlan<l, Wales, England and Northern lreland havc historically been con-
scious of thcir separa te ethnic i<lentiti<:.s. Such awarcness has increased in Scot-
land, Walcs an<l ( arguably) Northcrn lreland since the transfer of sorne política]
powcr from thc London Parliam e nt ( 1998-9) by the establishment oF a Par-
liam cnt in E<linburgh an<l J\ssemblics in Cardiff and Bclfast. England was not
in duc.kd in this J ' volution proccss, savc for London, although thc r +orm see ms
lo havc provokcd a grcatcr awarcness among sorne English pcoplc of thcir scp-
~1rat i<lcntity.
Britain has somctimcs bccn divi<lcd into gcographic 'regions'. Th ese are a ·
11 ay rdkct a srccitic idcntity, although opinions diffcr on how strong this is.
I{ gions are not thc samc as mo<lern local govcrnmcnt structurcs (s '<.:' Chap-
k r 5) and are largcr. Thcy havc snved as assi.stancc and dcvclopmt nt ureas;
~n vicc locations for gas, water and l'kctricity supplic. ; oras cconomic rlanning
rcgions. Following dcvolution 1 Scotlan<l, Walcs ami Northcrn lrcland bccamc
-.;c ]f-governing 'national' units rathcr than 'rcgion.s' and ninc rcgions Wl'rt creatcd
in E ngland whü:h took thc form of Regional Dl'vclopmcnt J\grncics ( RDJ\s).
1

T hcy wc1-c unclcctcd politico-economic structuns, which we1-c <tppointc<l by

govcrnnwnt to organi:;.e an<l maximizc regional dcvelopm<'nt. Jt was int ' nJ -d
Lhat thcy would develop into ckctcd regional govcrnmcnt asscmblics in EnglanJ
,tn alogous to thc devolved structures in Waks, Scotland anJ Northnn IrclanJ.
' l"his did not happcn oulsidc l .ondon and English people tended not to idcn-
tify with thc RDJ\s, which Wl'rc regardcd as remotc l"rom thcir constiturnts.
T h " coalition govcrnmcnt aholishcd thc RI )J\s in 2010 and rcplaccd tlwm with
Local Economic Partncrships ( LEPs) or voluntc1ry associations of councils and
husinesscs, which try to ncatl' local idcntity, entnprisc partnerships anJ :1.oncs
fo r thc ir i:lrca. Thcsc> no longcr havl' a dcvolvt'd govnnmcnt rnlc hut thcir arcas
do haYl' sorne administratiw purposcs, form thc conslitucncy houndarics for
regional clcctions to tlw ElJ Parliamcnt (such as thc East MiJlands region L are
t he bascs for BBC and JTV broadcasting rcgions and provi<lc regional statistics.
C ritics qucry thc cffcctivcncss or n 'cessity of 'rcgions' as prcscntly constitutc<l,
although th ey may survivc as potcntial ccntr ·s for further dcvolution . Thc futurc
tl more lkvolution structurcs or rcgionalism!f<.'dcralism in the UK is unccrtain.
On a small 'r kwl, 'localism' is consi<lcrcJ by sorne peoplt' (and politicians)
to be more significant than 'rcgionalism' in British lifc as a cultural, iJcntify-
ing force. lt illustratl's a scnsc of bclonging, which h<:'comcs more cvidcnt with
incrcasing <listan -e from Lon<lon an<l thc UK govcrnment. It rdlccts a wish
hy local populations to assnt thcir indiviJual iJcntitics an<l may be bascd on
county structurcs (such as Sussex 1 Yorkshirc and Kent in England), cities and
towns (such as Manchcster1 Livcrpoo1, Ncwcastlc, I3irmingham 1 Glasgow, Edin-
burgh, Bclfast, London, Swansea and Cardiff), villages, and local government
arcas.
Ide ntitication with local arcas was probably more significant wh e n th e Brit-
ish wt>re rural pcoplc living in villages or smal1 isolated communitics and wcrc
 The co un try

less mobile. Although new local govnnrncnt authoriti es (such as unitary struc-
tures) have replaced sorne old city anJ co unty labels, these former geographica l
identities oftcn pcrsist for people living in th eir areas, and may gain strcngth in
th e futurc.

Physical features and climate

Physical features
Historically, Britain's physical Fcaturcs havc intlucnccJ human scttlcm c nt,
p opul ation rno ve rn e nts, rnilitary conqucst and rolitical union . Th cy havc also
condition ed th e lo -ation and cx ploitation of industry, transport systc rn s, agri-
culturc, füherics, ·[órcstry and c nergy suppli cs. ToJ ay thcy are ticd to conccrns
about th e e nvironm e nt, pollution, climatc changc and food products. Sorne
havc bccn affccted by UK gove rnm e nt and l~U poli -ics on agricultun.', lishcrics
and ca rbon cmissi ons. Sincc m any Britons li vc in c.knscly populatcJ arcas, thcy
are intlue nced by thesc issues and th e activiti cs of publi c and privatc bodi cs in
rclation to th c cnvironmcnt.
In rcccnt ycars, thc countrysidc has bccornc a fi l' tTC rolitical iss uc. Rural
rcsidc nts, campaign groups such as thc Countrysidc /\lli ancc, con sl'rvationists
an J farmcrs feel ncglcctcd by the UK gov ·rnmrnt and loca l politicians. Thcy
obj ect to th c destruction an<l pollution of thc physical cnvironmcnt; thc co n-
crcting of rural land for house building, airports and roads; th c dcncase in rural
scrviccs such as public transport, shops, p ost ofliccs, loca l hospitals an<l pubs;
and thc poli cies of central and local govcrn m cnt planncr , and propcrty spcc u-
lators. Historicall y, there has b ee n a tension b ctwccn urhan and rural culturcs.
Sorne peopl e are averse to rural lifc, w hilc many fccl a traditiona l (if roman-
ticize<l) nostalgia and identity for it, and sorne ten million pcoplc live in rural
arcas.
Britain's geographical position is markcd by latitu<lc 49º N in southcrn
England, latitude 61 ºN across th e Sh etlands and longitudc ~) º W to 2º E. lt lics
within 12º of latitudc and has a small an d co mpact sizc whcn comparcd with
oth er major European countrics. Yct it also possesses a grcat divcrsity of physi-
cal features, which m ay surprisc thos(' visitors who ex pc -t a mainly urban éln<l
industrialized co untry. Thc rnany hc:a uty spots and rccrc:ation arcas, such as
th c 15 National Parks in En gland (lik(' th c Lake Distri ct) , Walcs (Snnwdonia)
and Scotland (th c Ca irn gnrrns), ~ind nthn areas of natural bcauty ar<: rclativcly
acccssible.
Britain's ph ys it ·al ;in ·; 1 rn ns q4,c;z.~ sq uare miles (244,820 se.¡ km) . Most
is land, with tht· rcst tº<l111pri si11 g inLind water such as lakcs and rivers. England
has 50,337 squarT 111ih ( l:W) 7l ~q km), Wales h as 8,018 (20J67), Scotl and
has 30,415 (78, 77c; ) ;111d N() 1t li1 ·111 1i-1 ·Lrnd has 5,45 2 (14,120). Accordin g to
thc 2011 C ensus, 1:.n1•,l:t 11d 11 :H I tlw hi ggt·st popul ation (53 .0 million or 84 .1
 T he co untry

pn cent), with Scotland 5.3 m (8.3 pcr cent), Waks 3.1 m (4.8 per cent) and
Northcrn lreland ] .8 m (2.8 per cent) in a UK total of 63 m. The. e figures
pa rtly -=-xplain the English dominance in British history and the various altitudes
o!" Scotland, lrcland and Walcs towards thcir neighbour.
Thc distancc from thc south coast of England to th e most northcrly tip of
tlw Scottish mainland is 600 miles U)SS km), and th e English cast coast and
t he Wclsh west coast are 300 miles (483 km) apart. Thcsc rclativcly small dis-
lél nccs havc aidcJ thc dcvelopment of politic:al un ion anJ communications and
1 ontributcd to largcly standardizcd social, cc:onomic and institutional norms

throughout Britain. ílut, prior to tht cightccnth c:cntury, thnc wcrc considcr-
;1hlc ohstacks to this progrcss, such as Jift-icult terrain, inadcquatc transporta-
tion , local customs anJ political contlict.
Britain 's physical charac:tcristics, such as thc Giant's Causcway and J\ntrim
rnasl of Northcrn f rcland, thc CliHs of Dovcr in southcrn EnglanJ, thc Highlands
of Scotland and thl' Wclsh valkys and mountains, are a sourcc of idcntilication
lt)f many pcopk. Thcsc result From a long gcological ami dimatic history. Earth
mowmcnts forccd mountains to risc from thc scabcd to i-,xm thc oldest parts
nf Britain. Warmer, suh-tropical pcrinds rcsultcd in largc swamp forcsts which
1:ovcrcd lowland i'.rnws. Tlwse wcr ' thcn burieJ by sanJ, soil and mud, and tlw
lc)r 'sts' fossil rcmains hccamc coal dcposits. L:itcr, tlw di mate altl'rnatcd bctwccn
wa rmth and J\rctic tcm¡x raturcs. During th e lattcr kc Agcs, glacicrs moved
southwards ovcr thc islands, kaving only southcrn England frcl' from tlwir cfkcts.
Highland arl·as wcrc slowly worn away by w 'atlwring agcnts such as wind,
ice and water. This proccss roundcd off thc mountain pcaks and moved wastc
rn atcrials into lowland z01ws, whnc thcy wc1-c prcsscJ into ncw rocks and
whc rc tlw sccncry lwcarrn: softcr anJ lcss foldcd. Thc gcological anJ Wt'athcr-
in g changcs shapcd vallcys anJ plains anJ diclalcJ thc siting of Britain's major
riv r., such as thc Clydc in Scotland; the Tyne, Trcnt, Scvcrn an<l Thamcs in
England and Walcs; and thc Bann and Lagan in Nortlwrn IrclanJ.
Natural lt)rccs havc also affcctcd thc coastlíncs as seas havc moved back-
wards and forwards OVl r timl'. Parts of thc (oastal ar ' ª havc cithcr sunk unJcr
the sea or riscn abovc il. Thcs' proccsst.'S continul' today and are now also intlu-
cnced by climatc changc, particularly on the English cast and south coasts. Cco-
logi -al tilting from north to south, rising sea lcvcls and crosion hav ' rcsultcd
in thc loss of land, houscs an<l farms, while th ' sca's retrcat has crcatcd ' ither
-halk anJ limcstone uplands or sand and pebblc b 'achcs along sorne coasts.
Britain was originally part of thc European mainland. But thc mclting of
th' glacicrs in thc last Ice J\g ' raiscJ se a levels. Th e country was scparated
from thc contincnt by th ' North Sea at its widcst, and by the English Chan-
ncl at its narrowcst, points. Thc shortcst stretch of water betwcen the two
land masscs is the Strait of Dovcr bctween Dover in southern England and
C ala is in Francc (21 miles, 34 km). Thc north-cast coast of North e rn Ireland
is sc paratcJ from Scotland by thc North Channel, which is 13 miles /21 km
wiJc at its narrowest point.
 The country

Shetland
lslands
o 100 km

o 100 miles

Do
0 o
~ º Orkney
\:5 ° lslands

Hebrides c:¡j
V
G
o
Aberdeen

NORTH
Dundee
SEA

• Edinburgh
Glasgow (
,,,, ... '
,
• Newcastle

York
Bradford •
lsle of Man • • Leeds
IRISH Liverp ol M~nchester
SEA • Sheffiel
{l Dublin Anglese \, Nottingham
.
.
\

THE REPUBLIC :-·'' •Birmingham • Norwich

\
OF IRELAND } Coventry
WALES-'\
Swansea CarJiff ENGLAND o
Bristol Londin BELGIÜM
Portsmouth
Sou th ampon•~~-----~
t

I h Olsle of
p ymout Wight
000
lsles ENGLISH CHANNEL
of Scilly
Channel {J 0

lslands
FRANCE
ATLANTIC OCEAN

FIGURE 2 . 1 The United Kingdom and the Republic of lreland

 The c ou ntry

There are many bays, inl -ts, peninsulas and estuarics a1ong the coasts, and
most places in Britain are less than 75 miles (120 km) from sorne kind of tidal
water. Tidal surges on th e coasts and in inland rivers (in addition to hcavy rain-
Fall) can ca use scrious flooding in man y parts of th e country, as in South-West
England in 2013- 14. Local and national authoriti s, such as the Environment
Agcncy, must choosc betwcen losing lanJ to the sea through managed r ·tr -at
plans or provi<ling substantial financc to construct dcfcnccs against this threat.
For exa mplc, a London flood barrier was complet -d in 1984 across thc river
Thamcs an<l th c r are proposals for more protcction of thc capital, including a
new barrier. rlooding has b ecom e more fn.::qu cnt sine" 2007 and affccts many
low-lying inland arcas throughout thc co untry, with peoplc suffcring propcrty
and financia] los,, such as th e English south anJ cast coasts anJ inland a reas of
south-west and south-east England. Cribes arguc that govl. rnm c nt authorities
havc not providcd adequatc national flood plans, adaptcJ to climatc changc, or
reactc<l quickly cnough to frcqucnt tlooding cvcnts.

PLATE 2.1The White Cliffs of Dover, southern England, coastal cliff erosion . © David
Lomax/Shutterstock
 The countr y

The coastal seas are not deep and are often less than 300 feet (90 metres)
beca use they lie on the Continental Shel~ or raised seabed adjacent to the main-
land. The warm North Atlantic C urrent (Gulf Stream) hea ts the sea and airas it
travels from the Atlantic Ocean across the Shelf This gives the country a more
temperate climate than would otherwise be the case, given its northerly posi-
tion, although t here are fears that a m elting of the Arctic ice packs may upset
this balance and result in raised sea levels. The Gulf Stream also influences the
coastal fish breeding grounds, on which the national Gshing industry is co nsid-
erably dependent.
Britain's physical relief is divided into highland and lowland Brilain (see
Figure 2.2). The hi ghesl grou nd lies in the north an<l west. Most of the lowland
zones, cxcept for the Scotlish Lowlands and central Northern lreland, are in the
south and east of the co untry, wh ere only a few points rea ch 1,000 feet (305 m)
above sea level.

~ e, 0100km
r;;¿b L__J

~Q O lOOmiles

)}
, vl
Q Be
D ~S
2
~

I
londs
\.\
Cheviot Hills

~ North Yorkshire
8 Mo

R. TR The
Broods
·, R. SEVERN
Cotswolds
r Chiltern
\,____/ HiII s
R. THAMES North ?,owns

/ p , ! ~ ~ : : ~ o u t h Downs

~ Q

FIGURE 2.2
Highland and
1 North-West Highlonds 4 Sperrin Mountoins 8 Pennines
lowland Britain 2 Central Highlonds 5 Antrim Mountoins 9 Peak District
(with ma in (Grampions) 6 M ourne Mountoins 1O Welsh Mossif (Combrions)
rivers) 3 Southern Uplonds 7 Cumbrion Mountoins
 The countr y

Thc north and west consist of older, harder rocks cr<::.ated by ancicnt
carth movern ents, whi h are g n e rally unsuitable for cultivation. The south
and cast comprise younger, softcr matcrials forrned by wcathering processcs1
whi h have producc<l f rtik soils and good agricultural conditions. Much of
t h e lowland an. a, cxccpt for urban an<l industrial regions1 is cultivatcd an<l
farm c<l. It consists larg<. ly of ticl<ls which ar dividcd by fcnc.Ts or hcdgcs.
1

Animal grazing land in uplanJ zoncs is scparatcd cithcr by moorland, f ·nccs

o r stonc walls.

England
England covcrs two-thirds of Grcat Britain. lt consists mainly of undulating
or tlat lowland countrysidc, with high land arcas in thc north anJ south-wcst.
Eastcrn England has thc low-lying tlat lancL· of thc Norfólk Broads, thc Cam-
hridgcshirc and Linrnlnshir' Fcns and thl' Sull<.)lk Marshes. Low hill rangcs
strt'tch ovcr much of thc country, such as th<.· North Yorkshi,-c Moors, tht Cots-
wolds, thc Kcnt .md Susscx Downs ami thc Chiltcrn Hills.
Highland zoncs are mark ·d by tht· Cheviot l lills (hctween England and
S ·otland) ; thl· north-wcstern mountain rcgion of the Lakc District and th<.'
C umhrian Mountains, whcre thc highcst peak in England is Scah.'11 Pikc (3,20~)

PLATE 2.2 Scafell Pike, highest mountain in Eng land at 978 m/ 3,209 ft, National
Park, Cumbria , Eng land . Courtesy of Headley Thorne
The c ountry

feet, 978 m etres); the north 'rn pL1tt-au hdt of th e Pennines forming a back-
bone acro s north-west England; tlw l\·ak District of D rbyshire at thc southcrn
n ~ach es of th e Pennin es; and thc south-wcstern plat au of D<:> von and Cornwall.
Th · hc aviest population concrntrations centre on thc largest (historically
industrial and manufacturing) towns and cities, such as Lon<lon and in south-
east En gland generally; th e West Midlands rcgion aroun<l Birmingham; th c
Yorkshir ' citics of Lccds, Bradford and Sh effi "ld; thc north-wcstcrn arca around
Livcrpool anJ Man chcster; and thc north-east region ·omprising Ncwcastlc and
Sund ·rlanJ.

Wales
Waks is a highlanJ ·ountry, with moorland platcau, hills anJ rnountains, which
are oftcn intcrsp -rs -d hy d ' cp river valkys. This upland mass contains tlw Cam-
hrian Mountains ami Jcscc nJs castwards into Englan<l . Thc higlwst mountains
are in thc National Park ar'ª of Snowdonia in th ' north-wcst, whcrc thc domi-
nant peak is that of Snowdon (3,5(,0 fcct, ·1,085 m etn.'s ).
Lowland í',oncs are rcstri ctcd to thc narrow coastal bclts anJ lowcr parts ol'
thc rivcr valkys in south Walcs, whcrc two-thirds of thc Wclsh population liw.
Thc chicf urban conn-ntrations of pcopk anJ industry are around th e biggc r
southcrn citics, such as th c capital CardiH; Swansca and Ncwrorl. In th ' past,
th c highland naturc of Waks hindcrc<l conqucst, agriculturc anJ thc sc ttkmcnt
of r corlc.

Mt Snowdon, highest mountain in Wa les, Snowdonia , north-west Wa les

PLATE 2 . 3
at 1,085 m, 3,560 ft. © Real image/ A lamy Stock Photo
 The coun try 37
.,
A ~
;T
Scotland
Scotland may be dividc<l into thrcc arcas. Thc first is thc North-Wcst and Cen-
tral Highhrnds (Grampians), togeth e r with a number of islands off th e west
and north-east coasts. Th csc arcas are thinly populated, but comprise half th e
country's lanJ mass. Th c second is th c Central Lowlands, which contain one-
tifth of th c land arca but thn.' c-quartcrs of thc Scottish population, most of th e
industrial and commcrcial centres and mu.ch of thc cultivatcd land. Th c third is
th e Southcrn Uplands, whi ch covc r a numbcr of hill rangcs strctching towards
th c borJcr with Englan<l.
Tlw HighlanJs, with thcir lochs and f-iord coastlin cs, and thc Soulhcrn
Uplands are now smooth , roundcd arcas sin cc thc original jaggcd mountains
havc hccn worn down hy Wl'athcring forces. Thc high<.'st point in thc Central
Highlands is Brn Nevis ( 4,40(> Fcct, 1,343 mctrcs), which is also thc higlwst
plac · in Britain.
Thc main population conccntrations ar<.' around tht· adrninistrative centre
an<l capil¡-11 of' Edinburgh ; thc commcrcial ,md Formerly hcavily in<lustrial arca

PLATE 2.4 Ben Nevis, the highest

mountain in Scotland and the UK at
1,343 m, 4,606 ft in the Scottish
Highlands, w ith Loch Linnhe . © The
Travel Library/Shutterstock
 The co u ntry

of Glasgow; and the regional e<..'n tres of Aherdccn ( an oíl industry city') and
Dundcc. Thc climate, isolation and harsh physical conditi ons in much of Scot-
land havc madc conquest, settlement and agriculture diHicult.

Northern lreland
North ern Irdand sharcs an i. land with the Rcpublic of lrcland an<l since 1~2 1
has had a 303-mile (488-km) hor<ler in th e south an<l wcst with th e Rep uhli c,
which h a. fcature<l stro ngly in recc nt Brcx it ncgotiations. lt has a north- 'astern
tip which is only 13 mil es (21 km) from tlw Scottish coast, a fact that has
cncouragcd hoth lrish and Scottish migration ovcr thc ccnturics.
North crn Ircland has a rocky north 'rn coastlinc , a so uth-ccntral f ,rtik
plain ancl mountainous arcas in the west, north-cast and south-cast. Th c south-
eastern Mourn c Mountains in clude the high cst peak, Slicvc Donard, which is
2,7% frct high (853 mctrcs). Lough Neagh (153 se¡ mil es, 396 sq km) is Brit-
ain's largcst frcshwatcr lakc and líes at th t· centre of thc co untry.
Most of th e largc town s, like th e capital Bclhist, are situatcd in vallcys
which lead from the lough. Bdfast lies at the mouth of the rivcr Lagan and

PLATE 2.5 The Giant's Causeway in Antrim on the northern coast of Northern lreland was
created 60 million years ago when a field of volcanic lava cooled and formed hexagona l
b locks of basa lt. © Eye Ubiqu ito us/Shutterstock
 The cou ntry

has th e biggest population concentration. But Northern Irelan<l gcncrally has a

-parse and , cattcred population and is a largely rural country.

Climate
The influential Mct ·-orological (Mct) Ofti . _, is th e wcathcr and climatc ~hange
fo recast 'r fór thc UK anJ surrounding arcas. Thc rc1ative small1wss of th e coun-
t ry an<l thc influenc ' S of a warm sea (fr<l hy thc Gulf Stream which originates
in th e Gulf of Mcxico) an<l wcstcrly winds mean that thcrc are no frcqu ~nt
extrem e contrasts in tcmpcraturc throughout Britain. The dimate is tc mper-
atc, with gcncrally warm summcrs and cool, somc-timcs col<l wintcrs. J\ltitudc
modihcs tcmpcratures, so that much of Scotland and hi ghlan<l arcas of Walcs
and Englan<l arl' cool in summ -r and colc..l in wintcr. Tcmpe raturcs are lowcr in
th e north than th , south an<l national avt ragc tcmpcraturcs rarcly rcac h 35º C
(9 5º F) in thc summcr or fall bclow - 1 1ºC ( 12º F) in thc winlcr. Nationall y, thc
col<lL'St months are Dcccmbcr, .lanuary and Fcbruary and thc warmcst are .luly
and J\ugust. Rain gl'llcrally falls throughout th ' y -ar with varying fon.T, and thc
wcathcr can changc vcry quickly.
J\crnr<ling to thc Mct O -Hice, the warmcst ycars in thc lJK sincc l HGl havc
ali occ urre<l alter 2002 and most nF thc wcttest ycars havc hccn in thc pcrioJ
fro m 2000. Thcsc hgures suggcst h)r , oml' critics thc dh.cts of human-madc
global warming from ca rbon cmissions ratbcr than natural changc. Sorne rcccnt
·ummcrs havc h aJ rccorJ high tcmpcraturcs and n.'<.T nl wintns havl' also had
col<l rwrio<ls with vcry low tL·mpcraturcs, togcthcr with vcry stormy wcathcr.
201 O was thc warmL'St ycar sin cc ofl-ici al rccor<ls bcga n anJ 1.1º C ( 1.98º F)
ahow tlw long-tcrm avcragL'. On thc othcr hand, 200~)- l O was thc cokk st win-
tcr in 30 ycars in many arcas with tl'mp ' ralur<.'S continuously bclow Oº C and
th c hcav icst snow falls in a ge ncration. lt was also th c fourth W('ttcst sincc thc
, ta rt of the twe nticth ccntury. What sccms to b ' happ c ning is that Britain now
cxpcricnn.'s hi ghcr tl'mperaturc avcragcs with occasional hcat wavcs ami vcry
cold pcriods (201 H). Anothcr variable fca lurc in rcccnt ycars has hccn the Jet
Strcam which has oh:en moved south in its passage from thc J\tl antic ovcr th c
British ]sic, in summcr months, rcsulting in cold, wct an<l stormy wcathcr. lf it
passl's to thc north 1 it oftcn brings Jry and warm co nditions, but occasionally,
hot, humiJ air anJ thun<lcrstorms.
Thc main factors afkcting rainfall in Britain are J cprcssion s (low prcs-
·u1-c arcas ) which trav --1 castwards acrnss the Atlantic Occan; prcvailing south-
wcsterly winds throughout much of thc ycar; exposur ~ of western coa, ts to th e
Atlantic Occan; anJ th c fact that most high ground lies in thc west. The h caviest
annual rainfalls are in th e wcst and north (a 60 inchcs, 11 600 millimetres aver-
age), with an autumn or wintcr maxirnum . Th western high ground prot cts the
lowlands of thc south and east, so that annual rainfall herc is mo<lerate (30 inchcs,
800 mm\ although h eavy rain can now appear anywhere in thc country
 The country

irrespectivc of altitude. March to Ju1w tt-n<l to be th e dricst rnonths; Septcmbe r

to January thc wettest; and drought con<litions are infrcqucnt, although thcy
have occ urr ·d more fr quently in rece nt years and may cause problcms for farm-
crs, water companies and consurners. A penctrating clamp can o -cur in wct pcri-
ods throughout thc ycar, dep ending on temp raturc an <l th amount of rainfoll.
Low prcssure systcms normally pass ovcr north ern arcas an<l ca n produc
windy, wct anJ unstab1 e conditions. In r ,cent ycars, th ey have moved south
(associatc<l with thc changing pas, agc of th e Jet Strcarn) an<l Britain has had
more frcqucnt storms, hcavi cr rninfal1 and fl oo<ling. But high-prcssurc systcms,
which occur throughout th c ycar, are stabl e and slow-moving, rcsultin g in light
winds and sc>ttl ,d wcathc r. Th csc can givc fine and dry + Fccts, both in thc win-
tc r and summ 'r.
Sunshin -- in Britain de Tcascs frorn south to north; inland from thc coastal
bclts; and with altituJ '. ln summ 'r, average Jaily sunshine varíes from about livc
hour · in north ' rn Scotland to ight hours on th c Isle of Wight. In winter, it avcr-
agcs one hour in north ' rn Scotland an<l two hours on thc English south coasl.
Thcsc statistics show that Britain is not a particularly sunny co untry,
although thcrc are p c rio<ls of rclief from th c ge1wral grcyncss. The frcqm·nt
cloml covcr over th ·' islan<ls means that c·vcn on a hot sumnwr's day thcrc·
may b 'littlc sunshinc brcaking through, giving risc to humid, stiáy conditions.
Sun shin e can frc4ucntly mix with pol1utants to givc poor air 4uality hoth in
thc citi es anJ rural areas, which may adverscly affect those with rcspiratory ami
other ill ness 'S.
Such climatic f-caturcs giv ' the British wcathcr its changeahility and what
sorne rcgard as its stirnulating varicty. Discrepancics hctween wc·athcr forc casts
and a -tual rcsults often occur and words SU( h as 'changeahlc' anJ 'unscttkJ'
ar ' gcncrously mploycd. The weather is a national institution, a topi c oí' Jail y
convcrsation and for sorn e a conditioning factor in th c national charactn. Brit-
ons tc nd to think that they live in a more tcmpcratc climatc than is the case.
13ut it is argued that Britain can cxpcct wetter autumns and wintcrs with more
storms; warmcr springs and summers; and p rio<ls throughout th c ycar with
extre me and unpredictable w eather. Th ese dcvclopmcnts are linkc<l to dimate
changc and global warrning, whethcr crcated naturally or from human sourccs
(t'.g. carbon cmissions).

Agriculture, fisheries and forestry

Agriculture
Soils vary in quality frnrn tht' thin , ponr on s of highlanJ Britain to the rich,
fcrtilc land of low-1 in g ;in•as in l\ tstnn and outhcrn England. Th c climate
usually allows a long, prndul"t iw grow ing sea. on without extremes of weath c r.
 The country

But farm ·rs can som times havc probkms be au e of droughts or too much
rain an<l too Httl sunshine at ripcning and harv st times.
Britain's long agricultura! history indudes a series of farming r volutions
from Ncolithic times. Today, thcrc are sorne 212,000 farrn holdings, ranging
fro m small units to hugc husin css conccrn, and two-third, an.: own T-oc -upied .
They use ahout 6~) pcr cent of th c total land area to produc ' sorne GO per cent
of the country's foo<l r ·quir ·mcnts, which mcans that Britain is vcry depen-
J nt on imports. Thcrc is conccrn that farmland is h eing incr ' asingly used for
building and rccreational purposcs, rathn than d v loping more farms. Sorne
476, 000 pcopk ( l .5 pcr cent of the tot·1I workforc·) are cngagc<l in Farming as
full-time, part-timc and casual workcrs. lts shan.· of the Cross Domestic Product
(G DP) is an cstimatc<l 0.62 pn cent. Although cxports are important, Britain
imports sorne 40 pcr n nt of its food re4uin:' IT1l nts, largcly lx-causc of scasonal
de mand for food unohtainahk in Hritain.
Many farrns in S(:otland, Northcrn lrcland, Waks anJ northcrn an<l
south-wcstcrn Englan<l specializc in dairy larming, lwcf cattlc and slwep. Sorne
farms in castl'rn and northnn England and Northcrn Irdand corH:cntratc on pig
proJuction. Poultry rncat and egg inJustri cs are wiJcsprcad with int( nsivc 'fac-
tory farming' (c.g. cwwdcd indoor raising of chickcns for cggs and mcat) . Most
of thc othcr forrns in southl.·rn and castnn l~nglanJ é.lnd in castcrn Scotland grow
arah k nops StKh as whcat, harley, oats, potatrn s, oilsccd rape and sugar hect.
Horticultura] produ cts such as applcs, hcrrics and tlowcrs are also widcly grown.
Agriculturc is still a signilicant inJustry anJ intncst group. It is prnductivc,
intensiw, mccl1anii'.cd ami spccialized. But, alter a prolitahl<' pcriod in thc carly
1990s, forming has cxpl."ricnccd a diffirnlt p<.'riod dm' to the h igh val uc of the
poun<l, a dcneasc in cxports, a Fall in form produn.' priccs an<l a scril.'.· of discascs
sm·h as BSE (bovine spongiform l.'nccphalopathy) in cows ( 1~)~)(.,), its link to C.JD
(Crl.·utzkldt-.lakob discasc) in humans, swim· fr,vcr an<l foot and mouth Ji scasc
(_2001 ). Animals wctT lost, inrnme was rcduccd, ,rnd many farmcrs ldt thc in<lus-
try or turncd their land to non-farming activities. Sorne agriculture is prolitablc
but small farmcrs have diflicultit·s in making a living, Jcspit<.' govcrnmcnt an<l
Fonner ElJ subsidies. It is 'Stimall.'d that British farrncrs will suffcr as a rt'sult ol"
Brcxil, although tlw govcrnmrnt is iinancially rnmmittcd to support Farming.
Th Common Agricultura! Policy ( AP) of thl. Europcan lJnion ( ElJ),
whi ·h accounts for 43 pcr cent of thc EU's hudgct, had bcn c- lit ,d British farm-
"rs Jespitc much criticism. íts original protcctionist aims w re to incrcast' pro-
dudivity anJ cffic.:i 'ncy; stabilizc thc markct; cnsurc regular supplics of food;
givc farmcrs reasonabk rcwards for thcir lahour and produce by providing thcm
w ith subsidies; set mínimum gu·U"antccd pric ' · for food product through price
su.pport; and standardizc th · quality and sizc of produce.
Britain will kavc thc CAP when il l. xits th EU. As yet, there is no fully
functional rcplaccm ·nt heyond general govcrnment statements and promises.
ShoulJ thcre be no rcplace m e nt for CAP, British farmers fcar that they could
Th e c ountry

go out of business. This woulJ cn:atc prohl ' ffi. for Br itish consumcrs of agri-
cultura] products and thc cxp o rt mark l't of British goods abroad may also be
affect c<l. It rcm ains to be seen wh eth cr farmers are able to grow pro<lu cc al a
pri ce th e consume r is prcparcd to pay, and still m ak ' a protit. /\ltcrnativc form s
of food su ch as ge neti call y m odificd lGM) crops and orga nic farmin g h avc not
hee n cmbraccJ by fa rmcrs or the m arket .
l3ritish governme nts and farmcrs argued that th c ori gin al C /\P was
unwicld y, costly for consum 'rs, burcaucrati c, restri cti vc fo r proJu cers, opl'n to
fraud and kd to surplus food . They m aintain that British fa rming aftc r Brcx it
should rdl ect th e n ·'cds of th c m arkct; mcet consumcr.' dc mands; safcgua rd
divl'fsity; guara ntcc suppl y o f food products; and c mph asizc bcttcr land m an-
age mcnt . Th re is a nccd fo r halanced rural dcvclopm c nt, more targ ' tc<l aid For
yo ung fa rm crs, and e nvironmc ntall y fri -ndl y fa rmin g p racti c 'S. /\ssistin g vul1wr-
abl c fa rm husin esscs is important an<l parti cul arl y sin cc incomc lcvcls in much
of British farmin g ar lowcr than in oth n Sl:'Ctors of thc e ·on orn y. Environmc n-
tal protl' ·tion, compctition , a market-o ri c ntation, <.: uts in ovcr-production , f'ood
saf<'ty a nd animal h calth are strcssed .
Th crc has bccn puhlic dis4ui et about th c us' of gc neti ca ll y modil1cd
(GM) crops to incrcasc yiclds. MORI F·sca n: h in Fcbru ary 2003 fo unJ th at
56 p ' r cent of rcspo ndc nts w ' H .' opposed and onl y 14 ¡wr ce nt surrortcJ C.M )
although in 201 O th e Labour government dccidcd to cx r ,rn<l th c ex p crim c nt.
Dcspitc puhli c sccpti ·ism, sorne British far mns and roliti ·ians aJvocat d th c
use of GM ·rops as animal h:cd . It is gcncrall y agrc ,d th at GM reduces pcsti-
cidc u.· ·, incrcases cro p yicl<ls and profits, anc.1 such GM use has ri scn outsidc
Europc. In tcrms of othn foodstufts, th c succcss oF orga ni c: fa rmin g in Britain
has be ' 11 small , largely 6 "ca u, e of the cost of such goods anJ confusio n ahout
th ir qu ality and b e nd it.
Th e r ' i.· continuing fri ction in Britain betwccn fa rmcrs) supc rm ark ·ts a nJ
tó oJ p roJuccrs. An NOP pol1 in 2001 rcp ortcd th at 82 p c r cent of rcspon<lcnts
favour -'d a rcturn to traditional farmin g m cthods, cvc n if thi s mcant paying
more for fo od. A Good l lousekeeping m agazin e poli in /\ugust 2001 also ·f ound
th at onl y one in six p eopl e trust sup crmarkct food; an<l although ~)7 pcr crnt
of resp ondents purch ased m ost of th eir food from supcrm arkcts, co nn<lcncc in
thcm h as decreased . Concern is also raised ahout tl aws in thc rcgulati o n and
safc ty chccks of Britain's cornplicatc<l food industry and produ ction c:h ain. Th c
supcrmarkets do provid a scrvic for h.)od consum crs, but it is alkgcd th at th ·y
takc advantage of th eir buying powns over farm ers, which ca n cause disputes
b ctwccn retail ers and supplic rs, as wdl as higher pri ccs for consumcrs.

Fisheries
Britain ranks · 'wnth :1n10ng h1rort·'s k adin g fishing nations anJ opera tes in
th c North Sea, thc lrish St·:1 :llld tlw /\tl antic. The tishing industry is signiilc:ant
 The c ountry

l'or th ' national cconomy and is centre<l on ports aroun<l the coasts. Thc most
impo rtant tish catch cs ar cod 1 ha<ldock 1 whiting1 h e rrin g1 m ack 'r -11 plaice and
so k which are caught by th c G, 191 (2016) registered vess<.'ls of thc fishing
flcct, which h as b cc n rc<lucc<l in size in recent years. Sorne fish, such as cod an<l
ha ddock, h avc bcc n <lc pktc<l b ecausc of overfishing1 thc thrcat from climate
l·hangc anJ a risc in sea tcmpcraturcs. But th e tish-farming industry (salmon.1
trout and shclH-ish) is a largc and cxpandin g busincss1 particularly in Srntl and .
Employmcnt in an<l in comc from fishing h avc bccn dcclining for sorne
yeaL. This has bcc n du c to changcs in fish brcc<ling pattcrn, , a rcd uction in fish
stocks1 co mpctition and thc polici cs of thc British govcrnmcnt ami European
Union . Fishcrs h aw lost thcir johs and tishing town s on tlw English anJ Sco ttish
coasts havc sulh. ·rc<\ but thc industry still accounts for 6 () p<::r cent of 13ritain 's
1-ish rnnsumption. Th c1T are ahout I I , 757 ·fishcrm cn (201 G), with sorne two
jobs in assoc iatcd on: upations (sud1 as lish proccssing) for cv ·ry o ne -fi ·h erm an.
Thc industry h aJ hccn afh.·ctcd by th c ElJ 's Co mmon Fishcrics Poli cy (C FP)
and British govcrnmc11t rulcs1 which limitcd fi shcrmt·n 's frccdom of" opcration.
The rn.·cd to conserve lish rc·sourccs ami pr 'Vt' llt overfi shing was strcsscd . Zoncs
we n.' created in which -fishcrmcn ma y opl:' ratc and quot;-1 systl'ms orcratcd
insi<lc· a11d l1l'yond thc· zoncs to rl'strict lish catchcs. Mcasurc·s to limit thc tinw
lishing Vl'ssds srcnd at sea and to dccom mi ss ion ( takc out ol' opcration) iishing
boa ts havc furthn rl'strictl'd c·mplo ynwnt an<l tlw hshing lll'ct. Fislwrnwn Wl'JT
critica! ahout Britis h gowrnmcnt a11d EU poli cic\ th c ir loss of liwlihood 1 and
what tlwy saw as ahusc·s of thc 4uota sysll'm by largL' fühing husin csscs own cd
by multinational rnnccrns which lanJ 1-ish, caught i11 British ZOIH.'\ outsi<lc Brit-
ai n. Yct without lish co nscrva tion and strictn rcgulation , th c rc w ill he rc<lucc·d
supp li cs in futurl' .
Thc· C FP has bcl'n criti c izc·d for poor mana gl' J11l'nt and la ilun· to rrcvcnt
dw indlin g fish stocks. lt was argul'd th at thc policy shoulJ crn ph as izc· cnviron-
m ' ntal sustainahility of thl' sl'as; movc thl' man ,1gcnwnt of fi slwri cs from an EU
levcl ton gional and local arcas; and cnsurc that the sizl' of thc ElJ lll'ct matchl's
t hc ava ilahk t-ish stocks. It was argucd that signilicant changcs wcn' nccdcd to
av oid thl' furthcr declin e of thc British fishing in<lustry.
In thc cvc nt, thc C FP was rartially rcformcJ in 2014 with a ban on tlw
disca r<ls poli cy (throwing h ca lthy tish h ack into thc sea to comply with quo-
tas ). Thcn.' was a commitml'nt to fishing at sustainabk kwls and dcccntralizcd
dcc ision-making. lJK fishcrm c n argucd that thl' rcforms n cc<lcJ to be put into
pral'ticc 4uickly, togcthl'r with a ban on <.kstructivc mcthods of-fishing by large
trawkrs.
Britain will k avc the ElJ and thc C FP aft -r Brcxit, although there have
bcc n fcw govcrnm e nt deta ils abo ut what will rcplace the CFP. Sorne 13ritish
f-ish crs arg uc th at cx it will rcstorc Britain 's fishing grounds1 give them m ore
frecdom of opcration and inc rcase thcir protits. But others foresec a return to
ovcrfishing and tishing wars between British and EU fi sh e rs. Such wars may
 The co un t ry

negatively affect l3ritish catches and linanccs as EU fishers protect th eir own
fishing righ ts.

Forestry
Woodlands cover ,c.J 3.17 million hectares (roughly 8,900 quatT miles or 23,000
sq uare kilomctres ) of Britain in 2018 and comprise l O pcr cent of England, 1~)
pcr cent of S ·otland, 15 per cent of Wales and 8 per ce nt of Northern lreland.
Thcse figures rep r "scnt 13 pcr cent of thc total UK lan 1 area anJ amount to
a doubling of trees sin -e 194 7, yct Britain is still th e lcast forcsted country
in Europe, whcrc th c average is 35 pcr cent. Som ' 40 pcr cent of pro<luc-
tivc national for<:'sts are managcJ hy statc Forcstry Commissions or govern-
mcnt J cpartmc nts anJ GO per cent by prívate owncrs. J\hout 40,000 pcopk are
c mployc<l in tht' ·tat' and privatc forcstry inJustri cs and l 0,000 are cngagcd in
timbcr proccss ing.
Howcver, thcsc activitics contribute only 1O p ' r cent to the nation al nrn-
sumption of wood and asso ·iatcd timher matcrials, such as papcr prn<lu ction,
which mcans th at thc country is dcpc ndc nt upon wood imporls. Thc govern-
ment has e:> ncouragcd tnT planting prngrammcs in Scotland, Wak s, the English
Midlands and Northumbcrland, and allowed th " sale of statc woo<lLmJs to prí-
vate owncrs in ordcr to reduo. publi c expcnditure and to in creasc produ ·tivity.
Ncw plantings, ·c.mtrollcd fdling, expansion of timbn industries and a pro-fit-
ahlc priva te sector may re<luc' Britain 's dcpl n<lc ncc u pon imports and hL ndit
thc e nvironment. Th 'governmcnt wants to in cn:'.asc England's forcsts hy 15 pcr
cent of thc land area by 2000.
Forestry policy is supposcd to takc conscrvation Factors into account in
th c devdo pment of timber faciliti s. Such aims are nol always nwt and th crc
is disquiet about government programme ·. Environmcntalisls L·ampaign against
thc de. truction of woodlands for road building and airport ex pansion , advocatc
more fast-growth trcc planting to combat carhon c missions and try to prcsnvc
th e quality of the existing woodlands. Thcs<:' in r . . ce nt years have b e ' 11 badly
affected by disease from fungí, parasites an<l p ests, unrcasonablc klling anJ
storm damage in 1987, 1990 and the 2000s. Th crc was scrious storm <lamagc in
October 2013 which r sulted in fallen trees, pow r cuts, traftic e haos, destruc-
tion of property, dca ths and cco nomi c loss.

Energy resources

Primary en ergy sounTs in tlw l JK :1rv oil, gas, nuclear power, hy<lro-powcr, coal
and other rencw,1hlt-s. Tlw rnost important secondary source ge ne ratcd from
th cse is electricil . Ahll11I 2(Hl,(HHl ¡work work in cnergy production; thrcc of
Britain's largcst rn111p ;111i( ·s (Slwll, BP ami British Gas) are in this sector; and
 The country 45

t.h nergy industries ac ountcd for 2.9 per cent of GDP in 2017 as part of th c
industry and manufacturing scctors. Most energy companies are privatized, but
th en: is criticism about th cir scrvices, regulation and prices, esp ' ·ially thosc
supplying gas and elcctri c ity for reside ntial heating. There are also problcms
with cncrgy sources and conccrns about pollution and environme ntal damage
arising from th cir cxploitation.
Elcctri c ity was produccd in 2016 by various powe r stations and hydro-
clectric locations from coa! (~) per cent), gas ( 42 pcr e ' nt), nuclear powcr (14
¡,er ce nt) anJ rrncwablc cncrgy 5.5 pcr ce nt. Most ckctricity dcmand comes
h·om c ncrgy in<lustry use (_8 ¡,cr Cl'nt), industry (2~) pcr ce nt), transport ( 1 pcr
cent), rcsidcntial (33 pcr cent) and othcr uscrs (29 pc r cent). This d c mand is
cstimat ,d to in crc ase hy 50 pc r cent ovc r thc nl'x t 20-40 ycars.
Sincc 1 ~)80, Britain haJ produccd most of its own c nngy nccds. This was
<lue to thc growth in off-shor · oil an<l gas supplics, which madc a crucial contri-
bution to thc c·conomy and to thc balan ce of paymc nts through thc cx port of
crudc oil , oil products and gas. Multinalion al companies opcratcd undc r gov-
ernmcnt !icen T and cxlractcd th cse (now dcdining) Fucls from th c North Sea
and Atlantic ticlds.
Howev<. r, hccausc of high extra clion ratl's, su¡,plics oF tril and gas will
dccrease in thc twc nty-tirst c:c ntury ami th 'fC' is alrcady a J cpcndcncc on
impo rtl'd gas and oil from Europe and globally. Tlw dcVl'lo¡,m c nl of' cx isting
rcso urces and th c scarch for altcrnative forrns oF cncrgy are nucial for Britain
and its l conomy. More dchate is nccdL·d é-lbout thc roles of' coal and nuclear
powc r and rcscarch is rcquircd 1nto re,wwahlc c nc rgy such as biomass, sola,~
wi nd, wavc and tidal pown.
Coa! has dcclinLd as an c nergy rc·sourct·, and thcre ar<' ohjcction s to its
use on pollution grounds. Aft.cr a rcduction in tlw workforcc and tlw closurc
of uncconomi c pits in tlw 1980s, thc rnal induslry vvas privatizcd. But mal is
cxpcnsivc and thcr ' is a la ·k ol" dcmand From hig consumcrs, such as powl'r
stations, whi c:h use gas, oil and chea p coa! imports. Thcrc havc heen more pit
closurcs and the futurc of" coa! is un -crtain . Ck·ancr coal-hurning power stations
might be altcrnativcs, but ca pturing thcir carhon ·missions is cx pcnsivc. Yct
mon:· fossil-hurning power stations may have to he built in thc n ' xt 15 ycars to
rnct t Britain 's · lcctri city nccds.
Thc latt:st sourcc of potcntial energy in th c UK has hecn thc discovcry of
gas and oil shak r ·serves within un<l crground formations in th c north crn, ce n-
tral and southcrn arcas of th country. Oil and gas is rccovcrcd through a 'frack-
ing' process, which blasts th c shalc dc posits and allows them to b e hrought to
thc surfocc. It is cstimatcd th at shalc resources co ul<l be consid rabie, profit-
abk and contributc to Britain's ncc<l for more cncrgy. But protesters campaign
against such mining on hcalth , safc ty and c nvironmental grounds. Comparcd
w ith North Amcrica, thc shal e geology of thc UK is more complex and rccovcry
more Jifticult. Thc government has concludcd that the environme ntal ri. ks of
The coun t ry

ATLANTIC
OIL
FIELDS

NORTH SEA
OILAND
GAS FIELDS

100 km
100 miles

1 Scotland 5 North East 9 Eost

2 Northern lreland 6 Yorkshire/Humber 1O London
3 Wales 7 East Midlands 11 South Eost
4 North West 8 West Midlands l 2 South West

o Nuclear power stations Dorma nt/active coalfields

x Coal-, gas- or oil-fired O Hydro-electric power stations
power stations

FIGURE 2 .3 English regions (4-12), devolved oreas ( 1-3) and energy sources

shale exploration are sm all and m anagea ble, and allowed controlled drilling in
December 2012 . But th e r we re latc r underground earthqu akes in sorne ar as
and frackin g has heen suspl nclecl.
The exp ansio n of nud e,ir powe r (partially privatized in 1996) to sa tisíy
energy needs h as bce n un ccrLii n ,rnd suhject to conflicting plans and opinions,
although the Lahou r govt•rnnwnt in 2005 indicated that it wanted to replace
 The country

agcing reactors and bujld more nuclear stations to cope with global warming,
a decr ' ase in oil and gas supplics and obligabons to reduce carbon emissions.
1-lowevcr, expansion was halt ~d beca use of government un ccrtainty about
nuclear <:.nergy and publi - oppo. ition to nucl ear facilities; thc dang r of radio-
~ictive leaks; th e r 'proccs. ing of nuclear waste at the Thorp and Sellatiel<l p]ants
in north-wcst England; and the dumping of radioactive waste at sea.
According to thc UK Encrgy Rcs -' arch C ntre (UKERC) in 2013, attitudes
in Britain to nu ·kar powcr ha<l b ccome more positivc in rect.nt ycars with
32 p cr cent supporting it an<l 29 pcr cent opposing, with fcwc r pcoplc want-
in g to scc nuclear powcr phascd out or shut down (40 pcr cent). Tlwrc is a
sub ·tantia] leve] of public concern ovcr thc storag ~ of ra<lioactive wastc an<l
nuclear accidcnts, but worrics over nuckar powcr in Britain havc droppc<l to
4 7 pc r cent and th e numhcr of pcoplc who agrcc that thc be n +its of nuclear
rowcr outwcigh thc risks has incrcascd to 37 pc r cent. Howcvcr, although thc
la test nuclear powc r station at Hinklcy Point, in Somcrsct, is bcing built, tht'lT
ar ' saft.'ty and hnancia] Ji·Hicultics assoc:iatcd with its rnnstruction. Mcanwhik
rlans for a ncw nuclear powcr station in Cumbria havc hccn scrappcJ aftcr thc
.lapan <: sc Toshiba company wound up thc UK unit hchind thc prnjcct. This was
a blow to thc British govcrnmcnt's plans for a lll'w nudl'ar and cncrgy poli cy,
which woukl havc gcncratcd sorne 7 pcr cent of UK ckctricity

PLATE 2.6 Nuclear fue! and waste from Britain and other countries are controversially repro-
cessed at Sellafield, Cumbria, England , so that they can be used again or safely stored .
© Graham Barclay /BWP Med ia/Getty lmages
 The country

Alternative forms of rencwahk l'1wrgy are becoming more important in

Britain's attcmpts to solve the country's heating problems in cheap and effec-
tive ways. Electricity generation by win<l power is already operative on lan<l and
at sea, although thcre is opposition to wind turbines in the countrysidc, as well
as doubts about thc cconomic viability of wind as a reliablc and constant powcr
sourcc. Thc use of tidal and wave power is being impleme nted on sorne coasts
and estuaries, and solar cnergy is already provided, with plans for more rescarch .
These, and other, forms of renewable energy such as biomass and th e excavation
ofheat from rocks and th e earth's corear important for Britain's futurc c ncrgy
needs, particularly as cnvironmental conccrns grow. But thcir prese nt capacity
is only 5 pcr cent of ener6,y production. Th e govcrnmcnt wishes to incrcase this
to 15 per cent by 201 5 and 20 pcr cent by 2020, Jargcly from win<l, solar and
nuclear sources of energy.
However, critics arguc that insufficicnt rcsearch and funds are b 'ing
de: voted to such altcrnative supplics; that the potcntiaJ of nuclear powcr has
not been suH-iciently investigatcd; that not 'nough consi<leration has b ee n giv n
to a clcancr coal sector with reactivated coa! min es; and that in<lustry should
be encouragcd to use more envirnnmcntally fri endly tcchnology to cut harmful
emissions. Britain's dom~stic and industrial encrgy usage has improvcd and its
consumption is lowcr than industrial nations such as In<lia and China. But the
provision of cheap and cnvironmentally suitahlc encrgy for hoth Jomcsti c and
industrial use is a big probl em for Britain and <lomestic 'ncrgy pri ccs havc riscn
stccply in rece nt years.

Transport and communications

Transport an<l communications are dividcd between thc public and private
scctors of the economy, and most formcr state busin esses havc bccn privat-
ized. Railways, roads, shipping and civil aviation providc thc country's transport
systcm. British Telecom, tdecommunications companies, thc privatizc<l Royal
Mail (2014), prívate postal dclivcry firms and thc publi c Post Off-ice supply
most communications nccds.

Transport
Central state agencies and local government are rcsponsible for diHerent types
of road in the road network. Motorways and trunk roads are th e large: st ele-
ments, carry most of the passenger traffic and hcavy goo<ls vchiclcs and are con-
troll ed by the Highways Agency, and smaller roads are the responsihility of local
government. Yet many roads are in poor condition (potholes may frcquently
develop following bad wintc r weather, for examplc_), do not mect the top safety
ratings and are unablc lo handk thc number of vehicles on thcm, resulting in
 The country 49
.,
A~
_:T
.
1;rilain having th e h eaviest road traffic co ngestion in Europe. Expansion 1 mod-
, ·rn ization and repair of roads are environmentally damaging1 expensive1 often
, , ,ntroversial and usually inadequate to m eet th e estimated future number of
\"\' hieles. Whil e govcrnments have atte mpted to cut th e de mand for road space
.,mi to p ersuade drive rs to adopt alte rnative m cthods of transport1 more road
1111i lding is h eing ca rri cd out to sati sfy infrastructurc nee<ls and traflic flows .
1 ll)Wever1 tinan cial aid f'ór roads may be nefit from a major upgra<ling of thc
1.1ilway nctwork to supply raíl conn ections for north ' rn English citic5i following
, 1,11troversial proposals for a High Speed 2 ( HS2) routc from Lon<lon to the
111, rth via Birmingh am and th c construction of Crossrail in Lon<lon.
According to th c O 'partment forTransport thnc w ' IT 3~).4 million liu' nscd
,·, ·hieles on th c road in Great Britain in 2018 1 of whi ch th ' largc majority wcrc
¡1riva te ca rs. N cw registrations by vchicle typc werc cars (32.5 m), light vans
(·l.1 m) 1 motorcyclt's (l.4 m), h eavy goo<ls vchi c ks (HGVs) (525,000), busl's
.111d coa h es (164,000) ami oth er vchicks (776,000) . Car transport is most pop-
1d ;1r and acco unts for sorne 85 pcr ce nt of passL'nge r mikagl', whik husL'S ami
, 1 ,;ichcs only take about 0.4 pcr cent an<l thcir numhcr has falkn sinn· 200S.
D es pite Britain 's ve ry high roa<l <ll'nsity, it <loes haw a 1Tlativl'ly good sali..- ty
1n ·ord in which road acci<lcnts an<l cas ualtics havc dt-c1-casL·d ovt·r tinll', hut
.11l ' now in nl'asing qui ckly again. J\ttl'mpts to c urh acc iLknts, nrngcslion and
·.¡wcding by introJudng more road taxcs, sati..'ty modiii c 1tions cm H( ;v.., ami
·.¡w ,J camnas to control aggrl'ssivl' drive rs arl' co ntrovnsial and ar(' opposl.'d
li\' rnotorists. Dcspitc thc intro<luction ol" more cyc k lc11ws, road nrnditions l<.>r
, yl: lists are inadt·quatc, are hl'low comparahk EurnpL',111 slandards, ami l~1tal
.1, t ide nts hctwccn drive rs anJ cycli sts havc hcnrn1 c morL' frL·quvnt. MorL' polín·
.1, t ion is hL·ing ta kt·n against drivers who tcx t a nd phon · ,1l th L' wlll'v l a mi who
, 111 not use scat hdts, and hight' r iincs arl' lwing imposl'd for dangcrous molor-
,,-;1y driv ing.
Prívate road haulage h as a domin ,111l position in thc movt·rr1t·nl ol' inland
l1c·ight . HGVs have hccomc mu c h largL·r ami an-ounl for tlw grl'atc'r part of
1 l1is m arkct. Campaigncrs havl' long argucd li.)r th c transkr ol" road hatdagL' lo
1 lw railwa ys anJ thc inland watcrways ( ca nals). But thl' walcrways, organií'.l'd

l,y t hc puhl icl y owneJ ílritish Watnways in Scotland and tlw charitahll' Ca 1d
.111d RiverTrust in England anJ Waks are USL'd only for a small amounl of Fn ·ight
l 1:rnsportation beca use of cost, although th L'Y are popular li.lr rcncational pur-

l'llSCS. Thc use of rail fn·ight, howcvcr, is innl'asing l<.>r hulk comrnoditit·s.
Puh li c bus serv iccs have <lcclincd, particularly in rural arcas, lwc,1t1sc.- ol"
1 lw increascd cost of providing th c scrv icL·s anJ passc ngc r uptakc, whi ch has

11H·vitably kd to in c rcascd prívate ca r usagc anJ morl' co ng 'Stion. Co nscrvalivl'

,l',1> vcrnm c nts J c rcgulated bus opcrations to e ncouragt' compl'lition and many
l11t·cil bus co mpani cs h avc now b ec n privatiznl, with sorne local govnnml'nl
•.i il,sidics. Thcn' has bL ' ll a consi<lcrabl · ex pansion in privat<:' long-<lista ncc

,·-" press ·oach se rvi ccs, such as National Express, which are ch eaper than the
 The coun t ry

PLATE 2.7 An updated model (2012) of the popu lar Rou temaster double-decker bus, travels
along Piccadilly post Green Park, London . © A lan Moore/ A lamy Stock Photo

railways, hut bus servi< es gcncrally in Britain ar<.' undcrFumkd and inadcquatc
for potential d c mand . Thcrc is a lac:k of cornpl'tition and insuHicicnt rcgulation
of th e bus industry and its suhsidy structurl.
The world 's first puhlic passcngcr stcam railway opcncd in I H25 lwtwcrn
Stockton an<l Darlington in north-cast England. /\ft.cr ·100 ycélrs ol" privall' opn-
ation, th e railways beca mc statc-owncd in 1947, hcror ' bcing privati:t.cd ag~lin in
] 997. One company (Nctwork Rail) now owns th c railway lincs ami sonw st,1tinns
while th e trains are owned hy 27 privatc regional companil'S (such as Virgin East
Coast, Virgin West Coast, Stagecoach, National Express, Arriva and East Midlands
Trains), which fr qucntly changc naml'S or c.:casc opcration. Thc gowmnwnt suh-
sidizes anJ ultimately co ntrols thc railways. Thc.rc are frcqucnt ca lls for tl1l' railway
system to be renationali zed an<l constant criticism of its privatizt·d performance.
Rail scrvices acco unt for so rne 5 pc r ce nt of all passcngcr mikagc ami nn1-
sist of a fast intercity nctwork, linking all th c main British crntrcs; local trnins
which supply regional n eeds; and commutl r scrviccs in an<l around tlw largl'
areas of population, particularly London an<l south-cast England. lncrcascd
clcctrification oflincs an<l th e introduction of <licsc l trains such as thl' 1ntl' r-C ity
125s trave1ling ata maximum spe d of 125 mph (201 km/h), have improvcd
rail journcys. Howcvcr, such speeds and facilities are still inkrior to thosc in
othe r countri cs and currcnt railway tracks in Britain do not pcrmit th c grcatcr
sp eeds available to n ew er trains.
 T he country 51
.,
A~
;.T
Many railway lin es and trains are ol<l and need replacing, and privatization
has not sol ved prohlcms of tinancing and lac k of adequate servi c s. A number
1l fatal -rash es in rcc ~nt ycars and th e resulting rcpair oflargc s ~ction s of track
·aused chaos in th e railway nctwork and drew attention to th e shortcomings
()f the syst e m. Th e situation has slowly rcturncd to normal; passe nge r totals are
rap idly incrcasing; ncwcr trains are bcing introdu cc<l on W cst and East Coast
scrvi ·es; and therl' are controvcrsial plans ( HS2) fnr thl' construction of fast-
train railways on routl's from London via Birmingham to thc north. But thcn' is
still much criticism about thl' pcrformann.> s of thl' raíl compani cs, farc incrl'ascs,
nvercrowding, train conditions, dclays, unpunctuality, inadcquatc staffing kvds
;md poor scrvin~s.
Similar complaints are maLk about tlw Londnn lJndcrground sys tc m ( thc
Tuh e ), which cowrs 2S4 miks ( 40H km) ol' railw;1y linc in thL' ca pital, ami has
he .n partly rrivatizl'd . lt is argucd that tlw inadcquatt· statt· of Britain 's railways
is duc to unckrl'unding, at a tim e ol' ilH.TL'asing dcrn ;111d, with cx pc nditurc· a nd
statc suhsidi cs hc ing hc low Europcan é1vnagL'S, dcspilc prolits for thc railway
1:ompanil's. But a largL' projc..-ct, Crossrail, is building 21 km of nl'w tunnels
un<lcr n :ntn:il l .ondon linking tuhc st;.1tions in tlw Wl'St a11d l'é:ISt, which should
great ly lwrwlit travcl withi11 l.ondon and onward co n1H.-ctions to anJ from othcr
ra rts ol' thc..· country. But tlw com rktion date hc1s hl'l 'll pus lwd hack lwc:au sc or
construction dcla ys.
Thc Channd 'fonnd, originc1ll y run h y a 1:rcm·h/British privatL· compa11 y,
Euro tu111wl , opt·1wd in 1~)q4 unJc..·r thl' E11glish ( ' ha111wl with two tcrrninals,
l·olkcstonc ( near Dowr) and Co4ul'lk·s ( 1war C 1Liis), lwing 31 n1iks ( 50 km)
ap art. lt is now rna11agcd ;111J opc rntl'd hy ;1 puhli c co mpany, Gctlink (2007),
hascJ in l\.,ris. lt was nw;mt to improvl· p:,ssl·ngn a nd l'n·ight rail travel twtwt'l'l1
Britain and 111;1inland Eurnpc..· ;111d has takl'll husincss l'rrnn sea/frrry scrvices. lt
providt·s a drivc-on , driw-oll shuttll' scrvin· lc.)r l·;1rs, co;1dws and frcight vchi-
cle, ;:inJ also <'ams rt 'VL'IHH' l'rom ra~scngcr tr~1ins (su c h as Eurostar) from thc
re novatcd (2007) St Paneras lnt<'rnational St;1tion in l .011don. A high-specd mil
cornwdion (1 IS 1) hctwcc n /\shllm.l st;1tion in Kl'nl a11d London has hel'n com-
pl ' tl'd and it is plann cd to hring donwstil· trains l'ron1 tlw rL·st of Britain into th c
Euro¡w a n huh ,1t St Paneras. Tlw C han,wl Tunn<'I snvin·s arl' rd atiwly cHic icnt,
although scrious hrca kdowns ,111d dcL1 ys on : urrcd in thc wintl'r of 200~). But
thcrc ar¡wars to haw hn·n littlc disc uss io n ahout tlw ownnship and usa gl' of
the Tunncl élh:cr Brcx it, in cluding tlw possihility o!' horder chcc ks.
Tlwrc are ovcr 300 sea¡wrts in Brit;iin , hut most a1T small con c ·rns. Thc
b iggcr ports, su ch as C lydc, l.c ith, Dovn, lrnrningham , I Iull, Grimshy, South-
ampton, Fclixstowe ami .,anlil{ snvi n· mnst of thc tradl' and passenger travcl
r "quircnwnts. Th c shipping tkl't has d cdin cd sin cc its peak ye ar of 19 75, with
thc cargo markct now dominatcd hy a sm;1ll numhn of large private sector
groups and contain e r rorts. Yct ~)5 pcr cent of Brita in 's ove rseas trade (.by value)
is carried by sea and until recently UK rorts h andkd a greate r weight of gnods
The coun try

than any o ther in Europe. Although m ost p assenger ports havc b ee n privatize d
and passcnger milcage has b een re duccd, th e Port of Dovcr is E urop 's busi-
cst ferry p o rt. Cargo and passenger traffic may d ecline furthcr due to p ot e n-
ti al competition with th e Channel Tunnel and aviation . Thc n egativ ~ cffect of
Brexit upo n all th cse activiti es could b e very serious.
According to thc Civil Aviation Authority (CM) statistics, Britain's civ il
aviation system acco unted for 288 million p assengers in 2017 and is now wholly
in the privatc sector followin g th e privatizatio n of th e form c r statc-o wn <: d air-
line, British Airways, in 1987 . The re are oth er carricrs, such as Virgin Atlantic
anJ A cr Lingus, whi c h run schedul ed an<l chartcr passengcr servi ccs on d om es-
tic and intc rnational routes, as w cll as air frc ight serviccs. Passcngcr mileag, has
increascd dramatically since 2007 and thcrc has al so h ce n signif-i -ant growth in
low-cost airlin cs, such as casyJ et, FlyBc and Ryanair ( l:.urop<.> 's largcst airlin c in
tcrms of passcnge rs carricd), whi ch compete with th e cstablish ed cani e rs. Ali
are controll cd by thc Civil Aviation Authority (CA/\), a n indep nd cnt, par-
tially privatizcd body which regulates th e in<lustry and air traffic co ntrol. NJ\TS
is th e air traffic control organization whi ch supe rvi ses aircraft movem c nts in
UK airspacc and the East ern North Atlanti c from two ce ntres in HampshirL',
England and Prestwick in Scotland. Brexit could h avc a se rious po tc ntial dh·ct
upon landings and takc-offs by British aircraft through o ut Europ anJ possibl y
furth er aficld .
There are 142 lice nsed civil aerodrom es in ílritain , o f varying size. H c ath-
row and Gatwick J\irports o utside London are th (.' largcst and husicst in t c rms
of aircraft mowmcnts. Thcsc airpo rts, t ogcth c r with Stan stc<l in south-c ast
England and Clasgo w, Edinhurgh anJ Abe rd e n in ScotlanJ hanJlc th e major-
ity of air p asse11gl' r tr;il'lic ;rnd 84 pc r e ' nt of air cargo movc m l' nts. Many oF th<..·
regional airporls, sud1 ;1s l .ut n n, M anch est cr, Liverpool , Birmingham, Bclfast,
N ew castl e, L1st M idb11ds ;1nd l .tTd s Bradford, are controllcd hy local author-
ities and pro vidt· tllt' n 1u11try's n ·111 ;1ining p assenger an<l cargo nccd s. Thc y arl'
increasing tlwir tr;11'1it·, ;111d I rn111wtitin11 lc)r passengers anJ frc ight is fi ero:- at ali
airports. Airporl 1';1t iliti t'-' ;111d l111 si1H ·sst·s m ay also fa ce considerable compli ca -
tions aftcr Bn·:-;il .
It is argw ·ti t li ;1t n ¡1;111 -' i1111 1,!' 1·\ ist i11 g a irports (partic ul arly region al fa c il-
ities) and thc p rn i-' i1111 1d 111' \V 11111 ·., \\' ill lw ne ~cssary ifBritain is to cope with
crowdcd airport -', i111 11 ·:1, 1·11 11111., 111111·1 dl· t11 é111d and competiti on from Europc,
should Brcx it ;1ll() w ., 11111 1l1·v1· l1 1¡11111'1il . Tl wsl' p rojects are also vc ry cx pe nsivc,
controversia! ;111d l'n ·q111 ·11tl \' 11¡1¡ 1 11w1 I 111 1 1·11 vironmental reaso ns b cca use of thc
constructio11 Wl 11 k. 111 1i, 1·. 1ll1 1I11111111 .111 , 1 t 1;11°1i t· t hcy would invo lve. Th e re is also
disquiet ahout ¡il:t1H · 11111 ¡•_1 ·•, 111111 111 11 11' ·, ki1 ·., nvc r Britain and carbon cmi ssions
from airc ral't. < ::111q 1. 1i ¡ ,11l'1 •, ¡11 , it c··, 1 .1¡•,. 111 1·, I llw co nstruction ofn c w runwa ys at
0

airports (sud1 ; 1., 111 ·:11111 1•\\'). l1·111·.il 11 ·111 111 ·. cd . t·:-; istin g runways and building of
ncw airports.
 The country

Th 'inadequacy of the overall British transport system arguably stems from

the lack of an integrated infrastructure of roads, railways and airports catering
for passengers and freight in a rational way. Such planning coul<l ease road con-
gcstion, satisfy de mand and improve thc cnvironment. But thesc dcvelopments
involve con. iderablc expense and Britain invests less in transport than any other
Europcan country. Govcrnments are reluctant to spend more puhlic money,
although sorne havc organized partncrships with thc prívate sector to allow the
lattcr to invest in thc state transp fft infrastructurc. }~urthcrmorc, thc gcography
anJ crowded industrial history of British citie.s and countrysi<lc militatc against
straightforward solutions.

Communications
Communications systcms in Britain are still Jividl'd hetwccn thc puhlic and
privatt sc<.:tors, hut th 'form 'f dccrcascJ consi<lcrahly in thc twcntieth <Tntury.
Thc main surrlicrs today are prívate tdccornmunications cornpanil's such as
British Tckcom (BT), thc now-privatizcd Royal Mail ami thc ruhlic Post Ofhn.' .
Tckcornmunications is <me of thc most compctitivc and r,1pidly c.:xpanding
scctors oF thc economy. British Tclccorn (BT) was originally in public owncr-
ship, hut was privatizc<l in l ~)84, has sorne 71 per cent of rnarkl't sharc and
pnwidcs dorncstíc anJ international tckphonc, hroadhand ami tckcommuni-
cations systcms, with 20 rnillion domcstíc and 8 .5 million husi1wss suhscrihcrs.
Tlwrc was rnuch criticism of BT's pt'rforrnancc aftcr privati:.-,.ation . J\lthough
sorne scrviCl' prohlcms wcr' solvcd, and it hccurn<.· an inHw' ntial world l'orcT, it
has again cxpnicnccd prohkms with its l'xpansion, tcchnical programnws and
custornL'r rdations. Howcvc1~ ah:cr disposing ol' its mobik phoiw componcnt it
has now r '-purchascd it, rl'turncd to the rnarkct, and is building ur íts sharc.
Privatc companics compete iicrcdy with British 11:lecom in a volatik rnar-
ket in whi ch husinesses cm 'rgc, mergc and disarrcar in gencrational nctworks,
iirst with Ccllnct, Vodaphonc and Orangc, sccond with C\ élnd EE and third
with 2G and 3G Sorne grow rapi<lly and are licrnseJ to providc tdccornmu-
ni cations faciliti es and dcvclop broadhand scrviccs, such as Vírgin Media, BT,
4GEE Mobilc Nctwork, EE tihrc br0c1dband an<l supcrfast phoncs anJ broad-
hand such as SG and BT.
Thc strongcst and rnost cornpctitivc -ommuni cation growth in rcccnt
years has bccn in mohik tclcphoncs and scrviccs providcd owr thc lntcrntt.
Thcn.' wcre 53. 7 rnillion rnohik phones in thc UK in 2017 and thc nurnber oF
smartphonc owncrs re ached 78 pcr cent in 201 7 (95 per e nt for those agcd
l (i- 24 J. Thc Offin., of Comrnunications ( Ofcom) found that 40 p er cent of
rnobilc owncrs accessed social networking sitcs such as Facebook and Twitter
in 2012, hcadcd the global ranking for onlinc shopping in 2011 and also sent
200 tlXt rnessages r er pcrson per month. J\ccording to the Office for National
 Th e country

Statistics (ONS) , in 2014 sonw ~ u-: 111illi()ll ;1dults (76 per cent) accesse<l thc
Internet evcry <lay and Intenwt acn ·ss hy ll1()hilt· phone had increascd bctween
201 O and 2014 from 24 p e r cent t() e¡~ ¡wr lTnt. In Great Britain, 22 million
houscholds (84 per cent) ha<l Intn11d ;1l·l·t·ss in 2014 and fixed Internet con-
n ections wcre used by 91 pcr <:l'llt ni" lwusl'hokL. Broadband Inte rnet con-
nections using fibre optic or cahlc ,w rc usc__•J by 42 per cent of houscholds
in 2013, up from 30 per cent in 2012. /\ Communications Market Report
found that household take-up of t.-1hll'l c:nm puters had almost doublc<l during
2014 to 44 p er cent at the expcnsl' o!" laptops. However, outgoing calls from
landlines decreased in 2013, cvcn though landline owncrship was nccessary
for broadband connection for sorne co mpani es such as BT. Ofcom ·oncludc<l
that the UK was becoming one of thc world's most web and gadget obscsscd
countries.
Thc Ge neral Post Office was establish cd in 1635 as a govcrnment Jcpart-
m e nt, and included thc Royal Mail delivery service. Today, the Royal Mail is a
privatized (2013) company which owns Parcelforce. It is rcspons ihlc for col-
lccting, handling and delivering sorne 80 million lctters and parcels L'V ' ry <lay. It
has sorting otfices throughout the country with sophisticat J handling cc..¡uip -
mcnt, has -.J on the postcodes which evcry address in Britain has. Parcdfon:c
Worldwidc operates domcstically and ovcrscas. Thc Royal Mail's intcrnational
conncctions and ·ustomcrs are cxpanding, but thc growth of clntronic com-
munications such as cmai l, smartphones an<l thc In ternet has maJc inroads into
its markets. Thc Royal Mail <loes not havc a monopoly on thc rnllcction anJ
d · livery of lettcrs. Li ccnsc<l competition by priva te sector couricrs and cxprcss
operators, although limitc<l, is likely to in crcasc. Th e Post OHicc continucs in
th c publi - sector anJ provides ·ounter serviccs through its outkts on thc High
Stre 't for in<lividuals. Local post officcs throughout the country (som ' of which
have hee n controvcrsially doscd in both rural and urbana reas to iiercc pro tests)
proviJc postal an<l othcr scrviccs.

Attitudes to the environment

A. grcater awareness of cnvironmt.ntal issucs in Britain coinciJcd with the risc of

th c Green movcmcnt in th e 1980s, an<l mainstream political partics l'Vl ntually
adopte<l 'gr 'en' policies with varying degrccs of commitmcnt. A.n Environmc nt
A.gency was creatcd within thc Departme nt for the Environment, Food and
Rural Affairs (Dcfra). Acts oF Parliament are supposed to safr'guard th c environ-
m ent, reduce carbon emissions and pollution, an<l p c nali1.c pollutcrs. Howcvcr,
question. are still askcd about thc cffectivcness of thesc dcvclopmcnts.
Sorne British pcople may say that thcy are worrie<l about th e dlixts of
human bchaviour on Britain's environment. But respondents to a MOR! Social
Research lnstitute poll in May 2004 felt that e nvironmcntal probkms can he
 T he country

tackled only through intemational agreemcnt and not by individual nations.

J\lthough Britain and other signatories to thc 1997 Kyoto Protocol had declared
t hat global warrning was thc greatest dangcr facing the world community, par-
ticipants at Kyoto co uld not agree on action to avert the danger to the environ-
ment of clima te changc. However, worl<l lcaders met in Paris in Decernb r 2015
with the aim of lirniting tcmpcratures to 2"C abovc pre-industrial levels, latcr
to l .5"C an<l eventually to zcro carbon cmissions by 2050.The Paris Agrc ment
was ratiticd in 201 G an<l the 2017 Onc Planct Summit in Paris produccd further
p]ans to reduce th e use of fossil fuds and to confront global warming.
Int 'rnational conccrn continuc<l at a UN climatc changt> confcrcnce in
20] 8 at Katowi cc, Poland ata tim ' wh 'n emissions wcrl· rising again and thcrc
wcrc ca l1s for morl' urgcnt, nccessary action. In Britain, environmcntal and
poHtical authorities werc critici7.ui fúr th c ir lack of strong responses to climatc
changc and extreme wcathcr, such as tlw hcsitant action on scrious tlooding
in Britain in 2013- 14. Sea levcls around Britain are rising bccause of warmcr
seas anJ sorne climate-change scicntists argue that parts of London will he suh-
mcrgcd by 21 OO.
Many British pl'oplc appcar to be unn:rtain ahout thc potentic1I conse-
quc nccs of global warming and secm unwilling to embrace prcventiVl' action
which could be p 'rsonal1y inconvenient. Many do not have an opinion about
the cnvironmcnt and havc varying vicws about how pcrsonally active and con-
. is tent thcy should be in lwlping to comhat pollution. Thcrc is sccpticisrn ahout
global warming and its allegcd human-madc origins, and climate scicntists are
oh.en distrustl'd to tel1 thc truth aboul climate changc. In a BBC/Populus poll
in l·ehruary 201 O, 25 pc r cent of rl·spondcnts <lid not think glohal warming
was taking place; 75 pcr cent said that it was a n' <1lity (a fall from 83 p<: r ce nt
in Novemhcr 2009); hut only 2G pcr cent bclievcd that climalc warming was
largely human-madc.
Individuals, companics élnd public authoritics continuc to abuse thc envi-
ronmcnt in Britain. Real conccrn still SCL'ms to be wcak and <111 lpsos MORI poli
i n Octohcr 2014 pbced pollution an<l tlw cnvironmcnt in only 16th place at (>
pcr cent in a list of 3G important issucs facing Britain. Conccrn For th e country-
. id and rural lifc was in a low 34th place at ] pc r cent.
Thc latcst British Social J\ttitudcs survcy in 2018 rc portl'd that 93 pc r cent
of Britons acknowkdgc that dimatc changc is probably happcning. But only 3~)
pe r ce nt ha<l given clirnatc changc 'a grcat dcal' or 'a lot of thought' and 2] pcr
cent had givcn it 'very littlc thought' or 'no thought at all'. Howtver, 3G pcr crn t
of respon<lcnts sai<l that climatl' changc is mainly or entirely causcd by human
a ·tivity; 53 pcr cent blamc human activity an<l natural causes equally for this;
and 95 pc r cent thought that di mate changc is at least in part caused by human
activity. But thc survcy suggestc<l only a modc ratc personal rcsponsibility to
rt>Jucc climatc changc an<l was pcssimistic that many p eople would actually
reduce th cir cncrgy use.
The country

The impact of climate changc on the UK has been increasingly evident over
the past ] 5 years and <loes concern sorne of the public. Defra itself argues that
such change is serious and that the public should alter their habits and move to
a low-carbon economy. Summer heat waves and droughts, severe cold winter
weather and summer tloods in recent years have b ecom e more frequent. The
UK is vulnerable to rising seas on its east and south coasts and wildlifc an<l the
countryside are aftected.
Sorne respondents to polls and surveys do identify specitic activities that
contribute to global warming1 such as vehide and aircraft pollution1 traffic con-
gcstion, lack of an adequate publi c transport system, e nergy production an<l
gas emissions from powcr stations. This awarcncss leads to concerns about th e
damagc ca used to personal hcalth, wildlifr and thc wider environme nt.
Britain sufte rs scrious air pollution from th e <lischarge of carbon cmissions
into the air. It aftects both urban and rural areas, is a threat to p coplc's hcalth
(particularly thc cl<lerly, asthmatics and thosc with rcspiratory problcms) a11LI
was linked for the first time in 1997 to hea rt attacks. Although pollution was
rcduced by Clean Air Acts in the 1950s an<l 19fü)s, it still regularly n~aches
dangcrously high levels, particularly in summer when pollutants mix with sun-
shinc and humid conditions to produce high ozonc lcvels. Thc number of publi c
alcrts and dcaths attributc<l to air pollution is increasing annually.
Othcr contcntious problcms, such as land usagc, are associatcd with th c
environmental debate. Agricultural, wooJlanJ and grceni-ield lan<l is usc<l
increasingly for buildin g schemes. Research survcys and opinion polis report
that som<.> peoplc are worried about the foturc of thc countrysidc and want to
stop building work and road/airport schemt's which dircctly affcct thc environ-
ment and contributc to pollution and global warming.
OHice for National Statistics (ONS) reportcd that th( main sourccs ofUK cmis-
sions in 2017 were transport (27 per cent), energy supply (24 pcr cent); business
(] 7 per cent); residential (15 per cent); agriculturc (1 Opcr cent); wastc managemcnt
(4 per cent); and other (2 per cent). Britain is supposcd to reduce it.:; grccnhouse gas
emissions by 80 per cent from 1990 levels by 2050. Although such action on cmis-
sions docs not satisfy all critics, the govemment argues that it has to reduce emissirnK
without harming the economy. It maintains that the d~velopmcnt of clcancr, more
ctlicient technology in cars, aircraft, factories and power stations wil1 reduce cmis-
sions without harming industrial production and the wider cconomy.
Pol1s show that sorne respondent,;; are prepared to makc sacrinccs to clcan
up the environment and conserve wildlife; believe that environmcntal protcction
should rate higher than economic gro-wth or the interests of companics; fix.l that
the govemment should protcct thc vnvironment; and that environmcntal problcms
should be tackled morv a<:tiwly. Yd such vicws do not always lead to susta incd sen-
sitive or effectiw hchaviour and tlwn· is sti11 widespread en vironme ntal damage in
rural and urban arcas hn ·;H1sv ni" industri é-1! agricultura] and individual behaviour. lt
1

is argued that gowrnn1t·11l ami indu.stry alonc cannot solvc the problems and that a
widespread cultun: ol" t·11vinll111w11t:di.s n1 must be developed in Britain.
 The country

Sorne p eople in Britain do take specific m easures themselves, such as using

energy saving light bulbs and cutting down on the use of plastic bags (a charge
in shops of Sp in England and Wales, 2014) and recycling household rubbish
to reduce domestic cncrgy use. Recycling has b een relatively successful, but it
is argued that targcts need to b e high e r, thc practice of using landfill to bury
hous hold waste nccds to be cut, and waste should b e uscd to produce e nergy
by incineration ( opposcd by sorn e ) and composting.
Yet prcvcntive action to protect th c cnvironmcnt on individual and cor-
porate levels is often insufficie nt. Controls and planning rules may la -k force;
polluters e vade rcgulations an<l taxes or suff-er only minor tin es; in suflici cnt
prcssurc is put on companics to modc rnizc th eir fac ilities, adopt clcaner tcch-
nology and fil e e nvironmcntal re ports on th e ir activiti <:'s; and therc are disputes
over protection costs bctwccn local and ce ntral govcrnmc nt. Critics co nsidc r
that governm cnt policies and ncw resourccs h avc not improvcd th c cnviron-
m cnt. Following serious floods in 2014, thcn. was a d c mand for more urgt' nt
action to be takc n hy gove rnmcnt, but Littlc bcli ef that this woulJ happcn .
Two spccitic transport ar -as, vchidc and airrraft usagc, havc becn wi<lL'ly
i<lcntificJ as largc contributors to carbon cmissions in Britain, which ·ould he
tackk<l ata pcrsonally aware lcvcl. Environmmtal d amage will incn.'élSL' as thc
detcrioration in publi c transport anJ any r<." duction in pctrol priccs persuade
more pcopk to use privatc ve hi eles and ch t ap air trave l. Scvcnty-1<.)Ur pcr cent
of rcspondcnts to British Soc ial J\ttituc.ks 2013 vicwed vans and lorrics as hav-
ing tlw higgcst ovcrall impact on climate change; 65 per ce nt saiJ cars; 54 pcr
ce nt hlamcd aeroplan cs and 44 pc r e ' nt thought it was buses an<l coach cs. Cars
and ac roplan cs in fact are th c two forms of tran sport with thc highest gas crnis-
sions, accounting for a largc pcrcc ntagc of th e UK transport total.
Rcspondcnts also acknowlcJged that climatc changc is taking pl ace ami
that human bch av iour was a partial ca use. Ninl'tce n p cr c -nt sai<l th cy wcrc
willing (3(i pe r cent unwilling) to redu ce thc amount th cy travcl hy plan c to
rcdu ·e th e impact on ·limatc change; 39 pcr cent said thcy woul<l reduce th c
amount thcy travcl by car (40 per cent wcrc unwilling); anJ 73 pe r ce nt saiJ
thcy wcrc willing to huy a car with lowcr ca rbon Jioxide cmissions. Positivc
pe rso nal action to reduce th ' dlccts of climatc changc attractcd only rl'lativdy
low pe rcc ntagc responses and low-carbon cars do not in th -msclvcs solvc the
usagc problcm, dcspite governrncnt support.
Poll results sugg ·st that Britons are ovc rly d c pc ndcnt on thc ca r (with
households owning more and bigger polluting vchiclcs ). Forty-six p cr cent of
respondents rcportc<l driving a car n early cvcry day (BSA 2013) and alterna-
tives have b een ncglcctcd, although 33 to 40 pc r cent of respondents admitted
that they co ul<l use a bus or bi cycle or walk. Howevcr, ironically, 61 p er cent
telt that it was too Jangerous for th em to cyde on the roads. Th e car is seen as
a major cnvironrn ental problem ( with 46 per cent of respondents b cing co n-
cerned about exhaust fumes in towns and citi es ). The governm ent has m ad e
attcmpts to curb its use, reduce speed limits, introduce tolls for ro ad us;1gC',
The country

restrict diesel carsJ ration roaJ sp;in· i11 L1 vrn 1r ol'huscsJ increase taxes or charges
on car usage and parking and giw 1'1111di 11 g to local sch cmcs that irnprnvc publi
transport. These efforts do not st-crn to li ;1w grcatly improved the national traf-
fic situation (or rnotorists' bchaviour), ami roa<l congestion increases.
A congestion charge was introdun·d in LondonJ whcreby owners are
charged for driving into central arc;1s. Th is initially rcduced traffic by 25 per
cent. But Britons are dividcd about using congestion zoncs and charging to
reduce traffic. Yet l3SA (2013) rcportcd that 28 per cent of Britons consid-
crcd congestion on motorways to be a problern and 45 pcr cent of respon<lcnts
thought thc sarne about congestion in towns and cities. Sixty-onc per cent of
people were also concerned about damage to the countryside frorn road builJ-
ing to resolve congcstion.
Dcspitc rising concerns since 2012 about pollution an<l congcstion, polls
suggcst that peopl e will not give up their cars casily (if at ali). Whilc a rnajor-
ity of respondents wish for better public transport, cut. in traffic pollutionJ a
rcduction of congestion and thc rcrnoval of freight frorn th e roa<ls, thcy an.· kss
kecn on rcstricting car usage. Thcy seern to acc ·pt car taxcs, charg ,s or tolls as
an inevitable part of thcir depe ndencc upon the car. Thc polis revea] that thcn:
is a large gap (an<l conflict) betwccn what pcoplc think in general should hap-
pcn and what th cy rcport that thcy are prcpared to do. Mcanwhik, car volurnc
inncascs cvcry year.
J\ircraft and their associatcd businesscs, such as airport an<l runway cxpan-
sion, are also part of thc transport an<l environrnental problcrn in Britain. How-
ever, in 13SJ\ 2013 1 66 rcr cent of respond ' nts said that prnplc shoul<l be ahlc
to travcl by planc as rnuch as thcy like, anJ 49 pcr -cnt thought so, cvcn if ncw
terminals or runways are nccdc<l to rn ect thc dcrnand. Whik 41 pcr cent agrcuJ
that th e pric ' of a plan c ti cket should rdlcct th · cnvironrnental damagL that
flyin g causes1 21 pcr crnt thought that pcopl e shoul<l be abk to travcl by planc
as rnuch as they lik<.\ even if this harrns th c cnvirnnrncnt.
Polls suggcst that most peoplc now rcaliz' that air travel <loes <lamage thc
environmcnt an<l has a s 'rious effrct on dimatc changc. But rcsponde nts sccm
willing to acccpt big riscs in air farcs to offset th' cnvironrncntal damagc causcd
by flyingJ even if this rnakcs air travcl rnuch more cxpcnsivc. Howcvcr, thcy are
arnbivalent about whcthcr thcre shoulJ be ·ven strongcr limits on tlying. Thcy
seem willing to pay charge, but are unwilling to curb usag '. Otfsctting <larnage by
high ·r prices does not rcmovc thc problcrn of incrcasing usagc. It is argucd that an
actual rcduction in vchicl and aircraft passcngcr nurnb ·rs in 2008 was causcd not
by a dcsirc to restri ct travel for cnvironrncntal rcasonsJ but by th · dh.x:ts of highcr
fue) priccs in th t. e ·onornic downturn an<l rcsultant rcccssion. Mcanwhik, thc Brit-
ish prcss continues to carry storics about thc <langcrs and dfrcts of global warrning.
British governrnents havc studic<l intcgratc<l tran sport syst ·ms ( roa<ls, rail
an<l air) to reli ev' cnvironrne ntal pn_--ssuresJ but havc not produce<l a satisfactory
rnodel. Problcms arise hccause of 13ritain 's varic<l gcography and thc <lisputcd
role of local authoritics in developmcnt. This is seen in the controversia) anJ
 The country

expensivc plans for the proposed HS2 railway line from London via Birmingham
to northern cities. It is condcmned by many because it encroachcs upon the
co untrysidc for little gain in rcduced train times, caters largely for business trav-
llers and has inconveni ent intcrmcdiate co nnections. It is difficult to implement
one overall intcgrated transport plan an<l to agree on who will pay the costs.

Exercises
Briefly define and examine the following terms, commenting on their
significance in British life:

UK Heathrow lntercity 125 Post Office

weathering Highland Britain Lough Neagh Ben Nevis
arable Channel lslands horticulture BT
CAP earth movements the Tube drought
Shetlands Edinburgh postcodes Ice Ages
BSE global warming CFP tidal
estuaries localism regionalism RDAs
devolution Strait of Dover glacier Peak District
emissions carbon gas tolls congestion
depressions ' factory farming' the Met Office GM crops
Defra CAA high pressure oreas

Write short essays on the following:

Does Britain hove an energy crisis? lf so, why?

2 Critically discuss the cases for and against nuclear energy as a heating
source.

3 Examine the impact of Britain's plan to leave the European Union upon
its agricultura! and fisheries industries.

4 Should cars be restricted on Britain's roads and banned from city

centres? Give your reasons, for and against.

5 Examine the application of the terms 'regionalism' and 'localism' to the

UK.

Further reading

1 Barnett, A. and Scruton, R. ( 1999) Town and Country, London : Vintage

2 British Attitudes to the Environment, Climate Change and Future Energy Choices (20 l O),
London : lpsos MORI, lssues lndex and Euro RSG
T h e coun t ry

3 British Social Attitudes Survey (2013) Publ ic attitudes towards transport, London : Depart-
ment for Transport
4 Champion, A.G . and Townsend, A.R . (1990) Contemporary Britain: A Geographical Per-
spective, London : Edward Arnold
5 Clapp, B.W . ( 1994) An Environmental History of Britain since the Industrial Revolution,
London : Longman
6 Connelly, J. and Smith, G . ( 1999) Politics and the Environment: From Theory to Practice,
London : Routledge
7 Gray, T. (1995) UK Environmental Politics in the 1990s, London : Macmillan
8 Harvey, G . ( 1998) The Killing of the Countryside, London : Vintage
9 Hook, D., Whyte, l. and Winchester, A. (2005) Society, Landscape and Environment in
Upland Britain, Oxford : Society for Landscape Studies, Supplementary Series 2 , Oxbow
Books
l O Regional Trends, UK National Statistics, London : Office for National Statistics
11 Tulip, K. and Michaels, L. (2004) A Rough Guide to the UK Farming Crisis, www.
corporatewatch .org .uk
12 Woodcock, N . (1994) Geo/ogy and Environment in Britain and lreland, London: Taylor &
Francis
13 Your Region, Your Choice: Revitalizing the English Regions (2002), London : The Statio-
nery Office

Websites
British Social Attitudes, London : NatCen Social Research : www.natcen .ac .uk
Office for National Statistics: www.ons .gov.uk
The Met Office: www. metoffice .gov.uk
Department of Energy and Climate Change: www.decc .gov.uk
Department for the Environment, Food and Rural Affairs : www.defra .gov.uk
Department for Transport: www.gov.uk/dft
Transport for London : www.tfl.gov.uk
Office of the Rail Regulator : www.rail-reg .gov.uk
Strategic Rail Authority: www.sta .gov.uk
Office of Telecommunications : www.oftel.gov.uk
Office of Water Services: www.open.gov.uk/ofwat
Office of Gas and Electricity Markets: www.ofgem .gov.uk
Scottish Executive: www.scotland .gov.uk
Northern lreland Executive : www.nio.gov.uk
Northern lreland Department for Regional Development: www.drdni .gov.uk
Welsh Assembly Government: www.wales .gov.uk
Countryside Commission: www.countryside .gov.uk
The Green Party: www.greenparty.org .uk
British Geological Survey: www.bgs.ac .uk
The National Archives : www.national archives.gov.uk
MORI Social Research ln stitute : www.mori .com/environment
 3
The people

■ Early scttlcmcnt to /\() l 066

■ Growth anJ immigration to the twentieth ccntury

■ Immigration from 1900

■ Ethnic groups in the UK

■ Population movcm cnts from 1900

■ Attitudes to national, ethnic and local identitics

■ Exercises

■ furth er reading

■ Websites
The people

This chaptcr describes the contcmporary human divcrsity of thc UK derivcd

from prchistoric historical movements into and out of the country; thc dcvel-
opment of national, cthnic and local identiti c,; and thc growth of an cx panded
an<l more compl x population from the lat ' nin eteenth century.
Th c British lslcs have attra 'tcd settlcrs, invaders and immigrants through-
out their history. The contemporary British are cons qucntly compose<l of peo-
ple from worldwide origins and are now <lividcd into what eventually be ·ame
th e English, Scots, Welsh and (Northcrn) lri sh. Th cse populations hav ' mixcd
roots derivcd from vari - d settl 'ment pattc rn s ovcr time. Th crc h as also bccn
considerable interna] rnigration throughout thc British Islcs (particularly in thc
nin 'tccnth ccntury) as individuals moved bctwccn th c four nations uf En gland,
Scotland, Wales an<l Ircland an<l from isol atc<l rural arcas to cxpanding urhan
locations. In a similar integration process, thc English languagc, which bin<ls
most of the pcople togcthcr linguistically in its various forms, is a mixturc of
Gcrmanic, Roman ce and oth er world languagcs.
D es -cnt patterns are important distinguishin g d cmcnts among the British
peoplcs today. Sorne in<lividuals have rclatively straightforward backgrounds
whilc oth ers may have more complcx family origins, resulting at onc lcvd from
int rmarriage h ctwccn English, lrish, Scottish ami Wclsh pcoplc. For cxamplc,
opinion polis suggest that onc in four adult Britons ( En glish, Scottish or Wdsh)
claim to have lrish roots or bloodlines in th cir anc 'Stry (although cx pcrts main-
tain that the true figure is probably eme in ten) . On th . . othcr hand sorne gene!-
1

icists argu that most Irish p cop1e carry English genes in th cir DNA and that th c
great rnajority of thc population of the islands have a common Palaeolithic gene.
Today, there are immigrant minorities with th eir own cthni c idcntiti 'S who may
have sometimes intermarri ed with the indige nous population, maintain cd their
own separate ethnic culture or eventually acquired British idcntity throu gh nat-
unili7.ation . Their children have often becn born in Britain with many bcing of
1

mixed ethnic parentage, and they may posscss scveral allegianccs in a<l<lition to
British nationality.
These historical developments have crcated a contcmporary socicty with
multinational and multi cultural characteristics. However, sin ce assirnilation
and integration processes are not always succcssful , controversia] qucstions are
asked about the meanin g of ' Britishness' as a national idcntifi cation 1 the nature
of loyalties in th c population and th e validity of govcrnrnent imrnigration and
asylurn poli cies.
 The people

Early settlement to AD 1066

There is no accurate picture of what the earliest settlement of th e present Brit-

ish Isl es was actually like and th ere wcre long p eriods when th e ancient land
mass was uninhabited. Historians and archaeologists constantly revise tradi-
tional th eories about the growth of the country as new evi<lence comes to light.
Hominid (extin ct human) Ncandcrthal groups wcrc long assumcd to b e thc
earli --st European arrivals from Africa about 500,000 ycars ago and wcrc later
followe<l by mode rn humans (/-lomo sapiens). Recent genetic resea rch argues
that N "'anderthals, while distinctive in brain size, body weight and hcight, int "'r-
bred with carly modcrn humans so that about 3 p er cent of th e DNA of today's
Europeans is Nean<lerthal in origin, and cave art discoveries in southcrn Eurupc
indicate both groups devcloped similar wcapons and artistic stylcs. But Nea n-
derthals beca me extinct for reaso ns which are still dcbated, and werc rcplaccd
by/ fumo sap-iens.
Thc earli est bones, from an ex tinct rclativc of mod 'rn humans, found
(199 3) in Britain are 500,000 y 'ars old (Boxgrovc Man, Wcst Susscx ). How-
ever, hutchcrcd animal bones an<l stonc tools discovcrc<l in East Anglia in 2002
indicatc hominid activity from 700,000 ycars ago. In 2014, human hmtprints

PLATE 3 .1 Happisburgh (Norfolk beach) ; earliest human footpri nts found in Britain 2014,
dated at 850,000 years old; fossi lized rema in s were uncovered, belong ing to a n esti mated
five individ ua ls; 3D images recorded before footpri nts destroyed by tide . © Martin Bates
 The people

about 850,000 years old were found on th c east coast shor near Happisburgh
in Norfolk, England. It is claimed th at this discovcry, long hidden by scdime nt
and th e sea, is th e earli est direct evidcn ce of a hominid presen cc in north ern
Europe. These pcoplc we re Palaeolithic (Old Stone Agc) nomads moving north-
wards through mainland Europe, who used rudimentary ston e implcmcnts. It
is lik ,)y that thcy travelled to Britain by land whcn the co untry was still mainly
joincd to th e Europcan land mass. It is argued that th c grcat majority of thc
human population of th c islands today havc a common Palacolithic g ·ne.
Mesolithi c (Middk Stone Agc) scttlers from about 8,300 HC arrivc<l hy land
and sea in th e transitional stage betwccn thc Palaeolithic and th c Neolith ic eras
and b ctwccn th c m eltin g of glacial ice caps an<l th c b eginnings of agriculturc in
th c Mi<ldlc East. Neolithic (Ncw Stonc Agc ) arrivals from 4,000 BC had a<lvancc<l
skills in stonc carving, form c<l settled agricultura! communitics, tamcd wild an i-
mals, an<l thc population incrcase<l. Sorne possihly carne by sea from mainlanJ
Europc and scttlcd in south-wcstern 13ritain. They built largc wood, soil and
stonc monumc nts, likc Stonchcngc an<l Avcbury H ·nge. Latc r arrivals (lkakc r
Folk) travcllc<l to south-cast ern I3ritain from thc Russian Steppcs about 2,450 Be,
who are idc ntificd by thc drinking cups (hcakcrs) huricd in thL·ir graves. Rcccnt
rcscarch suggcsts that more Ikakcr folk anivcJ, rcplaccd prcvious Ncolithic sl't-
tlcrs, introducc <l an ca rly Bronzc J\gc culture around 2,100 ne and form cd thc
gen -'tic anccstry of thc historie 13ritish population from Dorsl't to Orkncy.

PLATE 3.2 Aveb ury Henge, Wi ltshi re; Neolithic monu ment co nsisting of a stone circle from c.
2,600 BC. © Francisco M artinez/ Alamy Stock Photo
 from about 600 BC there was a movem ent into the islands of so-callcd
The people 6S ;.
'°~

Celtic trihcs, who have been credited with bringing an Iron Age civiüzation with
thern. Sorne possibly carne by sea from central and w estern Europe and settled
in eastc rn 13ritain, while others arrive<l frorn Iberian (Spanish-Portuguese) areas
and populatc<l Cornwall, lreland, Walcs, thc Isk of Man and western Scotland.
T h<: ir dcsccndants livc to<lay in th c samc western parts. Debates continue about
who th c Cclts actually wcrc, what th cy r "'prescnted and what the naturc of
th "'ir rdationship with ex isting groups was. lt is thought that th cy were not a
un ified national group with a single Celtic ge ne, had at lcast two main languages
an d wcrc dividcd into diffc re nt, scattc rcd tribcs with fashion-bas d cultures,
who oftc n fought with cach othcr. Thcy wcrc latcr overcomc by ' Belgic tribcs'
(a rguabl y also of Ccltic western Europcan ori gin) around 200 l3C.
Thcsc varicd groups w 'r ·' subjcctcd to a series of Roman ex pcditions from
55 ne. Thc even tual Roman military occupation of thc islands (cxcept for lrc-
la nd and most of Srn tland) lastcd from Al) 43 until An 409. Thc tcrm 'Brit-
ai n ' probahly dcriws from thc.' Crcck and Lc1tin names given to Fngland and
Waks hy th c Romans, although it may stc m from C ,Jtic originals. lt is argucd
that thc Romans Jid not mix wcll with th c existing population, whom thcy
ca lkd ' Britons', c1nd that thcir lasting social influcncc was slight. Ncwrthl·kss,
so rne Rnman Christian practiccs sprcad throughout thc islands; political and
1 gal in stitution s wcrc intr0<..lucl'<l; m·w agricultunil mcthods and produce w<.'rc
im portcd; and thcrc is still considerable physi ·al cv idc ncc of thc Rorn an prcs-
cncc thrnughout much of England.
Aftcr Roméln withJrawal in AD 409, Gcrmanic tribcs such as Anglcs (from
whi ch thc na mes' England' and 'English ' wcrc supposc<lly derivcd ), Saxons and
Jutcs from north-wcstc-rn Europe invac.kJ th 'co untry. Th ey c ithcr rnixc<l with
th · ex isting populati on or pushcd it wcstwards, although th c dcgrcc of Ji splacc-
mc nt h as bccn dispute<l. Thc country was JiviJt,J into s ·ven sc paratc, warring
Anglo-Sax<Jn kingdoms in Engl and, with isolatcJ 'Cclti c' arcas in Walcs, Scot-
la nd and Ircland.
Thcsc rcgions sulfcrcd from Scandinavian (Viking) military invas ions in
the cighth anJ ninth ·cn turics AD, until thc Scandinavians wc1-c defea tcd in
England, Scotland and Ircl and in thc tcnth to clcvcnth -cnturi cs. Th 'Sca n<lina-
via n prcscncc, aftcr initi al 11 'Ctin g raids, was rcfl 'ctcd in sorne pc rman c nt settle-
m ·nt, intcgration of' pco pks, farming, political instituti o ns an<l thc adaptation
of Scan<linavian words.
Early English history was complctcd whcn th e Anglo-Saxons were defea ted
by Frcnch-Norman invadcrs at thc 13attlc of Hastings in AD l 066 and England
was suhjcctc<l to thei r rule. Th c Norman Conquest was a watershed in English
history and markcd th c last succcssfu l cxte rnal military invasion of the country.
Thc Normans influcnccd thc English and thcir languagc (French was used by the
nohility for 300 years) an<l initiatcd man y social, legal and institutional frame-
works, such as a fe udal systc m, which wcrc to charact erize future British society.
The people

Celtic groups continued in what are now Wal es, Scotland and lreland,
which were divide<l into separate (anJ ofren warring) kingJoms, tribes and clans.
Anglo-Norman rule of Ireland and Wales was initially patchy an<l was not suc-
ce:.ssfully imposed upon Scotland. Th latter was inhabited (cxcept for Angl es
in the south) by the original Picts and later Scots (Scotti) from lrelan<l who
colonizcd western Scotlan<l (AD 200-400), giving th eir name to prcscnt-day
Scotl and .
Diff 're nt pcoples had thus cnte rcd the British Islcs from th c south-wcst,
th e east and th c north by l 066. But scttlem cnt was oft:en hindcrcd by climati c
and geographical obstaclcs, p articularly in the north anJ west. Many carly ncw-
comers con ce ntratcd in south ern l: nglan<l and settle mc nt patte rns wcrc not
unifórm ovcr all of th e co untry at th c . ame time. Dcs pitc sorne int ' rmin gling
bctwe:.e n the various settlcrs, th crc wcrc cthnic diffácnccs and gcographi cal
scp aration betwccn th c English an<l th ' pcopl , of lreland, Walcs and Scotlan<l,
as well as varyin g id 'ntitics bctwccn groups in all th c rnuntrics. It is this mi x-
ture, increase: d by latcr immigration and inte rna! migration, which has pro<luccd
ethnic and national div crsity in Britain .
Thc early settl e mc nt and invasion movc mcnts substantially atfcctcd thc
devcloping fabric of British lifc and hmncd th c lirst tl ntativc foundation s of
th e modcrn state. Ncwcomcrs som times tricd to imposc thl'ir cultures on tlw
cxisting socicty, as well as adopting sorne of tlw nativc charactcristics. ToJ ay
thcrc are fc w British town s that lack an y physical cvidcncc of th c successivc
changes. Thc invaJcrs and scttlcrs also intlucnccd social, legal, cconomic, politi-
cal, agricultura!, cultural and administrativc institutions and contributed to thc
cvolving languagc.
Th 're are no rcalistic population figures for thc carly British Islcs. Thc
nomadi c lifestylc of groups of possibl y up to 20 pcoplc sce ms gradually to
h avc bee n replaccd by m ore permanent farmin g scttkmc nts of a fcw hundr ,J
inhabitants. It is ~stimated, fo r cxample, th at th c English population during th c

TABLE 3.L Early settlement to AD l 066

c. 850,000 BC Palaeolithic (Old Stone Age)

c. 8,300 BC Mesolithic (Middle Stone Age)
c . 4,000 BC Neolithic (New Stone Age)
c . 2,000 BC Beaker Folk (Bronze Age)
c . 600 BC 'Celtic' groups (lron Age)
c. 200 BC 'Belgic' tribes
AD 43 The Romans
AD 410 Germanic tribes (Anglo-Saxons)
Eighth to eleventh centuries The Scandinavians
AD l 066 The Norman Conquest
 The peop le

Roman oc upation was 1 million . By the Norman p eriod, the elcvcnth-ce ntury
Dom esday 13ook showed an increase to 2 million. The Domesd ay Book was thc
firs t systemati c attc mpt to evaluate En gland 's w ealth and p opulation, mainly
for taxatio n purposcs.

Growth and immigration to the twentieth century

England, Scotl an<l, Wales and lre land had dcvelo ped more clca rly d -,f-in ed ide n-
titi cs anJ gcographi cal arcas by thc tw clfth ce ntury, although 'tribal ' and royal-
ist confli ct (rath cr than nation al unity) continu cd in thc fo ur nations. Politi cal
an<l military atte mpts w re madc by Englan<l ovcr su ·ccssivc ce nturi cs to unitc
Wal 'S, Scotl and and Ircland und cr th t· En gli sh C rown . En glish monarchs tricJ
to conc.¡uc r o r all y th c mscl vcs with th csc co untrics as protecti o n against th rcats
fro m w ithin thc isla n<ls and fro m contin e ntal Europc, as wcll as Í<.>r in crcascd
powcr and posscssions. Inte rn a! colonization anJ po litical unii, cation of thc
islands gradually c rca tcJ tht' British statc. This proccss was accompanic<l hy
ficrcc anJ hloo<l y strugglcs bctwc ·n and within th c nations, ofo.' n rcsultin g in
lasting tc nsions anJ hittcnwss.
Ircland was invackd by He nry II in l 16~) . Parts oF th c country wc n.' occtt-
picd hy J\n glo-Norman nohks, but littk dircct ro yal auth ority was initi all y

PLATE 3 .3 A Northern lrela nd parade of l 7 March 2009 set off fro m Belfast C ity Hall to
ce lebra te St Patrick's Day. St Patrick is the patron sa int of lrelan d . Secu rity was observed ,
but the armed pol ice on duty joined in with the spirit of the day after years of the Troubles .
© Alan Lewis/Shutterstock
68 The people

exercised from England. More cxtcnsivc later colonization of Irdand by thc

English an<l the Scots became a our<.-c of conflict betwccn th e countries, but it
also lcd to lrish scttlements in Scotlan<l, London and west coast ports like Liv-
erpool. Ireland b ecam e part of the United Kingdom in 1801 but, aftcr p eriods
of violcnce and political unrest, was divided in 1921 into th e lrish Free Stat<:.
(ev ntually to b ccom e th Republic of Ireland in 1949) and Northern lrclan<l
(which rcmains part of th e UK).
Walcs, after Roman control, remained a Celtic country, although influencc<l
by Anglo-Norman and Angevin-Plantagcnct England. Between 1282 and 1285
Edward I's military campaign brought Wales under English rule, and he:. built
ca tles and dc ploye<l defensive garrisons. Apart from a p riod of fr<:.edom in
1402- 7, Wales was integrated legally and administratively with England by J\cts
of Un ion h tween ] 536 and 1542.
Thc English also trie<l to co nqucr Scotlan<l by military force, but wcre ulti-
matcly repulscd at th e Battlc of Bannockburn in 1314. Scotland remainc<l in<l<:'-
pcndc nt until th c political union bctween th c two countrics in 1707, whe n thc
crcation of Great 13ritain CEngland/WalEs and Scotland) took place. How<:ve r,
Scotland an<l EnglanJ ha<l shared a common monarch since 1603 wh e n James VI
of Scotland beca me James l of Englan<l ( th e dynastic lJnion of thc Two Crowns ).

PLATE 3.4 Chi ld ren celebrate St David's Doy (St David being the patron saint of Wales) by
dressing up in national costume and waving Welsh dragon fl ags, Cardi ff, 1991 . © Vivien
Jones/Shutterstock
 The people

England, Wales and Scotland had m eanwhile b ecom e predominantly Prot-

stant a a result of the European Reformation and H enry VII['s break with
Rome. rreland remained Catholic and tried to distance itsclf from England, thus
adding religion to colonialism as a foundation for foture problems.
Contcmporary Brjtain thcreforc is not a single, homogen -'ous country, but
rather a recent and potcntially unstable union of four old nations. Great Britain
( 1707) is only slightly older than thc USA (often regarded as a young country)
and th c Unitcd Kin gdom {1801) is youngcr than both . Nor did the political
unio ns greatly alter thc rdationships between the four nations. The English often
trcatcd th eir ncighbours as colonial subj ccts rather than cqual partners and Eng-
lish n -' SS bccamc a powcrful strand in dcvcloping con cepts of 13Jitishncss, bccaust:
of the <lominant role that En glan<l has playcd in the tórmation of Britain.
Howcvc,~ dcspitc th ' tcnsions an<l bittcrn css b 'twccn thc four nations,
thcrc was inte rna] migration b ctwccn thcm. This mainly involvc<l lrish, Welsh
and Scottish p coplc moving to England. Fcw English e migratcd to Walcs an<l
, cotland, although th erc was English an<l Scottish scttlcmcnt in lrclan<l ovcr
the ccnturics.

PLATE 3.5 Scottish piper in

traditiona l dress, with ki lt and
sporran , playing the bagpipes, Loch
Broom in the Scottish Highlands.
© Chad Ehlers/Stock Connection/
Shutterstock
The people

Immigration from abroad into th1..' British Isles also continued due to fac-
tors such as rdigious and political pcrsecution, trade, business and e mploy-
mcnt. Immigrants have had a significant impact on British society. Th ey have
contributcd to financial institutions, commerce, industry and agriculture, an<l
influcncc<l artistic, cultural and political developments. Yet immigrant activity
and succcss havc also resulted in jealousy, discrimination an<l violence from th e
indigenous populations.
In addition to political integration, intcrnal migration and immigration
from ovcrscas, Britain's growth and the mixing of its people were also condi-
tioned first by a series of agricultural changes and sccond by a numbcr of latcr
industrial revolutions. Agricultura] dcvclopmcnts started with N eolithic scttlers
and continucd with thc Saxons in England who cleared the forests, cultivated
crops and introduced inve ntions and equipment which rcrnaincd in use for ccn-
turies. Their open-field system of farming (with strips of lan<l worh·d by local
peo plc) was latcr rcplaccd by widcsprcad sh -cp-hcrding and wool pro<luction .
Britain expande<l agriculturally an<l commcrcially From thc clcvcnth cc ntury,
and also create<l manufacturing industries.
lmmigration was associatcd with finan cia}, agricultura! and industrial skills.
Jew ish moncy-lcn<lcrs cntcrcd England with thc Norman Conquest, to O<.:' fol-
lowed latcr by LornbarJ bankers from northcrn Italy. This commcrcial 'Xpcrtis1..'
crcatcd grcatcr wcalth which was influcnccd by thc mcrchants of thc Gcrman
Hansa Leagu ', who s<..'t up th eir trading posts in London and on thc cast coast
of Englan<l. J\round 1330, Dutch and Fle mish wcavcrs arrivc<l, who by thc cn<l
of thc fiftccnth ccntury ha<l he]ped to transform England into a major nation of
shccp farmers, cloth producers and texti1c cxportcrs. Fourtecnth-ccntury immi-
gration also introduccJ specialized knowl -dgc in a varicty of manufacturing
trades.
Sorne immigrants stayed only for short pcriods; others rcmained and
adaptcd to British society, while preserving thcir cultural an<l cthnic i<lcntitics.
N ·wcorncrs were often encouraged to scttlc in Britain and thc policy of using
immigrant cxpertisc continued in later centuries, but forcign workcrs had no
legal rights and carly immigrants, such as Jews an<l Hansa mcrchants, could be
summarily expelled.
Agricultura! and commercial deve]opme nts werc refl ected in changing
population concentrations. From Saxon times to 1800, Britain had an agricul-
tural]y based economy; 80 per cent of its people live<l in isolated villages in thc
countryside; and original ethnic identities remaine<l relatively -fixe<l. Scttlement
was concentratcd in the south and east of England, wh ere the rich agricultura]
regions of East Anglia and Lincolnshire had th e greatest population <le nsities.
During the fourtccnth ccntury, however, the increase in peoplc was haltcd by
plagues and numhcrs di<l not start to improve again for anothcr hun<lrcd ycars.
As agricultura! produ ction moved into shcep farming an<l clothing manu-
factures, larger nurnlwrs ol" peopk scttlcd around wool ports, such as Bristol on
 The people

thc wcst coast and coastal towns in East Anglia. Others moved to cloth-produc-
ing arcas and market towns in the West Country and thc Cotswol<ls. The south
Midland an<l cast "rn English counties were the most densely pcopled, with the
total British population at the end of thc seventeenth century b e ing estimated
at 5.5 million.
Othcr ncwcomcrs ontinucd to arrivc from overseas, induding gypsies,
b lacks ( associated with th e si ave traJc ) and a furthcr wavc of Jews, who in
1655 created Britain 's first p e rmanent .Jcwish community. In thc sixtc nth and
·evcntccnth ccnturics, thc country attracted refugecs, such as Dutch Protestants
and Frcnch Hugucnots, drivcn from Europc hy warfarc, political and religious
persecution and cmploymcnt nccds. This talcntcd and urhanizcd immigration
co ntributcJ consiJcrably to thc national cconomy an<l adde<l a ncw dim ' nsion
to a largcly agricultura] population. Howcvcr, from arounJ 1700, immigration
dccrcascd throughout thl' ncxt two ccnturics. Britain cxportcd more pcopk
than it r lTivcd, mainly to North J\mcrica and thc cxpanJing colonics.
A sccon<l crntral dcvclopmcnt in British history was a nurnhcr of industrial
rcvolutions in thc cightccnth an<l ninctccnth ccnturics. Thcs<' tnrnsforrncd Brit-
ain from an agricultura] cconomy into an industrial and manufacturing country.
Proccsscs such as stl'arn powcr bascd on coal-burning an<l water wcrc <lcvclopcd
and cxploitcd. Factorics an<l factory towns wcrc IH.'l'dcd to mc1ss-producc IH.'w
manufacturcd goods. Villag ' S in thc coaltields and industrial an as gr "W rapidly
into manufacturing centres. A Jrih of population away from thc countrysi<lc
began in thc late cightccnth C( ntury, as pcoplc sought work in urhan factories
to escape rural povcrty an<l t111l'mploymcnt. Thcy moved, for cxamplc, to tl'xtilc
milis in Lanc:::ishirc and Yorkshirc and to hcavy industries and pottcry factorics
in tlw Wcst Midlands. Parts of thc prcdominantly agricultura! population in thc
ninctccnth ccntury dcvclopcd into an industrializcd workforn·.
Th , 180 l Cl nsus ( thc tirst ofücial nwasurcmcnt of population) gavc ligures
of 8.3 rnillion fór England, O.G million for Wales, 1 .(l mi1lion for Scotland and
8 mi Ilion h.w lrclan<l. lktwcrn 1801 and 1901, th' population of EnglanJ anJ
Waks grcw to 32 .5 mi1lion . The numhcrs in Scotland incrcascd lcss rapi<lly to
4 .5 million, duc to cmigration, but in lrclan<l th c population was rc<lucc<l to
4 million bccausc of faminc, dcaths anJ cmigration. Thc grcatcst ·o nccntrations
of pco plc wcre in London and industrial arcas of thc Midlands, south Lan-
cashirc, Mcrscysidc, Clydl'Side, Tyncsidc, Yorkshirc an<l South Walcs.
Thc industrial rcvolution reachc<l its hcight Juring thc carly ninctccnth
century. lt <lid not n qui re foreign Jahour hccausc thcrc wcrc cnough skillc<l
tradcs among British workers anJ a rcady supply of unskilled labourcrs from
Walcs, Scotland, Irch-m d and thc English countrysi<lc. Thosc from North Wales
w 'nt to thc Lancashin.' textil ' mills; Highland Scots travelled to the Lowland
Clydesi<le industri es; an<l lrishmcn flockcd to England and Scotland to work in
th<.: manual tradcs of thc industrial infrastructure constructing roads, railways
and canals. Thcsc migrations crcateJ ethnic conflicts (which sometiml'S gr "w
 The pe o ple

into violent confrontations in citics such as Liverpool anJ Cardiff), but also
sorne integration.
Jndustrialization led to an expansion in commercial markets, which
attractcd ncw immigrants who had the business and financia} skills to cxploit
thc industrial wealth. Sorne newcomers joincd City of London finan cial insti-
tutions and the import/export trades, to which th ey brought their international
conncctions, while others were involvcd in a rangc of occupations and tradcs.
Immigration to Britain might havc bccn grcakr in thc ninctccnth ccntury haJ
it not bccn for the attraction of North Amcri ca, which reccivcd larg ' numbcrs
of ncwcomers from arounJ thc worl<l.
By the end of thc ninctccnth crntury, Britain was thc worlJ's lcading indus-
trial nation an<l among th c ri chest. But, as foreign compctition grew, it lost its
lcad in manufacturing, most of which was in nativc British hands, whilc its
position in intcrnational financc, sorne of which was undcr immigrant control,
was reta in ed.

lmmigration from 1900

Although immigrants historically haJ rc1ativdy free acccss to Britain, thcy could
be easily ex pe11ed, haJ no legal rights to protcct thcm; and cntry rcstrictions
wcre increasin gly imposc<l. But th c 1871 ccnsus showcd that only l 57/)()0
peopl e in th e UK population of 37 million haJ bccn horn outside the British
Empirc.
Dcspit thcsc low -figures, economic immigrants anJ asylum scckcrs causcd
public and politica l conccrn. In the early twc ntil.·th ccntury .kws anJ Polcs
1

csca pcd pcrsccution in Eastern Europe and settl ed in thc East End of London ,
which has always attractc<l newcorners. Dcrnands for irnmigration co ntrol grcw
and an anti-foreigner feeling spread 1 fue]lcd hy thc nationalism an<l spy mania
ca usc<l by thc First World War (1914-18). But laws that wcrc mcant to cu rtail
foreign entry ( such as thc Alicns Act of 1905) provcd in ctkctivc. By 1911 thl.
numb 'r of pcoplc in Britain born outside thc Empirc had rcac:hcd 428,000 ( 1
p er cent of th e population ).
As a result of the 1930s world recession an<l thc Sccond World War, r +-
ugccs first from Nazi-occupi ed Europe and later from Soviet bloc countrics
in addition to cconomic immigrants entered Britain in spitc of e ntry controls.
Aftcr the war, refugees such as Polcs, Latvians and Ukrainians among othcr
nationalities chosc to stay in Britain. Later in th e twentieth ccntury, othcr
political refugees arrived, such as Hungarian s, Czechs, Chileans, Libyans, East
African Asians, Iranians, Vietnamese and oth er Eastern Europeans. Italian,
Frcnch, German, Irish, Turkish, Cypriot Chinese, Spanish an<l Commonwealth
1

economic immigrants in creasingly entered the country. Th e J escendants of

th ese groups to<lay f'orrn sizeable ethnic minoritics and are foun<l throughout
 The people 73

Britain. Such newcomers have often suffered from discrimination at various

times, sorne more than others.
Public and political concern in th e post-war period turned to issues of race
and colour, which dominated th e immigration debate for the rest of the twen-
tieth century anJ focusc<l on non-white Commonwealth immigration. Before
th e Sccon<l World War, most Commonwealth immigrants to Britain carne from
the largcly white Old Commonwealth countrics of Canada, Australia and New
ZealanJ, and from South !\frica. J\.11 Commonw 'alth citizcns ( white and non-
w hitc) continued to havc rclativcly free access and wcrc not trcatcd as alicns.
From the late 1940s, incrcasing numhcrs of pcopk from thc non-whit ' Ncw
Commonwcalth nations of India, Pakistan an<l th c Wcst In<lics carne to Britain,
often at thc invitation of govcrnmcnt agcn ·ics, to fill thc manual an<l lowcr-paiJ
jobs ni" an expan<ling cconomy. West rn<lians workcd in puhlic transport, cater-
ing, thc National Health Scrvicc and manual tradcs in London, Birmingham
and othcr largc citics. In<lians ,rn<l Pakistanis later arrivcd to work in th c tcxtilc
an<l iron industries of Ll'l'ds, Bradfórd ami Lciccst r. By thc I 970s, non-whitc
pcoplc hccamc a Familiar sight in otlwr British citics such as Clasgow, Shcf-
field, Huddcrstidd, Bristol, Manchestl'r, Livcrpool, Covcntry and Nottingham .
Thc1T was a dispersa] ol" immigrants throughout Britain, although many tended
to scttlc in thc Cl'lltral arcas of industrial ·i ti cs. This con ccntratcd scttkm c nt
(ghcttoization) has grown in rcccnt ycars and raiscd concern ahout the isolation
of sorne cthnil· groups from th c rnajority whitc population and its institutions in
north ·rn towns such as Burnky, Blackburn an<l Oldham. /\crnrding to thc 201 I
national ccnsus, rnrnT than 50 pcr cent of pcopk living in l .ci1.Tstcr, l .uton and
Slough are now cithn hl1Tign-horn or from a non-whitc ethnic minority, and
Birrningham is l'XpcctcJ to follow this pattnn by 2020.
Non-whitc communitics hav c incrcascd anJ work in a broad rangc of oc.-c u-
pations. Sorne, parti c ularly Indian Asians and thc Chincsc, havl' bcl'l1 succcss l'ul
in <.conornic and profcssional t ·rms. Othns (such as sorne lfanglaJcshis, Wcst
fnc.lians anJ Pakistanis) havc cxp 'ricn ccd probkrns with low-paid johs, educa-
tional disaJvantagc, uncmployrncnt, dccaying housing in thc inncr citics, iso-
lation, alicnation anJ Jiscrimination (including te nsions with othcr non-whit1.·
cthni c groups). lt is argucd that Britain posscsscs a d ccp-rnotc<l ra cism bas<.·<l
on thc lcgacy of c rnpir ' and notions of racial supcriority, which has hind c rcd
t hc intcgration of thc non-whitc population into thc largcr socicty. Sorne young
non-whitcs horn in Britain fr,cJ bittcr at thcir cx pc ricn ccs anJ at th c ir rclativc
lack of l'<lucational, cmploymcnt an<l so ·ial advanccmcnt. An opposc<l argu-
rncnt advanccd in sorne quartcrs is that <. thni c cornmunities should confront
thcir own interna! probkms (such as gcncrational ·onflicts, religious extremism 1
intokran cc an<l g ' nder issucs) anJ intcgratc more with the majority population
anJ its in stitutions.
So many N cw Commonwealth immigrants w erc coming to Britain that
frorn 1~)(>2 govcrnmcnts treated most Commonwealth newcomcrs as alirns and
 The peop l e

PLATE 3.6 Notting Hill Carnival , London , 2009; a costume parade over two days every year
in August. Originally a West lndian street carnival with floats, dancers and steel bands, the
annual event now includes other ethnic groups . © carniva lpix/ Alamy Stock Photo

fóllowcd a two-strand policy on immigration. This consistcd, tirst, of lmmigra-

tion Acts to restri ct th e number of all immignrnts cntcring thc country and,
second, of Racc Rclations Acts to protcct thc rights of thosc immigrants alrca<ly
scttk<l in Britain .
Racc Rclations Acts since 1976 havc madc it unlawful to <liscriminatc
against individuals on grounds such as racc, cthnicity, rcligion an<l national ori-
gin in areas such as e<lucation, housing, employmcnt, scrviccs and a<lv ' rtising.
Th c Commission for Racial Equality (CRE) was cstabli she<l in 1976; applicd
th e Racc Relations .Acts; workcd for the elirnination of <liscrimination ; and pro-
moted equality of opportunity. It was replaced in 2007 by thc hroadcr-hasc<l
Equality and Human Rights Commission (EHRC), whosc role is to cnd dis-
crimination and harassm ent of all individuals be -ausc of thcir <lisability, agc,
race, gender, sexual orientation, religion or belie+s. Dcspite good intc ntions, hoth
bodies have been criticized for their performan cé's, inte rna] quarrels, burcau-
cratic m ethods and lack of clcar aims or dcfinitions. Thosc who suffcr allcgc<l
discrimination can also appeal to race and cmploymcnt tribunals an<l m ay
receive help from othn :mti-di scrimination bodies.
 Th e peop le

Thcrc is still criticisrn of immigration laws and race-relations organizations.

Sorne p eople argue that one cannot legislatc satisfactorily against Jiscrimination
and othcrs would lik stricter controls on immigrant entry anJ r fogccs. The
conccrns of sorne white people may b e influenced by ra cialist spccches; the
growth of nationalist and anti-immigration parti es such as th c National Front,
British National Party (HNP), th e English Dcfencc Lcaguc (EDL) and 13ritain
First ( now bann ed) which havc rcccntly come to th e fore again; and racial vio-
lene . . _ Non-white citizens fccl that the y too easily and unfairly b ccom c scape-
goat for any probkrns that arisc. Sorne havc becomc alienated from British
socicty and rej ect institutiuns such as the police, the legal system and politi-
cal structurcs. Govcrnm 'nt policics sincc th c 1940s havc not always helpcJ to
lesse n thc anxil'tic.s of eith er whitcs or non-whites.
lmmigration and ra cc rcmain problcmati<:. Thcy are complcx mattc rs, are
cxploitcd for political purposcs, anJ ca n he ov -r-dramatizcJ from both thc right
and th c kit. Many nnn-whitc immigrants anJ thcir British-born children havc
ada ptl'd to thc largcr socicty, whilst oftcn rctaining th cir cthnic i<lentities. Brit-
ain does havc a rclativcly stablc diwrsity of cultures and a high rate of mixcd-
race relationships. Howcvcr, gh ·ttoization is a probkm in sorne arcas; outhrcaks
of n.Kial tcnsion , violcncc anJ harassmcnt <lo occur; and th c rc are accusations
that thc poli cc and thc courts ignore or und 'rplay racc crimcs. Othcr critics
argue that ra cc, discrimination and immigration prohkms are still not lwing
openly dcbatcd or a<lequately handlcd by gowrnmcnt oH-icials in cases such as
'thc Win<lrush gcncration ( 1948)', which conccrncd trcatmcnt of immigrants
from thc Wcst Indi cs.
Thc non-whitc population was initially co mposcd largdy of sin gk males.
T his structur<.' chang<'<l as dcpcn<lants joinc<l scttlc<l immigrants, British-born
non-whitcs dcvdopcd thcir own family organizations, an<l more pcoplc frnm
difkr ' nt cthnic groups inte rmard cd. Thc cmphasis switched to debates ahout
what constitutcs a ' multi-l'thnic socicty'. Howcvc r, thc term 'immigrant' has
aga in bccomc promin c nt as th e numbcr of migrants and asylum scekcrs has
incrcascd anJ bcconw a focus for public concern and debate, particularly in
thc 2015 General Elcction ca mpaign and with th c risc of thc Unitcd Kingdom
Jnd 'P ' ndcncc Party (UKIP). This party gain --d electoral success and supported
a rcJuction of EU immigrants cntcrin g th e UK by urging p eoplc in the 2016
Rcf ·rcndum to vote 'L ·ave' .
t\part from a dccreasing numbcr of p copl who may be grante<l right of
entry and scttlcmcnt in Britain, such as dcpcn<lants of settled migrants, all oth-
ers who wish to enter Britain fall into spccific categories. Short-tcrm visitors,
uch as stud c nts, rcquire visas and somctim ·s work pcrmits. Peopl e from EU
statcs at prcsent (2019) have th c right to set.k work and live in Britain and
ar' th e largest group of cntrants. J\mong non-EU applicants, those with sktlls
m.'cckd by thc cmployment market may apply to enter under a points sys-
t ~m . J\sylum scekcrs fl ecing p ersecution in their own countries must apply for
The p eo p l e

political asylum. Thcre was a 5 1wr ct·11l in creasc in asylum seekers in th c ycar
cnding 2014.
According to thc Office for Nalional Statistics (July 2018), 572,000 intcr-
national immigrants arrived to livc in th e UK in mid-2017, 78,000 fcw cr than
the previous ycar (a] 2 p er cent dccrcase) , anJ 342,000 international cmigrants
left th e country, 28,000 more than th e prev ious year (a 9 pe r cent incrcasc_). N et
migration was 230,000 (the differen cc bctwccn immigration anJ cmigration) .
Work is thc most co mmon reason for immigration to the UK. But th "re was
a 43 p c:. r cent d crease in the number of pcoplc immigratin g to look for work
in 2017 . The risc in emigration from Britain was mainly becau. e British citize ns
have lcft an<l citize ns of EU countries have rcturn cd home. These ch angcs sug-
gcst that Brexit may be a central fa ctor in pcoplc's J ccision to movc from th c
UK. But thc continuation of high lcvcls of non-EU immigration, whi ch can be
controllcJ by th c governm cnt, is a sourcc of politi cal and public concern.
In March 2019, official figures showcd that immigratio n from tlw EU has
fall en to its lowcst lcvcl in nine years as more castcrn European s leavc thc
country than arrive under EU free movcmcnt rules. Ovcrall nct migration rose
from 277,000 to 283,000, which was ncarl y thrcc times th -' govnnmc nt's tar-
get 100,000.
Sin ·e the Brexit rdc rcndum, in Jun c 201 (i, EU net migratio n has fall e n by
20 pn cent, <lrivcn partially by a drop in thc numbcr of migrants arriving from
Polan<l, Hunga ry, thc C zcch Rt.public an<l tivc oth1..'r eastnn Europca n statcs that
joincJ the EU in 2004. More mi grants from these eight l"ast European states are
leaving the UK than arriving, a trcnd arguably refl ecting un ccrtainty over Brcxit
and in sorne cases improving cconomic conditions in thcir home ·c.mntri es or
altcrnative destin ations in th e EU. But fcw cr EU workers ·orning to thc lJK
in creases labour anJ skills shortag 'S across many sectors in th c British eco nom y.
Thc Confederation of Briti. h In<lustry ( Cl31) strcsscs that husincsscs nceJ
access to ski1ls anJ labour anJ argues that th c governm cnt shoulJ devise a post-
Brcxit immigration system whi ch is both open anJ controlkd. A new systcm
would give thc UK control ove:.r who com es to Britain, whilc cnabling employ-
ers to have acc ss to the skills the y need from around th c worlJ .
Howcver, forecasts suggcst that recent anJ futurc immigration will fucl an
cstimatcd 7 .2 million growth in th e UK population over th e ncxt 25 years. Gov-
ernm e nt argucs that th e nation must compet e in th c intcrnation al markctpl acc
and attract those migrant workcrs that th e economy nccds to compcnsatc i-cx a
declining labour force, an ageing population an<l a shortage of both skillcJ anJ
unskilled workers. However, it is generally ag rccJ th at immigration and as ylum
should b e controlled. Conservatives argue th at nct migration must be r ,JuccJ
to 50,000 or lowcr each year, Liberal D e mocrats want a regional points sy. te m
of control and Labour also favour a lower cntry total. It is also tdt that un c m-
ployed Britons shoulJ und crtake cducation and training to till job vacancies and
redu ce a dependc ncc 011 un cmployment w elfare b cncfits and migrant lahour.
 Th e people 77
.,
A ~
;T
Th c flexibl e nature of migration, shown by the abovc EU changes, shoul<l
be rccognized if the immigration debate is to be kept in p crspective. Histori-
cally, therc has usually b en a balance of migration, with emigration cancelling
out immigration in real terms, but th erc have also been pcriods of high emi-
gra tion . Groups left England and Scotland in the sixtecnth and seventeenth
centurics to scttlc in Ir land an<l North America . Mil1ions in the nineteenth
and twentieth ccnturies em igrated to Australia, Ncw ZcalanJ, South Africa,
Canada, other colonies and the USA . Emigration meant that Britain had a net
loss of population <luring th' 1970s an<l 1980s. This trend was rewrsed in th e
1990s and mor immigrants have entcred Britain than cmigrants have le ft. Pco-
pl -' from Indía, Pakistan and /\fri ca havc traditionally ma<le up th c largcst pro-
portions of ncwcomcrs. Today, more entrants have in creasíngly ·orne from th c
Old Co mmonw -'alth and, untíl recently, thc EU.
In rcc 'llt ycars, th e re has also bccn co ntrovcrsy about thc incrcasíng num-
bers of asylum scck ·-rs c ntc ring Britain and suspicions that man y are cconomic
migrants rather than genuínely in humanitarian ncc<l . J\ prcvíous Lahour gov-
crnmcnt tried to tighten thc rules for thc a<lmission of asylum scckcrs and
to incrcas<: the numbe r of <lcportations of thosc who fail th 'Ír applications.

PLATE 3 . 7 Diwali Festival on Leicester's Golden M ile, Belgrave Road , October 2014 . Trad i-
tiona l lnd ian food , music, dance and fireworks to mark the festival of light, reputed to be one
of the biggest celebrations outside India . Diwa li {Sanskrit for row of lights) is a festiva l in the
lndian calendar, celebrated by Hindus, Sikh s and Jains worldwide . © Graha m Oliver/Alamy
Stock Photo
The people

However, it is cstimatcd that thne nw y he sorne 600,000 failed asy1um scckers

and il1egal immigrants in Britain . Tlw government docs not know th -' cxa ·t
figures involvcd and its drivc to rcmovc failed asylum-scc kers and i11 ega1 immi-
grants has faltcrcd, and their policics on asylum are criticizcd. In March 2019,
Home Office figures showed that thc number of faileJ asylum scckcrs anJ il1 c-
gal immigrants lcaving forcibly or voluntarily h ad droppcd by a ha1f sincc 201 O,
while asy1um app1ication s had risen by 11 per cent in 2018.
Opposition to immigration as wc11 as race r lation s prnblcms grcw in thc
early twentieth cc ntury an<l through th e l 960s b +ore m odcrating so mewhat in
the l 970s anJ 1980s. Polis in th c l ~)~)Os suggcsted that race rclations, immigra-
tion and asylum wcrc ofl css con ccrn to Britons than th cy were from thc 1940s
to th e 1970s. A 1 ~)95 MORI poll found that 78 pcr cent of respondcnts Ji<l not
consider thcmsc1vcs to be preju<licc<l aga inst pcople of othcr raccs. Yct in 2001
a Guardian ncwspapc r pol1 reportc<l that 70 pcr cent of reaJ crs thought that
racc rc-lation s we rc not gctting hcttcr an<l an lpsos MORI poli in March 2015
found that immigration had ·1imh ,J to tirst place (45 pcr cent) in a list of thc
most important issucs facing British socicty. But it Jccoupled immigration from
qucstions of racc rclations and on ly 5 p er cent of rcs pon<lcnts thought th at thc
lattcr was any longcr a problcm.
However, in 2014, a Bri.tish SocialAttitudes survcy h aJ rc portcd that 77 pe r
cent of rcspondents wanted ar ~Juction in immigration anJ 5G pcr cent wantc<l
immi gration reduced 'a lot' . Thc survcy rcvcal e<l thc complcxity surrounding
the puhlic's attitudes to immi gration. Although 47 pcr cent of respon<lc nts
thought that immigration wa bad for thc cconomy, signin ·ant majoritics of
peop] e be1ieved that immigration was e ·onomically anJ culturall y good for th '
UK, but wcre concern ed about its current kvel and wantcJ to scc it reducl'J .
The issue of immigration is a socia11y and politi call y divisive issuc, with ·on-
trastin g views by a wide sp cctrum of p eop1e, and poses probkms fr1r policy-
makers. Although an Ipsos MORI poll in March 2018 fr1und that 44 p -r cent
of respondents sai<l that immigration has had a positiv' impact on Britain an<l
attitudes to it havc softened sincc thc rdcrcnJum in 201 o, most pcoplc still
want to S<:.:C it rcduccd .
Mca nwhi1 e, new conditions for naturalization and rcddinition s of British
citi zcnship w ere contained in thc Nationa1ity /\et of l 98 1. It was ~riti cizcd as
providing furth er restriction s on immigration, particular1y for appli ca nts from
thc Ncw Comrnonwealth. Acc ptance for sett1cmcnt <loes not m<.an automatic
British citizenship and a passport. From 2019, a p rson may app1y fór UK cit-
izenship through birth in the UK, by naturaliza tion after 5 ycars of rcsidencc,
or 3 years of residence if married to or in a civil r ·L:1tionship with a UK ·itizl'n .
More sp ccific requirc mcnts for the attainmcnt of British citizcnship through
naturalization wcrc madc in 2011. Applicants musl now J e monstratc know1-
cdge about 1ife in Brit~in , rca ch an acceptable 1ev ,1 of English profü:ie ncy, att<. nd
a citizenship cere mon y ~,nd swcar a citizenship oath and plcdge to th ' Quccn
 Th e peop l e

and th e U K. In 20 17, 123,000 foreign nationals were naturalized as British citi-

zens. But 7 pe r cent of applications werc rdus ~d or w it hdrawn . Most successful
appl icants are from In<lia, Pakistan, Nigeria, China and th e Philippincs.

Ethnic groups in the UK

In t he latest U K ccnsus (2011), 55,073,552 (87.2 pcr cent) out of a total pop-
ulation of G3, 182, 178 classiticd the msdvcs as ct hni c w hi te group., a J ccrease
sinn.' thc 2001 cc nsus of 4 .9 pc r cent . Othcrs dcscribcd t h ' msclvcs as /\sian/
/\ ·ian British ( 4,373)3~) or 6.9 pcr cen t); Blac k/Bl ack British ( 1 ))04,684 nr 3 .0
pe r cent); m ixcd o r multi plc racc ( 1,250,22~) or 2 pcr cent); ami mc mhcrs of
othcr cthnic grou ps (580,374 or 0 .9 pc r ce nt) (sce Table 3 .2) .
Th e non -wh itc minority cth nic grou ps, 50 pcr cent of w hom wcrc horn
in Britain, constitutc a rclativcly sma ll , hut growi ng, pro portion of thc Bri tish
popu latio n. Sorne 50 pcr ce nt of them livc in Lon don (as opposcd to l O pcr
cent of thl' w hi tl' pop ul at ion ) whc rc t hcy ma kc up 2~) pc r cent of a11 rcsidc nts.
By co ntrast, lcss t han 4 pcr cent of no n-w hi tc groups li vc in tlw north -east ami

TABLE 3.2 Composition of ethnic groups in the UK, 2011

Number in UK Percentage of total

population UK population

White or White British: 55 ,010,359 87 .l

total
White: gypsy/lrish 63,193 0 .1
Traveller: total
White: total 55,073,552 87.2
Asian/ Asian British
lndian 1,45 1,862 2.3
Pakistan i l , 173,893 1.9
Bangladeshi 451 ,529 0.7
Chinese 433 , 150 0.7
O ther Asian 861 ,815 1.4
Asian/ Asian British: 4,372,249 7 .0
total
Black/Black British 1,904,684 3.0
Mixed/ multiple: total 1,250,229 2.0
Other ethnic groups: 580,374 0.9
total
Total British population: 63,182,178 100
Source: adopted from Census, ethnic groups, local outhori ties in the UK, 2011
 The people

south-west of England, where ethni c minority groups makc up 2 p er cnt of

the population.
Thcre are many individually defin ed ethnic/national groups in Britain. For
examplc, immigration from the Republic of Ireland continucs; the Irish hav '
histori ally been a large immigrant group and sorne 691,000 peo ple in Grcat
Britain identify themsclvcs as Jrish (l p er cent of the population ). Movcm -'nt
from Old Commonwealth countries (Australia, Canada and South /\fri ca ) has
grown. Until recently, th ere was increased immigration from EU countries (su -h
as Gcrmany, Spain, Italy, Portugal anJ France) and new acccssion EU mc mbcrs
(such as Poland, Romania and Bulgaria) togcther with newcom crs from thc
USA and Mid<.Hc East.

Population movements from 1900

Industrial arcas with heavy population densitics dcvclopc<l in Britain in thc

nin etccnth ce ntury, but in thc twcnti cth cc ntury considerable int<'rnal shifts
occurrcd which wcrc mainly duc to economi · and employmcnt changcs. Thcrc
was a drift of pcoplc away from industrial Tyncsi<lc, Clydcsidc anJ South
Wales during thc l 920s and 1930s trade depressions as coa! produ ·tion, stccl
manufacture and other heavy industries wc rc badly affectc<l. This movemcnt
incrcascd during th e second half of the twcnticth crntury and sincc th e l 9 S0s
th erc h as been relativcly littlc. population in crease in industrial areas of thc Ce n-
tral Lowlands of Scotland, Tyncsidc, Mc rscysidc, Wcst Yorkshirc, South Wal cs
an<l Northern Ircland, which havc seen a decline in traJitional in<lustries ami
rising unemploymcnt. Instea<l, pcoplc movc<l away from these n'gions to thc
English Midland, with their <livcrsificd industries and to London an<l south-cast
England where cmployment opportunitics ( <lespitc tluctuations) wcrc grcatcr.
Over the same period, thcre was large immigration into Britain, foll owcd at
th e en<l of th e twentieth -entury by increascs in th e numbcr of asylum SCl kcrs.
Such groups have tended to scttle in urban and inner-city arcas throughout thc
country, although th ~ heavicst concentration has bec n in Lo nJon .
The rcduction of the rural population and thc cx pansion of urban ce ntres
continued into the twenti th century. Yet, by th -' mid<llc of th e century, thcre
was a reverse movement of pcople away from thc centres of hig cities such as
London, Manch ester, Liverpool, Birmingham anJ Lceds. This was duc to bomb
damage during th e Second World War, slum clcarancc anJ th e ncc<l to use
inner-city land for shops, offices, warehouscs and transport utiliti es. Ncw Towns
in rural areas, such as Stevenage and H emel Hcmpstead, an<l coun cil housing
cstates outsidc th inner-cities were specifically crcated to accommodate th e
displaced population . Road systems were built with rnotorways and bypasscs to
avoid congested areas an<l rural locations around sorne cities wcre designated
as Green Belts, in which no building was permitted . Howevcr, Green Bdts and
 The peop l e 81
.,
'°~
;T
othcr rural locations are now controversially being encroachcd upon for house
building and infrastructure purposes (roads and railways), whi ch can attract
fic rcc local opposition, d cspite th e n eed for more affordablc housing and more
efficicn t transport syst e m s.
Many p eople choose to live sorn e distance from their workplaces, often in
a city's suburbs, nc ighbouring towns ( comrnutcr towns ) or rural areas. This has
co ntribute<l to th c furth er <lec1in e of inne r-c ity populations an<l onc British p er-
son in -five now lives in th e countryside with th e rcst in towns an<l c ities. D en-
sities are high cst in Grcatcr London an<l so uth-cast England an<l low cst in rural
regions of north c rn Scotlan<l, th e Lakc Distri ct, Walcs an<l North c rn lrcland.
Nevcrthckss, thcrc hav c bccn so rn e population gains in Wal cs an<l Scotland,
with losses in North ern lrdand and England. Thcrc has b een reve rse population
shift with sorne rural arcas sutfc..,ring cco nomi c decline an<l pcoplc moving to
urban centres wherc crnployrncnt, lcisun.' facilities an<l so cial opportunities rnay
be great ' r. ílut rcccntly urban ce ntres, such as Lon<lon, havc also lost population
beca use of high hou sc priccs and some low-<lcnsity arcas outsi<lc London havc
see n gains.
Thl' population of thc UK had incrcased in mid-2017 to 66,040,200, an
incrcasc of 3~)2,200 in 2016 (scc Table 3.3 ). Although figures vary, th c popula-
tion dcn sity of th c UK was cstimated in 2018 at so rn e 671 pcrsons p e r squarc
milc (259 per squarc km). England is more <l c nscly populatcd than Walcs, Scot-
lan<l and North c rn Irc lan<l an<l has high c r d c nsitics in som' arcas of thc co un-
try, such as Lon<lon, th c Wcst Midlands, Wcst Yorkshire, Crcatcr Manch cskt~
Mcrscysidc, and Tync and Wcar. One-third of thc population livcs in England's
south-east, which is predo rninantly urhan and suburban, with about 8 million
pcoplc in I ,ondon.
Thc British population gn.'w by 0.3 pcr cent b ctwccn 1971 and ] 978, which
gavc it onc of thc lowcst incrcases in Western Europc, and continucd to d ecline
in th e 1980s. But numbers started to incrcase dramatically frorn the late 1990s
partly duc to a grea tcr numhcr of births than <lcaths, rising fortility, better lilt.'

TABLE 3.3 Population of the UK, 2017 (millions/percentages)

Natíonal populatíon Number of population (míllíons) Percentage of total

United Kingdom 66,040,200 100

England 55,619,400 84 .2
Scotland 5,295,000 8.4
Wales 3,125,200 4.7
Northern lreland 1,870,800 2.8
Source: Adapted from Office for National Statistics (Scotland and Northern lrelond)
 The peop le

TABLE 3.4 Estimated populations of city regions, mid-2015

City region Population % growth rote

Greater London 8,674,000 5.7

Bristol 1,119,000 4.5
West Midlands 2,834,000 3.4
Greater Manchester 2,756,000 2.6
Edinburgh 1,350,000 2.6
West Yorkshire 2,282,000 2.4
Sheffield 1,375,000 2.3
Cardiff 1,505,000 1.6
North-East 1,957,000 1.2
Liverpool 1,525,000 1.2
Glasgow 1,804,000 1.0
Source: adapted from Office for National Statistics, mid-2015

cxpcctancy and 1ncrcasing irnrnigration. Thc ONS in 201 1 rcportc<l that thc aver-
age rnc<lian population agc was projectc<l to incrcasc to 42.2 by 2035 an<l thc
population is expcctc<l to be over 73 million hy 2029- 35. To avoid such growth, it
is arguc<l that nct rnigration nccds to be cut to 50,000 or k ss cach ycar. Th c non-
whitc ethnic rninoritics are grnwing 15 timl.'s !aster than thc whitc population and
are also younger, whilc white population nurnhers havc falkn. It is cstirnatc<l that
the countics of south crn an<l central England will haw thc highcst population
growth , and thc hcavicst population losscs will occur on Tyncsidc antl Mcrscysick.
Thc Off-ice for National Statistics cstimatc<l in mi<l-2015 th at
27,189, 000 million pcopl e (40 per cent) of thc. total British population of
65,110,000 livcd in city regions. These arcas are usually part of an cstahlishcJ
city or rcgion anJ th c top 1 l wcre defin cJ hy growth rates of thc population
from mid-2011 to rnid-2015 (see Tabl e 3.4 ). For cxarnplt , thc City of Lon<lon is
a historie city but is a vcry. mall part of th c Crl'ater London city rcgion , whi ch
is th c rnost popul ous in th ' UK. The other city regions cach have ovn 1 million
resid nts, with Bristol bcing the smallcst.

Attitudes to national, ethnic and local identities

lmmigration to Britain has often been seen as a thrcat to prcsumcd British idcn-
tities and values. However, the p eopl s of thc British Isks hav , bcen cultural1y
and ethnically diverse frorn the earliest population rnovern ents into the country.
Diff rences rem ain between England, Wal es, ScotlanJ and Northcrn lreland
and th erc are contrastin g ways of lite within cach of th ese nations at national
and local levels. Minority ethnic gro ups within th ese countries have incrcascJ
 The people

with th e arrival of more immigrants and thcir descendants, who may specify
their ethnic identity, for exa mple, as J\sian British, Black British or Mixed. Such
groups may have British nationality, 50 pcr cent of them wcre born in Britain,
and may also regard thernsclves as English, Scottish, Wdsh or Northern Irish,
as wcII as having an ancestral origin. Dcspitc governmcnt atte mpts to intro-
duce th e concept of Britishness (of what it m eans to b e British) into school
citizcnship classes and naturalization proccdurcs for n ew citizens, th e tcrm still
lacks a precise dcfinition and can mean many things to many pcoplc. Similarly,
atte mpts by rcligious lcadcrs, politi c ians and social commentators to ide ntify
'British valucs' tcnd to use universal rather than . uppos--dly unique national
exa mpks. It is th ercforc ofo_,n argucd that a dctinition of Britishn ess requircs
the rnmhination of a legal 'civic' identity (such as British citize nship of th c UK
w ith its c ivil framcwork) andan 'cthnic' allcgiancc (such as rcside nce and often
birth in onc of th c four nations ). Man y pcoplc may havc additional cthni c roots
bast:'d on oth e r lin es of dcscent.
Thc cnnditioning history of th c British lsles hchxe th e e ightccnth century
is not about a single British identity or politi cal entity but about four distin ct
nations, which havc oftcn bce n hostik towan.Is onc another. 'Britishncss' since
thc 1707 union bctwccn England/Wales and Scotland was mainly associatcd
with cc ntralize d and civic state institutions, such as monar ·hy, Parliamcnt, th c
law and Protestantism . Notions of Britishn css beca m e more widdy articulatcd
in thc nin1.:'tcc11th crntury following thc l 8(fl /\et of Union and later bcca mc
linked with civic valu es associated with th c Victorian monarchy, thc c mpirc ,mJ
Britain's industrial and military position in th c world. Thesc ckmcnts wcakc ncx l
as Britain lost its globa1 powc r in the twcntieth cc ntury; rcligious faith de clincd;
res pcct fr>r Parliamc nt, the law and the monarchy dccreased; anJ arguahly so rne
peoplc rcturncd more strongly to thcir original cthnic allcgianccs.
Howcvcr, Britons still havc a layered iJcntity in which man y of th em may
think of th e msdvcs as simultaneously civi c British and eithcr cthnic Scottish,
English, Welsh or Northc rn lrish, in addition to othcr anccstries. But the use of
tcrms such as 'British' and 'Britain' to ch~s Tibe this situation ca n scem artificial
to thosc pcopk, who havc retained mo1T sp ccinc: ethnic and cultural idcntitics.
Many Scots, Wc1sh , English and North crn lrish rcgard thcir cthni c idc nti-
ties as csscntial an<l it is arguc<l that man y ' British ' pcople to<lay do not have a
stro ng scnse of a 'British' idc ntity, cxccpt possibl y for sorne immigrant groups.
Most Scots think of th cmsclvcs primarily as Scottish; most of the Welsh think
of thcms 'lv ~s as Wclsh; North c rn Jrish i<lc ntitics are complex; and th e English
ap parcntly in crcasingly scc th emsdvcs as more English than British. In this
situation 1 sorne critics arguc that thcrc ncc<ls to b e a rcthinking of what it
mcans to be Rritish in a multination al, multicultural UK 1 a changing Europe
an<l a globalizcd world. Th e Brexit rcfrrcndum result, in parts of England at
least, rcvealed furth er strong local/regional ide ntifications among Leave voters
in particular.
The people

However, thcr . . has historically hccn sorne degree of integration b tween

ethnic groups in Britain over the e 'nturies bccause of responses to forcign inva-
sions, immigration, <lorncstic conflicts and interna} migration bctwecn th e four
nations. Political unification gradually took place und er the English Crown; UK
state powcr becam' concentrated in London; thc English dominated numcr-
ically; and institutional standardization tended to fo11ow English mode1s.
Th British identincation was largcly derivcd from English norms b eca use of
England's historical role.
English nationalism was arguably th c most potcnt of thc four nationalisms
and thc English mostly had no problcm with a dual idcntity. Tht. Scots and
Welsh have historically tended to be more awarc of th ' <liffncncc bctwcen
th eir nationalism and Britishness; resc nt thc English domina11ec; scc thcmsclv 'S
as diffcrcnt from th e English; anJ rcgard thcir cultural fe ,Iings as ·rucia!. Thcir
sense of i<lcntity is conditionc<l by thc tcnsion bctw -en thcir <listin ctivc his-
tories an<l a centralizcd London govcrnml.nt. Northcrn lrcland is oftcn char-
acterize<l by the distinctiveness of the Unionist and Nationalist communitics,
contlicting idcntitics within both, an<l thc ir respective r ,]ationships with thv
UK and Ireland.
Ethnic identity was historically large ly cultural in Walcs and more politi-
cizcd in Scotlan<l. Yct thc British political union was gcncrally acccptcd, cxccpt
for Nationalist opposition in lrcland, which rcsultc<l in thc partition of thc·
islam.1 in 1921. Political nationalism increasl'd in thc J q()()s and l ~)70s in Srnt-
land an<l to som' cxtcnt in Walcs, and in Northern Irdand Juring thc violcncc
of thc Troubles. Following thc establishment of devolved sclf-govcrnmcnt in
1998-~)~), calls for ful] independence in Scotland and Walcs havc bccomc strnn-
gcr, particularly from th e Scottish National Party (SNP) and in crcasingly frorn
th W>lsh National Party (Plaid Cymru). lt also seems that Scottish, Wl'lsh and
North 'rn Irish <lcvolution and EU immigration has sparkcJ a rcsurgl'ncc of
English nationalisrn. The election of an SNP governmrnt in 2ffl l in Srntland
drovc an indcpendcnce campaign; and the outcome was JccidcJ ( perhaps tcm-
porarily) in Septcmb "'r 2014 when the Scottish p ' oplc votcd against indcpcn-
dencc in a referendum.
Therc are also diffcrcnces at regional and local lcvds within thc h)ur nati()ns.
Since th 'English, for example, are also historically an l'thnically mixcd pcoplc,
thcir local customs, dialects/acccnts and b ehaviour vary consi<.krably and can he
strongly asserted. Regions such as the north-cast havc rcactcJ against l .ondon
influences and supposcdly want decentralizeJ política! autonomy (although
this 'region' actually voted against regional govcrnmcnt in a 2004 rdcr -ndum).
The Cornish ee th cmsclvcs as a distinctive cultural clcmrnt in English sm:icty
and have an affinity with Celtic groups in Britain and Europc. Thc northcrn
English regard thcmsclws as superior to th e southcrn English, and vice versa.
English county, city ~111d villagc loyaltics are maintaine<l, Jcspitc local govcrn-
ment changes, in sports, l)()litics, food habit<;, comp -titions, cultural activitics or
 The peopl e 85
.,
A~
;T
a distinctivc way of life. English regional or local differences were shown in thc
2016 rdcrendum when, for cxamplc, London and the south voted to remain
in thc EU and thc wcst Midlands, northcm Midlands, Yorkshire, and north-east
England voted to leave.
In Wales, th erc are cultural an<l political differen ces between the industrial
south ( which tcnds to support thc Labour Party) and the rcst of th e mainly rural
country: between Welsh-speaking Walcs in th e north-west and centre ( which
partly supports Plaid Cyrnru_) and English-influenced Walcs in the east and
south-wcst (whcrc thc Conscrvativc Party has sorne support); bctwcen sorne of
thc ancicnt Welsh counties; and between thc big citics of Cardiff and Swansca.
Wdsh pcoplc are also conscious of thcir diff-crcnccs frorn th c English,
despitc thc fa ·t that rnany of th crn are of mixcd English-Wclsh ano. stry. Thcir
national and cultural idcntity is groundcd in thcir history, litnaturc, thc Welsh
languag' (activcly spokcn by l ~) pc.r cent of th c population), sport (such as
rughy foothall) and frstivals such as th c National Eisteddfod (with its Wclsh
poctry cornpctitions, dancing and music) . Tt is also (chocd in closc-knit indus-
trial anJ agricultura! communitics and in a tra<lition of social, political and rdi-
gious disscnt from English norms. ToJay, many Wclsh pcopk focl that th ey ar<'
struggling for thcir national idcntity against political powcr in London and tlw
crosion of thcir c ulturl' and languagc hy English institutions and thc English lan-
guagc. /\ limitcd dcvolution has hdp<'d to allcviatc these fcclings and in crcasc a
sensc of Wdsh idcntity, hut thnc are carnpaigns to incrcasc devolved sclf-rulc.
Similarly, Scots gcn cra lly unite in <.kfencc of their ethnic dislinctivc ncss
becausc ol' hi storical rca ctions to thc English, although man y support th c l JK
un ion. Th cy are conscious of thcir tra<lilions, whi ch are rdlcctcd in cultural
festiva Is anJ scparatc kgal, rcligious and l du cational systems. Thl' re has bcl'll
resc nlmcnt against thc historical centralization of pulitica l powcr in London
an J allcgc<l cconomic ncglcct of Scotlan<l ( although thc UK govcmment pro-
vides greater cco nomic subsidies per h ead of population to Scotland, Walcs and
Northl rn lrdanJ than lo England). Devolved govcrnmcnt in Edinburgh has
rcdu ccd sorne of th 'se objvctions and focuscd on Scottish idcntity, although a
desirc f·ár indcpcnde ncc persists.
How ' ver, Scols thcmsclvcs are dividcd by thrcc languagcs ( Gaclic, Scots
and English with Gadic spokcn by 1.5 pcr et nt of th ' population or 70,000
pcopl 'L diHc rcnt rdigions, prc judiccs and rcgionalisms. Cultural diffe rcnc 'S
scparatc Lowlandcrs and Highlan<lcrs, allcgiancc to ancicnt Scottish counti cs is
still c¡uitc strong, and rivalrics cx ist b ·twc '11 thc two major ci ti cs of Edinburgh
and Glasgow.
In North crn Irdand, thc social, ·ultural and political differences between
Roman Catholics and Protcstants or Nationalists and Unionists have long been
ev ident anJ today are frcqu cntly rdlcctc<l in geographical ghettos. Groups in
both communitics often feel frustration with th e English and hostility towards
thc British govcrnmcnt in London. But man y Unionists are loyal to th l' C rown ,
The people

regard themselves as British and wish to continue the union with Britain. Many,
if not all 1 Nationalists feel themselvcs to be Irish and want to be unitcd with the
Re public of Irdand. Devolution in Northern lreland has not succecdcd in cra<l-
icating deep-seatc<l Jjfferences betwecn the two communities and thc pcacc
proccss is still fragilc.
The contcmporary Blitish are a very diverse people with identitics that ca n
vary over time. An Ipsos MORI poll for The Economist in Scptcmber 1999 cxa m-
ined responses to diffcrcnt lcvels of association. Scots said thcy wcre most likcly
to jdentify with Scotland (72 pcr cent) and their rcgion (G2 per cent), lcss with
their local community (39 per cent) and only rarely with Britain (l 8 per cent).
The Wclsh idcntitied tirst with Walcs (81 per cent), then with thcir rcgion (50 pcr
cent) and cornmunity (32 pcr cent) and tinally with Britain (27 pcr cent). J\mong
the English, ther - was a relatively cvcn <livision between thc importance of rcgion
(49 per cent), Gritain (43 per cent), local community (42 pcr cent) and England
(41 per cent) . The Wdsh an<l Scots sceme<l incrcasingly to bt J efining thcmsclvcs in
terms of their' thni -• nationaliti es than of a British civic ide ntity1 while the English
in 199~) apparcntly rcflcctcd thc various componcnts of th 'ir idcntity cqually.
.J\ British Social Attitudes (BSJ\) report in 2003 cxamine<l whcthcr Britons
saw a British national idcntity as being b asc<l on 'civi c' or' 'thnic' factors. Most
respon<lcnts thought that both d "'m ents wcrc relevan t. C ritics frd that th e rnn-
ccpt of Britishncss is complicatcd 1 unlike 'nationality' in man y co untrics, is suh-
jcct to generational differences and does not tit in.to cith cr ca tegory cx( lusivcly.
J\ BSA survey in 2013 emphasized this when it r ·portcd that 63 pcr cent of
respon<lents thought that British national i<lcntity consistcd of civic an<l cthnic
factors with both bcing important, 31 pcr e ' nt felt th at it involvc<l only civi c
aspccts and 6 pe r cent found that it involved ncithe r civic nor cthnic factors.
It seemed that Scottish and Welsh ethni c idcntitics have bccom c stronger
in th ., twe nty-first century, and peoplc in England werc aL o in crcasingly likcly
to see th em selves as more English, poss ibly as a response to dcvolution and
Brcxit. Being British was still seen as the share<l óvic and cthni c i<le ntity of a
multinational st at e. But this association secmcd to be <lccreasin g against thc
press ure of rnany competing forces, such as indcpc n<lcncc for Scotland. Thcrc
also s emed to b e a d ecline in the strcngth of peoplc's pridc in he ing British Juc
partly to age and partly to new competing collcctive cx pcricnccs over time, as
well as the degree to which the civic part of national iclcntity is arguably ovn-
taking the ethnic. Nevertheless1 th e 2013 BSA survcy foun<l that th ' pcrccntagc
of respondents saying that th ey were 'proud ' ofb ing British was 76 pcr cent in
Scotland, 74 pcr e ·nt in Wal es an<l 73 pcr cent in Englan<l, and an average 82
per cent of peo plc wcre 'somewhat proud ' to be British .
These fin<lings sugg(.'St that th c con cept of Britishncss is cvolving in
a multinational l JK, hut also revea] a degrce of understatcd British pri<lc in
England, Scotland and Waks. Th l' attitudes of th se nations to Britishncss are
fluid and respond to :1 , arid y ul" conditioners. lThe North ern lrish were not
included in th c surwy d :1t;1 ) .
 The people

Exercises
Briefly define and examine the following terms, commenting on their
significance in British life:

Neanderthal Henry VIII Boxgrove Man Happisburgh

nomads bypass Ang lo-Saxon industrialization
Cornwall Avebury Henge asylum seekers ethnic
Neolithic East End Hansa British National Party
density Celtic devolution Battle of Hastings
Merseyside Domesday Book immigrant naturalization
racism mu lticulturalism lberian discrimination
census emigration Huguenots Green Belt
roce EHRC ghettoization political correctness
Scotti Bannockburn Viking Palaeolithic
nationalism multinational civic Britishness

Write short essays on the following topics:

Describe in outline the history of early settlement in Britain .

2 Is immigration a problem in Britain? lf so, why?

3 Examine the changing patterns of popu lation distribution in Britain.

4 Is it corred to describe contemporary Britain as a 'multi-ethnic' society?

lf so, why?

5 Critically examine attempts to define 'Britishness', by examin ing critically

the section on national, ethnic and local identities, including the poli
results .

Further reading

1 Alibhai-Brown , Y. (2000) After Multiculturalism, London : Foreign Policy Centre

2 Alibha i-Brown, Y. (2001) Who Do We Think We Are? lmagining the New Britain, London :
A llen Lane
3 Aughey, A. (2007) The Politics of Englishness, Manchester: Manchester University Press
4 Bryant, C.G.A. (2006) The Nations of Britain, Oxford : Oxford University Press
5 Colley, L. (1996) Britons : Forging the Nation 1707-1837, London : Vintage Colley
6 Colls, R. (2002) ldentity of England, Oxford : Oxford University Press
7 Conway, D. (2007) A Nation of lmmigrants? A Brief Demographic History of Britain,
London : Civitas
8 Davies, N . (2000) The Is/es: A History, London : Macmillan
The people

9 Donnell, A. (2001) Componion to Contemporory Block British Culture, London : Routledge

l O Grant, A. and Stringer, K.J. (eds) ( 1995) Uniting the Kingdom? - The Moking of British
History, London : Routledge
l l Harvie, C. (2004) Scotlond ond Notionolism : Scottish Society ond Politics, 1707 to the
Present, London: Routledge
l 2 McKay, S. (2000) Northern Protestonts: An Unsettled People, Belfast: Blackstaff Press
13 Nairn, T. (2000) After Britain, London : Granta Books
14 O'Connor, F. ( 1993) In Search of o Stote: Catholics in Northern lreland, Belfast: Blackstaff
Press
15 Owusa, K. (l 999) Block British Culture ond Society, London : Routledge
16 Park, A., Johnson, M ., Curtice J., Thomson, K. and Phillips, M . (2007) British Social Atti-
tudes: The 23rd Report- Perspectives on o Changing Society, London: SAGE Publications
17 Paxman, J. (2007) The English : A Portroit of a People, London : Penguin Books
18 Phillips, M. and Phillips, T. ( 1999) Windrush: The Irresistible Rise of Multiracial Britain,
London : HarperCollins
19 Solomos, J. (2003) Roce and Racism in Britain, London : Palgrave Macmillan
20 Storry, M . and Childs, P. (eds) (2007) British Cultural ldentities, London : Routledge
21 Ward, P. (2004) Britishness since 1870, London : Routledge
22 Winder, R. (2005) Bloody Foreigners : The Story of lmmigration to Britoin, London : Abacus

Websi tes
Campaign for the English Regions : www.cfer.org .uk
Devolution : www.britishcouncil.org/devolution/index .htm
Looking into England : www.britishcouncil.org/studies/english
Scotland Office : www.scottishsecretary.gov.uk
Wales Office : www.walesoffice .gov.uk
Northern lreland Office : www.nio .gov.uk
 4
Religion

■ Rcligious history

■ Thc Christian tradition

■ The non-Christian tradition

■ Cooperation among the faiths

■ Re:.ligion in schools

■ Rcligious identification

■ AttituJes to rcligion anJ morality

■ Exercises

■ further readini

■ Websites
Religion

This chapter examines rcligion in Britain from pagan times; thc latcr conflicts
b etwccn diffcrcnt beli efs; fundam ental changes in religious history; th e arrival
of new faith s; and debates about religion's place in contcmporary l3ritain .
Thc Christian religion has been a significant part of lifr in the British Isl cs
for ncarly 2,000 years tirst sporadically Juring th' Roman Conquest and thcn
1

more widely following conversions from paganism . J\ftcr Henry VlII 's scpara-
tion from Rom c in th e sixtecnth century and th c gradual crcation of a Protcs-
tant Church of England religion was subscqucntly charactcri7.cd by contlict
1

b ctwcen Roman Catholic and Protcstant forms of Christian worship. Thcrc

werc also quarrds among diffcrent Protcstant tradition s, which lcd to division
into scparatc Nonconformist or dissenting churchcs and sccts. This history h as
also included at various times th e appearane<:: of non-Christian faiths 1 such as
Judaism 1 and groups with humanist and spccial bclicfs. ToJa y, Britain still has
many ditferent religions, which have bee n ad<led to ovcr thc ycars (particularly
in thc twenti eth century) by immigra nt faiths 1 such as Islam, H inJuism , Bu<l-
dhism and Sikhism.
Despite th ese fcatures, commentators havc argucd that th crc is a continu-
ing decline in rdigious observance and thc country SlTms to he largcly secular
in terms of the low figures (estimated at 13. l pcr ce nt in 2013) for ali typcs
of Christian and non-Christian regular wcckly attcndancc at rcligious scrvin. 'S.
Secularization (thc movement from sacrc<l to wo rldly conccrns and thC' Euro-
pean Enlightenment's scientitic challcngc to bclief in GoJ) is allegc<lly affcctin g
most faiths 1 parti cularly Christianity. This has lcd to a decl ine in th c attraction
of organized religion represented by m ain strca m or traditional faiths ami has
sparked debates about whether Britain is any longcr a C hristian (or cvcn a
rcligio us) country.
However while adherence to religion is apparcntly dccl ining in so rn e
1

denominations, such as the Church of England, it is in crcasing in oth cr faiths,

such as Roman Catholicism Islam and Orth odox Ju<laism; dcvclopin g othcr
1

ncw independent forms of belicf in sm aller faiths; or as with Hindui sm an<l

Sikhisrn remainin g relatively stable. lt scems that rcligion still rcmains a fa ctor
in British life whether as active adherence to sp ccitic dcnominations, in nomin al
identitication with fa ith groups, in p ersonal belicfs, in a general ethical or moral
codc of behaviour, in non-practising belid~ or as ba ckground to the national
culture on various represcntative levels. Formal aJhcrcncc to a rcligious faith
is proportionally grL·all'r in Waks, Scotland and (particularly) Northcrn lrcland
than in England.
 Religion 91
.,
A~
;T
Religious history

T here is littlc concrete evidence oforganized r ,Jigion in early British history, although
archaeological Jiscoveries suggcst varied fi.)rms of pagan belief associated with the
move mrnt of people into Britain from continental Europc. Littlc is known about
any religious structures for thc nomadi c Palacolithic p oples who roam ed the coun-
try. It scems that Mcsolithic hunt r-gathcrers from 10,000 Re 1itually worshipped
the natural workl, animals and seasonal fruit<;_Ncolithic s-ttlcrs from 5/)00 BC built
mcgalithic stonc burial monumcnts to cd -bratc thcir an ·estors. Thcy embraccd
fortility cults and thc spirit world and wcre lcd by pricst-like shamans. Bronze A.ge
comrnunitics from 3,000 ne d -signcd stone and carth monumcntc:; which wcrc
aligncd to thc sun or moon and th cir lcaders b "'Carne priest-kings who mcdiatcd
with th c gods. Cdtic gods and goddcsscs from 1,000 ll< : influen ·1.x l Iron A.ge socicty,
warfan.\ mctalworking, h caling and poetry, and sac1inccs wcrc ca rricd out hy Druid
plicsts in spcci-fic sacrcJ places, such as springs and woodlands.
Somt Christian intluc nces had rcachcd Britain Jurin g th c Roman ot-cu-
pa tion bctwcc n AD 43 anJ 41 O, but opinions dill ' r on how widcsprcad they
wcrc. lt is argueJ that thc intc rplay betw<:en pagan an<l C hristian obscrvancc
(re pcatcJ wilh Scandinavian invasions from AD 800) might haw hcc n . ignili-
cant. Missionarics anJ monks in 1rcland, who reprcscntcd a Cdtic variant of
th' Rom an Catholicisrn brought from Rom ', co nwrtcd sorne of thc pagan lrish
kings to C hristi anity as carly as AO 300. This prnccss continuc<l anJ mu ch of
Ireland was co nvertcd from arounJ AD 432 by St Patrick and othcr monks.
lrish missionarics spn-ad Ccltic Christianity to Walcs, ScotlanJ an<l northcrn
England, l'Stahlishing rcligious centres, such as that of St Columba on thc Srnt-
tish isl am! of lona . Opinions vary as to thl' cxtc nt of thc Ccltic Church's inllu-
ence on England as a wholc.
In AD S~)C>- 7 thc J\nglo-Sa xo ns of Kcnt in southcrn EnglanJ wc1-c introduced
to the Roman Catholic faith by St J\ugustinc and othcr monks, who had bccn
sent from Romc by Pope Grcgory an<l who l"oundcd thc ccclcs iastical capital of
Cantcrbury in Al) 597. Thc spn: a<l of Christianity was cncouragtd by Anglo-Saxo n
kings, who thought the hierarchical exa mplc of th c Christian church would sup-
port thcir royal authority. Th c church proviJc<l c<lucate<l adviscrs and adminis-
trators, through whom th c kings controlkd th cir king<loms mor -' cffici cntly anJ
th ·' con ncction betwcen -hurch and statc was cstablish cd carly in English history.
Southcm English Christianity was bascd on th bdicfs and practices of thc
C hurch oF Romc. J\lthough th E faith of lrcland, Walcs, Scotlan<l and northcrn
EnglanJ was also founJcJ on Roman doctrines, it hada more Celtic i<lentifi.cation.
Co nflicts and divisions arose between th c two branchcs of Christianity. But these
wcrc cvcntually resolved in AU 6(-,4 at thc syno<l ( religious m eeting) of Whitby,
whc n.' ali thc chun:hcs agrced to acccpt thc Catholic form of worship and practice.
Christianity b ecamc a central and intluc ntial force in society. Thc Catholic
C hurch was hascd on a hierarchy of monks, pricsts, bishops and archhishops.
Religion

It was a part not only of religious culture but also of national administration,
government and law. However, it was increasingly acc used of worldlincss and
rnaterialism and thought to be corrupt and conc rned with politi cs rath er than
religion. Nevertheless, rnonarchs maintained their allegiance to the Catholic
Church and thc Pope in spiritual matters, sorne with more conv iction than
others.
H owcvcr, the relationship b etwccn England and Rome becam e difticult
and by thc sixteenth century was at brcaking point. English monarchs wcrc j 'al-
ous of the wealth and power of the Church and rescnte<l th e influence of Rome
in national affairs. Henry VIII argued in 1529 that as King of England he, not th C'
Pope, was th e supremc legal authority in the country and that the Church and
courts owed their allegiance to him.
ln 1534 H enry broke away from Rom c and <lcdarcd himsclf hea<l of th c
Church in England. Th e immed iate rcason for this bn: ach was the Popc 's
refusal to accept H enry's divor ' <:' from his quecn, Kath arinc of Aragon , who
had not produced a malc heir to thc thron c. But Henry also wantcd to curb thc
Church's power and wealth. In 153G he dissolvcd monastcri cs an<l conf-iscated
much Church property.
Although Henry had establishcd a national Church , that Church was still
Roman Catholi c in its faith an<l practiccs. Henry did not rega r<l himsclf as a Prot-
estant, nor <lid he consi<lcr the English Church to be part of thc Protcstant Rcf-
ormation, which was affccting rdigious lite in continental Europe. Indccd, Hen ry
had defended the papacy against Martin Luther in 1521 . Thc Pope rewardcd
him with the titlc of Fidci D efensor ( Deh.-ndcr of the Faith), which British rnon-
archs still bear today, and which can be secn on most British coi ns as 'FI)' .
Ncvcrtheless, the influencc of the Europea n Rcfnrmation ca us ,d the
English, Scottish an<l Welsh Churches to movc forthcr away from Rome's doc-
trines. This developrnent in England incrcasc<l und cr Edward VI ( l 547-S3 ),
when practices and b elicfs bcca me more Protestan t. John Knox in Scotland also
accekrat ,d the proccss by founding the separate Prot stant Church of Scotland
in 1560. Meanwhile, lreland remaincd mostly Catholi ·.
Conflicts between Catholics and Protcstants bcgan, which oftc-n involved
violcnt pcrsecution. H enry VIII 's daught ' r, thc Catholi c Mary TuJor, tri c<l to
restorc thc Catholic faith <lurin g her reign (1553- 8), but did not succe d. H 'r
half-sister, the Protestant Elizabcth I (1558-1603), establishcd th t: Protestant
status of the Church of England by the terrns of h er Church Settlement. Thc
Church's doctrine was stated in th e Thirty-Nine J\rticlcs of Faith ( 1571) an<l its
forms of worship were contained in thc Book of Common Praycr (both r ·v iscJ
in later centurics). English replaced Latin in church docum<:.nts and scrviccs, and
priests were later allowed to marry. The English Church now occupicd an intcr-
m ediate position between Catholicism and the Protestant Churchcs of Eumpc.
However, thc crcation of th c Protestant Church of EnglanJ <lid not stop
th e religious argumcnls which wcre to affect Ilritain in latcr centurics. Many
 Rel i g i on

PLATE 4 . 1The Martyrs' Memorial, St Giles,

Oxford . A monument erected in 1843 as
a memorial to the Protestant Reformation
and three bishops (Latimer, Ridley and
Cranmer) of the Church of England, who
were burned at the stake in Broad Street in
the l 550s after trials for heresy in the reign
of the Roman Catholic Queen Mary. © Amy
Welmers

Protcstants in th e sixtccnth and seventcenth crnturics h_,]t that thc Church had
not distanced itsclf sufticicntly from Rome and sorne left to form th eir own
religious organizations. Initially callcd Disscntcrs bcca usc th cy JisagreeJ with
the majority view - such as the Baptists form cJ in 1612 who beli eved in full
immcrsion in water Juring baptism - they wcrc latcr known as Nonconformists
and toJay are mcmbers of th e Free Churchcs. Tcnsion hctwccn difh.~rent forms
of Protcsta nti sm also occurred in th e Civil War ( 1642-51) betwecn Royalists
and Parliamcntarians, which led to the protectorate of Oliver Cromwcll.
Thc collapsc of Cromwcll's narrowly puritan rcgimc aftcr his death, anJ
the restoration of thc Stuart monarchy under Charles 11 in 16(>0, brought sorne
rel igious modcn1tion . But sorne rdigions still suffered. The Catholic Church
had undergo ne pcrsccution after the Reformation and the English Civil War,
an d Jews and Nonconformists also cxpcricnced Jiscrimination. These religious
groups were excl udcd from the universities, the House of Commons and pub-
1ic off-ice. It was not until the early nin eteenth century that most restrictions
placed on them wcre formally remove<l. Meanwhile, the Church of England
soli<litic<l its dominant position in 1688, when the Dutch Protcstant William
Relig i o n

IIJ succccded James II, the last English king to sympathizc openly with th c
C atholic cause.
Howcver, furth cr quarrels affccted religious life in th e ' ightce nth and nin c-
teenth ccnturi es, as groups react cd to rationalist developments in th c Church
of England. For examplc, the Methodists (foundcd l 73 9) st rcsscd th e ' mo-
tional aspc.cts of sal vation and reli gion. Thcy tried to work within the Chur -h
of England, hut opposition to thcir views eventually forced th cm to separatc.
N ev rth E'lcss, an cvan gclical wing within the Church was stron gly influenc "'d
by Mcthodism. Th c cvangelicals bascd th eir faith on a literal interpretation of
th e Biblc and a humanitarian idealism. Thcy accomplished industri al and social
rcforrns in ninct ccnth-cc ntury Britain an<l to<lay th e 'Low Church ' wing of thc
Chur -h of England is intlue nccd by evangcli ·alism. Other groups also rcactcd
to the Church of England and fóundc<l a variety of Nonconformist se ·ts.
On thc oth e r han<l, thc O xfor<l or Tractarian Movcm cnt devclopc<l in th e
1830s and emph asi zcd th e Church of Englan<l 's histori cal and thcological co n-
nections with Roman Catholicism . It follow cd C atholi c doctrin es an<l ust>d
claboratc ritual in its chur h scrvi ces. It intlucnccd foturc gcncrations and tod ay
is rcprcse ntc<l by thc J\nglo-Catholic or ' High Chur -h' wing of th e Church of
England.
By th e e nd of thc nineteenth ccntury th e various Christian an<l non-Christi an
church 'S, such as .Ju<laism, wer ' scattcr ,J throughout Britain . In th c twe nticth
century, immigrants a<ldcd furth er rcli gio us diversity. Muslim mosques, Sikh
and Hin<lu temples, and West ln<lian church cs, such as th c Pc ntccostalists, are
common in arcas with largc min ority cthnic communiti cs.
In Britain today, th c growth of Chri sti an and non-Christi an rdi gious obser-
van e and vitali ty is found outsi<lc thc hig t ra<liticm é.l l C hristian churchcs. Thc
evan gelical m ovcme nt has grown as a hran ch of Chri sti anity and is charactcr-
izcd by a closc r ,]ation ship among membcrs and a p erson al frc ling hctw T n
th em and G od, Christ and the Holy Spirit. It has basic Christi an lx lids, hut
cxpresses thcm in diffe re nt ways; breaks <lown th b arri crs of more tra<litional
worship; places littl e rcliance on church furniturc; and h as m any c.liffcrc nt
meeting places. Th c growth of fund am cntalist fa iths, 'cnthusi asti -' Christi an
churches, cults and other rel igious move mcnts have also in crcascd th c numbcr
of pcoplc active in religious life. Mcanwhile non- Chri stian faith s, such as Isl am,
haw ex pandcd significantl y, due to incrcasc<l immigration and largc birth ratcs
in thcse communitics.
Thcre is reli gious frcedom in contemporary Britain; a pc rson rnay hd ong
to any religion or nonc and religious discrimination is unlawful. Th crc is no
r --ligious bar to the holding of public otfice, cxccpt that th c monarch must he a
rn e mber of the C hurch of England. None of th e Church es is spccihcally ti ed to
a political party an<l th er , are no religious parti es in Parliame nt. In 2006, in citc-
m cnt to religious hatred was m ade a criminal offc ncc in England anJ Wales.
Th cre was opposition l'rom scculari sts and tho e who argucd that it was not a
 Religion

CHRISTIAN CHURCHES

Church Church Free Roman

of of Churches Catholic
England Scotland Church

NON-CHRISTIAN CHURCHES

Jewish Hindus Muslims Sikhs

com munity

FIGURE 4.1 Ma in contemporary religious groups

crimina l oHcncc to robustly criti cizc rcligion. Th c Act was limitcd to incitcm c nt
by 'thrcatc ning bchaviour or words' and much wi ll dep cnd on how thc courts
intcrrrL't thcsc in a givcn case.

The Christian tradition

Christianity in Britain is rcprcsc nted mainly by thc Church of England (J\ngli-

can) and thc Roman Catholic C hurc h (which are th c largcs t Lknominations),
thc Church of Scotland and th c Free Churchcs. Thc Church of England attracts
only a small numbc r oF rcligiously ohsc rvant Britons but th ' Catholic Church
dcxs somewhat bctter. It is argucd that th cse two church es huilt too rnany
buildings for too fcw pcoplc in th c nin<.:tccnth ccn tury, whi -h should have becn
closcd, and poorly attcnJ ,J s -rvi ccs co ntributc to furth ' r dcdin c. Surveys sug-
gcst th at thc tra<litional or mainstrca m Christian churchcs havc lost th eir ability
to attract th c young and necd a contc mporary imagc; cx isting congregati ons are
agcing; anJ thosc und 'r 55 tc nd to opt for morl cvangclical forrns of worship.

The Church of England

T h ' Church of Englan<l is th c cstablishcd or national church in England . This
mcans that its legal position is contirmcd by thc Elizab eth an C hurch Settlc-
m ' nt and Parliamc nt. Th e monarch is thc hcad of th c Church; ·its archbishops,
bishops and dcan s ar appoint -d by thc monarch on th e adv ice of th e Prime
Ministcr; and Parliament has a voice in its organization and rituals. But it is not
a statc church hccausc it re 'e ives no publi c finan cial aid, apart frorn clerical
salaries, sorne non-cleri cal positions and hclp with church schools. The Church
thercforc has a spccial relation ship with thc state, although there are calls for its
disestablishme nt (cutting connections b ctw ' en Church and state) so that it can
havc autonomy over its own affairs.
 Relig ion

Thc Church is based on an t'piscopal hierarchy, or rule by bishops. Thc

two i\rchbishops of Canterbury an<l York, togethe r with 24 senior bishops, sit
ü1 thc House of Lords, take part in its proceedings and are the Church's link to
Parliamcnt. Organizationally, the Church is divide<l into th e two provinces of
Canterbury and York 1 each under th e control of an archbishop. Th e Archbishop
of Cantcrbury (callcd th e Primate of All England) is thc senior of thc two an<l
the professional head of th e Church. Th e two provin ces are subdivide<l into
44 dioceses, each un<ler thc control of a bishop. Bishoprics c1re very old anJ
situatcd in ancicnt cathcdral towns, such as York, Chichestcr, Lincoln, Durham
and Salisbw-y.
Thc dioccses are divi<lcd into sorne ] 3,000 parishcs, cach ccntrcd on a par-
ish church. Most parishcs1 cxccpt for thosc in rural arcas, havc a pricst (ca llcJ
eith er a vicar or a rector) in charge an<l a largc parish may havc additional
assistant priests (cura tes). Thc pricst occupics rcnt-frcc accommodation in a
vicaragc, but has only a small salary, paid out of <lion:san fun<ls.
The financia! rcsourccs of thc church come from .its substantial propcrty
and invcstmcnt holdings, and it is thc thirJ largcst landownc.r in Britain ( ahcr
thc Crown and thc Forcstry Cornmission ). Thc asscts and invcstmcnts oF thc
church, which wcrc L8.3 billion in 2017 with inwstmcnt rcturns in 2016 of
17 .1 pcr ccnt1 are administercd hy thc Church Commissioncrs. This wcalth
has to finance many very expe nsivc dcmands, sud1 as pcnsions for thc ckrgy

PLATE 4.2 The Church of St Peter and St Paul , West Newton, Sandringham , Norfolk; a Church
of England bu ilding, which is on th e royal Sandringham estate. © A lbanpix/Shutterstock
 Religion

and administrators, thc maintenance of churches and cathedrals and activitics

in Britain and abroad . In recent year. the finances of the church have been
JepktcJ because of invcstment failures and growing dcmands upon its capital.
The Church of England is considcrcd to be a 'broad church' in which a
varicty of belicfs and practi ccs ocxist. Priests havc freedom as to how they
conduct thcir church scrviccs. Th ese can vary from the elabora te ritual of High
Church worship to th -' simple, fun ctional presentation of Low Church s 'rvices.
Th<:. High Church or Anglo-Catholi c wing (som ' 20 per e nt of m cmbership)

PLATE 4 .3 Canterbury Cathedra l was establ ished in 597 AD and rebu ilt in various
styles, including Gothic; seat of the Archbi shop of Canterbury and cen tre of the
Church of Eng land/ Anglican fa ith ; contains the shrine of the murdered St Thomas
Becket; and is a site of pilgrimage . Courtesy of lmmanuel Giel
Religion

lays stress on church tradition and th e historical influcncc of Roman Catho-

lic practiccs an<l teaching. The Low Church or evangclical wing (sorne 80 p e r
cent of m cmbcrship) bases its faith and practice on simplicity and often a lit-
eral intcrprctation of the Bible and is suspicious of Roman Catholic and Hi gh
Church influcnccs.
The two wings of th e Church do not always cocx ist happily and ther, is a
consi<lcrablc varicty in styles of worship. Sorne priests havc introduccd Internet
serviccs, contc mporary music and th eatre into their services, in orJcr to appeal
to youngcr congregations and more modcrn conccrns, orto provi<le alternatives
for thosc unablc or unwilling to attend th e local church. Today priests havc to
dcal with a wide variety of probl cms and prcssures in their work, particularly
in deprived and inner-city arcas, and thcir role cannot casily be restri ·tcd to a
purely rcligious onc.
Thc mcmbership of th e C hurch of Englan<l is Jifücult to determ in e,
bcca usc the church docs not havc adcquatc rcgisters of mcmbcrs. Mcmbc rship
is assumcd wh ·n a pcrson (usually a baby) is haptized into th c ·hurch. How-
ever, it is cstimatcd that only 27 million of th c English population hav' bccn
baptized . This mcmbcrship may be contirmcd at 'contirm ation ' at th c agc of 14
or ] 5. It is cstimatcd that only a nfth of thos ' baptizcd are contirmc<l an<l about
1.2 million peoplc in England are formal mcmhcrs of thc church according to
lectora] registers.
Church of Engl and statistics suggcstc<l that in 2014 thc avcrag' wcckly
total attendance ( a<lults, children and young pcopk) at Sunday scrviccs was
800,000. This fi gure was a decrcasc from 978,000 in 2007, suggcsting that thc
Church is now th e second-largcst Christian faith aftcr Roman Catholicism.
Th e number of pric "ts also continues to decline (duc to rctircmcnt and lack of
rccruitment). However, many othcr Britons may nomin all y identify th cmsclvcs
with thc Church of Englan<l and attcnd infr ,qucntly, cvcn though thcy an:
not formal members. Ch1istmas (2 .5 million) and Eastt'r ( 1.4 million) scrviccs
attract thc highest number of worshippcrs.
Lay m embcrs of the pari h are associated with church organi'.l.ation at thc
loca l leve! through parochial church councils. Th t.sc sl' nd rcprcscntativcs to thc
regional <liocesan councils (or synods), wherc mattns of common concern are
discussed . Cases may then be sent to th e General Syno<l, which is th e national
govcrning body of the Church. It has spiritual, legislative and ad ministrntivc
fun ctions and makes decisions on subjects such as thc ordination of womcn
priests, the consecration of women bishops an<l gay m arriagc.
Women in the past served as deacons (an officc bclow th at of priest) anJ
in women's religious orders, but could not be or<lain ,¿ as priests in the C hun:h .
Debate and confli ct still surround this question, although th c General Synod
approved the ordination of women and the first women werc or<lained in 19~)4.
Thcre were 5,640 ordaincd full-time women priests (_co mpared with ·14,800
malc clergy) in 2015 and a small number have reached senior positions. Thc
 Religion

debate split th e Ch urch into factions and drove sorne membcrs and clergy into
the Roman Catholic Church, and th ere is significant hostility to thc idea of
women pri ests in sorne parish es and from a number of mak priests. D ebate
then beca m e concerned with th e G eneral Synod's proposal in 2013 that
womcn should b appointed as bishops in thc Church. Afte r more conflict, the
pro posal was passed in 2014. Th e first woman bish op was consccrateJ in 2014
and reached a total oftcn by 2016.
Thc church is opposcd to same-sex marriagcs although it acccpts sa m e-sex
partn erships. Anothcr area of conflict is wheth er priests should be ope n]y gay
or in practising gay relation ships. At prcse nt, non-practising gays may bccomc
pricsts, but the iss ue is controversia] and a practising gay pricst who marri ·,J in
2014 was prcve nted by church authoritics from scrving as a pri cst . Divisions
havc appcarcd in many pari shes an<l thc Church tinds it <lifticult to maintain a
co mmon]y acccptabk policy.
Thc Church of Englan<l is somctirncs rderrcd to as thc 'J\nglican C hurch ',
in thl scnsc that it is part of a worldwic.k cornmunion of churchcs whosc prac-
ticcs an<l hc lids are very similar, an<l many of whi ch desccnd from thc Church
of Englan<l. This Angli can Communion co mpriscs sorne qo million r -orle in
th ' British Isks (indu<ling discstahlishcc.l Episcopal churchcs in Walcs, Srntlan<l
an<l North rn Ircland) an<l abroa<l, such t1s th c Pmtcstant Epi scopal C hurch in
thc lJSJ\ and oth ers in Africa , South-east Asia, South J\mnica and Ca nada. lt
is thc world's third largcst C hristian organization. Snmc of its churdws h:1vc
wo mcn pri csts an<l hishops, whilc othcrs do not. But thc qucstion of wlwthn
to acccpt practising gays as p ricsts or bishops is also bcin g J cbatcd in tlw C om-
munion, with th c d angcr of schism bctwccn co nscrva tivc (/\frican) a nd lihnal
provine.es (North American) . Thc Lambdh Conh.'n.·1KL' (a meeting of J\ngli can
bishops from ali OVL'r thc worlJ) is hdJ cvcry ten ycars in Lonc.lon ami is prc-
ickd ovcr hy th c J\rchhishor of Ca nt ' rhury. lt has grcat prLstigc ;111d its delih-
rations on doctrin e, rclations with othn chur ·hes, and attitudcs to politi cal
and social qucstions ca n be intlucntial. Howcvcr, it is also currcntly struggling
w ith a numb 'r of th co logi cal, political and social probl e ms among its membns.
Toda y, muc.:h of th c Church of EnglanJ mcrnlwrship is midJle- and uppcr-
·lass, rural-hascd and agcing and it tcnds to be idcntificJ with cstablishmrnt
thinking and authority. Howcvcr, thcrc is co nflict in thc Church lwtweu1 trac.li-
tionalists, who wish to m aintai.n old fórms an<l bclids, and m odcrnists, who want
an cngagcd and a<lvc nturous Church to attract a co ntcmporary co ngrcgation .
In rL'C "nt ycars, th c Church of Englan<l has bccn more willing to e n ter into
co ntrovt' rsia] argumcnts about socia] and political problcms in contemporary
Britain , such as povcrty and th c condition of pcopk living in th e inner cities,
and has be ' 11 critica] of govcrnm 'nt policics. This has brought it into conflict
with politi cians, amongst whom its popularity is not high. It has t ended to avoid
such issucs in th e past and was describcd as 'thc Conservative Party at prayer'
bcca usc of its safe, establishment imagc. It is still widely felt that th e Church,
Religio n

like thc monarchy, should not involvc itself in política] qucstions and histori-
cally it has favoured compromise and neutrality. Howevcr, sorne critics argue
that th ' Church is mediocre, divided by squabbles, unccrtain of its future and
lacks both authority and charm. In this view, it must modcrnizc its attitudes,
organization and values if it is to continuc as a vital force in British lifc and to
rcgain its historical status.

The Church of Scotland

The Church of Scotland ( common ly known as th Kirk) is the scco nd cstah-
lishcd Protestant church in lMtain and th e largest in Scotland. Its position as
the official national church in Scotland has bccn con-firmed by succcssiv' lcgis-
lation from 1707, which has ass - - rted its frecdom in spirituéll mattcrs and indc-
p ende nce from a11 parliamcntary supervision. Thc Church is separatt from thc
Church of England, has its own organizational structurcs and decicks its own
doctrin 'S and practi ccs.
It was created in 1560 by .John Knox, who was opposcJ to episcopal rule hy
bishops and considercd that thc Church of England had not mov ,d sufl-icicntly
far from Roman Cathol icism. Thc Scottish Chur ·h follow cd thc tcachings of
Calvin, a 1 ading cxponent of th c Europcan Rcformation , anJ Jcvclopcd a
severc form of Prcshytcrian Protcstantism. Prcsbytcrianism mcans govcrnm cnt
by ordain cd rninisters and elcctc<l cldcrs (who are lay mcmbcrs of th 'C hurch).
Th c Church has a democrati c stru cturc. fn<lividual church es are govcrncd
locally by a Kirk Scssion, which consists of thc minister anJ clJcrs. Ministcrs
(who includc womcn) have equality with cac:h oth ' r. Th c Gene ral J\sscmh ly is
th e supreme organizational body of thc Church and compriscs clcctc<l minis-
tcrs anJ dd rs. It met'tS evcry year un<lcr thc prcsi<lcncy of an clcctc<l Modcr-
ator, who serves for onc ycar and is thc lca<lcr of th e Church during thc pc riod
of ofhce.
The official m embership of th e Church at thc 201 ·¡ Ccnsus was 400,000
and 32.4 pcr cent of Scots ide ntiticd th cmsclves as Ch urch of Scotlan<l (42 pcr
cent in thc 2001 Census). lts membership is dcclining and agcing. Thc church
is thc largcst in Scotland, but 36. 7 p er cent of Scots in thc 2011 Ccnsus said
that th ' Y had no religion. Th e Church has tinan cial prnhlcms; is cxpcricncing
difl-icultics with the acceptance of homosexuality in general and among its min-
isters; and has struggled to maintain its relevélnce to th ' youngcr grncrations.

The Roman Catholic Church

Thc Roman Catholic Church in 13ritain exp cri cnccJ mu ·h persecution and dis-
crimination for cu1turics after the Reformation anJ ha<l difficulties in surviving.
Although its hicrarchy was rcstored and the worst suspicions about it abatcd by
1829-32, rese rvations ,1hout it still continued in sorne quarters.
 Religion

PLATE 4 .4 Requiem Mass at Westminster Cathedral, London . This mass was in memory of Pope
John Paul 11, 3 April 2005 . The cathedral is the centre of Eng land's Roman Catholic faith and
the seat of its prem ier Cathol ic cleric, the Cardinal Archbis hop of Westminster. © Shutterstock

ToJay Catholicisrn is wi<lcly practiscJ throughout Britain and cnjoys rdi-

gio us frccJorn, cxccpt i-t)r th c fact that no Catholic ca n bccornc rnonarch. Thnc
are scvrn Rornan Catholic provinn.'s in Crcat Britain (four in England, two in
Scotland anJ onc in Wales ), cach undcr thc supcrvision of an an: hhishop; 30
<lioccscs cach un<l -r thc co ntrol of a hishop; and 3, l 04 parish es. The hca<l of
thc church in England is thc ca rdinal archhishop of Westrninstcr an<l thc senior
lay Catholic is thc dukc of Norfolk . fn North 'rn IrclanJ, th c rc is eme provincc
w ith scvcn dioccscs, so rne of which ove rlap with dioccscs in thc Irish Rcpuhlic.
In thc 2011 Cc nsus, thcrc wcrc S. 7 rnillion nominal rnernhc rs of thc Cath-
olic faith in th c UK ( about l O p cr cent of thc total population), with 4, 155, l 00
in England and Wal es, 841,053 in Scotland and 738,033 in North (' rn lreland.
Although th c numhcr of activ<..: parti ci p ants is about l .9 million, cstimatcd reg-
ular wcckly Sunday obscrvance is just overa million which makes the Catholic
Church th <." singl e largest Christian C hurch in Britain. lts m e rnbership h as tra-
dition all y ccntrcd on the urhan working class, settlers of lrish descent (particu-
la rly in Livcrpool), a fcw promincnt uppcr-class familics and sorne middle-class
people. In rece nt years th e church has b een strengthe ned by the arrival of Polish
EU imrnigrants and incrcasingly by otlwr migrants from th e EU and Africa.
Thc Church cmphasizcs thc important role of education for its childrcn
and rcquires its mc mbers to try to raisc thcir children in thc Catholic foith.
Religion

There are many voluntary or faith schools that catcr (if not exclusively today)
for Catholic pupils and are sometimes staffed by mcmbcrs of religious ordcrs,
such as the Jesuits, Marists and Christian Brothers. Th · se an<l other ordcrs also
carry out social work, such as nursing, hospital dutics, child care and looking
after thc clderly. Howeve1~ thc number of rnen entering thc pricsthoo<l decl incd
sharply in the 1980s, l 990s and in the twcnty-first ccntury, although -figures
seem to be incrcasing again. Thc Church has faced accusations of sex abuse by
sorne of its clcrgy.

The Free Churches

The hcc Churchcs are composcd of thosc Nonconfórmist Protcstant d --nom-
inations which are not establish ,J like thc Churches of England and Scotland.
Sorne brokc away from the Church of England aftcr th e Reformation an<l oth-
ers departcd la ter. In general, they disscntc<l from sorne of the Church 's theo-
logical beli fs and rcfuscd to acccpt episcopal rule or hi crarchical structurcs,
and most have ordainc<l womcn ministt.rs. Th eir history has also been onc of
schism and separation among th emselvcs, which has res ultcd in th c fórrnation
of man y <liffere nt sects.
Thcir cgalitarian beliefs ar' rdlcctc<l in thc historical association h<.:twcrn
politi cal and rcligious dissent, which wcrc important in thc formation ol" thc
Labour Party and th<: radical wing or thc olJ l .ihcral Party. Thcy havc <kvdopc<l
their own convictions and practices, which are oftcn mirrorcd in thcir simple
church scrviccs, worship and buildings. Thc Free Churchcs tcnd to be strongcst
in northcrn Englan<l, Wales, North 'rn Ircland and Scotlan<l an<l most of thcir
mcmbcrship has hislorica11y J eriv d from thc working class. Thc main Free
Churches today are the Mcthodists, Baptists, thc lJnitcd Rdórm cd Church,
Pentccostalists and thc Salvation Army.
Thc Methorlist Church is the largest of thc Free Churches, and Grcat Brit-
ain's fourth largest Christian d ·nomination with sorne 330,000 adult mcmhcrs in
2013 anJ a community of 800,000 peoplc who havc· an active conncc. tion with
the Church. lt was established in 1784 by John Wcslcy ahcr Church of England
opposition to his <:.vangelical vi ws obligc<l him to scparatc and fórm his own
organization. This had a major impact an<l influc nc -' up rn thc growing English
working class ( 1760-1820). Furthcr argumcnts and division occurrcd within
thc Mcthodist Church in th e ninetccnth century, but most of thc doctrinal and
administrativ disputes were settled in 1932. To<lay thc Mcthodist Church in
Britain is based on the 1932 union of most of thc scparatc Mcthodist sccts, but
indcpcndent Methodist Churches still cxist in Britain and abroa<l, an<l then.' is
a worldwide membcrship of 15 million. Attcmpts wcrc madc in thc 19fü)s and
1970s to unify thc Mcthodists and the Church of England, but th' proposals
failed. In pra ·ticc, howcvcr, sorne ministcrs of thcsc dcnominations sharc their
churches an<l scrviccs, and i<lcas about unification havc again been aire<l reccntly.
 Religion

Thc Baptist English found ers in 1612 wished to purify the Church of
England and baptism by water was their cleansing symbol. Thc Baptists are
toda y grouped in associations of churches. Most of these now bdong to the Bap-
tist Union of Great Britain (covering England and Wales), which was formed in
1812 and had a m embership of 150,000 people with 2, l SO church es in 2009.
There are also independent Baptist unions in Scotland and Ircland 1 in addition
to a worldwide Baptist followship of sorne 37 million rn embers, making this th e
fifth largest Christian Church in the world.
The United Reformed Chun:h (URC) is a union bctwccn old churchcs.
The ancient Congrcgational Church in England and Wales had its roots in six-
tcenth-century Puritanism. lt gradually m crgcd with thc Calvinist-influenccJ
Preshytcrian Church in England, Wales and Scotland, the Churches of Christ
and other sccts in 1972, 1981 anJ 2000 to form th e URC. lt is a small Christian
dcnomination in Britain with sorne 68,000 rncmbcrs, 1,500 congregations and
700 ministe rs. It bclicvcs in Christian unity and ecume nism worldwidc, and
a multicultural pcrspcctivc achi evcd through 11-initarian ( Holy Trinity) crecJs
and thc ílibk as th c Word of God. It is ccntrcJ on local congrcgations through
w hi ch all mcmbcrs collcctivcly make dccisions. It coopcratcs with thc Method-
ist C hurch in Britain and works globally with 70 million Christians who sharc
its rcformcd bclids.
Th c Sal11atúm J\nny is an intl'rnational Christian cvang<..'lical movc mcnt.
lt c mphasizcs saving souls through a pract ica] Christianity and soc ial conccrn
and its messagc is hascd on thc 13ihlc. It was foun<l cJ in Britain hy William
Booth in 1865; now h as so m ' 1. 7 mi Ilion active mcmhcrs Jnd 1,500 otli ccrs
and mini stc rs; has sprcad to 126 othcr rnuntrics and has a worldwiJc strcngth
of sonw 2.5 million. Thc Salvation J\rmy is an cHicicnt organization and has
e ' ntrcs nalionwidc to h clp thc homclcss, c!Jcrly, ahuscJ , poor, si -k and thc
necdy and to sca rch For missing pcrsons. Its uniformcd mcmhc rs may he frc-
qucntly scen on th e stret'ts of British towns and cities, pl ay i ng and singi ng
rcligious music, coll ecting mon t'y1 pr 'aching and sclling thcir ma gazim thc
Wt,lr Cry.

O ther Christian churches

Although active mcmbcrship of th e largc Christian churches is lkdining, there
ar' a considerable numbcr of small ' í Free Church J e nominations throughout
Britain. Thc disscnting tradition has lcd groups in vcry varicd Jirections and
thcy ali valuc th c ir indc pc ndencc and origins. For cxamplc, th c Rdigious Soci-
cty of' Fricnds (Quakcrs) was foun<lcd in thc scvcntcenth century in D erby,
England . lt is a Christian group but has no ministcrs and its m eetings are some-
what unconvcntional. Thcir individual bclids can range widely and rnay include
intlucn TS from othcr reli gions, although thcir faith is highly organized. The
Quakcrs' pacifism and social work are intluential and th eir me mbcrship has
 Relig i on

increascd sincc th e early twentieth ccntury to about 17,000 peoplc in Britain in

2007 with about 210,000 worldwidc.
There has been a significant rccent increase in 'enthusia. tic' Christian
church es. Thesc are dcfin ed as independent Christian groups, which number
half a million m cmbers and are charact erized by thei r Pentecostal, charismatic
and cvangelical nature. They emphasize the miraculous anJ spiritual sid ' of
th c N ew Testamcnt rath er than dogma, sin and salvation. Among th em are
Churchcs, such as the Assemblies of God and th e Elim Pcntecosta1 Church,
wruch have many m "mber of Afro-Ciribbean dcscent. FunJamcntalist cvan-
gelical groups have also been increasing. There are many other <lenominations
in Britain, such as th e Scvcnth Day Advcnti sts with a ddin ed Christian ambi-
ence, and others such as Jchovah 's Witncsses, thc Mormon Church, Christian
Scicntists and Spiritualists which are Christian variants oftcn J criving from
th e USA. lmmigrants to Britain over th e centuri "'S havc cstablishcd th e ir own
Christian denominations in th e country (m ainly in the largc citi cs ). Thc largcst
today is the rnultinational Grcck Ortho<lox Church, which has an inncasing
me mbcrship and attracts me mbcrs from other Churchcs.
This diverslty of Christian groups produces a v 'ry varic<l rcligious lil-t' in
Britain toe.lay, but une which is an important rca lity for signifi ca nt numbe rs of
people. Sorne of it illustrates a growth arca in rcligious obscrvancc, markcd by
frustration or di senchantmcnt with the hcavy, formal an<l traditional stylc uf th c
larger mainstream churches and a dcsirc to embrace a more vital, lc.ss orthodox
and more spontancous form of Christianity and person al rcligious ex pcricnn.'.

The non-Christian tradition

Th e non-Christi an tradition in Britain is mainly associatc<l with later immigrants

entcring the co untry ovcr thc centurics, such as th c Jcws and, more reccntly
(from th c ninetecnth and parti cularly twe ntieth centuricsJ , Muslims, Sikhs and
Hin<lus, among others.

The Jewish community

Th -first Jews possibly carn e with th c Norrnan Conqucst and ,,..,ere involvc<l
in finance and commerce, although sorne criti cs arguc that th ' Y arrivcd with
th e Rornans. Th present community dates from the mid-sewnteenth ce ntury,
following its carlier expulsion in 1290. According to th e 2011 Ccnsus it now
has 263,346 m cmbe rs and is estimated to be th c second largcst Jewish popu-
lation in Europe, Calthough sorne demograph ers placr the -figure at 291,000) .
The community is composcd of the original Sephardim (from Spain, Portugal
and north Afri ca ) and tht.' pre. cnt majority Ashkcna zim (from Gcrmany an<l
central Euro pe ).
 Relig i on

PLATE 4.5 Interior of Bayswater Synagogue, west London , with parchment Torah containing
the first five books of the Hebrew Bible . © Jonathan Hordle/Shutterstock

In r ,]igious tcrms, th e co mmunity is dividc<l into thc majority Central

Ortho<lox faith (of which thc main spokesman is th e Chicf Rahbi) an<l minority
Rcform, Liberal anJ Scphardic groups. Thc focus of r -ligious lifc is thc 40~)
local synagogw. s, and Jewish schools are attcndcd both by 60 pcr cent of.Jewish
schookhildre n and childr n from othcr faith s. Thc Boar<l of Dcputi 'S of British
Jcws is thc umbrclla re prescntativc body anJ voi cc fór all the country's Jews.
The majority of .Jcws live in Lon<lon, whcrc th e East End has tra<litionally been
a place of initial .Je wish settlcmcnt, whilc othcrs live mainly in urban ar 'as out-
sidc London, such as Manchester, Lee<ls, Nottingham an<l Birmingham.
The community has declincd in th e past 30 ycars. This is arguably due to
a disenchantment with religion an<l a grow in g secularism; an in crcasc in civil
and mixed marriages; cmigration by a ·<.msidcrable numb ·'r of young Jcws; a
relatively low birth rate; an<l an agcing population of active pra ·titioncrs. But it
is estimatcd that the growth of thc Ultra-Orthodox cornmunity may cvcntuall y
1"'aJ to it outnurnbcring oth r .Jcwish communitics.
Other fa ctors inHucncing .Jcwish ]¡fe in Britain, according to the Parlia-
mentary Group against Anti-Scmitism, are in crea ing anti-Semitic incidents,
sp ' · ch ' S an<l physi cal atta ·ks on .Jcws and synagogues since 2000, including
·ontrovcrsies about thc Jcfinition of 'anti-Scmitism'. According to the Com-
munity Security Trust, 2014 was th e worst year for anti-Semitic incicknts in
.,
"°~ 106 Re l i g i o n
:,T
.
the 30 years that records have b een kcpt. A YouGov poli in 2015 showed that
45 per cent of British people hol<l at least one anti-Sernitic vi ew; 45 per cent
of Jews fcar that th ey have no lon g-term future in thc UK and one in fóur
have considcred leaving. For sorne British Jcws, th eir Jewishncss is a matter of
birth and th ey h avc assimilated more with thc wider British society. For oth-
ers, it involves crucial religious b eliefs and practi ce and thi. fundam ~ntalism is
incrcasing. Th e majority also have a larger global idcntity with Jcwish hi story
and cxperience .

Other non-Christian religions

Immigration into Britain, particularly during thc last 70 ycars, has resulted in a
substantial growth of othcr non-Christian rcligions, such as Islam, Sikhism anJ
Hinduism. Th e numbcr of practitioners is growing beca usc of rclativcly high
birth rates in th 'SC gro ups and bcca use of signiticant co nv rsion to such faiths
by young and middlc-agcd non-whites and whitcs.
Thcre w re sorne 2.8 million Muslims rccordcJ in th e 201 l Ccnsus and
most live in England. There are large conccntrations in citics and towns such as
Bradford, London, Luton, Blackburn, ílirmingham, Dcwshury, 13 ,JforJ, Covcn -
try, Leeds, Wolverhampton, Lciccstcr, HuddcrsficlJ anJ Livcrpool , with smallcr
numbers in Glasgow and Edinburgh. Th c numbcr of Muslims is forccasl to

PLATE 4 .6Muslims attend ing Regent's Park Mosque in west London for Friday prayers, 15 July
2005 . © Andy Paradise/Shutterstock
 Religion

increase to 7. 75 million by 2050. Religious observance is high er than in thc

gen eral population and therc is regular attendance at mosque·, of which th ere
ar sorne 1,500 in th e UK. There are about 140 Muslim faith schools and 12
of them are statc-fundcd. Most Muslims have th e ir origins in Pakistan and Ban-
gla<lcsh, but thcrc are oth -'r groups from India, th e Arab countries, Cyprus, the
Mi<l<llc Ea, t anJ Eastern Europe. Th c Islami c Cultural C entre and its C entral
Mosque in London are th e largest Muslim institutions in thc West . Th e Muslim
C ouncil of Britain, form ed in 1997, is th c umbrdla rc prcsentative body for
most British Muslims.
Jn 2011 , thcrc w 're also active Sikh (432,429) and Hindu (835,394)
rE ligious a<lhe rcnts in Britain . Most Hin<lus livc in England (half in Lon<lon)
w ith smallcr communitics in Northcrn lrc.lanJ, Scotland and Walcs. Most of
th se co me from ín<lia with a minority from East Africa anJ havc many te m-
ples locat cd arounJ thc co untry in a1Tas of Asian settkmcnt, with 250 Sikh
an<l 150 Hindu tcmpks. Various forrn s of Buddhism are also rcrrcscnt ~d in
t h e population, with ahout 2ti1 ,584 active participants in 2011. All th ese
faith s havc th<:ir own repre.se ntativc ho<li cs an<l most mcmbers tc nd to livc in
England.
Active, obscrving or practising m e mh 'rs of non-Christi an r ,Jigions rcprc-
c nt a significant growth arca whcn cornpar ,d to thc C hristian Church ~s. Yct
t hcsc cornmunitics constitutc a rclativdy srnall proportion of th ' total 13ritish

PLATE 4.7 A Hindu wedding ceremony. © Richard Gardner/ Shutterstock

 Re li gion

population, 41.7 per cent of which in 2014 were nominally Christian despite
the growth of agnostics and atheists. Non-Chri stian groups have altcred thc
rcligious face of British society and influenced employment conditions, sincc
allowances hav to be made for them to follow their rcligious observanc s and
customs.
Such groups have also becomc vocal in cxpressing th eir opinions on a rangc
of mattcrs, such as protests about British foreign policy in the Middle East, Iraq
and Afghanistan; a Muslim demanJ for mor of their own schools to be sup-
portcd by statc fonds; and Muslim outrage against Salman Rushdi e's novel The
Sataníc Verses, parts of which ar<:. considered to be blasph ' mous.

Cooperation among the faiths

The earlier mutual intoleranc' among Chri stian denomin ations in Britain has
gra<lually m e11owed aher centuries of hostility and reprcssion. Thcn. ' is now
considerable cooperation betw en th e churches, although this stops short of
ecumcnism (full unity ). Discussions continuc hctwecn the Roman Catho-
lic Church an<l other Christian churchcs ahout doscr tics and an J\n gli can-
Roman Cathoüc Commission ex plores points of possible unity. Th e old cnmity
betwecn Protestants and Catholics h as becn reduccd, though tension continuc s
in Scotl and, Northcrn Ircland and parts of En gland.
On oth er levcls of coopcration, Churchcs Togcthcr in Britain and lrcland
has reprcsentatives from thc main Christian church cs and works towards com-
mon action and Christian unity. Thc Free Church F -<lera] Council does a similar
job for th e Free Church cs. The Anglican and the main Free Churchcs also par-
ticipate in the Worl<l Council of Churchcs, which attempts to promotc wor1J-
widc cooperation and studies common problcms. Th " Council of Christians
and Jews works for better understanding among its mcmbcrs and th e Coun cil
for Churches Togethcr of Britain and Irdand has cstablished a Committcc for
Relations with Peoplc of Othcr (non-Christian) Paith s. Thc Inter Faith Nctwork
for the UK consists of sorne 100 organi zations and pro motes good rclations
b etwcen th e country's different faith s. Thc growth of inter-faith and multi-faith
bodies sin ce 2000 in di cates a <lesire anda nccd for coopcration to sol ve Britain 's
current religious and social problem s.
Such attempts at possible cooperation are seen by sorne as positivc actions,
which might break down barriers and hostility and promot ' a more inclusive
BritaiJ.1. Others see them as signs of weakness, ' incc denomination s are obliged
to cooperate bccause of declining m embcrships and a lack of n:.a1 influc ncc
in th e contemporary world . Movcm ent towards Christian unity may al so be
thr atened by interna] contlicts in British dcnominations and by th e ordination
of women priests and bishops in thc Church of England, since thc Rom an C ath-
olic Church is opposl'd ,111J tht·1-c are rifts in Anglicanism worldwi<lc on thcse
 Re ligion 109
.,
JO ~
;T
and other matters, such as civil partn erships and gay marriagc. Similarly, there
are ge nerational and religious tensions within Islam and externa] conflicts with
non-Muslims in Britain.
Sorne church pcople at grassroots lcvcl argue that the churches must adapt
mor to the requircments of modern life, or clse decline further in mernber-
ship an<l influe nce. Rcligious lifc in Britain has bccom e more cvangclical and
cooperative in ordcr to rcfl cct a divcrsc co nternporary socicty and values. How-
ever, traditionalists wish to preserve th e historical elemcnts of rcligious bclicf
and practicc an<l thc tcnsion hetwecn th e m an<l mo<lcrnists in all religious
gro ups is likely to continuc.

Religion in schools

T he School Standards and Framework Act, l ~)98 statcs that non-dcnominational

Christian r ·' ligious cducation is kgally compulsory in statc primary and scconJ-
ary schools in EnglanJ and Walcs. Thc s -hool Jay is suppos ,d to start with an
act of co lkctive worship, and rcligious lcssons must b ' provided which shoul<l
be wholly or mainly of a broa<lly Christian charactc r, hut shoulJ also considc r
thc othcr main faiths. Th c /\et giws parcnts thc right to withdraw th cir chilJn: n
fro m rdigiou s lcsso ns and colk ·tivc worship. Rcligious s1.::· rviccs and tcaching
arc providcd h y schools in ScotlanJ hut attc nd ancc is not compulsory.
In practi cc, a third of schools do not hold daily rdigious assc mhlics. Custom
difh.' rs for thc rcligious lesso ns, parti cularly in arcas with largc cthnic minority
com muniti cs. Th c kssons ca n takc diffcrcnt forms, m ay not be ticd to Christian
thc mcs and thcir contcnt is dccidcd loca lly. Frcqucnt proposals are madc that
thc k gal co mpulsion in rcligious c<lucation should bl' fl'ffilwc<l, but it rcmains
law. Somc pcopk scc rcligious c<lucation and coll cctive worship as a way to
raisc morn l standards, e nco uragc British soc ial values and improvc cd ucation,
d iscipline and rcs ponsibility, whik othns <lisagrce. Many schools are unablc to
m 'l'l thcir religious kgal obligations and sorne question th c point of doin g so.
Rcli gion-bascd school s at prima ry and scco nd ary lcvcls (so-calkd 'fa ith
schools' ) havc long cx istcd in Britain and are now ofrcn fun<l c<l hy thc . tate.
Most of thcm an: C hristian and cmphasizc the particular fa ith or cthos of
th ~ school , su -h as thc C hurch of England, Roman Catholi cism and Mcthod-
i.sm . The Labo ur govcrn mc nt wantcd to in crease thc numb ' r of faith schools
bccausc of thcir acaJcmic rcco rds and disciplin e, as well as a wish to r ,Hect
social and rdi gious Jivc rsity. Th c Church of Englan<l and th e Mctho<lists want
to op ' 11 more such schools and thc first statc-fundc<l Islamic sccondary school
for girls opcncJ in 2001.
Thesc dcv ,)opmcnts are controversial. lt is argued that single-faith state
schools will institutionali ze segregation, 1'ad to a 'balkanization' of British soci-
ety rath 'f than an embrace of pluralism, increase intolerance from in sidc an<l
.,
"'~ 110 Religion
;.T
outsidc the schools, and result in chi]drcn growing up ignorant of other reli-
gious and social values. Experience in Northern Ireland illustrates th e poten-
tial dangers of segregatcd religious schooling, although there has bee n a rccent
increasc in integrated schools in the province. In Englan<l, the growth of state-
fund ed 'free schools' and academies organized by a variety of groups outside
local governmcnt control has led to thc suspension or closure of som of th ese
schools amidst a cusations in sorne cases of extrcmist religious schooling, scc-
tarian prcssures, inadequate administration and discrimination, particularly in
Birmingham, D erby and Bradford .

Religious identification

Oe.clining mcmbership of sorne faiths and falls in regular attcndancc at reli-

gious services in Britain have continued. Yet ex pansion has occurrcd in sorne
free Churches, ncw independent rcligious movcmcnts and the non-Christian
denominations. N evertheless, the number of pcopl who claim to b e non-
re1igious has incrcased signiticantly in reccnt years and thcre havc been vigorous
debates about whcthcr Britain remains a Christian ( or cven religious') co untry.
Historically, it has been diff-icult to obtain precise information about rcli-
gious mcmbership and beli ef in Britain since dcnominations havc thcir own
mcthods of asscssing membership and attcn<lancc figures. Estimatcs hasc<l on
interna] registers, opinion polls, research survcys and ccnsus results can thcrc-
forc vary in th eir findings.
More religious information for England, Waks and Scotland {hut exclu<l-
ing Northern Irdand) b ecame available in thc 2001 ccnsus, which for the tirst
time had a question on rcligious idcntitication and a choice from a numbcr oF
religions. In the latcst ten-ycarly 2011 Census for the wholc UniteJ Kingdom,
67 pcr cent of respondents reported that thcy identificd with a religion, 25. 7
per cent said that they had no religion and 7 .2 per cent eithcr di<l not statc a
religion or entered a non-specified faith. The census s - rvcs as a tcmplatc for UK
religious affiliation, but may be updated in relcvant arcas from other rcligious
surveys.
Of those respondents who identified with a r "'ligion, 59.85 p er cent in 2011
rcgardcd themselves as Christian, rnaking Christianity in C·'nsus terms the main
rcligion in the UK. This group included the Churches of England anJ Scotland,
th e Anglican Churches in Wales and Northern lrclan<l, thc Roman Catholi<:
Chur h, th e Free Churches and othcr Christian denominations.
Of the 7.6 per e ' nt total of those who claimed a non-Christian religion, 4.4
per cent belonged to Islam , l .3 pcr cent were Hindu, O.7 per cent were Sikhs,
0.4 per cent identiticd with Judaism, 0.4 per cent werc Buddhists, and 0.4 p cr
cent were 'othcr rcligion ' (i .e. non-Christian religion) .
 Rel i gion

Howcvcr, rcsults in the 2017 British Social Attitudes (BSA) survey, which
did not covcr Northern Ireland, showed more declines in religious allegiance.
Fifty-threc pcr cent of the British p eople now claimed to b e non-religious and
having no rcligious affiliation. Christian ide ntitication was now 41 p er cent
(comprising ] 5 pcr cent Anglican, 9 per cent Roman Catholic and 17 p er cent
other Christian). Th e non-Christian total wa. 7.7 pcr cent (4.6 per cent Mus-
lim, ] .5 pcr cent Hindu, 0.5 pe r ce nt Jewish, 0,4 per ce nt l3uddhi st, 0.3 p er cent
Sikh and 0.4 per cent other non-Christian) . Th ese results suggest that Christian
denominations such as th c Church of England werc losing ground.
Thc BSA survcy also found that fewer peopl of most Christian faiths
(cxcept for Ro man Catholics) actually attcndcd a servicc once a wcck, a major-
ity hardly cve r attended and smaller p ercc ntagcs attcndcd infrc4ucntly. Church
attcndancc, outsidc spccial occasions and 'rites of passage' visits, such as wed-
dings, fun e rals and baptisms, was low anJ continues to d ecl ine.
D csp ite th e 2017 BSJ\ figures which show a minority 4] pcr cent saying
that th cy wcrc Christian, sorn e p eop le argue that Britain is still a Christian
co untry, a position that is criticized by sccularists and oth ers. Scc ularization
appcars to be incrcasing, but rcligious growth, pluralism an<l spiritual belit: f are
indicatcd in sorne non-Christian and a few C hristian faiths. lt is é:llso argued that
r ligious and spiritual fedings do not nu:cssa rily re 4uirc regular observancc,
formal me mbership of a Jcnomination or allcgiann: to a givcn set of rdigious
doctrin es and practices. Th cy ca n manH<:st thcmsdves in altcrnativc ways in
society. Nor, é:lccording to sorn e critics, should rdigious institutions continuc to
receivc privil egcs in a diversc, mode rn Britain.

Altitudes to religion and morality

As religion has bccom c privatizcd and fragm ented, polls suggcst that p eoplc
still havc bcliefs which th ey may relate to a Cod or spiritual force, sin, a soul,
heaven, angels and spirits, life after <lea th, rc incarnation , th e ckvil and hcll, thc
powcr of praycr and mirncks. Man y of th ese bdiefs may be rooted partly within
religious traditions, but may not involve formal me mbership of a n:~ligion, and
may be duc to a sense of spirituality whi ch ·,mnot be explain ed through sci-
cnce. A Th eos surwy in 2013 found that on]y 13 pe r cent of ali British aJu1ts
and 25 pcr cent of th c non-rcligious agreed that humans é:11-C purely material
bcings with no spiritual dcment. lt was felt that spiritual beliefs are not only
held by thc conventionally re ligious and that even supposedly non-religious
peoplc havc such fcclings.
Thc 20] 1 Ccnsus reported that many Britons had a range of altemative
bdief structures, such as Jedi Knights ( 176, 632), Paganism (57,000), Spiritual-
ism (39,00(f) Abrnosticism (32,382), .lain (20,000), Humanism (15,067), Wi cca
Re l i gion

(11,766), Rastafarian (7,906), Bahúi Faith (5,021), Druidism (4,189) and Sci-
entology (2,418). Th re were activitics such as tarot reading, star sign rcading,
refl xology, healing with krystals, rciki sessions, faith hcaling, the paranormal,
mysticism, New Agc practices, telepathy, second sight an<l astrology which sat-
isfied othcr-worl<lly nccds.
Poll results suggest that peoplc in modern Britain are becoming more in<li-
vidualistic in tht..ir vicws and less depcndent upon church authoriti e.s or dogma.
Respondcnts who .say they have no dcclared religion may mean that they do
not bclong to a church structure, do not follow organiz ,J rcligion, but may
adopt a more personal approach towards belief Survcys indicatc a distinction
bctwcen formal rcligious obscrvance an<l a private sphcrc of rcligious or moral
focling.
Yct Jcspite the appcarancc of a .secular British statc, r "ligion in its traditional
forms is still a factor in national lifo. It is reflectcd in radio, t ,Jcvision anJ thc
pre. s which conccrn thcmsclvcs with rdigious anJ moral topics. BroaJcasting
of religious servie<::'S and debates can attract largc au<licncc ligures anda dcman<l
for more, <lcspite attcmpts by sorne brna<lcastcrs to cut rcligious programming.
A religious scn.sibility may also be rdlcctc<l in traditions, ccrcmonics, and
public or national morality. Rcligious <lcnominations are rclativcly promin<.'nt
in British lite an<l are active in cducation, voluntary social work and l nmmu-
nity carc. Religious lcadcrs of ali faiths puhlicly <lcbatc doctrine, social mattcrs,
political conccrns anJ thc moral 4ucstions of thc Jay, not always ncccssarily
within narrow church limits. Thcy may frcquently come into conffo.: t with pol-
iticians on issucs such as povcrty in Britain, food hanks, gay marriagc, forcign
wars and ocial incquality. Yct sorne largl' churchcs appcar unabk to mount
rohust dcfrnccs in countcring forther institutional <lcclim', an<l this process
scems likcly to continuc.
Howcvcr, thcre are other irnpli cations in this situation . Rdkcting a decline
in rcligiou.s faith anJ accord ing to a Lcc<ls lJnivnsity survcy in 19~)7, many
Britons do not trust othcr peoplc and now scc lif<.' as lcss prc<lictablc, more
timc-prcssurc<l, lcss s 'Cure, more materialistic anJ fast-moving, and thcir soci-
cty as rid<llcJ with mistrust, cynicism and grcc<l . I .acking traditional fait h in
conventional rcligion, more peoplc appcar to put thl'ir trust in matnialism,
physical appcarancc, fashion, tren<ls, cckbrity anJ indivi<lualism. Thcsc may
bccomc the rcligions of thc Jay.
Neve rthc1css, therc also secms to he a longing l<)r spiritua lity, othcr-worlJly
·ornf-órt and cxplanation, particularly among thc 18-30 agc group, which is
not being provid --d by tht' cstablishc<l or main.strcam churchcs, or hy in stitu-
tional identitics. The Times in a kaJcr on 19 .lanuary 2015 rnmmentl'J that this
situation:

suggests that 'th erc is a resilient and perhaps irr -ducibk wish for spiri -
tual answers even in an age of doubt anJ pluralism. It speaks to a nu.·d
 Religion 113
.,
A ~
;.T
for something beyond ourselves - and rigorously rational intellccts
have b een willing to at least cntertain this notion'.

Such concerns secm also to influence mattcrs of personal morality and civic
rcsponsibility. J\..lthough th e re are differcnces of ernphasis betwccn younger
and oldcr ge nerations an<l hctwccn rn e n and wornen, many Britons have
strong views about right an<l wrong. Whilc thcse are not ncccssarily ticd to the
tcaching of any particular dcnomination, many British pcople do embrace an
authoritarian posturc in sorne c..¡ucstions of morals and social b ehaviour. 'Moral
traditionalism', old values, a scnsc of 'what is right' and civic responsibility are
still supportc<l by man y pcopl '. Thcrc is oftcn a grc atcr adhercncc to concepts
of personal an<l social morality than thosc dictatcd by official, rcligious and legal
restra in ts.
In tcrms of civic rcsponsibility, polis suggcst that attitudcs to authority and
th e law rcmain rclativcly convcntional in sorne arcas hut not in othcr.s. Thc
numbn of pcoplc who considn that thc law should be obcycd without cxccp-
tion has fallen, an<l more now bclicvc that onc should follow onc's conscicncc,
cvcn if this mcans brcaking thc law. /\ ccrtain critical indcp ' nJcncc cxists sidc
by sidc with thcse vicws and pcoplc are vcry willing to voie<.' thcir strnng con-
ccrns aboul a range of mattcrs. On many oth er mattcrs, howcvcr, thcn.' sc·cms
to hl.' a grnwing lihcralism.
Thc British sccm to havc bt.' come more tolcrant, ·for c·xampk, of scx in
tilms, homoscxuality, rnhahitation outsiLk marriage, altnnativc lifr.styks,
assisll'd Jying and euthanasia ( allowing a doctor to cm! a patit'nt's lik) if thc
pc rson in qucstion is suffering from a ¡,ainl'ul incurable illness, and that it is
worsc to convict an in non nt rerson (miscarriagc ofjusticc) than to kt a guilty
indivi<lual go free.
Thcs · varicd rcsponscs partly n:fkct thc d ·hatc on whcthn Britain is a
Christian country. Dcnominational Christianity has dccrcaseJ and a 2013 BS/\
survcy h.1Und that 7(> pcr ce nt of rcspondcnls thought that hcing Christian is
notan important ck mcnt in hcing British.
It is asscrtcd in othcr quartns that Britain is a Christian country bccausc
its laws and slructurcs are bascd on a framcwork of Christian valucs. This view
is opposcd by those who arguc that British law <loes not owe:.' its cxiste ncc to
'Christian' valucs, and that tlw convcntions an<l rcgulations that conJition
social lifr, predatc Chrislianily. Britain has bccn shapcd hy pre-Christian, non-
Christian and post-Christian forces, as wdl as universal values which are not
uniquc to Britain . Critics arguc that il is inappropriate to place Christian beli efa
abovc other Faiths and secular framcworks, which also contribute to British
culture. Thc non-rdigious havL incrcascd, thc number of Muslims, Buddhists,
Hindus, Jcws and Sikhs has grown, and Christianity has declined. It is argued
that th c UK has a plural rcligious lan<lscapc and no one faith group now has a
natural preccdencc in the state.
Rel i gion

Howcver, the C hristian chun:lws h;,vc d ca rly pl ayed a significant part in

Britain's history. Christi an 1i tuals, sym ho li sm and instituti ons illustrate how the
churches occupy a role in civic lifr, irrcs pecti ve of how central, intluenti a] and
necessary they now are. Weddings, h ap tisms and funera ls rcprescnt a m ajority
culture which arguahl y no longc r aJhcrcs to traditional worship, ohservance
and attcndance, but which stil1 h as a cultu ral 'rite of passagc' appeal for rn any
pcopl e.

Exercises
Briefly define and examine the following terms, commenting on their
significance in British life:

Canterbury Henry VIII 'Low Church' confirmation

Kirk lona Free Churches General Synod
St Patrick episcopal Church Settlement John Knox
Whitby Quakers vicar Salvation Army
baptism ecumenism denomination evangelism
secularism Reformation Druids synod
pagan Ashkenazim Church of Scotland Protestant
dissenters agnostic 'High Church'
bishops bishoprics St Augustine

Write short essays on the following topics :

What does the term 'Christianity' mean in terms of British religious

history?

2 Discuss religious membership and observance in contemporary British

life .

3 Critically examine the role of the Church of England .

4 Examine the public opinion polls in this chapter. What do they tell us
about British society?

Further reading

1 Alderman, G . ( 1998) Modern British Jewry, Oxford : Clarendon Press

2 Bebbington, D. ( 1988) Evangelism in Modern Britain : A History from the 1730s to the
1980s, London : Routledge
3 Brown, C. (2009) The Death of Christian Britain, London : Routledge
 Religion

4 Brown, C. (2006) Religion and Society in Twentieth-Century Britain, London: Longman

5 Bruce, S. ( 1995) Religion in Modern Britain, Oxford : Oxford University Press
6 Davie, G . ( 1997) Religion in Britain since 1945: Believing without Belonging, Oxford :
Blackwell Publishers
7 Furlong, M . (2002) C of E: The State lt's In , London: Hodder & Stoughton
8 Morris, R.M . (ed .) (2009) Church and State in 21 st Century Britain: The Future of Church
Establishment, London : Palgrave Macmillan
9 Religion in England and Wales : Findings from the 200 1 Home Office Citizenship Survey
(2004), London : Home Office Research Study 27 4
1O Religion in the UK Directory, 2001-3 (2001), Religious Resource and Research Centre at
the University of Derby and the lnter Faith Network of the UK
l l Sewell, D. (200 l ) Catholics: Britain 's Largest Minority, London : Viki ng
12 The Spirit of Things Unseen : Belief in Post-religious Britain (2013), London : Theos (www.
theosthinktank.co .uk)
13 UK Christian Handbook : Religious Trends 7 (2008), London : Christian Research

Websites
Church of England : www.churchofengland .org.uk
Church of Scotland : www.cofs.org.uk/3colcos. htm
Roman Catholic Church : www.tasc .ac.uk/cc and www.catholic.org .uk
United Synagogue : www.brijnet.org .uk
Judoism : www.jewish.co.uk
Islam : www.muslimdirectory.co .uk
O-News (Muslim) : www.aapi .eo .uk/q-news
Churches Together in Britain and lreland : www.ctbi .org .uk
lnter Faith Network for the UK : www.interfaith .org.uk
Church of England Internet parish : www.i-church .org
O ffice for National Statistics : www.statistics .gov.uk
Belief in Post-religious Britain: www.theosthinktank .co .uk
 5
Politics and
government

■ Political history

■ Local government and devolution

■ The contemporary British political framework

■ Constitution and monarchy

■ UK Parliament: role, lcgislation and elections

■ Th c l JK party political system

■ The UK govcrnm nt

■ UK parliamcntary control of govemmcnt

■ Attitudcs to politics

■ Exercises

■ Further reading

■ lM!bsites
.,
"') 118 Pol i tics and govern men t

This chapter examin es the growth of political culture in the Unite<l Kingdom
(UK) since AD 43 and evaluates its conte mporary institution s and structurcs.
Britain's political history shows the weake ning of monarchical and aristo-
cratic power in its original nations (England, Scotlan<l, Walcs and Ircland) . This
led to political an<l legislative authority being centralized ü1 London in a UK
parliame nt, a UK governmcnt and a UK Prime Minister. A central break in this
structural devclopme nt occurre<l whcn th e UK joincd the Europcan Economic
Comrnunity (now EU ) in 1973, befóre evcntually voting to !cave th e organi-
zation in 2016. Changing social conditions rcsultcd in thc growth of politi cal
parti es, cxtcnsion of thc vote to ali a<lults, <lcvclopmcnt of local govcrnme nt
and a twe ntieth-cc ntury dcvolution (transfor) of central p olítica! powcr from
the UK Parliam ' nt to Wales, S ·otlanJ an<l Northcrn lrcland . Th csc proccsses
were accompanicd by political, social an<l rcligious co ntlicts, an<l co nstitutional
cornpromise.
The UK poli ti cal structures havc b ccn vigorously deh atcd and thcn.' is at
prcsent public disillusionment with th _, politi cal proccss and th e pcrforman ·e
of politicians. Th governmcnt in Lon<lon is accuse<l of bcin g too senctivc, too
ce ntralized, too rcmote, too m -<lia-reactivc, too controlling, loo ori cntcd to
party politi cs an<l insufhcicntly rcsponsivc to th e ncc<ls of th c <liv ·rsc pcoplcs
of the country. It is argucd that th e UK Parliam cnt has lost inllucncc ovcr thc
executive governrncnt; that political powcr has b ypasscd Parliamcnt an<l shiftc<l
to a presi<lential Prime Minister with a prime.· ministeri al officc in l O Downing
Str 'et, London; that unclected bodics, such as regional business groups, an<l
quangos ('quasi-autonornous non-govcrnm cntal organizations ' ) an<l political
advisers h avc becom c too influential; that th c Civil Se rvi ·e has h cen politicizcd;
th at th erc are weaknesses at devolved and local gov -' rnmental lcvds; that rccc nt
parli arnentary ex penses and sex scandals havc furth er tarnishcd thc rcputation
of politicians; and that the British political system nce<ls rcform in or<l r to
m ake it more efficient, more accountable to thc cl ectoratc and more adaptable
to modern requirem ents.
Recent govemrnents have atte mptcd constitutional an<l political 'mo<lcrn-
ization', such as devolution, the creation of a Suprcm' Court scparatc from th c
House of Lords in 2009, and the introduction of human ri ghts anJ frcc<lom
of info rmation legislation. Th c coalition govcrnment from 201 O also proposcd
co nstitutionaJ reform of thc Hous<.: of Lords in 2012 and ma<lc a failcd attcmpt
to r +orm the parli anw nt;-¡ry votin g systern. But sorne of th ese dc.vclopm 'nts,
such as human rights, h;1vt' ht en criticized for crcating more proble ms than th 'Y
 Politics and govern m ent

have sol ved, and other proposals, such as Hous of Lords reform, have not been
carrÜ:' <l out. It is argued that the constitutional system needs to b " fundamen-
tally reformed to avoid inadequate proce<lures and political <lrift.

Political history

Early political history in the British Islcs is th e story of four gcographi cal arcas -
Wales, England, Scotland an<l Ir -. Jand (North e rn Ireland) - and th eir turhulcnt
struggles for indcpe n<lcnt nationhood. English political and military expansion-
ism ovcr thc ce nturies intluc nccd thc dcvelopml'nt of thc othcr threc nations.
Ireland was invadcd hy EnglanJ in thc twclfth cc ntnry; EnglanJ and Walcs werc
unite:.<l aJministrativdy hy thc l S36-42 /\cts of Un ion ; th c thrrnws of England
and Scotl and wcrc dynasti ca lly unitied in 1 fü)3 afo.r English attc mpts to rnn-
qu ' r Scotland; England/Walcs and Scotland wc1T joincd as Great Britain hy
th e 1707 /\cts of lJnion ; tlw 1801 /\et nf Un ion inrnrpnratcd Crcat Britain and
lreland as thc Unitcd Kingdom; and Southcrn IrclanJ (now th e Rcpuhlic: ol'
lr<:'land) hccamc indcpcn<lcnt in 1921 , k·1ving North c rn lrcland within the l JK.
English modcls wc1T cmploycd t(.)r thc UK, until Scotland, Walvs and Nortlwrn
Irclan<l rcgaincd sorne of thcir formcr politica l idc ntitics undcr dc·volution in
1998-99.

Decline of the monarchy and the rise of Parliament

Early monarchs or political le aJers in thc Four nations had considcrahl<' powc1~
but di<l accept som "' advice and feudal limitations on thcir authority. Yet latcr
English kings, such élS King .lohn (] 199- 1216), ignorc<l tlwsc rcstraints ,ind
Fr -nch-Norman barons opposed .lohn's dictatorial rule hy fórcing him to scal
Magna Carta in 1215. This doc um c nt protcctcd th e aristocracy rathcr than thc
on..linary citizc n . It was latcr rcgan.l ,d as a corncrston c of British (not mcn.'ly
English) lihcrtics, rcstricted mon archs' powcrs, forccd thcm to take: advicc,
in c rcascd thc influe nc<:. of th c aristocracy an<l stipu1ated that citize ns should
not he impriso ncd without trial.
Such inroa<ls into royal pow 'f c ncouragcd e mbryonic par1iamcntary struc-
turcs. /\n English Coun ·il was formcd in 1258 by di saffectcd nobl es under
Simon de Montfort, who in 1265 summoncd a broader Parliament with electcd
dclegaks. Th esc part-timc initiativcs wcrc followed in 1295 by the Model
Parliamcnt of EdwarJ I ( 1272- 1307 ), which was the first fully representativc
English Parliamcnt. lts two Houses ( as now) consisted of th e Lords/Bishops and
th . . Commons (malc common crs) . An Irish Parliament had b een cstablishcd in
12G4 and an indcpc nJe nt Scottish Parliamcnt was created in ] 32G.
Howevcr, th c English Parliament was too 1arge to rule England dh.·ctivcly.
/\ small Privy Council (rnyal government outside Parliamcnt) l..'omprising thc
 Polit ics and govern ment

monarch and court advisers dev lopl'd. This continued a · a powcrful influence
until it lost authority to increasingly strong parliamentary structurcs in th e late
eightecnth and early nincteenth centuries.
But although Parliament gained limitcd powers against thc monarch , therc
was a return to royal dominance in Tudor England (1485- 1603 ). Th e nobility
had bccn weakened by wars and interna! conflicts (such as thc Wars of th e
Roses betwe n Yor1usts and Lancastrians). Monarchs controllcd Parliame nt and
summoncd it only to raise m oney. Tudor monarchs (of Wclsh ancestry) unitc<l
England and Walcs administratively, politically and lcgally in thc sixt 'enth
century. They also interve ned in Irclan<l and Scotland, with frequcnt military
campaigns.
Following th e Tudors, James VI of Scotland beca me .Jam "'S I of England
in 1603, cstablished a royal Stuart dynasty and considcrcd himself to be kin g
of Great Britain. But th e two co untri cs were not closdy join ,J politi ca lly or
cultura 11 y.
Howcvcr, the English Parliamcnt now showcd more rcsistan ce to royal rule
by using its weapon of finan cia! control. It refuscd royal requc.sts fór moncy and

PLATE 5 . 1 Oliver Cromwell

( 1599- 1658), English general
and politician who led the
parl iamentary army against King
Char les I in the English Civil War
~\~i01
( 1642-51) . He became Lord
Protector of Eng land, Scotland and
lreland ( 1653-58) after the king 's
defeat and execution in 1649 .
The period 1649-60 constitutes
the only break in the Eng lish
monarchy's otherwise continuous
history. © Shutterstock
 Poli tics and govern ment

Lit ' r forc d the Stuart Charles I to sign thc Petition of Rights in 1628, which
pr 'vcnted him from raising taxes without Parliament's consent. Charles ignored
l h 'Se poli ti cal dcvclopments and thcn fail ·d in his attempt to arrcst parliamen-
t;1ry lca<lcrs in thc House of Commons. Thc monarch was in futurc banned
l'rom thc Commons.
Charles's rcjc tion of parliamc ntary idcals anJ b elicf in his divine right to
rul e without opposition provoked ang 'r again t th e Crown anJ a Civil War
hroke out in l 042 . Th 'Parliamcntarians undcr Olivcr Cromwcll won thl mili-
tary struggle against thc Royalists. Charl '. was beheaJ ed in l G49; the monarchy
was aholishcd; Britain was rulcd as a Prot 'Ctorate by Cromwcll and his son
Richard ( 1653- G0); and Parliamcnt compriscJ only thc Housc of Commons.
Cromwell asscrtc<l th' Protcstant anJ parliamentary ·a usc in Scotland and lre-
land, which provokcd lasting hatrcd among many pcople thcrc.
Cromwell's Protcctoratc bcca mc unpopular an<l most peopk wantl'J tlw
r storatio n of thc monan:hy. Thc two Houscs oF Parliamcnt wcrc 1-c-cstahlislwd
an d in 1660 thcy rcstorcd thc Stuart Charles II to thc thronc. lnitially Charles
· oopcratcd with Parliamcnt, but his financia! ncc.:·ds, hclicf in royal authority ami
support of Catholicism lost him popular anJ parliamcntary backing. Parlianwnl
nd ·J his 'Xpcnsivc wars and imposcJ l'urthcr rcforms.

The growth of political porties and

constitutional structures
Thc growing powcr of thc English Parliamcnt against tlw monarch in th<' scv-
cnt<.'cn th ccntury saw th · dcvl lopmcnt of more organizcJ politi ca l partics.
Thcsc dniv cd partly from thc rcligious and idrnlogi ca l contlicts of thc C ivil
War. Two groups (Whigs and Toril's) hccamc dominant. This is a charactnistic
fcaturc of British two-party politi cs, in which political powcr has gcnné-1lly
·hiftcJ hctwccn two main parti cs ( unkss smalkr parti cs ca n force coa litions
b ca use higgcr parti 's lack suflicicnt votes for a majority). Thc Whigs wctT
mainly Cromwcllian gcntry, who Jid not acccpt thc Catholic James II as suc-
ccsso r to Charles 11 an J wantcJ rcligious l'rccJom for all Protcstant.. Thc Torics
gcncrally supportc<l royalist bdicfs, anJ hclpcJ Charl es II to sccu1-c Janws's
right tn succccd him .
But .lamcs's attcmpt to rule without Parliamcnt an<l his ignoring of its laws
ca uscd a Furthcr rc<l u ·tion in royal intlu 'ncc. His manipulation. forced the
Torics to join thc Whigs in inviting thc Dutch Protcstants William and Mary of
Orangc to int ' rvcnc. William arrivcJ in Englan<l in 1688 ..James fl ed to Francc
anJ Wilkim an d Mary succccdcd to thc thronc. Since little force was involved,
this cwnt i · callcd thc Bloodl ·'SS or Glorious Rcvolution. Royal powers w .re fur-
th 'f restrictcd unJcr thc Dcclaration of Right (1689), which strcngthened Par-
liamcnt. Futurc monarchs ould not rc ign or act without Parliam ' nt 's conscnt
and th<.:: /\et of Scttkme nt ( 1701) spcciti J that monarchs must he PrnksLrnt.
 Politics and government

PLATE 5.2 Sir Robert

Walpole (1676-
1745), by Christian
Friedrich Zincke .
Whig politician
and statesman
who strengthened
parliamentary
au thority and the
power of the Chief
Minister and is
regarded as Britain 's
first Prime Minister.
© Roger-Vio llet/
Shutterstock

The Glorious Revolution affect ed the constitution and politics. It cffec-

tively cstablish ed a division of powers betwcc n an exccutivc branch (th t'
monarch and Privy Council); a parliarn entary legisla ti ve bran ch ( thc Housc
of Commons, the House of Lord s and th e monarch); and thc judiciary
Uudgcs indep endent of both the monarch and Parliamcnt). Acts of Uni o n
joining England/Wales and Scotland fo llowed in 1707 to formall y crcatl'
Great Britain; Scotland lost its Parliamc nt; and power was cc ntralizcd in thc
London Parliament.
Parliamentary influence grew in the early eighteenth century, bcca usc thc
Hanovcrian George I lackcd interest in British politics. He distrustcd thc Torics
with their Catholic sympathics and appointed Whigs such as Robcrt Walpolc to his
Privy Council. Walpole bccame Chief Minister in 1721 and lcd th c Whig majority
in the House of Commons, which comp1ised land and propcrty owncrs. Walpolc
increased the parliamrntary rok and h as been called Britain's first Prime Ministcr.
But parliamcntary authority was not absolute and latt r monarchs tried to
restorc royal pown. l lowl'VC r, Crnrgc III lost much of his influence ahcr thc
loss of thc J\meri c.111 rn loni('s ( ·1775-83). H e was obliged to appoint William
Pitt the Youngcr ;1s hi s Tory C hicr Minister and it was under Pitt that th off-ice
of Prime Mini skr d( · (·lt1pnl.
 Politics and government

Political developments in lreland and the Act

of Union, 1801
lreland was controlled by England from th' twelfth ce ntury and th ere w ere fre-
quent rcbcllions by th e Irish against English olonial, political anJ military rule.
Th e situation wors ned in th e sixteenth cc ntury, wh e n Catholi c lreland rcfused
to accept th e Protestant Rcformation. In 1641 , Olivcr Cromwell crush ed
reb ellions in lreland and continued a 'plantation policy', by whi ch En glish and
Scottish . cttl ers were givcn land and control over thc Irish . ProtC:'stant scttl ers
hecamc a powerful political minority in Ir<:.land as a whok and a majority in
Ulstcr (north-e ast Ir ~Ian<l) . In l WO, thc Prntcstant William llf (Willi am of
Orangc ) subdued Catholic uprisings at th' Battk of th c Boy nc an<l sccureJ
Protcstant domination.
Irel and 's Parliame nt achicvc<l legislativc indc pc ndcn cc in 1782. But it
rcprcscntcd o nly thL· privikg<.xf A.nglo-lrish minority and th c Roma n Catholic
rnajority werc excludcJ. In 1801 , aftcr more unrcst anJ violcncc in thc cou ntry,
Ireland was unit<:d with Grcat Britain b y thc A.et of Un ion to form thc UK. Thc
Irish Parliamc nt was aholish ,J an<l its mcmhcrs sat in thc l ,o ndon Parliamc nt.
ln.:lc:1nd was a mainly agricultura} country, dcpcndcnt upon its forming pro-
d uce. But cro p failurcs (such as potato crop failurcs) wcrc frcqucnt and famirn:
in the mid-nin ctccnth ccntury causcJ Jcath, c migration and a rL'duccJ popu-
lation. lrish MPs in th c Lon<lon Parliamcnt dcman<lcJ ' ho m e ruk ' for lrc land
(_a utonomy ovcr lrish interna! m attcrs through thcir own asscmh ly in l )uhlin ).
Outbrcaks oF vioknc<.' occurrcJ as Protcsta nts karc. J that an inckpcndcnt lrl'-
lan d would be Jominatcd h y Catholi cs. Thc A.et of Union faikd to solvc thc
problcm of Ircl anJ 's position w ithin thc lJK.

The expansion of voting rights

Although parliamcntary control grcw in thc late cightcc nth anJ <'arly ninl'-
tee nth ccnturics, thcrc was still no wi<lcs prcad dc moc:racy in Britain . Politi ca l
authority was in th c han <ls of landow nns, mcrch ant. and aristocrats in Parli a-
mcnt, an<l most pco pl ' did not posscss th e vote. Bribery and corruption wcrc
common , with th c buying of thosc votes which did · xist and thc givin g away or
sale of puhli c off-ices.
Th -' Torics wcrc against electoral reform, as wcrc th e Whigs initially. But
.Britain was incrcasing its population and devdoping industrially and econom-
ically. Pressu rcs for politi cal r form b cca m c irresistible. The Whigs reformed
thc parliam ' ntary syste m and extended voting rights to sorne of the growing
mid<ll e class in th c First Rcform A.et of 1832. Later Reforrn Acts in 1867 and
1884 gavc thc vote to m cn with property and a certain in com e. Workin g-class
mcn wcrc gra<l ually given th e vot "' in th e late nin et eenth century an d gaincd
sorne rcprcsc ntation in Parliame nt. All mcn aged over 21 and limitcJ call'goril'S
or womcn over 30 fl eived the vote in 19 18. Eventually in ·1qzH ali ll H' ll ;111d
.,
A~ 124 Po litics a n d governm e n t
JT
womcn agcd o ver 21 obtained thc vote (with cxccptions) and the agc limit was
rcduced to 18 in 1%9.
Prior to 1~)28, most wives and their propcrty had bccn thc legal posscssions
of their husban<ls. Thc traditional role of women of all classes had been conhned
to that of mother in the home, although sorne found employme nt in home
industries and fa ctorics oras domcstic scrvants, tcachcrs and govcrncsses.
W0men 's social and political position b ecame marginally better towards thc
end of th e nin eteenth century. Elementary education was established and a fow
institutions of highcr cducation bcgan to admit womcn in restrictcd numbcrs.
Sorne wornen's organizations had be ' n found ed in th e mid-nin eteenth century
to prcss for grcatcr political, cmploymcnt and social rights. Thc most famous
suffragcttc movcmcnt was that of thc Pankhursts in 1903. Thcir Womcn's Social
and Political Union campaigned for votes for womcn and an increascd f<_,mak
role in society. Howcver:, it is argucd that a substantial changc in womcn's status
in th c mid-twcnticth ccntury occurrcd beca use of a rccognition of thc csscnticil
work that they performed during two world wars.

The growth of government structures

Thc d cmcnts of moJ rn British govcrnmcnt <lcvclopcd haphazar<lly in thc cigh-
teenth an<l nineteenth centuries. Government ministers were gcncrally mc m-
bers of the H.ouse of Commons and gra<lually acknowledgcd thl:' Comrnons
rather than thc monarch. They sharcd a collcctivc rcsponsibility for thc policics
an<l acts of govcrnmcnt, and had an individual rcsponsibility to Parliamcnt for
thcir own ministry. Thc officc of Prime Ministcr <lcvdopcd from thc monarch 's
Chicf Ministcr to 'frrst among equals' an<l tinally to thc lca<lcrship of all min-
istcrs. Thc central force of governmcnt bccamc thc parliamcntary Cabinct of
senior ministcrs, which grew out of thc Privy Council. Thc govcrnm ·nt was
usually forme<l from the majority party in thc Housc of Commons. Thc largest
minority party became the Official Opposition, which attempted through its
policies to become the next government chosen by th e peopl e.
Historically, the elected House of Commons gained politi ca l an<l finan-
cia} power from the unelected monarch an<l Housc o-f Lor<ls an<l hccamc thc
main element in Parliament. Subsequent reforrns of the Lords ( th e Parliam cnt
Acts of 1911 and 1949) furth er restricted its authority. Latcr Acts crcatc<l non-
hereditary titles (life peers ), in addition to th e hcrcditary pccragcs. Th c Housc
lost most of the latter m embers in 2000 (leaving 92, now 88), an<l has only
dclaying and amending power nver parliame ntary lcgislation and ca nnot intcr-
fere with finan cial hills.
The ninetecnth ccntury saw thc growth of more organizcd politi cal partics.
Th ese were conditioncd hy changing social and cconomic factors and rctlcctc<l
the modern struggk lwtwccn oppnsing idcologies. The Tories becam c known as
th c Conservativcs in tlH · 1·.1rly 1 ~-nos. They believed in established valucs and
 Po l i t i c s and government

Lhc preservation of traditions; supported business and commerce; had strong

links with th e Church of England and th c profcssions; an<l were opposed to
radical ideas.
Th Whigs, howeve r, we re bccoming a progrcssivc force and wantcd social
rdorm and economi c frccdom witho ut go vcrnmc nt restri ·tions. Th ey d evel-
opcd into thc Liberal Party, which promotc J so rne e nlightcn e<l polic ies in the
nin etee nth and -arl y twcnti cth ccnturics but <lcclin ed from ] 9 18 with th e
cm erge nce of th c new Labour Party. Following an alli ancc with thc Social D em-
ncrati c Party in th e 1980s, th e two m crgcd anJ b cca m . . th c Liberal D emocrats.
The Lahour Party, creatcd in its prcse nt form in 190G, b ecamc th e main
opposition party to th' Conscrvativcs afr.c r thc LibC' rals ' d clin c and continucd
th tra<litional two-party systc m in B1~itish politics. Jt was supported by lh e
tra de union s, th ' workin g class and somL miJdk-cl ass votns. Th c tirst Labour
go vernm cnt was fórm cd in I ~)24 und cr Ramscy Mac Donald. Howcver, thc
party only achicvc<l c-f-fcctiw m ajority powc r in l ~)45 unL.kr C le m c nt Attkc,
wh e n it cmbarkcJ o n radica l programmcs of social anJ economic rcform whi ch
laid th(' fo und ations fnr a wc lfarc st atc and cconomic nationali za tion.

Politics in Northern lreland and ,,The Troubles'

In 1921 Ircland was partition cd into two parts as a rcsult of uprisin gs, civil war,
vio kn cc and political compromisc. This attc mpteJ solution to histori ca l proh-
1 ms in lreland was a sourc' of future conl-li<:t. Twc nty-six countics of' South crn
Jr ,]and hecame th e lrish Free Statc (1~)21 - 22) and th e Rc puhli c of Ircl anJ in
l 94l) _
Si x co untics in th c no rth of tlw island wn c known as North c rn Ircland
an J rcm ain ed n rn stitution all y part of th c lJ K. Bctwccn l ~)21 anJ 1~)72, it h ad
a Unio nist-dominatcd Parli amc nt (at Stormont outsidc lklfast). which was
r<:.spon sihl . . for govcrning thc provin cc and was th c lirst UK l'Xl' n:isc in 'dcvo-
lutio n '. Howcvcr, the Unionists (mainl y Protcslants ), through thcir ruling party
(th c lJlst ·r lJnionists) maintain cd an exclusive hol<l on arcas oflifc in tlw prov-
in ·e, such as . . mplo ym c nt, th c poli cc, loca l coun -ils and puhli c scrvi ccs, and th c
minority Nation alists (mainl y C atholics ) suffcrcd discrimination .
C ontlict arosc in North ·rn lrdand from 1968 to 1969 durin g 'Thc Trou-
h] -. ', a t rm also appli cable to othcr <listurhanccs in Irelan<l such as th · Eastcr
Rising in 1916 an<l th c An glo-lri sh War 191 9-21. March ers de monstrated for
·ivil libcrti cs anJ wcn..- initially non-sectarian . Th e situation det riorated, vio-
len cc cruptc<l hctwccn Unionists and Nati o nalists, and th e British army was
. cnt in to restorc orJc r. Relations hctwcc n th c parties b ecame polarizcd, vio-
lcn cc continuc<l, and th e British govc rnm c nt introduced direct rule from Lon-
don h y proroguing th c Stormo nt Parli am c nt in 1972.
On onc side of th c confü ct was th c p ro visional wing of the Irish Rcpuhlica n
Arm y (IRA), which was committed to thc unification ofircl anJ , as was its k gal
 Politics and government

political wing, Provisional Sinn Féin . Both wanted to removc the British politi-
cal and military presence from Northcrn Ireland.
On thc othcr sidc, Unionist paramilitary groups and th eir parties, such as
the Democratic Unionists and the Ulster Unionists, wcrc loyal to thc 13ritish
Crown and wanted to rema in part of th e UK. British troops and thc Ulstcr Con-
stabulary (now the Policc Servio: of N orthcrn Ircland - PSNI) werc supposed
to co ntrol th e two populations and to curb terrorism .
Various asse mblies and executives in North ern lreland to giv' th e Nation-
alist minority politi cal reprcscntation in coopcration with th c Unionist majority
(power-sharing) fail ec.t although most injustices to Catholic civil libertics wcrc
gradually removed . Thc lcvcl of violcncc in thc provin cc flu ctuatcd from l 9(i8.
British govcrnmcnts tric<l to involvc thc lrish govcrnmcnt in promoting rcsolu-
tion :md th e Anglo-Irish Agrecmcnt of 1985 was a joint dfort to solvc ditlicul-
ti es (such as bon.kr sccurity and cx tra<lition arrangcmcnts) in ordcr to crcatc
a devolved powcr-sharin g govcrnmcnt for North crn Ircland. This was achicvcJ
in l 998 (scc 'Dl:'volution'). Th c Rcpubli c now sccs unifi cation as a long-tcrm
aim and thc Ilritish govcrnmcnt insists th at no changc in North crn lrclanJ will
takc place unl css a majority of thc inhabitants thcrc agrec. Thc 2011 Crnsus
population of Northcrn Ir ,}and was 1,8 10,8(i3 and consistcd of Catholics at
817)85 (45.1 pcr cent), Protcstants at 875J 17 (48.4 pcr e -nt) and othns at
117Jn1 (G .5 per cent) .

Local government and devolution

Thc prcv ious scctions havc cxamin cd th c c.lcvclopnwnt of central British polit-
ical institutions. Th c following sections dca l with smallcr politi ca l units such
as local government throughout the UK and devolved structun.-s in ScotlanJ,
Wal cs, Northcrn Ireland and London.

Local government
Th e crcation of local government structurcs involve<l a hi stori cal movcmcnt
from ccntralization of political power to local rep rese ntative kvcls in res ponse
to politi cal needs. Monarchs and later central authorities had to rnntrol what
was happening in the country an<l req uired local otlicials to enfrm.:c thcir poli-
cies. Therc have consequently b een local govemm ' nt systems in EnglanJ, Wales,
Scotland and Ireland for ccnturies, ranging histori ca lly from th c basi c Function
of a monarch 's or leader's sole representative to the more sophisticatt'd J\.nglo-
Saxon division of Englan<l into countics and parish cs, which wcn:' organized by
local councils.
Local governm cnt dcvclopcJ, particularly in the ninetcen th ce ntury to
cope with th e necds ol' a r~1pidly growing population and th mon cy n ccdcJ al
 Polit ics and go vernment 127
.,
A~
;T
the local level now comes from central grants and local Council Tax. These pro-
vide local services throughout the UK 1 such as education 1 health, fire services,
transport 1 social services, sanitation and housing, through elected councils. In
England 1 it is administered by professional staff and an elccted two-ticr sys-
tem of county and smaller councils, with sorne single-ticr ( unitary) authorities
rnostly based on large citics. Th c local systc m is currently using ncw structures
to mcct social nccds.
But although many pcoplc count on local govcrnmcnt scrvices thc sys-
1 1

tem is languishing because of govcrnmcnt finan cia] cuts to reduce thc budget
deficit. lt is still dcpcndent upon ccntralú.c<l control anJ fun<ling from th , gov-
ernmcnt; whilc no longcr providing thc full rangc of traditional local scrvices;
and lacks adcquatc local pown to fultil its role of scrving communitics. Intcr-
est in local govcrnmcnt is low and opinion polls suggcst that dissatisfaction
with its councils has in crcascJ. Critics arguc for a more rigorous, cornpctcnt
and indcpcndcntly tinanccd localism with lcss hureaucracy, which would he
accountahh to local intcrcsts an<l free frorn central governmcnt intcrfcrcncc
an<l control.

Devolution

Dcvolution (transfcr of sonw political powcr from the UK Parliamcnt) was lirst
broach ' d in lrcland. Nationalist fcelings and unrcst in thl' ninl'tccnth ccntury
lcJ to calls lt)r Home Ruk for lrcland with a l\,rliamcnt in Duhlin. Howcwr,
Irdand was partitioncd in 1~)21-2 into thc lrish Free Stalc, with ils own Par-
liarncnt, ;111d Northcrn lrcland rL'rnainL·d in thc UK with a devolv ed Parlianwnt
(1921 - 72) .
Political and culturnl nationalism also grcw in Waks and Scotland frorn
thc l 9()0s. Aftcr faikd attcmpts to givc tlll'm devolved political powcr, thc
Labour gowrnnwnt crcatcd in l 99~) ( aftcr rcfcrcn<lums) an ckctcd Parliamcnt
with lcgislalivc and tax-varying powcrs in Scotland anJ a non-lcgislativc, part
tax-raising d cctcd J\sscmbly in Walcs. Northcrn Irdand achicvcd an ckctc<l
powcr-sharing J\ssemhly an<l Exccutiw in 1998 with thc passing of thc Coo<l
Friday (Bclh.1st) J\grccmcnt aftcr tortuous multi-party talks hctwccn Unionists
anJ Nationalists. Ali-Ir ,Jan<l rdc rcndums on thc J\grccmcnt wnc hdd . North-
-rn Ircland votcd 71 . l pcr cent in favour an<l 28.8 per cent against, whilc in thc
lrish lfrpublic th1..· rcsult was ~)4.3 pcr cent and 5.6 per cent rcspcctivdy.
Dcvolution is a ticr of <lccc ntralizcd govcrnmcnt. It allows these coun-
trics (with thcir l'Xl'Cutivcs anJ füst ministcrs) to decide thcir own affairs, in
dcvolwJ mattcrs such as cducation, lwalth, transport, environment, home
affairs an<l loca l govcrnmcnt. The UK Parliamcnt still has reserve<l powcrs over
sorne UK rnattc rs such as dde ncc, forcign affairs, social security, taxation, broad
C' ·onomic policy and immigration. Roles an<l procedures ( except for sorne ckc-

tions) in local anJ devolved structurcs are gcncrally similar to those at l JK ll'vcl.
Politics and government

The devolution experiment had a shaky start. The Welsh Assembly lacked
extensive powers: th e UK Parliament provided its primary legislation and th ere
were initial political problems. The Welsh Assembly now has more legislative
and tax-raising legislative authority. The Scottish Parliament was initially crit-
icized and seen as parochial and in effective. It is now stronger and more inde-
p endent, has a Scottish National Party (SNP) government and First Minister
and has passcd sorne legislation on education (student fees) and h ealth issues
(prescription charges and care for the clderly), which is <lifferent to that in
the rest of th e UK. After rejection of the independence referen<lum in 2014,
Scotland will rcceive more devolved powers over taxation and self-government.
Thc Northern lrish Assernbly ha<l a <lifficult start. lt was suspcndc<l in 2000,
2001 and 2004 largely bccausc of thc failurc of thc IRA to disarm until 2005, an<l
the province was under direct rule from London. However, thc Assembly was
restored in 2007 and th e peace prncess is holding, despitc tensions and outbrcaks
of sectarian and terrori st violcncc. Thc Assembly has sign ihcant legislative ami
cxccu6ve authority; and reservcd UK powcrs ovcr policing, sccurity mattcrs, pris-
ons and criminal justicc were transforred from Wcstminstcr in 201 O. But thcrc has
been conflict betwccn thc two govcrning partics of thc J\sscmbly (Sinn Fe.in and
th e Dcmocratic Unionist Party). Thc Ass rnhly ccascJ to function in 2017 and
public scrviccs are now bcing organizcd by civil scrvants and London politicians.
Although devolution marks a signif-icant step in British history, it is sti ll
developing as a political modcl an<l it is possiblc that Scotl an<l will agai n push
fór independencc. Critics argue that dcvolution structurcs h avc not hccn adc-
quat "ly thought through in te rms of altcrnative mockls, such as fc<l c ralisrn,
and particularly th e relationship with the UK Parliamc nt and thc anomalous
position of England.
England has no interrn ediate devolved ti er. I3ctwccn 1994 and 201 l it did
have a network of nin e appointed Regional Developrnent Age ncies (R.OAs),
whi ch implemcnted UK govcmmcnt politico-econornic programmcs in th c
regions, but did not provide elected devolved governm ~nt. It was intcndcd that
th ey could form the basis for a forth er regional dcvolution of powcr frorn Wcst-
rnin ster, analogous to the other devolved structurcs. But the RDAs an<l thcir
successors were abolish ed in 2011. English 'regions' still exist, but are only used
for limited purposes, such as regional offices of th e BBC and (former) EU Par-
liament constituencies.
Th e administrative area of Greater London has since July 2000 bee n run by
a directly elected devolved Greater London Authority with an elected mayor
and Assembly. Although a signif-icant office, the mayor <loes not have the t~xec-
utive and financia] authority of American big city mayors. lt was also hopcd
that mayors would be elected in oth er British cities, in an attempt to inneasc
devolved powers. Rut thc cxpcriment has not proved to be attractive in most
areas and thcrc are onl y a srnall numbcr of clccted mayors.
Devolution dm·s 110L mean indc pcndencc or scparation from thc UK for
London, Scotland , W;d(·s a11d Northcrn Ireland or a British federal systcm,
 Pol i t i cs and government

PLATE 5.3 City Hall, headquarters of the elected London Assembly and Greater London
Authority which governs London under devolved powers, on the south bank of the river
Thames near Tower Bridge . © Peter Mackinven/View Pictu res/Shutterstock

although it sccrns that a 'quasi-federalism' has bccn crcated. lt is argucd that

dcvolution strcngthcns thc UK and that legal sovcrcignty still rests with the UK
Parliamcnt at Wcstminstcr. ln this scnsc, Britain has a unitary political systc m
and remains a union of England, Scotland, Wales anJ Northc rn Ireland (UK) .
Thcrc are ·onccrns that <lcvolution anJ Brcx it will ka<l to indcpcnJcncc
f·ór Scotland (whi ch votcd to remain in thc EU) anJ North c rn lr-l and (votcd
to rema in) might vote for reunification with thc Rep ublic of lrcland. Such
potcntial movcs could lcad to the brcak-up of the UK. lt is argued that whil e
rnany English think of themselvcs as British, more have b ecurnc awarc of bcin g
English in respo nse to Jevolution and Brcxit an<l are prepared to at lcast con-
sidcr English indcpcn<lcnce.

The contemporary British political framework

As a rcsult of its p o1itical history, Britain has at present (201 9) a 'multi-k vel
governance' model (see Figure 5.1), in which the different lcvcls haw srwcilic
fun ctions and inilue nce each other to various degrees. Wheth cr thi s s ilu ;1linn
 Po l itics and governmen t

European Union

l
UK Parliament

l
UK govrnment

Scottish Welsh Northern lrish

Parliament Assembly Assembly

l
Scottish
l
Welsh
l
Northern English
local local lrish local local
government government government government

FIGURE S.1 The contemporary British political framework

will continuc dcpcnds upon the eventual outcomc to Brcxit ncgotiations. Thc
UK has a central constitution; the monan:h is formally hcad of statc; ami prac-
tica! politics opcrat, at national, devolved and loca l govcrnmcnt kvds. Thc UK
Par]iament in London with its govcrnmcnt c..kpartmcnts plays a 1.-cntral rok
in how th e UK i · governed, hut thc Scottish Parliamc nt, Asscmblics in Walcs
and North ern lreland an<l a Grcatcr London Authority have thcir own forms
of selF-governmental powers. Local govcrnrncnt structures throughout Britain
organizc society at small er comrnunity 1-•wls.
Th e UK joine<l the Europcan Economic Comrnunity ( now EU) in 1~)73,
which bccam a very important tier of UK govcrnmcnt. Its Europcan l\irlia-
m ent crcatcd legally binding legislation, an<l tlw -f-indings of th , Europcan C ourt
of Ju ti cc were supreme over British law in thc cvcnt of con 1-lict. Aftcr a frélc-
tious mcmbership, the UK was due to leave thc Europcan Union in 2019, fol-
lowing a 2016 refercndum. But this may not happrn.

Constitution and monarchy

The constitution
The constitutional systcm has cxpcrienced few scrious uphcavals sincc I G8H,
and existing principies h:,vc hccn pragmatically adapted to new conditions.
 Politics and government 131
.,
A~
;.T
However, sorne significant constitutional chan ges have occurred in recent years,
, uch as EU cntry and devolution in l 9~)8-9, which have had constitutional
implications.
The powers of th e state in many countries are d efin cd and laid down in a
written document (or co nsti tution ); are often -Iassificd as cxecutive, legisla ti ve
an J judicial; relate to <listin ' tivc institutions (governme nt, parliamcnt and the
judiciary respcctively); and are separate. In Britain, how cvcr, th re is no absolutc
separa ti on of p owers, for t xa mpl e between exccutiv ' an<l lcgislaturc.
Britain is somctimes J 'Scribed as a co nstitutional monarch y, wherc th c
monarch rcigns as head of stat<: without exec utivc p owcrs un<l cr constitutional
limitations. It is also rc Fcrrcd to as a par1iamcntary systcm, whcrc thc UK Parlia-
mcnt ( co nsisting of thc Housc of Commons, th ' Housc of I ,or<ls anJ formally
the m o na rch) in Londo n is thc kgislaturc ami has lradition ally posscsscJ th c
sup rcmc powcr to makc laws in UK mattns (until ElJ l'nlry).
Thc l'Xl'<:utivc lJK governrncnt (sitting mainl y in thc Housc ol" C ommons)
govnns hy p assing its policics (sorne of which are applicahlc throughout ílrit-
ain) through Parliam c nt as /\cts of' Parliamc nt and opcratcs through ministril s
or departmcnts hcadeJ by ministcrs or sccrctarics of statl'. Within thc govnn-
mcnt, a C abinct rnnsisting of k adin g mini stl'rs ami lwadcJ hy th c Prime Minis-
ter, pr 'sc nt draft lcgislation, which is prcsc ntc<l to Parliamcnt as tlw lcgislating
hody. The rclationships bl'tWl'l'n Prime Ministcr, Ca hinl't and Parliamcnt c.H1 he
co mbativc a nd so mdimcs constitutionally un ckar.
Thc judicial bran ch is indcpcndc nt of the lcgisl atiw anJ ('X l'Cutiw hrandws
of govcrnmcnt. Thc judgcs (judic iary) of thc highn co urts dctcnnin c thc law
and intcrpret /\ cts of Parliamcnt. Thc highcst cou rt o f appl·al for many mattns
in t hc UK is thl· Suprcmc Co urt, crcatcd in 200~) . lt also d etermin es ckvolution
disputes co n ·crning En gland, Scotland, Walcs ami Northern lrcland .
Thcsc bran chcs, although distinguishahk from <. ach othn, are nnt e ntirely
se para te. For cxampk, th e mon arch is formally lwad of thc eXl'c utiw, k gislaturl'
and judiri ary. A Mc mhcr of Parliam c nt (MP) in thc Housc of C ommons anda
peer of thc Hm1Sl' of I .ords m ay hoth he in thc govcrnmcnt of tlw J ay.
Thesc hra nches are supposc<l to opcratc according to thc British co nsti-
tution. But Britain has no writtcn co nstitution containcd in onc doc ume nt .
Instcad, the constitution co nsists of distinctive lcm cnts, most of which are in
w rittrn form. Thcsc are statull' law (/\cts nf Parliamcnt), co mmon law or judge-
ma<lc case law, con ve ntions ( prin ciplcs an<l practi ces of govcrnm ent which are
not k gally binding but have th c force of law ), docum ents su ch as Magna Carta,
and El J law.
Thc constitutional el ·' mcnts are sa id to be fl exible enough to respond
quickly to ncw rnnditions. UK law ca n he crcated or changcd by th e Westmin-
ster Parliam c nt through Acts of Parli amc nt. Thc common law can b e ex tended
hy thc judiciary and convcntions ca n be altc rcd, made or abolish ed by ge neral
agrcc me nt .
 Pol i t ics and govern ment

PLATE 5 .4 Scotland regained its

own Parliament after devolution in
1999 . The Pa rliament b uilding is a
new construction completed in 2005
and situated near Holyrood Palace
in Edinburgh . © The Trave l Library/
Shutterstock

In ·onstitutional th cory, th c British pcopk, although histo ri ca lly suhjccts of

th e Crown, hav ' politi ca l sovcrcignty to choos · thc UK govcrnmcnt hy rncans
of g ·n ·ral clcctions, whilc Parliame nt, consisting of thcir dcctcd rc prcsc ntati vcs
in thc Commons (Members of Parliam -·nt or MPs), has legal suprcmacy to makc
laws an<l is the fócus of UK sovereignty. Howevn, thcrc are still argumrnts ovcr
what parliamentary sovcrcignty signitics; whctht·r thc Prime Mini stcr is in fact
th c suprc me legal tigur' in this arrangement and if thc roles of thc M P as hoth
dclcgatc and representa ti ve of the peoplc are el ·arly cnough J ctinc <l in tcrms
of sovcrcignty.
Other challenges to traditional notions of parliamentary sovcrc ignty hwc
ariscn and th e W estminst cr Parliament was, fóllowing entry to thc EU from
1973- 201 9, no longer thc sale legislativc bo<l y in l3ritain . British mc mhcr-
ship )f the European Union m eant that EU law was superior to Brilish law
in many areas and British courts were obligc<l to givc it preceJ c nc' in cases
of ·onflict bctween th e two syst ems. EU law was directly applicahlc in Brit-
ain and coexistcd with A cts of Parli amen t as part of th e British co nstitution .
The EU's Co unc il of M ini sters was the prin cipal policy-implcm e nting a nd
 Poli t i cs and g overnment

PLATE 5 .5 The officia l opening of the third Welsh Assembly, Card iff, 5 July 2007 .
© Dim itís Legakis/Shutterstock

PLATE 5 .6 Steps leading up to the Parliament bu ildi ng , known as Stormon t because

of its locati on in the Stormont a rea of Belfast. The seat of the North ern lreland Parlia-
ment 192 1-72 and now home to the N or thern lrish Assemb ly a nd its power-sharing
Execu tive fo llow ing devolution in 1998 . © Kpa/Zu ma/S hutterstock
Polit i cs and government

law-initiating body. It was estimatc<l that thc EU until 2019 was the sourcc of
75 p er cent of Britain's laws.
Sin ce devolution, Parliament is still able to legislate for the Unit ~J
Kingdom as a whol e on reserved matters and for any parts of it separatcly.
However, it has undertaken not to legislate on devolv d matters without the
agreem e nt of th c devolved Parliament and Assembli 'S . Thc Scottish Parlia-
mc nt and thc North ern lri sh Assembly can therefor ' legislate on devolved
mattc rs, but the Welsh Assembly still has limited primary legislativc powcrs
in d evolved areas. Ultimately, howeve r, it is thought that thc lJK Parliam ent
has the constitutional right to abolish thc Scottish Parliame nt, th e Welsh an<l
Northcrn lrish Assemblics and, as it seems with Brcxit, to with<lraw thc UK
from th e EU.

Criticisms of the constitutional system

The British constitution was admired in thc past tór thc way in which it com-
bined stability and adaptability with a balance of authority an<l tolcration .
However, it has oftcn been critic ized. UK govcrnmcnts ar ' ablc to pass thcir
kgitimatc policics through Parli amcnt bccausc of big majoriti cs in thc Com-
mons. This means that thcrc are fcw cffcctivc UK parliamentary rcstraints upon
a strong govcrnmcnt. But there are also occasions whcn a govcrnment <lo 'S not
havc an ovcra11 majority and has difficulty in passing lcgislation or gov ·rning
eHectively. There is also concem at th e allegcd absc ncc of constitution al safr-
guards for citizcns against state powcr, sincc civil libntil's or human ri ghts in
Britain oftcn lack adequate legal definition .
Thcsc fcatures are secn as potentially dangcrous, particularly whcn UK gov-
ernme nts and administrativc bodics are arguably too ·e ntralizc<l anJ sccrctivc.
It is maintaincd that Britain is controllcd by un ck cted groups or bodi cs which
are appointed by governmcnt, while politicians thcmsc lves are accusc<l of being
isolated from th e livcs of thcir constituents. Thcrc hav ' bccn campaign s for
more open governmcnt and eff ctive protection of individual libcrtics in thc
form s of a written constitution (to de-fine th c powcrs of Parliament an<l govcrn-
mcnt), greater scrutiny of parliamentary lcgislation, a Frcedorn of Information
Act (to allow the public to examine officia l documents hcld for cxampk by
Whitehall departments, local councils and th c NHS"), th crcation of a Suprcmc
Court to preserve the independence of the judiciary frorn Parliamc nt, incorpo-
ration of the European Convention on Human Rights into UK law, anJ rcfixm
of the House of Lords.
In response to these concern , a Labour govcrnm ' nt introduccd a Freedom
of Information Act in 2000 and incorporatcd th ' Europ an Convention into
British law by passing th c Human Rights Act, ] 9~8. lt was thought that th csc
mcasures could potc nti ally improw th e civil and constitutional rights of British
peopl e.
 Politics and government 135
.,
'°~
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Howcver, adequate reform of the Housc of Lords has not happe ned. The
1:reedo m of lnformation Act is criticized as la -king t eeth and bcing potentially
t·ontrollcd by th e authorities. The Human Rights J\ct is having a controversia}
e lfect on scveral levcls. It allows the -ourts to rul e in cases of allcged breaches
nf fundamental human rights, which are brought to th cm. But sorne decisions
have bccn criticizcJ an<l thcrc is te nsion b etwecn Britain and thc Court of
Huma n Rights in Strasbourg over th interprcta tion of human rights.
Despit movcments towards rdorm, critics frel that thc parliamentary sys-
lcm is out of date; consider that a writtcn, J e-fincJ constitution is nccdcd to
·ontrol exccutivc an<l administrative bodils; and claim that thc UK political
syst m la -ks dcmocratic and rcprescntatiw co nsc nsus. Thcy maintain that its
cvo lutionary roots are inadcquate for thc organization and ncw dcmands of a
com plcx socicty. It is fdt that national policics haw bccomc too conditioncd
by party politics; that govcrnmcnt is too removed from popular and regional
conccrns and <loes not rdkct contemporary divcrsity; and that it opnatl's on
too many unacco untablc kvds.
Political anJ -onstitutional rcform has bccn central to dchatc in rcccnl
year.. This mood was <lrivcn in 2009 by a parliamentary cxprnses scandal in
wh ich many parlianwntarians Wt'fc criti cizl'd for ahusing th(' proccdurcs by
which thcy muid claim expenses for carrying out tlwir duti cs. Thc systvm has
becn rcforrm d, hut wcakncsscs rema in, ami critics frcl that politicians are
removed frorn thc daily rcalitics an<l concerns of modcrn lifc ami thL· l'Xpni-
enccs of their constitue nts.

The monarchy
Thc constitutional ti tic of thc UK Parliarncnt is thc 'Qucc n-in-Parliam c nt'. This
mcans that state and govcrnment business is carricd out in thc namc of thc
monarch by thc politicians and officia ls of th c systcm. Howcvcr, thc Crown is
only sovcrcign by thc will of Parliament and acceptancc by thc pcopk.
Thc monarchy is the oldcst secular institution in l3ritain an<l thcrc is hercd-
itary succcssion to th c thronc, but only for Protestants. The cl<lcst son of a mon-
arch once ha<l priority ovcr ol<ler daughtcrs ( mal e linc of descent). HowcvL r,
this was changcd by thc Succession to thc Crown Act 2013, and Princess Ch<lr-
lottc born in May 20] 5 becam c fourth in lin e to the thronc as the daughtt' r of
a dirct~t hcir to thc thron , <le moting h ' f uncle and others in line after him. Thc
chang will not apply retros pcctivcly to those born b efore October 2011.Thc
monarchy's continuity has bcen intcrruptc:d only by Cromwellian rule ( 1653-
60), although thcr, have b een diHe rcnt royal dynasties such as the Tudors, Stu-
arts and Hanovcrians.
Royal cxccutivc power has disappcared. But the monarch still has formal
constitutional roles and is head of state, hcad of the executive, jud-iciary and leg-
islature, 'supremc govcrnor' of the Church ofEngland and commandn-in-chicl'
Politics and government

of the armc<l forc s. Governmcnt ministers and officials are th e monarch's

servants and many public office-holders swear allegiancc to thc Crown . Thc
monarchy is thus a pe rmanent fixture in th e British systcm, unlike tcmporary
politicians. It still has a practica! and constitutional role to play in th c operation
of governmcnt.
The monarch is expccted to b e politically neutral; is suppose<l to reign
but not rule; and cannot makc laws, irnpose taxes1 sp ' nd public money or act
unilaterally. Thc monarch acts only on th e advicc of govcrnmcnt ministers,
which cannot be ignorc<l, and l3ritain is the r forc governed by Hn Majcsty's
Govcrnmcnt in thc namc of th c Quccn. Sh ·, has a similar ro l in the devolved
govcrnments.
Th' monarch pcrforms important <lutics such as thc o¡wning an<l disso lving
of the UK Parliamcnt; giving th c royal asscnt ( or signaturc) to bills that havc
bec n passcd by both Housc. of Parliamcnt; appointing gnvcrnm ~nt ministcrs
and public figures; granting honours; lcading procccdings of thc Privy Council;
and fu]tilling intcrnational duti es as hcad oF statc.
/\. ce ntral powcr posscsscd by the monarch is thc choice and appointmL nt
of thc U K Prime M inister. By convcntion, this pcrson is thc kadcr or thl' politi-
cal party with a majority in tht' Commons. Howevcr, if thcrc is no dcar majority
or th c political situation is unc<:'rtain 1 thc monarch could in thcory havc a frcl'
·hoicc. In practi cc1 advicc is givcn by royal adviscrs and kading politici,ms to
tind an acccptablc candidate who commands thc conlidcncc of thc Housc of
Commons.
Thc monarch has th e right to be informcd of all aspccts of national lik hy
re ·<:.iving govcrnment do ·umcnts and meeting wcckly with th c Prime Ministcr.
Thc monar ·h also has th ' constitutiom1l right to e ncouragL\ warn and advisc
ministcrs. Th c impact of royal advicc on formal and infórmal kvcls may be
signili.cant an<l raiscs 4u 'Stions about whctlwr such intlucncc should he lwld by
an unclccted figure who might either support or undcrminc clcctcd political
lcaders.
Much of thc cost of the royal family's ofli cial duti cs is now mct from thc
sovcreign grant (publi c funds which are approvcd by Parliamcnt). Following
conccrn over expense, th esc funds wcre rcdun·d to covcr a fr,w mcmbcrs of thc
immcJiate royal family and amounted in 2018 to L43 m . This sum is cakulatcd
on a formula of 15 p er cent of profits from thc royal estate. Oth c r costs incurrc-d
by thc monarch may come either from th c financc reccivcd frorn thc rL'vcnu ' S
of sorne royal propcrties or from thc Crown's own invcstmcnts1 which c1rc con-
siderable and on which thc monarch pays incomc tax.
Critics of the monarchy arguc that it lacks adaptability, is out of date,
und cmocratic, expcnsive, associatcd with aristocratic privilcgL and cstahlish-
mrnt thinking1 and re íle 'ts an English rather than a British i<lc ntity. It is argucd
that the monarchy's distancc and isolation from ordinary lifc sustains dass divi-
sions and hierarchy within soL·icty. lt is also suggcsted that, if thc monarch's
 Po li t i cs and government

Functions today are merely ceremonial an<l lack powe1~ it would be more ratio-
nal to aholish thc offic · and replace it with a less expensive non-excc utive
preside n -y.
Critics who favour the continuation of the monarchy arguc that it is pop-
ular, has adaptc<l to mo<lcrn reyuire ments, an<l is a symbol of national unity.
It is s ·en as a dcfrndcr of thc constitution anJ a pc rsoni-fi cation of th ' statc;
shows stability an<l continuity; has more prcstigc than politicians; is not suhjcct
to political manipulations; plays a worthwhik role in national institutions; is
neutral; pcrforms amhassa<lorial functions; and promotcs thc intc rcsts of Britain
abroad.
Th c monarchy in rcccnt ycars has attractcd criticism, although it app<.'ars
to havc h ·pt its appeal despitc the difhculti<.'s, with thc Quccn lwing pcrsonally
popular and rcspccted. J\n lpsos MORI poli in 201 (i whcn slw was ~)() and Brit-
ain 's longest n: igning monarc h, found that 7<-i pcr cent ol' adults f'avoured Brit-
ain rcrnaining a monarchy, while 17 pn 1..Tnt w.1ntcd a r('puhlic Scvcnty-livc
pc r cent th<)ught thélt thc monan:h had an important role to play in British lik
and thc1t shc should rcmain 4tH' <.'ll foras long <is possihk·, ratht·r than ahdil·ating.
Ncwrtlwkss, polis also suggcst that tlw monarchy should be rnodnnizcd
to n: lkct changes in British lil<.·. Yl'l traditionalists k ,1r that a modcrnii'.cd mon-
archy would losl' that aura oF cktachml'nl which is .stTn as il.s main strcngth. lt
would thcn be associatcd with chang1..' rnthcr than tlw prcsnv;,¡tion ol' existing
valucs. AL prcsn1l, it halanccs bctwccn Lradition ;111d modnni'.l.ing lr<'nds.

The Privy Council

Tlw anci1..·nt Privy C ouncil is constitulionally ti1..·d lo thc mo11;;1rchy lcH· sonK
purpoSl'S. I l islorin1lly, il dcvclnpcd frnm a group ol' royal ad vis< rs into thc l xcc-
utiVl' hranch ol' thc monarc h's governnwnl. Howcvn, its powcrful position
J<'dim d in thL' cightccnth anJ ninl'tc<'nlh ccnturics éls its functions wc1T twns-
fL·rrc·d to a parliamcntary C;-1hinet and m·w ministrics. ToJay, ils me mhers (sucl1
as c ~1hinet ministns) a<lvisv thc monarch on govcrnmcnt husi1H ss that doc.s
not lll'cd to pass through Parliamcnt and may serve on inllucntial committt-cs.
Thcrc are 400 Privy CouncillorS¡ hut thc hoJy works through small groups.
J\ full council is only summonc<l on thc <.kath ofa monarch an<l thc acc ssion of a
11l'W Oll<.' or whcn constitutional issucs are at stakc. Should thc monarch b e indis-
poscd, rnunsdlors of statc orar gent woulc.1 work through the Privy Council.
i\part from it.s practica! duti es and its rol e as a constitutional forum, the
mosl important tasks of thc Privy Council today are p erformed by its Judicial
Committcc. ft is tlw final court of appcal from sorne Commonwealth countries
and dcpcndcn c i<.'s an<l may also be uscd by sorne other bodies in I3ritain and
owrscas. For cxampk, th e Privy Council is supposed to function as thc 1 'gis-
lativc state undcrpinning a new press rcgulation system (sec Chaptn 1 1, T'hc
media).
 Po l i tics and govern men t

UK Parliament: role, legislation and elections

Role and composition

The UK's Parliamcnt is hou ed in London's Palace of Wc. tminster. It comprises
the non-elcctcJ Housc of Lords, thc clected Housc of Co mmons and thc mon-
arch. Thc two Houscs co ntain m e mbcrs from EnglanJ, Walcs, Scotlan<l anJ
Northcrn [reland and reprcscnt peoplc with va1ieJ politica l tra<litions. Parlia-
ment gath crs as a uniticJ b o<ly only o n ceremonial occasion.s, such as thc statc
opening of Parliamc nt by th c monarc h in thc Housc of Lor<ls. Herc it listcns
to th e monarch 's sp 'cch from thc thronc, which outlin ~s thc UK govcrnmcnt'.s
forthcoming lcgislative programme.
In traditional constitutional theory, Parliamc nt h as I ·gal sovcrcignty in ali
matters an<l crcatcs, aboli.shcs or am -nds laws and institution s for ali or any
p art(s) of Britain. [n practic..T, this m 'a ns th c impkmcntation of th' LJK gov-
crnm ' nt's policics in rcscrw d matters whik- devo lved mattcrs are c..kalt with h y
the devolved bodies of Waks, ScotlanJ and Northcrn lrdand. /\11 three parts of
Parliam cnt must pass a bill befr>rc it can hecomc an /\et of Parliamc nt a nd law.
Parliamcnt also votes on allotting tinancc to govc rnmc nt to pursu ' its national
obli ga tions, ex amines governmcnt poli cics an<l administration, anc..l t.kbatcs
politi cal issues.

PLATE 5.7 The Houses of Parliament (Lords and Commons) at the Palace of Westminster on
the north bank of the river Thames . The clock tower on the far right contains Big Ben , which
is the nickname of the tower bell that strikes the qua rter hours . © Shutterstock
 Polit i cs and g overnment 139

Parliament is supposed to legislate accor<ling to the rule of law, precedent

;1nd tradition. Politicians are generally, if not always, sensitivc to these convcn-
tions and to public opinion. Formal and informal checks an<l balances, such as
party discipline, th e OH-icial Opposition, publi ' rcaction an<l prcssure groups,
normally c nsure that Parliament legislatcs acco rdin g to its 1'ga l rcs ponsibility.
But criti 'S argue that Parliamcnt no longer op cra t s satisfactorily or represen-
Latively. J\n Ipsos MORI poll in 2012 showed that whilc Srnts wcrc satisfied
with th e way thc Scottish Parliament and Scottish N ational Party (_SNP) work, a
rnajority of ílritons across thc co untry were dissatisiied with th c pcrfrmnancc of
thc UK Parliamc nt and govcrnment. Satisfaction and contidcncc ha<l drnppcd
b "causc of a parliamcntary 'xpcnscs sc:an<lal in 2008- 09 and latcr polls suggcst
th at th c- publi c's trust in Parliamcnt has not rccovcrc<l.
Histori cally, cxccpt fr)f cm crgc nci ·s, a Parliamc nt haJ a max imum duration
of fivc years and dissolution of Parliamc nt and th c iss uc of writs for an d cction
was ordcrcd by thc monan:h on th c a<lvicc of tlw Prime Ministcr. Thc Prime
Mi nistl'r could choosc th c date of a gen ·ra l ckction within thc tivc yca rs, hut
this powcr was controvcrsially givcn up aftcr thc 201 O clcctinn anda tixc<l tcrm
of fivc years' duration was suhstitutc<l . A 55 pe r cent majority in thc Housc ni'
Commons is rc4uircd for a vote to dissolvc Parliam ·nt prior lo this li xl'd tcrrn.
If an MP dics, rcsigns or is givcn a pec ragc, a by-ckction is calkd only for that
mc mbc r's scat, and Parliamc nt as a wholc is not <lissolved.
Th e l louse of Lords consists of Lords Te mporal anJ Lords Spirilual. l .ords
Sp iritual are th c /\n:hhishops of York anJ Ca nterbury an<l 24 senior hishops of
thc C hurch of England. The Lords T<' mporal now cornprisc 92 pcers and pccr-
esscs with hc n:ditary ti ti cs elcctcd h y thcir h_,llows ( whosc l"uturc is unn:rtain)
and ahout fü)O lile pccrs an<l pccn.' SSl'S, who have bcc n rccomnwndcd by polit-
ica l partics oran indcpcncknt J\ppointnwnts Commission . lt is argucd that thc
Hous 'o l' l .ords has too rnany m mhcrs and should he n.·duccd. Daily attcndatKl'
varíes from a hanJFul to a h.:w hundre<l . Pccrs r<.'CCiVl' no salary for parliamcntary
wo rk, but may claim altcndancc an<l travclling ex pe nses. Th c l lousc collcctivdy
controls its own proccdure, but is oftcn guidcd hy th c l .ord Speaker who is its
prcsiding offi ccr. Formcr Lor<ls of Appca l ( Law Lords) no longcr sit in Lhl' Lords
and thcir functions hav 'bcen transfcrrc<l to thc ncw Suprcmc Co urt (200~)) .
Th crl' havc hccn frc4ucnt (kmands that th c unrcprcscntativc, wwlcctl'J
Housc of Lords shoulJ be rcplaced . But J cciding on an altnnativc modc l is
prohlcmatic and th e debate co ntinucs. An elcctc<l secon<l -hambcr coulJ
thrcatc n thc powns of thc Housc of Commons and result in co ntlict b etwccn
thc two. J\n appointeJ Housc would consist of unclected m embcrs and thcir
mcthod of sclcction has not b ec n clarincd. Plans or proposals for reform havc
nol bcc n impkmc ntcd in full and thc future of th e House of Lords remains in
Joubt.
T'hc current House of Lords neve rth __, less <loes its job well as an e xperi-
c nct'J and lcss parti san forum than th e Housc of Commons and also tal«.·s on
 Politics and government

PLATE 5.8 State Opening of Parliament, 18 November 2009 . The Oueen 's Speech is deliv-
ered from the throne in the House of Lords to the assembled members of the House of Lords
and House of Commons . Following the retirement from public life of the Duke of Edinburgh,
the Prince of Wales now sits by the Oueen 's side and may read the speech . © Shutterstock

a legislative and a<lmü1istrativc burden. lt has an amen<ling fun ction, which

may be uscd to dclay government legislation for up to one ycar (possibly thrcc
months in future) or to persuade governmcnts to have a sccon<l look at bills.
It is a safeguard against over-hasty legislation by th e Commons, is an anti-
dote to powcrful governrnents and has incrcasingly votcd against Commons
legislation. This is possible bccause thc Lords are more independcntly min<lcJ
than MPs in th e Commons anJ do not suffe r rigid party discipline. Thc Housc
is now more cvenly divided in terrns of party aff-iliation, an<l has 182 cross-
bcn chcrs (sitting across th e back of th e chambcr) who Jo not bdong to any
political party and who participate indepe ndcntly in parliamentary procccd-
ings. Labour has sorne 187 p eers, the Conscrvativcs havc 249 an<l thc I ,iberal
Democrats have 96.
Th " House of Commons has 650 Mernbc.rs of Parliamcnt ( MPs) who are
ch osen from all parts of the UK. They are elected by votcrs (from th e agc of
18) and represent citizens in Parhament. Womcn and ' thnic represcntativcs
fa.ce problems in being selected as parliamentary ca n<li<lates an<l winning scats
in the Commons. MPs ar' paid expenses and a sa lary, which is rclativcly low in
comparison with similar johs outsidc politics in th e prívate sector.
 Pol itics and g ove rnm e n t 141
.,
A ~
_:T
.

2 [I] 4 2

8 8

10

11

l
9

l Press gallery 5 Government front 8 Galleries for MPs

2 Voting lobbies bench 9 Public gallery
3 Speaker's chair 6 Dispatch box l O VIP gallery
4 Civil servants 7 Opposition front bench l l House of Lords

FIGURE 5.2 The House of Commons

Legislation and procedure

Parliamcntary prnccdurc in hoth Houses of Parliamc nt is hased on custom, con-
vention , prcccdcnt and dctailcd rules (standing ordcrs ). Th l:' Houst' of Co mmons
mects cvcry weckday. Man y M Ps spt'. nd th c weekend in thcir constitucncics
attending to local mattl:'rs. They may also fo llow profcssions (such as lawyc rs)
on a part-time basis, but this custorn rnay he curtai led. Th e organization a nd
procedures of th e Commons havc becn criticizcd. lt is klt that thc numhcr of
hours spcnt in the House should be reduced and that pay and rcso urccs should
b ' improved . Womcn MPs frd that it shoul<l be a more womcn-friendly pl ace
rath er than a male cluh.
Thc Sp<::~akcr is thc chief olliccr of thc House of Commons; is chosen by
MPs; intcrprcts th c rules of thc Housc; and is assisted by three deputy speakers.
Th e Speaker is an d ect ,d MP who, on d cction to the Speaker's chair, ceases to
be a political reprcse ntative an<l beco mes a neutral official ( as do the dcputics ).
Thc Speaker protects the House against any abuse of proccdurc by co n-
trollíng debates and votes. In a tied result, the Speaker has thc casting volt',
Politics and government

but must exercise this choice so that it reflects establishe<l convcntions. The
Speaker is important for the orderly running of th e House. MPs can be combat-
ivc and unruly, an<l th e Speaker can som etimes di smiss or suspcn<l a member
from the House.
Pormal debates in both Houses of Parliamcnt usually begin with a motion
( or proposal) which may b e <lebated. Thc matter is oftcn thcn <lcci<lc<l by a sim-
ple majority vote at th e cnd of <liscussion. In th c Commons, MPs c ntcr ci th er
th e 'Yes' or 'No' lobbics ( corri<lors running alongsi<le thc Commons chamber)
to record thcir vote, but th cy may also abstain from voting.
Th ' pro ·ecdings of both Houses are ope n to thc puhli c and may he vi 'wcJ
from th' public and visitors' gallcrics. Transactions are puhlishc<l Jaily in 1 lan-
sard (thc parliamcntary 'ncwspapcr'), debates are tclcvise<l, an<l ra<lio broa<l-
casts may b e in livc or rccordcd form. This cx posurc to public scrutiny has
increased int 'rest in th c parliam "' ntary proccss, although ncgativc co mmcnts
are ma<l . . about low attcn<lancc in both Houscs an<l thc incrcasingly hoistcrous
hehaviour of M Ps in th e Commons during debates and qucstions ( including thc
wcckly Prim e Minister 's Qucstion Time).
Thc process of law-making is an cxpansion of thc simple debate struc-
turc. Bcforc th e creation of n 'W UK law (which may takc a ti._,w Jays or many
months) anJ changcs to ex isting law, a govcrnmcnt usually issucs prcliminary
<locumcnts. A Gre '11 Paper is a consultativt documcnt that allows intncsted
partics to stat . . their case bcfore a hill is introJuccd into Parliamcnt. A Whit<..'
Papcr is not normally consultativc, but is a Jocumcnl that dctails thc prospcc-
tivc lcgislation.
A Jraft law takcs thc form of a bill. Most bills are 'public' bcca usc tlwy
involvc statc business anJ ar' introJuccd in cither Housc of Parliamcnt hy thc
govcrnmcnt. Othcr bilis may be 'prívate' lwcausc th cy relate lo mattcrs such as
local govcrnmcnt, whik sorne are 'private membcrs' bills' introduccd by MPs
in thcir pe rsonal capacity. Thcsc latt 'í bills are on a topic of in ter 'St to M Ps,
but are often dcfr:atc<l for lack of parliamcntary time or support. Howcvcr,
sorne prívate mcmhcrs' bilis conccrning thc <lccrirninalization of homos<..'x ual-
ity, ahortion and sexual offencts haw survivcJ thc ohstacles and hccomc law.
Bilis must pass through hoth Houscs and rcccivc thc royal assent bcforc
thcy bccomc law. Thc Commons is normally thc lirst stcp in this pro -. 'SS . Thl'
Lords an vote against or <lclay a non-finan cia) bill . Jt can proposc amendmcnts,
anJ if amcnded the bill goes back to thc Commons 1-ór furthcr consid 'ration.
This amcnding fon ction is an important powc r and has bccn frcqucntly uscd
in r 'Cent years. However, the Lords' role today is to actas a forum for rcvision,
rathcr than as a rival to th e elected Commons. In practi cc, thc Lords' amrnJ-
mcnts can lead to the acceptance of changcs by th , govcrnmcnt, orto a with-
drawal of thc bill.
When the bill has cventually passed through Commons and Lords, il is
sent to the monarch for th royal assent ( agre "ment), which has not bccn
 Politics and government

Preliminary White or Green Paper FIGURE 5 .3 From bill to UK Act of Pa rliament

¡
HOUSE OF COMMONS

¡
First reading or formal introduction of bill

¡
Second reading
(debate on general principies)

¡
Committee stage
(detailed discussion and amendment)

¡
Report stage
(amendments)

¡
Third reading
(formal but debate possible)

¡
HOUSE OF LOROS

¡
MONARCH

¡
ACT OF PARLIAMENT

rcfuscd sin n ' thc cightccnth ccntury. /\her this1 the hill lx·rnmcs an /\ et ol'
Parlianwnt a nd is placed on the statutc-h<..)ok as rcprcscnting th c law of th c
lan d at tha t time.

UK Parliament elections
Thc UK is divided for Wcstminstcr parliamcntary elections to th e House of
Commons into ()SO constitucncics (gcographical areas of the country co ntain-
ing ahout fü) 000 voters- although sorne havc more orfewer). Each rcturns 01w
1
 Poli t ics and government

MP to the House of Commons ata general election. Constituency boundaries

are adjusted to ensure fair represcntati on and to r flc -t population movem ents.
General elections are by secrct ba11ot, although votin g is not co mpulsory.
13ritish, Commonwealth and lrish Republic citiz.ens may vote jf th ey are resi-
dent in Britain, are on él constituency rcgister of voters, élged 18 or ovcr and not
disq ualificd. Those who are unablc to vote in person in thcir local co nstitu --ncy
ca n registcr postal or proxy vot s. Thosc not cntitled to vote includc me ntally
ill pati ents dctaincd in hospital or prison; p crsons who h ave bccn convicted of
corrupt or jll gal election practiccs; scntenced pri soncrs ( undcr review) and
membcrs of thc H o use of Lords. Each elector casts on , vote at a polling station
set up on elt.ction day in él constituency by makin g a cross on a ballot paper
against th e nam e of th e candidatc for whom th vote is cast .
Th e turnout of votcrs has ofren been about 70 pcr cent at general clcctions
out of an clcctoratc of 4(> million, although this proporti on has dcclin cd in
rccent elcctions. The ca ndidat ' who wins the most votes in a constitucn cy is
elected MP for that are.a. This is known as th e simple majority or 'tirst past the
post' systt: m. Thcre is no voting by proportional rcprcscntation (PR), cxccpt
for sorn e devolved govcrnmcnt clections, which havc a mi xture of J¡ffcrcnt
systcms.
Sorne St'e th ' Westmin stcr electoral systcm as undcmocratic and unfair to
smallcr partics. Thc Liberal Dcmocrats campaign ·for PR voting, which would
creatc a wider selcction of parties in the House of Common s and catcr for
minority politica l intcrcsts. Th e two big parties (Labour and Conscrvativc) have
favourcJ th c cxistin g systcm sin ce it givcs th cm a grt'atcr chance of ac hicving
pow·r.
It is argucd that th e British pcoplc also prcfcr thl stronger govcrnmcnt
which can rcsult from th c fir t-past-thc-post syst 'm and a Liberal Dcmo-
crat-sponsor .<l rderendum proposin g an Alternativc Vote (AV) systcm was
deteated in May 2012 on a low turn out of 19. l million peopk. Thc Yes vote
was 32. l per cent and thc No vote was 69.9 p cr cent. Although /\V is a pr ·F-
ercncc and nota proportional vote, PR syst -- ms are allcgcd to havc wcakncsscs,
such as party control of lists, coalition or min o rity governmcnt 1 'ading to frc-
qu nt hr akdown, a lack of tirm policies, powcr-bargaining hctwccn ditfc rcnt
partics in order to achieve governmcnt status and tcnsion aftcrwards. But wcak
min ority and small orno majority (or coalition) govcrnm cnt can rcsult from thc
first-past-the-post system, and campaigns continuc to changc thc system.

The UK party political system

British clections at parliamcntary, devolved and loca l lcv ,Is <lcpcnJ upon th c
party politi cal systcm, which has ex isted since th c scvcnteenth century. For UK
parliamentary general ckctions, th c partics prcscnt their policics in th e form
 Politic s a nd g overnment 145
.,
A~
;T
1 ,r manifostos to th e electorate for consideration during the few wceks of cam-
¡)aigning prior to election day. A party candidate ( chosen by a spccific party) in
; 1 constituency is elected to th e Westminster Parliament on a combination of

party manitesto anJ th e p rsonality of th e candidate. But party activity contin-

lll.'S outside:. an election pcriod, as politicians hattle for p owcr and the attention

1 iF th electora te.
Since 1945 th erc havc be n ninc Lahom~ ten Conscrvativc and onc Con-
scrvativc/ Libcral Dcmocrat coa lition govcrnmcnts in 13ritain. Sorne have had
l;.1rge majoriti es in th e Housc of Commons, whik oth ers havc had small oncs.
Sorn e, such as thc Lahour govcrnments in thc 1970s and th c Conscrvativcs
in thc 19~)0s and 2017, ha<l to rcly on th c support of small cr partics, such c1s
Lhe Lib ' rals, Ulstcr Unionists, Dcmocrati c lJnionists and l ,ibcra l Dcmo ·rats,

¡; TABLE s.1 British governments and Prime Ministers since 1945

Date Government Prime Minister

1945- 51 Labour Clement Attlee

1951-55 Conservative Winston Churchill
1955-59 Conservative Anthony Eden ( l 9 55-57)
Harold Macmillan (1957-59)
1959-64 Conservative Harold Macmillan ( 1959-63)
Alee Douglas-Home (1963-64)
1964- 66 Labour Harold Wilson
1966-70 Labour Harold Wilson
1970-74 Conservative Edward Heath
1974-(Feb.) Labour Harold Wilson
1974-(Oct.) Labour Harold Wilson
1974-79 Labour Harold Wilson (197 4-76)
James Callaghan (1976-79)
1979- 83 Conservative Margaret Thatcher
1983-87 Conservative Margaret Thatcher
1987-92 Conservative Margaret Thatcher ( 1987-90)
John Major ( 1990-92)
1992-97 Conservative John Major
1997-2001 Labour Tony Blair
2001-05 Labour Tony Blair
2005-10 Labour Tony Blair (2005-07)
Gordon Brown (2007- l O)
2010-15 Conservative/ David Cameron/
Liberal Democrat Nick Clegg (Deputy)
2015-17 Conservative David Cameron (2015-16)
Theresa May (20 l 6-1 7)
2017 Conservative Theresa May
Politics and government

to rema in in powcr. Most of th e M Ps in the House of Commons belong to

either thc Conservative or the Labour Party. This continues th e two-party
systcm in British politics, in which political power has alternated between
two maj or partics, cxcept for p eriods of coalition or minority gove rnmcnt,
such as 2010- 15. Smaller UK parties such as th e United Kingdom Indcpcn-
dcnce Party (UKIP), thc Grecns and devolved parties attract vari ed support,
and could influence th e two-party tradition by providing more coalition or
minority governments.
Th e Labour Party has historical1y been a left:-of-centre party with its
own right and left wings. It emphasized social justice, cquality of opportunity,
economic planning and thc statc owncrship of industries and scrviccs. It was
supported by the tradc unions ( who havc he "n influcntial in the party's dcvcl-
opmcn t) , th e working class and sorne of the middle class. Jts electoral stron g-
holds are historically in Scotland, South Walcs and thc Midland and north crn
English industrial citics.
But tra<litional class-bascd and left:-idcologi cal support has chan gcd with
more social and job mobility. In th e 1990s, thc Labour Party tricd to appcal to
middl e-class voters in south ern England and to takc account of changing cco-
nomi c and social conditions. fts then lcadcr (and Prime Ministcr), Tony Blair,
moderni zcd th e party as Ncw Labour hy moving to th c centre gro und, capturcd
voters from th e Conscrvatives and distancc<l himsclf from th l" tradc unions,
state owncrship and thc party's <loctrinairc past. As a rcs ult, thc party had land-
slide victories in th c 1997 and 2001 general ele ·tion s ami gain cd a majority
of scats in th e 2005 dcction . But th crc is still support for Old Labour ideas in
the party. Th c currcnt lcadcrship un<ler .ll'H"my Corbyn has adopted more ldt-
of-ccntrc positions whil e claiming that Labour is a national party that addrcsscs
the interests of all working familics. But thc party is also very divided hetween
diffcrent policies and political philosophies.
The Conservative Party is a right-of-ccntrc party, with right- and left-wing
sections. [t also regards itself as a national party and appeals to people across
class barricrs. It cmphasizes personal , social and cconomic frcedom, th c indi-
vidual owncrship of propcrty and shares, and law and ordcr. Thc Conscrvativcs
bccame more socially and cconomically radica l in th eir 18 years of governm ent
(1 ~)79-97). But policy splits in the party (parti cularly on Euro pe ) have creatc<l
ten ions.
Th e party's support comes mainly from nnancial and busin ess intercsts
and th c middle and uppcr classes, but a sizeabl e number of skill cd workcrs and
women vote Conservative. The party's stro ngh olds are in south ern England,
with scattered support elsewhcre in the country. Howcvcr, at thc l ~)97 and
2001 general elections, it lost parham entary seats in Walcs anJ ScotlanJ and
did not gr atly incrcase its support in EnglanJ. Although improving its per-
formance at the 2005 election, it was far from hcing in a position to rcturn to
government. It need l"<l to reorganize, strive for unity, moderni ze, cultivate an
 Po litics ond government

image that is attractive to voters and develop policies more in tune with th e
changing face of British society.
Nevertheless, it was unablc to forrn a majority governrnent in the 201 O
general election and organizcd a coalition go vernment with th e Libera l D m-
ocrats. The party has struggkd to win in crcascd support and face<l opposition
fo r its European, cconomic and immigration poli cics. But it won thc G e neral
Elcction in 2015 with an ovcra ll majority. D av id Cam e ron th en rcsigned thc
lcadcrship, largely as a r<.-'s ult of th e 2016 Rdcrcn<lum vote to lcave th e EU and
was succee<led by Thcrcsa May. Th c Conscrvativc govcrnment faces rnany EU,
party and national probkms, and although winning th c 2017 ge nual clection , it
h a<l no ovcrall maj o rity. Its survival dcpcnds upon th c support of thc Northcrn
Irish Dc mocratic Unionist Party (DUP) , but thC' Conscrvativc Parly is dccpl y
<livi<led bctwcen <liffcrc nt policics anJ i<lcological factions.
Th c I.ih ·'ra l Dl' mocrats ( Lih Dcms) wcrl' formcd in 1988 whcn thc old
Lihcrals ami a ncw Social Dcmonati c Party mcrgc<l into onc party. Thl'Y SlT
thcmsl lvcs asan altnnativc political force to thc l .ahour an<l Conscrvatiw Par-
tics, bascJ on thc ce ntP -kft of British poli ti cs. Tlwir strl ngths are in local gov-
c rnmcnt, constilutional rc form and civil lihcrti cs.
Thcy are rclatively strn ng in south-wcst England, Wak s an<l Scoth1nd and
in crcascd thcir MPs at th e 2001 and 2005 gl· nc ra l e k ction s to hcconw thc hig-
gcst third party in Parli amc nt sincc 1~)29 . But they lack a ck arl y dclincd ilkntity
and poli cics that are rccogni:1.cd by t hc clcctoratl'. Th e Lih Dc ms havc won
som~' dram ati c hy-clcclions an<l had co nsilkrnhlc succcss in local govnnment
c kction s. But thcy havc nol rnaJ c a largc brca kthrough into thc Co mmons
or tlw ElJ Parliarncnt, whcre thc y did badl y in tlw 2014 ckction. Thcy havc
also faccd thc thrcal from tht· Unitcd King<lom lmkpcndc ncc Party (l JKIP)
ami lost support for thcir ce ntral policics. Electoral rcform to a form of PR
might in crcasc thcir numbn of M Ps. Whik tlwir p c d~m11an cc in thc 2010- 15
coalition govnnmcnt was criticizcd, they tastcd powcr an<l workc<l cfli cil· ntl y
within thc politi ca l rcstraints. Howcvcr, th cy <lid b adly in thc 2015 G e neral
El<.: ction and lost man y M Ps, as more supportcrs anJ mc mbcrs ohjecte<l to tlwir
policics an<l lcft thc party.
Smalkr partics are also rc prcscnlc<l in th c Ho usc of Commons, such as thc
Scottish National Party; Plaid Cy mru (thc Welsh National Party); th e Ulstcr
lJnionists an<l th c D crnncrati · Unionist Party (Protestant Northern lrish par-
tics ); thc Social Democratic an d Lahour Party ( modera te Nationalist, largcly
Roman Catholic North crn lrish party); an<l Sinn Féin (Republican Northcrn
Irish party) . Oth e r small partics, such as th c Grecns, UKIP and fringe groups
(like thc Rav ing Monstcr Loony Party), may also contest general clections.
A ca ndi<latc who fails to ga in a ccrtain numher of votes in the elcction loses
th c ir dcposit (th c sum of mon -y p aiJ wh ' n parties register for electio ns).
Social cl ass and farnily tra<lition used to be important factors in British
voting hchaviour. But these have now bccn largely replaccd by propnly- and
Polit ics and government

sharc-owning, job status, wages, immigration and othcr considcrations, includ-

ing apathy among voters. A more volatile and abusivc politica l situation ' Xists
as voters switch b etween Labour, Conservatives, Liberal Dcmocrats, UKIP and
smaller parti es and employ 'tactical voting' in sorne constitucncics to preve nt
specinc opposition party candidates from b cing clccte<l. General election s are
oftcn won by a party that captures 'marginal constitucncics' whcrc a slight vote
swing can change party rcprcsentation and 'floating voters' who are not com-
mitted to a specitic party can intlucncc th c rcsult. Th c changing character and
rcality of the el ectorate have forced political partics to adopt policics that are
more representativc of pcoplc's wishcs and nccds, such as jobs, immigra tion
and thc European Union. Th traditional ideological divides are no longcr so
obvious, -important or relcvant, although th c 2017 General Elcction campaign
return ed to sorne Lcft-Right battlcs.
The party that wins an ovcrall majority of sea ts in th e Housc of Commons
at a general e lcction usually forms th e ncw govcrnmcnt. A party normally has
to gather more than 33 per cent of thc popular vote (th e actual votes cast at
an elcction) bcforc winning a largc nurnber of seats, and aroun<l 40 pcr cent to
fórm a govcrnment with an ovcrall ma_jority of thc seats ( a majority o ver ali the
other partics counted togeth er). If sufficiently larg<::\ this majority enabks it to
irnplcm ent its clection manifesto polici es (thc man<latc thcory ).
Elcction success dcpe nds on whethcr support is conccntratcd in geograph-
ical arcas, as a party gains seats by loca l strcngth. Smallcr partics with scattcred
support an<l that <lo not reach the percentagcs ahove Jo not gdin many scats
in th e Commons. lt is this system of reprcscntation that PR supportcrs wish to
change, in order to reflect the popular vote and the appcal of minority parti cs.
The situation for thosc parties with the largest numbcr of seats is illustratcd
by th e 2017 general election rcsults (scc Table 5.2). On a turnout of votcrs of
68.8 per cent, the Conservativcs won 317 seats with 42.4 pcr cen t of th e pop-
ular vote; Labour reccivc<l 262 scats with 40.0 per ce nt of th c vote; an<l thc
Scottish National Party (SNP) had 35 seats with 3.0 pcr cent of thc vote. The
Liberal Democrats had 12 seats with 7 .4 pcr cent of thc vote; thc Dcmocrati c
Unionist Party ( DUP, North ern lreland) rcccivcd 1O scats with 0.9 pcr cent
share; and Sinn Féin (Northern Ireland) had 4 scats with O. 7 pcr cent.
The clcction rcsulted in a hung parliamcnt, whcrc no on c party gaincd a
majority of seats over all the other parties countcd togeth cr. Thc Conscrva-
tives, despitc a rise in their vote share, lost scats in England and Walcs du c to
Labour and Liberal D emocrat gains. The Scottish National Party lost 21 seats,
whilc UKIP and both SDLP and UUP in Northcrn Ircland lost ali th cir seats.
In or<ler to function in Parliame nt, th e Conscrvativcs wcrc obligcd to arrange a
confidence and supply agreement with Northcrn Irclan<l 's De mo -rati c Unionist
Party1 which would support the Conscrvatives on many votes and issucs in thc
House of Commons.
 Poli tics an d government

TABLE 5.2 General election results (UK), 8 June 20 l 7

Política/ party Percentage of MPs elected

popular vote

Conservative 42 .4 317
Labour 40 .0 262
Scottish National Party 3.0 35
Liberal Democrat 7.4 12
Democratic Unionist Party (NI) 0.9 10
Sinn Féin (NI) 0.7 7
Plaid Cymru (Wales) 0.5 4
Green Party 1.6
Others :
lndependent 0.2
Speaker 0.2 1
Total seats 650
Turnout of voters 68.8
Source: adapted from BBC News, 8 June 2017

Thl' main 1-easons for this rcsull wcn.· lhl' votcrs' distrust or Consnvativc
social, political and cconomic poli cil'S, divisions among parly nwmlwrs, ami a
lacklustr(' l'lcction pc rformancl' from thc party's kadl'rship ami organization.
Youngcr votcrs wcrc voting for thc tirst time and wnc attractcd to th c Labour
Party, its lcadcr .Jcrcmy Corhyn anJ hy thc party 's more kftist political platl"orm .
Pub lic rcaction at thc ckction was also inllucn ccJ hy thl' 201 (> Rdl'fl'nd um
dccision to !cave tlw ElJ ( Brcxit) and rnn cnns ahout thc foturc of thc lJK.
Th c largcst minority party (L1hour in 20 17) hccomcs tlw Ofh c ial Opro-
sitio n with its own kad cr a nJ 'shaJow govcrnmcnt'. Th c Opposition plays
an important role in thc parliame ntary systl'm, whic h is hascJ on adversaria!
politi c.:s. Sl'ating arrangcmcnts in thl' Hous ' of Commons n_,flcct this systt·m.
L aders of thc gnvcrnmcnt a nJ oppositio n partí ·s sit on fac.:ing 'front bc nchcs ',
w ith tlwir M Ps, or 'ha ckhl nch crs', sitting hchind th cm. Sorn e criti cs dislikc this
confrontational styk an l advocate more con se nsus politi cs an<l less aggr ~ssivc
seatin g. Howt'Vl' f, traditionall y, th c c lfcctivcncss of parliame ntary democracy is
supposeJ to rest on th c rdationship bctwccn the govcrnment and opposition
partics and thc observé.lnce of procedural co nvcntions.
Opposition partics may try to ovcrthrow the government by defeating it
in a vot ·, though this is usually unsu cccssful if th e government has an overall
majority or ca n count on the support of' its MPs, allies or coalition ·coll t>agues.
The opposition partics ·onscquently attempt to influence th e formation of
nationa l policy by thcir critic ism of pc ndin g legislation; by tryin g to ohtain
 Politics and government

conccssions 011 bills by proposing anwnJmcnts to them and by increasing sup-

port for thcir policies outside the Commons in the country. Th ey take advan-
tagc of any opportunity that might improve their ch ances at th e next general
clcction.
Inside Parliamcnt1 party discipline rests with th e Whips, who are chosen
from party MPs by th e party leaders and who are undcr the direction of a Chief
Whip. Th ey inform m cmbcrs of forthcoming parliame ntary busin ess and main-
tain th e party's voting strength in th e Commons by seeing that thcir m emb crs
attend all important debates. MPs rcccive notic ' from the Whips' othce of how
important a parti cular vote is and th e inforrnation will b e und erlineJ up to thrce
times. A 'thrce-line whip' signifüs a crucial vote and failurc to att nd or comply
with party voting instruction s is rega rJed as a revolt against th c party 's policy.
Th e Whips also convey backbench opinion to th c party lcaJc rship. This
is important if rebdlion and dis4ui et are to b e avoidc<l. Party discipline is vcry
strong in th e Commons and lcss so in thc Lor<ls. A governmcnt with a large
rnajority shoul<l not b ecome cornplacent1 nor antagonizc its backbenchc rs. If it
does so, a successful rebellion aga inst the govcrnmcnt or abstcntion from voting
by its own side may <lestroy thc majority an<l thc party's poli cy.
Outside Parliame nt, control rests with th ' national and local party orga -
nizations, which can be influe nti al. Thcy activcly prnmotc th c party, csp ccially
at election time, whcn constitucncies sclect party canJi<latl s anJ are in chargl'
of election eering on b chalf of th eir party. Howcve r, national p artics are now
increasin gly imposing canJidatcs upon constituc nci cs1 such as thc drawing up of
women-only shortlists design cd to in creasc thc numbe r of womcn MPs.

The UK government

The UK governmcnt is thc cxecutive arm of thc UK parliamc ntary systcm. It

serves th e whole of Britain and normally compri ses members of th e success-
fol majority party after a UK-wide general l'lection. It is ccntrc<l on Whitchall
in London where its rninistries and thc prime ministcr's ofticial resiJence, 1O
Downin g Street1 are located. It consists of sorn e l 00 ministcrs who are chosc n
from both Houscs of Parliament and are appointcJ by thc monarch on thc
advic' of the prime minister. They derive thcir authority from belonging to thc
majority party in th e Commons and are collcctivdy responsiblc to l\ 1rliamcnt
for thc administration of national affairs.
The prime minister is appointed by thc monarch an<l is usually th e lcadu
of th e majority party in thc Commons. Their powcr stems from support in
Parliament, the authority (or patronagc) to choosc an<l Jismiss ministers, th e
kadership of th e party in the co untry, and control ovcr policymaking. Thc qucs-
tion of authority and ahility to choose ministers is more fincly b alanced whcn
th ey have a small or no majority an<l govem with th c support of anothcr party.
 Politi cs and go vernment

The prime minister sits in the Commons, as do most ministers, where they
are question ed and held accountablc for govcrnment actions. Th e prime minis-
tcr was hi storica11y th e link bctwecn monarch and Parliament. Thi s convention
continues in th e contide ntial weekly audicncc with thc monarch, at which gov-
nnmcnt business is discussed.
Th e prime ministcr has grcat powcr in thc British systcm of governm ent
and it is suggcstcd that th e office h as ·orn e to rcscmblc an all-powcrful cxecu-
tive presidcn cy, which bypasses Parliamcnt and govcrnment dc partmcnts. It is
argucd that governm ent poli cy is dccidcd upon by thc Downing Strcct political
machi ne with its hurea ucrats and 'spin doctors' . But thcrc are chccks on this
power, in side a nd outsidc thc party an<l Parliamcnt, which ca n on occasions
brin g Jown a prim' ministc r. Howcvcr1 thcrc is grcatcr c mphasis upon prime
mi nisterial govcrnm cnt today, rathcr than thc traditional constitution al notion s
of Cabinct govcrnmcnt.
Thc Cabinet is a small cxecutivc body in thc govcrnmcnt and usu ally com-
priscs ahout 20 sen ior ministcrs, who are chosen and prcsidcd owr by the prime
minister. Examplcs are thc C hancellor ol' th c Exchequer ( Fin anu.' Ministcr), Scc-
reta1ics of Statc fór Forcign and Commonwcalth J\ffairs, th e Home OHicc and
Education . The Cabinct originatcd in mcctings that the monan:h had with min-
istcrs in a royal Cahinct. As thc monarch withdrcw from active politi1.:s with thc
gro wth ol' party politi cs and Parli amcnt, this dcvdopcd into a parliamrntary hody.
Constitutional th eory has traditionally argw.-d that govcrnnwnt rule is
Cahin ct ruk bl·causc thc Cab in ct collcctiwl y initi alcs and J ccidcs govcrnmcnt
policy at its wcckly mcl'tings in 1O Downing Strel't. J\lthough this not ion has
wca kcn cd, thcrc are still occasions wh 'n poli cy is thrashcd out in Cahin ct. But,
si ncc tlw prime ministcr is rcsponsihk h)r Cahinl'l agendas anJ controls Cab-
inct pnKl'cJings, thc Cabinct ca n bcrnmc a ' ruhbcr-stamp ' or briding for pol-
icics that havc alrcady bccn Jcci<lcd by th c prime ministcr or smallcr groups.
Much dep c nJs upon tlw p erso nality of prime ministcrs an<l th c way in
w hich thcy avo i<l potcnti al Cabin et friction. Sorne likc to kad . Othcrs work
within the Cabin et structure, allowing mini sters to cxcr ·isc rl·sponsibility within
thc ir own ministerial fi el<ls. M uch of our information about thc opcration o!' tht·
Cah i1wt rnmcs from inform ation divulgc<l by Cabinet ministcrs. Although thc
Cab in ct mccts in prívate and its discussions are m cant to b e sccret, the publi c
is usually and rcli abl y informcd of Cah inct deliberations and disputes by 'lcaks'
to th c med ia.
Thc mass and complex ity of govc rnm cnt business and ministers' concern
with th ci r own dcpartme nts suggest th at foil debate in Cabinet on every issue
is irnposs ibk, but it is fe lt that outlim·s of policy should be more vigorously
dcbatc<l. Thc prcscnt system arguahly concentrates too much powcr in the
hands of th e prime ministcr; ovcrloa<ls rninisters with work; allows cru cial
decisions to be tak ·' n outsidc thc Cabinct; and reduces th e notion of rnllcctivc
responsihility.
 Politics and government

PLATE 5 .9 Brita in's Prime Min ister Theresa May (on left) addresses members of the Cabinet in
the Cabinet meeting Room, l O Downing Street, London , l O Ju ly 20 16 . © Shutterstock

Coll ective responsibility is that which ali ministcrs, hut mainly thosc in thc
Cabin et, share for governrnent actions and policy. All must support a govcrn-
m cnt decision in public, even though sorne rnay opposc it during privatc dc lib-
erations. If a rninister cannot do this, th ey rnay feel ohligc<l to rcsign.
A rninister also has an individual responsibility for thc work of thcir gov-
ernment department. Th ey are answerable for any rnistakcs, wrong<loing or bad
administration, wh cther pcrsona11y responsibl e for th em or not. In such cases,
th c minister rnay resign, although this is not as comrnon today as in thc past.
This responsibility should also cnahle Parliamcnt to rn aintain so rne control ovcr
executivc actions because the minister is ultimatdy answerablc to Parliarncnt.
Howevcr, critics argue that such control today has wcakcncd .
Government departments (or ministries) ar ·' the chief in strurnents by whi ch
the government implem ents its policy. A chang' of govcrnmc nt <loes not ncccs-
sarily alter the number or fon ctions of departrncnts. Exampks are th c Dcpart-
ments for Communities and Local Government (D C LGL Business, lnnovation
and Skills (BIS) and Transport (DfT).
Departments are staffed by the Civil Servicc, consisting of carcer adrninis-
trators (civil servants) . Thcy work in London and throughout Britain on govcrn-
m ent activities and are rcsponsihlc to thc ministcr of thc ir departmcnt for thc
implementatíon of gow rnmcnt poli cies. A change of minister or govcrnmcnt
<loes not requirc 1ww civil scrvants, since th ey are expccted to b e politicall y
 Pol i tics and government

neutral, to serve the government impartially, and to observe restrictions on

political activities and publication. Therc are sorne 500,000 civil servants in
füitain toe.lay in ·entra] London and throughout thc country. Half of these are
womcn, but few of th em a -hievc top ranks in the scrvice.
The heart of the Civil Scrvicc is th e Cabin -t Office, whosc Sccretary is
th e h ead of thc Civil Service. Thc latte r is rcsponsiblc for thc whole Service,
organizcs Cabinet business an<l coordinatcs high-kvcl pohcy. In cach ministry
nr department the senior official (Pcrman 'nt Secrc..'.tary) and thcir assistants are
responsiblc for assisting their ministcr in th' implcmcntation of government
policy. Thcrc have bcen accusations about th ' cHiciency and eth_'ctivcnc-ss of
t he Service, an<l civil scrvants Jo not havc a good public imagc. Thcrc havc hccn
attempts to makc thc systcm more cost- ,ifrctiv' and to allow a wi<lcr category
of applicants than thc traditional cntry of Oxhri<lgc gra<luatcs. Posts may now
be a<lvcrtiscd in or<lcr to attract oldcr pcoplc from industry, commcn:c and thc
p rofessions. Many aspccts of dcpartmcntal work havc also hccn hrokcn down
and transfr·n ,J to agencies in London and throughout th e country, such as thc
Driver and Vchiclc Liccnsing J\gcncy (DVLJ\) in Cirdiff and social scrnrity
oHiccs. Thcrc havc also hccn attcmpts to cut thc numbcr of civil scrvants ami
to restrict thL·ir policymaking role. Critics arguc that thc Civil Scrvin.' has hccn
politicizcd, lost its indcp<. ndcnt ncutrality and bccomc a dclivcry mcchanism
fo r targcts initiatcd by unclcctcd consultants, political adviscrs and 'spin doc-
tors' in Downing Strcct.
On thc othcr hand, it has b cen traditionally alkgcd that thc Civil Snvicc
imposcs a ccrtain mentality upon its ITll'mh ' rs, which al+ccts thc impkmcnta-
tion of govcrnrnc nt poli cics and which ministcrs are unahk to cornhat. Th TL' is
supposcdly an indcpcndcnt Civil Servicc way of doing things and él bias lowards
thc status quo. Howcvc r, much depcnds upon ministcrs and thc way in which
thcy managc <lcpartmcnts. Thcrc may be sorne arcas of con T rn. Yct the stcn.·o-
typical imagc of civil scrvants is not always rcH -·ctcd in thosc who serve tlwir
política] 1m1stcrs wcll and work impartially with ministcrs in thc <lcpartm<.'ntal
intcrcst.

UK parliamentary control of government

British govcmmcnts havc historically tended to govern pragmatically. The

emphasis was on wh 'th ·r poli ·ics workcd and were generally acceptablc. Gov-
ernm nts wcrc conscious of how far thcy could go before displeasing their
supportcrs anJ thc el ·ctoratc, to whom th 'Y were accountable at gen eral el 'C-
tions. Th e combination of advcrsarial politics, Cabinet govemment and party
discipline in thc Commons seemcd to provide a balance betwecn efficient gov-
ernmcnt and puhlic accountability. Yet hoth Conservative and Labour govcm-
mcnL'i havc bccome more intent on pushing thcir policics through Parliame nt.
Politics and government

Constitutional th eory suggests that Parliamcnt should control thc execu-

tive. However, unless th ere is small-m ajority govcrnment, rebcllion by govem-
m ent MPs or significa nt public protest, a government with a rcasonablc overall
majority in the Cornmons should be able to carry its policies through Parlia-
m cnt, irrespectivc of parliamentary attcmpts to restrain it. The Housc of Lords
has only a dclaying and amending power over government legislati on. Critics
arguc for stron gc r parliamentary control over thc executiv<:: ., which has been
dcscribed asan lcctive dictatorship. Arguabl y, this may b , achieved by moving
to a PR electoral system, a consensual style of p oli tics, a strength cning of Parlia-
m cnt's role and much more independent action from MPs thcmselvcs.
Gcncrally, opposibon parties ca n only oppos in the Commons and hope to
p ersuade thc electorate to dismiss th e governm cnt at the next gen ral clcctio n.
Votes of censure and no conndenc are normally inadequat . . when confronting
a governm ent or coalition with a majority. Evcn rebdlious government MPs
will u ·ually (if not always) support thcir parties on .-uch occasions, o ut of a sclf-
intercstcd desir to pres rve th eir jobs and a nced to preve nt thc collapse of th e
governmcnt and its policics.
Ex aminations of govcrnmcnt programmes can be cmployed at Question
Time in thc Commons, whcn th c prime minister or othcr minister (fo r 30 min-
utes on Wedncsdays) is subjcctcd to o ral qu 'stions from th c lcadcr of th c Oppo-
sition c1nd MPs. But the gov rnmcnt ca n prcvari catc in its answers and, whilc
reputations can be made and lost at Qucstion Time, it is a rhctorica l, politi cal
and often rowdy occasion rathcr than an in-ckpth anc1lysis of govc rnmcnt pol-
icy. However, it <loes have a function in hol<ling thc cxccutivc's performan ce up
to public scrutin y. Thc opposibon partics ca n also choosc thcir own topics for
formal debate on a limited numbcr of days each scssion , which cc1 n also be usc<l
to attack the government.
A ] 967 attempt to restrain th e executivc was th e crcation of the Parlia-
m entary Commissioner for Administration (Ombudsman), who cc1 n invcstigatc
alleged ba<l administration by ministers and civil serva nts. But th e officc e.loes
not have strong watchdog powcrs and th e public have no <lircct acccss to it,
although its existence do s serve as a warning to officials an<l politicians.
Jn an attcmpt to improvc th e situation, a selcct co mmittcc systcm was crc-
ated in 1979, which now has sorne 39 committccs for thc Housc of Com mon s
and others for the Lords, as well as joint and othcr specia l rn mmittccs. Thcy
comprise MPs from most parties, who monitor th , administration and polici cs
of the main government departments and investigatc proposed lcgislation. MPs
prcviously had prnblems in scrutini zin g govcrnmcnt c1ctivity adcquatcly and
party discipline made it difficult for them to act indcpcndently of party poli cy.
It is often argued that thc real work of thc Housc and parliamcntary
control of th e exccutivc is <leme in the select committccs an d in thcir tcle-
vised cxaminations of indivi<luals. Their mcmbers c1re now proving to lx: more
 Po l itics and government

in dep cnd nt in questioning civil servants, minist rs and others who are called
tn givc e vidcncc bcfore them (but who may refuse to attend). Selcct commit-
tvcs can be effoctivc in cxamining legislation and exp enditure and thcir rcports
l an be damaging to a gov rnm ent. It <loes s cm that they have str ' ngth e ned

Pa rliamcnt's authority against government, and critics would likc to see th eir
pow r e nhanced.

Attitudes to politics

Po lls regularly show that British politi cians and politi cal parties Jo not ratl'
highly in British votcrs' opinions. Respon<lcnts say that politicians are among
t he lcast aJmircd gro ups of profr,ss ionals (scco nd o nly to journalists) an<l that
thc y s ' cm in ca pabk of answcring . pccific qu estions put to thcm. /\. British
So ·ial J\ttitudcs (BSJ\) surwy in 2013 found th at 93 pc r ce nt oF respondrnts
said that thcy h ad littk orno faith in M Ps to tl'II th 'truth in a light c:orncr. On ly
18 pcr cent trustcd govcrnmcnts to put tlw nation's nccd abovc thosc of a polit-
ical party, or trusted gov ·rnments of any party ali or most of' thl time. J\lthough
76 pcr cent sa id that thcy e.lid supporl a politi ca l party, rnmparcd with 87 pc:r
cent in 1~)83, largc.· majoritil's frlt cxclu<led from thc politi ·al proc.-css.
Politicians are niticized and sa tirized in th c media and allcgations of slca1.c.·
(bad hc haviour), corruption , crnnyism (favouring politica l supporters) ,11HI
uncthi cal bchaviour havc lcJ to Jcm érnds for stri ctcr co ntrols on parlianwntar-
ians hy in<lcpcnJcnt cornmittccs. A largc scandal in 2008-0~) arising from M Ps '
cla irns l'or l'Xpcnscs on itl'ms allegcdly inrnrrcd whcn pcrforming thcir dutivs
k d to a sh arp J cclin c and dciining monwnt in tlw puhlic's trust in politi cian s,
and provoked harsh niticism and angry rcactions by votns in tlw 201 O Grncral
Elcction ca mpaign. In rccc nt ycars, th c rc havc bcc n com plaints ahout allcgcd
s x ual , profrssional anJ gcndcr-bascJ misconJuct and harassmcnt by M Ps élllll
officials in and outsidc Parli am cnt lcading to resignations.
It is alkgcJ, validly or not, that thc cfü_,cts of sud1 bchaviour havc r<' vcalcd
a gulf in values and rcality b 'twccn politi cian s and thcir constitucnts, and havl'
increascd many pco plc's scnsc of disillusion with Par.liamc nt and th c politi cal
proccss. It sccrns that political apathy among voters and a sccpticism about
politi cians' ability and willingncss to solvc urgent national problem s has lcd to
<lecrcast:d turnout by votcrs in rcccnt clcctions (such as 65 per ent in 20] O,
66. 1 pc r cent in 2015 and 68. 7 in 2017 L increasing criticism of politicians by
thc dcctorate and distrust of politica l institutions in Britain. Disillusionment
has incrcased since th c 2016 Rdc rcndum to leave th e EU (Brexit) and has
b ce n dircctcd at political lca<lcrs, parti cs and Parliament. There has also b een
c1 11 apparcnt Jccrcasc in bcli + in th c traditionally expressed values of British
socicty.
Po l i t ics and govern ment

Disillusionment seems to have coincided with the elections of a coalition

(Conservativc/Lib Dem) govcrnmcnt 2010-15, a Cons -rvative government
2015- 16 and 2016-17, anda Conservative governmcnt from 2017. Prim Min-
ister David Camcron reacted to sorne public complaints hy promjsing a referen-
dum on leaving or remaining in thc ElJ, which was held on 23 Junc 201 G, with
a turnout of 72.2 pcr cent . Thc Leavers won with 51.9 per cent (17,410,742
voters) and the Remain ers lost with 48.] pcr cent (16,]41,24lvotcrs). Thcr "
have sincc been fierce political argumcnts about this d ' -ision, bctwccn th c two
sides ,md with the EU, whi ch havc hccn reflected in frequent polis.
For example, a recent YouGov poll for The Sunday Tim.es on 7 Dcccm-
ber 2018 found that 48 p cr cent of respondcnts wcrc dismayed at thc stat' of
I3ritain following thc rcfcrcndum, thought that Britain's politics was bmkcn,
with a furth er 30 per cent saying that Britain was not working wdl. Only 14
pcr cent thought that th e current political partics propcrly rcprcscntc<l pco plc's
views and hopes. Party lcadcrs and ministers ( togethcr with thcir Opposition
counterparts) werc judged to be performing hadly. Yet critics argucd that it was
hard to se that thc altcrnativL s to Brexit woul<l r ' pair the cfarnagcd rcputation
of British politics and only 11 pcr cent of respon<lents c:onsidcreJ that politics
was working well. Approval ratings for party leadcrs wcrc at rninus ratings an<l
it was widely allege<l that partics were putting party politica l conc:crns abovc
th e national int rest .
An lpsos MOR! Political Mon'itor poll of .June 2018 inJicatc<l that 41 pcr
cent of responde nts woul<l vote Conservativc in a futurc Lk ction, 38 ¡wr cent
would choos Labour and 7 per cent would scttlc on Lib Dcm . Thcsc figures
gavc the Conscrvativcs a 3 pcr cent lead over Labour an<l continuc<l to indicatc
the divi<led nature of th e eltctoratc Juring th c Brexit campaign. It also showcd
that majoritics of respondcnts were dissatisfied with the party and govcrnmcnt
leaderships and that confiJcncc was very low among respon<lents that a gooJ
Brcxit <leal for Britain was possibl e. Respondent · attributed blame ·for a 'no <leal
Brexit' to th lJK govcrnmcnt (30 per cent), th e European Union (18 per ce nt)
and both equally ( 49 per cent).
The Brcxit campaign illustrated th e underlying political and co nstitutional
strains on British voters an<l th' political systcrn. Thc rcsults of th e 201 G Rc.+-
eren dum and its small majority for Lcavc again rcfl ect thc dividcd natur -' of
contcmporary British 1ifc and politics, as well as thc inadequacies of political
structures which critics have bccn dcbating for many ycars, but whi -h hav ' not
been satisfactorily addresse<l.
Although voting is not compulsory in Britain, many 13ritons fccl that they
should vote in order to show that they can thcn validly commcnt on thc politi-
cal system, rather than refraining. A BSA poll in 2011 r 'vealed that ()2 pcr ce nt
of rcspondents felt that they had a duty to vote (a <lecrease from 76 pcr cent
in 1986), andan earlier MORI poll in 2001 found that civic <luty an<l hahit ar"'
important factors in voting (lcss so for the young) and that peopl e ha<l positiv'
 Polit ics and go v e rnment

attitudes to voting. However, th ey would prefcr voting t o b e made more co n-

venicnt by allowing the use of phonc/mobilc phones, online technology and
social mt:_dia .
The reasons for the public's apparent dissatisfaction with politicians are
compl ex, oftcn contradi ctory an<l chan geablc. The distancing of pcople from
politica l p arti cs an<l politicians contra. ts with thcir exprcssing a kcen intcrest in
politics. This opposition is similar to respon. es to British rdigion whcrc, whi1c
many rcspondents profcss not to b e memhcrs of an organizl d religion, they are
noncthel ess inte rcstcd in spirituality.
The BSA survcy in 2013 how cd that Britons had c1 stro nger hclicf in pol-
itics than in thc 1980s, although th ey trustcd politicians kss. Thcy are more
intcrcstcd in politi cs c1nd political ideas and are more likcly to bclicvc th at thcy
can influ 'ncc thc govcrnmcnt. Thc survcy suggestc<l that a low turnout oF vot-
crs is a rcsult not of dccl ining intercst in politics or clt ction s, hut rat hcr a foil-
urc of cam paigns an<l politi c ians to co nncct with thl clcctm atc. It Sl'l'med th:.:it
pcoplc want accuratc informa ti o n, a grcatl'r focus on th c issul s th at co1Kl'Hl
them an<l cvidcncc that politicians are communi cating with tlll' puhlic Peo plc
thercfrm~ appcar to he mor ' intcrcstc<l in tlw political prmTss an J issucs than is
popularl y ass umcd. Votcrs want politicians to c ngagc w ith thcm ami with what
are considc red scrious co ntcm porary iss ucs.
A Hansard Socicty survcy in 2014 cxam incd proposals to improw polilical
debate. It found that 48 per ce nt ol' rcspondcnts wa ntn l grl·atcr transp.1r<' 1Ky,
39 pcr cent grcatcr accounta bility, 32 pcr n nt hettn inl-órmation ami cd uca -
tion, 29 pcr cent m01T ol' a say for citií'.c ns (such as binding rcfrrendums) ami
26 pc r cent lcss 's pin ' (rnanipulation of focts and nwssagcs ).
Howcvcr, acrnrding to '/'he Econmnist in Dl·ccmbcr 2018, thc cumul ati vc
fai lurc of Britain 's political class in thc twrntil'th ami twt'nty-lirst n- nt uri cs had
le<l to cka<llock. ' Ma ny l3ritons <lcspair that thcy facc a choi n· lwtwt-c n Brcx it
and e haos un<le r th c Torics and socialisrn an<l e haos unJcr l .a hour. I F 11l'Xl ycar
goes as hadly as this onc [201 8 1, thcy may e nd up with hoth .'

Exercises
Briefly define and examine the following terms, commenting on their
significance in British life:

Whigs executive 'three-line whip'

Constitution Secretary of State coalition
Magna Carta conventions Ouestion Time
Cabinet manifesto Oliver Cromwell
civil servant devolution backbenchers
Lords Spiritual Tories constitutional monarchy
Politics an d government

the Speaker legislature 'hung Parliament'

roya I assent sovereignty select committees
White Paper secret ballot sleaze
William of Orange PR constituency
'The Troubles' Clement Attlee Sir Robert Walpole
Statute Privy Council precedent

Write short essays on the following topics :

Describe what is meant by the 'two-party system'.

2 Does Britain hove an adequate parliamentary electoral system . lf not,

why not?

3 Critically examine the role and power of the prime minister.

4 Discuss the position and relevance of the monarch in the British political
system .

5 Are British politicians treated unfairly by the British public? Give the
reasons for your answer.

Further reading

Aughey, A (2001) Nationalism, Devolution and the Challenge to the United Kingdom
State, London : Pluto Press
2 Bogdanor, V. (2001) Devolution in the United Kingdom, Oxford : Oxford University Press
3 Bogdanor, V. (2009) The New British Constitution, London : Hart Publishing
4 Childs, D. (2006) Britain since 1945: A Political Hístory, London : Routledge
5 Deacon, R. and Sandry, A (2007) Devolution in the Uníted Kíngdom (Politics Study
Guides), Edinburgh : Edinburgh University Press
6 Foley, M. (2000) The Brítísh Presidency, Manchester: Manchester University Press
7 Ford, R. and Goodwin . M (2014) Revolt on the Right: Support for the Radical Right in
Britain, London : Routledge
8 Foster, C. (2005) Britísh Government in Crisis, London : Hart
9 Jones, B. and Norton, P. (2013) Politics UK, London : Routledge
1O Kavanagh , D. (lead) (2006) British Politics: Continuíties and Change, Oxford : Oxford
University Press
11 King, A (2015) Who Governs Britain? London : Pelican
12 Leach, R., Coxall, B. and Robins, L. (2006) British Politics, Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan

Websites

UK government: www.gov.uk
Houses of Parliament: www.parliament.uk
 Polit i cs and government

M onarchy: www.royal.gov.uk
Privy Council Office : http://privycouncil.independent.gov.uk
<.a binet Office : www.cabinet-office .gov.uk
Prime Minister's Office: www.gov.uk/government/organisation/prime-ministers-0ffice- l 0-downing-
street
Wa les Office/National Assembly for Wales : www.wales .gov.uk
Scotland Office : www.gov.scot
Scottish Parliament: www.scottish .parliament.uk
Northern lreland Assembly : www.niassembly.gov.uk
Northern lreland Office : www.nio .gov.uk
Yo uGov polls : YouGov.co . uk
O ffice for National Statistics: www.ons .gov.uk
lfo nsard Society: www.hansardsociety.org .uk
l3riti sh Social Attitudes, Nat Cen : www.bsa .natcen .ac .uk
 6
lnternational relations

■ Forc ign an<l Jefcncc polky

■ Empire, Commonwealth and Ireland

■ The European Union (EUJ

■ Exercises

■ Further reading

■ Websites
l nternational r elat i ons

Thc lJK has long had significant intcmational rclations with other countrics,
and people have constantly moved to and from l3ritain bccause of its colonial
past and because its power anJ survival hav · depended on global tradc. This
chapter examin es thcsc histori ca1 connections an<l concentratcs on significant
contcmporary arcas: forcign and J cfcnce policy, thc Commonwcalth an<l lr -
land, and 13ritain's (plannc<l) departurc in 201 9 from thc European Union (EU)
aftcr a 4G-year membcrship.
Historicall y, Britain 's foreign and d<:Jence policics aimed to achiev 'a balance
of power in Europe, so that no singl country could domín ate th e Contin c nt. Its
main rival, from th e Hundrcd Years' War until th e dcfeat of Napokon (1337-
1815) was Fran ce, and it won dccisive wars (although not th ' Frcnch-supportcd
American War of Independcnce 1775- 83 ). lt crcated contin ental alli anccs with
Europcan powcrs, whi ch wcrc buttr ss<:.d militarily by a powe rful Royal Navy,
an<l establishe<l a global British Empin:' which rcachcd its peak in wcalth in
1900 and ma ximum siz "' by 1920-40. Britain 's econo mi c an<l política! status
th en progressively diminishcd, and it built rdations with th c US/\, a military
allian c' with Japan in 1902, anda Triple Entente with Fnm cc ( 1904) and Russia
(1 907), which opposcd G crmany in th e First World War ( 1914- 18) .
Aft:er the Scco nd World War against Germany, ltaly and .Jap an ( l 93~)-4 5),
Britain 's traditional position as a colonial, economic and políti ca! powcr on th c
world stage was in furthcr rclative decline. Som<:. largc coloni cs, such as C an-
ada and Australia, had alrcady achievcd sclf-govcming dominion status. Thc
growth of natio nalism and a desire for sclf-dctcrmination among /\fri can, Asían
and Carihbean countri es pcrsuaded Britain to decolonializc furth cr from 1945,
colonics became in<lepe ndcnt, and British involvcmcnt in th c Middk East was
curtai1cd by the Su z Canal Crisis in 1956 .Th " cffccts of global economic co m-
p etition, two world wars, th · cmcrgence of Col<l War poli tics (dominatcd b y
the USA and the form er Soviet Union") and dom esti c conomi c and social prob-
lems forccd Britain to recognize its reduced intcrnation al status. It was obli gc<l
to seek new military alliances such as NATO, política] an<l economic organiza-
tions such as the EU, and global agencies such as thc United Nations.
It tricd with difficulty to find a new idcntity and to cstablish difkrcnt pri-
orities. Sorne of thc previous overscas links co ntinucd with thc Commonwcalth
(formerly th e British Empire), traditional tradin g partn crs and thc conn ction
with the Unitcd Statcs, whil e othcr relationships, such as thc EU, were n~w. l3ut,
in spite of fundaml'ntal ch,rn ges, Britain stil1 ex p ·"ricnccs un certainti('s ahout its
defence and foreign poli cit's, its potcntial intcrn ational influence and its appro-
priate role in glohal alfoirs.
 l ntern at i on al r elations 163
.,
A ~
;T
PLATE 6 .1 Queen Elizabeth
11greets the Namibian High
C o mmissioner ata reception
in Buckingham Palace, 28
April 2009 to commemorate
the sixtieth anniversary of the
1949 London Declaration .
This marked the birth of the
modern organization , which
became the Commonwealth of
Nations, commonly known as the
Commonwea lth. © Shutterstock

Foreign and defence policy

Britain's position in thc world today is that of a mcJium-sizcJ country which

faces increasing commcrcial compctition from cm ' rging global powcrs an<l was
rankcd (2018) cconomica lly in tifth place bchin<l thc USJ\, China, .Japan an<l
Gcrmany. Sorne of its politicians (and pt'o plc ) still believc that it can havc an
int -'rnational influcncc and role. Howcvcr, British governmcnts havc devdopc<l
foreign poli cics that havc shifted away from traditionally aggrcssive unilateral
action to pcrsuasivc partncrships; e mbark ,J on coalition or shared military
actions arounJ th 'world; cmphasized ethical anJ human rights in international
and nationalist conflicts; and uscd versions of cultural non-military 'soft powcr'
to try to cxcrt influ ' ne'.
British national self-intcrcst is still evi<lcnt in global cooperation and in the
conccrtc<l tight against tcrrorism becausc Britain i · a kcy actor in sorne mili-
tary actions. Yct it is argued that such commitments are financially unsustain-
able an<l that Britain 's foreign policies an<l sdf-image do not refl et the rcality
of its world position. It has engagcJ in r 'cent wars and p eacc-kcc ping dutics
in Bosnia, Kosovo, Afghanistan, Sierra Leonc, Iraq, Libya anJ Mali. But, whilt·
lnternational re l ations

rnilitary action in Iraq (frorn 2003) was initially supported by a rnajority of the
British public, the re was increasing opposition ovcr its afterrnath; <listrust of
th e previous Labour governrnent's justification for the war, and scepticism that
overseas military involvernent would protect Britain's interna} security. The war
in Afghanistan attracte<l widespread public opposition and con cern at th e loss
of British livcs an<l the alleged lack of adequatc rnilitary cquiprnent and pro-
tection. It is also fclt that th e current costs of defcncc and global commitmcnts
could be more profitably directed to solving domestic probl ems. In a 2013 BBC
po11, 75 per cent of respondents believed that Parliament was right to rcject UK
air and (particuJarly) ground military action in thc latcr conflict in Syria.
Britain's foreign and defrncc preoccupations refl cct its tra<litional position
as a major trading nation and finance centre based on a worl<lwi<lc colonial
empirc. In changcd circumstances, it is now conccrn ,d to maintain stablc com-
m ercial, cco nomic an<l political conditions through global conncctions. Britain
is a large cx porte r of goods and services, has substantial overseas or outward
investmcnts, imports much of its food an<l basic manufacturing rcquire mcnts,
and also has substantial inwar<l investment from abroad. It is d cpcn<lent upon
maintaining global commercial links, although it was in creasi ngly comrnitted to
thc 27 EU countries during its me mbership, who constituted ílritain 's 53 pcr
cent import an<l 44 pc r cent ex port markets (GO p ' r cent total tra<lc - ONS
2015). Howcvef¡ other European countries, th e USJ\, China, In<lia, .lapan,
South America and Cornmonwcalth nations are also important tra<ling ami
invcstm ent arcas.

Foreign policy
Britain's foreign policy and membership of international organizations is basc<l
on the principle that overseas objectives in the contemporary world ca n be
best attained by p ersuasion and cooperation and by actively working with othcr
nations on a regional or global basis and according to the obligations of intcr-
national treaties or coalitions. The imperial days of unilateral action are now
largely past, although Britain did take such action in th e l 98 2 Falklands War.
However, its foreign policy can rcflect particular biases, with support for onc
country outweighing that for another.
The USA has often becn seen as Britain's closcst ally. A 'spccial rclationship'
exists b etween th e two based on a comrnon languagc, cultural tra<litions, history
and military partnerships, particularly in the Sccond World War an<l :ubsequ ' nt
actions. Yet this association has varied according to geopolitical circumstanccs,
personal relations b etween political leaders in both countries and divergc nt pol-
icies. Th erc have bcen differences of opinion about American e ntry into th e
Second World War, orroscd attitudes to participation in the Vietnam War, and
questions about I3ritain's mcmbership of the ElJ, British involvcment in the
Suez Canal invasion ( l ~).)()) an<l US support for decolonialization. Neverthdcss,
 lnternationa l relati o n s 165
.,
'°~
;;T
nritish politicians are generally concern ed to maintain American military and
s •curity influ<::.nce within Europe and NATO an<l to preserve the global stability
of the Atlantic connection.
However, public opinion polls have recent]y suggested more varied sup-
rort among both British and American respon<lcnts for th e spccial relationship.
/\ March 2009 Gallup pol1 reported that 36 pe r cent of Ameri cans regarded
Britain as th eir country's 'most valuablc ally' an<l 89 pe r cent gcn erally viewed
the UK favourably. A 2009 Pcw Rcscarch Ccntcr poli found that 70 pcr cent
of Britons had a favourahlc vi ew of th e USA. Yet a Pe w poll in 2013 found
tha t attitudes towards th e special rclationships diffe rc<l b ctwccn political lcad-
crs and thc publi c, with thc lattcr thinking that it was not ali that spccial.
Whilc thc British and American publi cs broadly agrcc on many intcrnational
issu es, th ey do somctimcs diffcr on th c dctails of forcign policy challcngcs.
lnterestingly, a 2013 BBC poll found that 72 pcr cent of l3ritish rcs pondc nts
did not think that Parliamc nt's dec ision to rcjl'Ct military action in Syri a in
20 13 would damagl' th c UK- US rclation ship and two-thir<ls sa id that thcy
would not carc if it <lid. Furth crmorc, 67 pcr ce nt thought that thc spccial
relationship was not rclcvant in th c mod crn agc. This suggcsts a majority h_,cl-
ing among British respondrnts, rdlcctcd in othcr polls in 20 1O, that thc lJK
has littlc or no intluc ncc on /\mcri ca n policics, th<it th c lJS does not consi<lcr

PLATE 6.2 Prime Mi níster Theresa May, 20 16-19 (second from left) at a summít meeting
wi th other G7 leaders in Charlevo ix, Ca nada, 8 June 2018 . © Neil Ha ll/Pool/EPA-EFE/
Shutterstock
.,
A~ 166 l n ternational relatio ns
;.T
British interests and that thc relationship is unbalanccd . It also refl ects a feel-
ing that Britain was allegedly dragge<l into the Iraq invasion and that th e Brit-
ish were b ecoming more determined to avoi<l foreign cntanglements and to
pursuc th eir own paths.
Britain's rn embership of thc EU rneant that it was to sorne cxtcnt <lcpen-
dent upon EU forcign policy. In 2009 the EU ratificd thc Lisbon Treaty, which
was intcndcd to tighten institutional and poli cy fun ctions, and crcatc<l a Prcsi-
dcnt of thc EU Council and High Rcprcscntative for Foreign Affairs, which gave
the EU a legal negotiating idcntity and status on thc worl<l stagc. But, although
thc EU is moving to more unificd forcign poli cics, mcmber statcs havc conflict-
ing interests and Britain also had its own prioritics. EU forcign policy is still in
its infan cy and rnany critics doubt its vali<lity an<l valuc, although it has proved
rdativcly eff-ective in Europea n and Middlc Eastcrn conflicts. Britain insists that
leaving the EU will not lessen its commitmcnt to taking part in Europcan sccu-
rity and def-" nce.
Britain has diplomatic relations with 160 nations and is a mcmbcr of sorne
120 intemational organizations, ranging from ho<li cs fór cconomic coopcration
to th e United Nations (UN). Support for thc UN and thc principies ofits char-
ter has becn part of British foreign policy sin ce 1945, although thcrc has sonw-
times been sccpti 'ism about its effectivcncss as a practi cal and dccisivc hody
(for insta nce, o ver Iraq rcsolutions in 2003).
Yct, as a permanent m -mber of the UN Security Council, Britain has a
vcste<l interest in supporting the organization . It sces a strong UN as a ncccssa ry
frarn cwork for achieving many of its own foreign policy objectivcs, su -h as th c
pcaccful resolution of co nfli ct, arms control, <lisa rmame nt, peacckcc ping nper-
ations an<l th e protcction of human rights. UN agenci 'Salso providc forums for
discussing issues in which Britain is involvc<l, such as disaster rdid; tcrrorisrn,
thc cnvironment, cnergy <levelopment and world rcsources. However, Britain,
like other nations, may <listancc itsdf from the UN wh en it St:Ts its own vital
interests challenged .

Defence policy
Britain's major defence alliance is with thc North J\.tlantic Treaty Organization
(NATO) . This currently comprises 28 m embcrs (Bclgium , Canada, D ' nmark,
Iceland, Italy, Luxembourg, the N etherlands, Norway, Spain, Portugal, Britain,
thc USA, Greece, Turkey, G ermany, Poland, Hun ga ry, th c Czech Rcpubli ·,
Francc, Bulgaria, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, Romania, Slovakia, Slovc nia, Alba-
nia and Croatia). Th e original justification for NATO 's crcation was that it pro-
vided its m embcrs with greater security than any could achicvc in<lividually and
was a deterrent against aggrcssion by th e now-defun ct Warsaw Pact co untrics.
The principlc of colkcti w dcfe nce is still maintaincd and many former Warsaw
Pact countries haw joinnl NATO.
 lnternational relations 167
.,
A~
,:T
.
All th e major British political parties are in favour of retaining the NATO
1ink and, according to opinion polls over th e years, the public would not support

any party which tried to take Britain out of th e alliance. Membership of NATO
also allows Britain to operate militarily on the inte rnational stage. lts defence
policy is based on NATO strategies and it assigns most of its armed forces and
<lefen ce budget to th e organizati on.
Despitc changcs in Eastern Europe since the fall of th e Berlín Wall in 1989
and movcs to transform NATO into a more fl ex ibl , Iean er and high-technol-
ogy military association, British governments has t akcn such <levelopments
cautiously and are concern ed to maintain Britain 's own military dde nce with
conve ntional and nuclear forces. 1t rccogni zcs that global uncc rtainty, intcrna-
tion al terrorism and un stablc statcs would pose incrcascd risks to its own secu-
rity if it wc re t o redu ce its and NATO 's armed <lefc nce capacity. Howcvcr, thcrl'
are doubts (and .sorne criti ca! opinions) about NATO's capacity to rcspond to
glob al prohlcm arcas and it is tdt that ali its ml'mbcrs should i11e1TaSl' thl'ir
dcfcncc spcnding and viahility to h cttc r support NATO obj cctivcs. Britain has
achi ··v ·<l th , NATO 2<Yci contribution targl't in the last 8 ycars.
In 1~)98 l3ritain argucd that th c EU must havc a crc<lihlc military ,rnd scrn-
rity capahility to support its políti ca! rok, cnahling it to rcsponJ 4ui ckly lo
intcrnation al criscs. Thc EU has slowl y dc vclopcJ its own ' rapid rcaction l'orn:'
plans from 2007. This force is supposcd to consist oF battalion-si;.,.cd military
u nits known as hattlcgroups of sorne 1,500 troops unJ cr an ElJ kaJ nation
and othcr ElJ participa nts. Th csc would he undcr thc dirccl control of thc ElJ
Coun cil which opc ratcs thc Common Sccurity and Dác ncc Policy of thc EU.
T hc units h avc bccn sccn as a ncw standing army for Europc an<l W<'IT wcl-
co mcd as hclping th c UN to dcal with trouhlc spots.
lnitia11y, th c debate focusc<l on whcthcr thc hattkgroups should he Sl'('n
as an indcpe n<lcnt force outsidc NATO or whcthcr th cy should opcratc within
NATO fram cworks. Thc ElJ fclt that it could rcspond to intcrnational criscs,
w ithout prlju<licc to NATO (which woukl continuc to he thc foundation of
coll 'Ctivc sccurity ). Sorne critics arguc that this <levelopmc nt has bccn inad-
cquatdy pl annc<l, h as coopcration problcms an<l could potcntially wcakrn
NATO. Britain 's withdrawal from th c EU suggests that it will not b e sud1 an
integral part of EU dcvelopments in thc future. But th e current Conservativc
govcrnmcnt maintains that Britain will ·ontinue to share in Europe 's Jcf ,ncc
and sccurity arrangcm e nts alon gside its primary commitmcnt to NATO.
Th c British govcrnment's defc nc<' spcnding was 2.3 pcr cent of GDP in
2015 (anda publi c spe ndin g budgct for 2015 of [46 billion) putting it in fourth
position in terms of world defence budgcts after the US, China and Russia .
Ove r th e last Fe w years it has controvcrsially reduced armed forces p erson-
nd, ships, aircraft and cquipm ' nt, but has in creased spending in other priority
ar ~as, such as ~apabilitics and stru cturcs. lt aims to dep end on lcancr, multifun c-
tional, fast-rcaction, more flexible forces, although therc havc bccn strrnuou s
 lnternat io na l rel a t i ons

objections from military lcaders to thcsc policies and the considerable reduction
of army numbers, planes and ships. Thc primary objectivcs of defence policy
are to ensurc the country's security and the NATO commitmcnt and to allow
l3ritish forces to engagc in high-intensity war as well as in pcacekeeping roles.
A budget reduction to 1.9 pcr cent of GDP by 2017 did not suggest a
Britain that would be able to cope with contemporary and futurc uncertain-
ties. Further defence cuts conncctcd to an exit from the EU could cndanger
th e armcd forces' new 1 aner structun:.s, put national sccurity at risk and limit
Britain's capacity to scnd troops abroad at short noticc. This reduce<l power
will rcsult in a lowcr number of trnops in sustaincd opcrations an<l critics argue
sorne British national idcntity will be lost bccause it is conncctcd to images of
Britain as a martial nation .
However, des pite th ese conccrns, defencc spcnding carne fifth in 2015 on
the list of governmcnt expenditurc. lJK defencc spcnding over the pa. t 5 years
has been stabl at around [36 bi1lion and is planned to b ' L3 7 .6 billion by
2019- 20. l3ut qucstions ar' still raised as to whcther th e moncy could be bct-
ter spcnt in othcr areas of national life. At thc same time, although th c 13ritish
arml d forces are in dcmand for global commitments, thcy are arguably under-
manncd an<l military cquipmcnt is oftcn out of date anJ in short supply. Th e

PLATE 6.3 British troops arrive in Kandahar in October 2014 as British and US forces with-
draw from Helmand province, Afghanistan after 13 years of combat operations . © WAKIL
KOHSAR/ AFP /Getty lmages
 lnt ernation a l re lations

,n ilitary claim that they need more effective and reliable resources to cop e with
1he demands placed on th em. D efence cuts have resulted in a reduction of air-
n aft carri ers, aircraft, d estroyers and frigates, and replace m ents are only slowly
hci ng built.
Nuclear wcapons, which acco unt For a ve ry large part of th e J cfcnce bu<l-
g1.' t, continuc to be fi e re ly dcbatcd. Britain 's nuclear dcterre nt consists of
long-rangc Amcri ca n-built Tri<lent nuclea r missilcs carri ed by a Hect of four
Vanguard submarincs (although only onc is on patrol at any given time ). Th c
nuclear missilc arse nal is bcing upgraded ata cost of t35 .8 hillion or on c-thir<l
nf th, c.k·fonce cquipm cnt budget. Critics want chcapcr altcrnativcs, or thc can-
1.: cllation of th e nu ck·ar system (on the groun<ls that thc systcm was basc<l on
C ol<l War planning which is allcgcJly no lo nge r applicablc). Y ·t whil c a YouGov
poll in 2015 showcd that 25 p er ce nt of rcsponde nts wanted to givc up nuclear
weapons compktcly, 25 pc r cent wantc<l to rc placc them with an cqu ally pow-
c rful missik system, 31 per cent want<: d a lcss powcrful and kss costly systcm,
and 18 pcr cent did not know. It secms that thc British nu ckar strategy will
continuc as é.l detl'rrcnt in a worscning intcrnational climatc <lespitc the qucs-
tion of whcthcr nuclear mi ss ilcs ca n prot 'Ct againsl cyhcr warfon.', tnrorism
and Jn)IH_'s. Thc major political parti cs are still multilatnalist (kceping nuclear
w capons until they crn he abolished on a global hasis), and thcy are awarc that
a nurnher oF countrics now possl'ss nuc lear wcapons or thc nwans to dcvclop
and usl' tlwm.
Britain can opcrat · militarily outsidl' thc NATO and Europcan arca,
although this capacity is in(Tl'asingly cx pensiw anJ qt1t·stiorwd. Military g::lrri-
. on s are stationcd in C,crmany (now largcly withdrawn), Brurwi, Cy prus, thc Far
an <l Mid<llc East, thc Falkl an<l Islands, Dil'go Ci an:ia, Asccnsion Island ami Cihral-
tar. Thc 1q82 Falklands War, thc 1991 and 2003- 04 Culf Wars .1nd Al"ghanistan
in 200 l showed that Britain ( with othcr nations) was al1k to rcspond to glohal
chalkn g(_s outsilk thc NATO arca, although thc opnations did draw attcntion
to ckfrcts and prohlcms in such a ·tions. Iraq and Ai-ghanistan in particular alsu
dcmonstratcd a lack oF suitahlc cquiprnent and manpowc r. Britain 's choi ccs are
to retrcat from glohal commitmcnts, greatly scak h ack <lch.·1icc spe nding, ere-
ate one combineJ military force rath c r than sl'parJte componc nts or coo pcra tc
more with NATO an<l EU co untri cs across J range ol" dcfrncl' activity.
Nati o nal Statistics ( ONS) tigurcs in April 2018 showcd that th c total
strc ngth of the regular or full-tim c UK arnwd forc('S, which é.lJT now all volun-
t ccr following th c e nd of consc ription in l ~H-i2, was I 4G,5fü), a planncd ru.lu c-
tion of somt' 2.0 pcr crnt sincc 2017. Th ey rnnsist of 81,120 in th c Army ( with
3, l 50 Curkhas)i 32,480 in th c Royal Navy and Roy al Marines an<l 32,960 in
thc Royal Air Force. Thc cost- ami p e rsonncl-r ' duction has h cen balanccd by
th , rccruitm e nt of 36,480 part-timc rcscrvists ami 7,~)G() specialists across the
forces. This policy is controv<: rsial, has bccn lwavily criticized and is seen as a
way to cut th c numbers of the regular fórccs. Th c reserves (now known as the
 l nternational relations

Volunteer Reserve), perform a crucial rol e, support the regular forces at home
and abroad, serve with NATO and coalition ground or front-lin e troops and
help to maintain sccurity in Britain . Women p ersonnel in the Army, Navy and
Air Force (sorne 7 p er cent of the total figure ) are integral parts of the armed
services. They wcre previously confined to support roles, but sorne may now b e
employed in certain front-line müitary action.
Criticism of defcncc cuts and arguments that these will risk British mili-
tary forces being seriously undermanne<l at home and overseas arguably fail to
recogni ze the resources required to meet the security challengcs of thc future,
such as cyber and tcchnological w eaponry, which m eans shifting the balance
of defence investment. It is not conceivably possiblc to maintain traditional
regular forces at historie levels while also invcsting in trying to countcr foture
non-traditional thrcats.
Dcspitc such qucstioning, the defence budget is considerable, given that
Britain is a medium-sized economic power which fa ces the prosp ects of a
domestic anti-EU mood andan EU cxit, which rnay furth er reduce its intlucnce.
By 2020, Britain could wcll be a smallcr, less impressive power. If the loss of a
manufacturing base is compared together with provision of essential military
force, thc costs of dde nce might secm too grcat.
The strength of thc armed forces could be furthcr cut in future years and
the Ministry of D efe nce budgct is likely to fall bccausc of the risin g cost of
employing military and civilian p ersonnd and thc costs of equiprnent. M uch
will dep end cm th e development of futurc warfarc, such as cyber warfare ém<l
thc use of dron e and robot technology to replace manncd aircraft anJ ships.
Recruitment of both regular and reservist fórces to fill gaps is bchind schedule
at present and the military restructuring programmc is fa cin g problem s.

Empire, Commonwealth and lreland

The British Empire and later Commonwealth have changed considcrably in

m embership status and scope over th e years. The Empire was gradually built
up from the six teenth century, though colonization had in fact begun with th e
attempted interna] dornination of the islands (including Ireland) by the English
from the twelfth century, together with military co nquests in mainland Europc.
Thcse were followed by trading activitics and thc establishment of settlements
in North and South America. Parts of ./\.frica, Asia and the Caribbean islands
were also exploited commercially over time and many b ccame colonies. Emi-
grants from Britain settled in countries such as thc USA, Australia, Can ada,
South Africa and New Zealand . By the nineteenth century, British imperial rule
and possessions cmbraced a quarter of th e worl<l 's population.
In thc late ni1wtccnth and early twentieth centuries Iarge colonics such
as Canada, Australi .1, N l 'W Zcal and and South Afri ca became self--govcrning
 lnte rna t i ona l relations

\lominions and eventually achieved foll independence. Many of their peoples

,1,cre desce ndants of those settlers who ha<l emigrated from Britain in earlier
\ cn turies. They regarded Britain as the 'mother country' and nurturcd a shared
ki nship. However, this relationship has changed as separate national identities in
l hese countries have b ecome firmly cstablished.

In 1931, thc British Empire beca me the British Commonwealth of Nations

hy the Statute ofWestminster and sclf-rule was gradually grantcd to other colo-
nies. India an<l Pakistan b ecame inc.lc pcndent in 1947 (leading to th e emerge ncc
of the mo<lern Commonwcalth with th e 1949 London DeclarationJ, followcd
hy African territori es in the 1950s an<l ] 960s and later by man y islanJs of th e
West Indics. Evcntually, a majority of thc rcmaining colonies b eca me in<lcpcn-
dcnt . Thcy could choose wheth e r to break all conncctions with th e colonial past
or remain within th e Commonwca lth as independe nt nations. Most of thcm
decideJ to stay in tlw organization and only a few British colonics, <lcpcndrn-
cies and protcctoratcs now rcmain, anJ th csc, such as thc Falklands an<l Gibral-
tar, are scattcrcd widely across thc globc.
During th e nin etccnth an<l twcntieth ccnturics, rclationships within th c
UK wcrc also changing an<l rdlcctc<l nationalist, anti-colonialist and scparatist
movc mcnts in th c rcst of th e Empirc. In Jrdan<l, thcrc haJ hcc n crnturics of
continuous rcbellions by thc in<ligcnous lrish against English/UK colonial, polit-
ical an<l military rule. Many 1rish MPs in thc UK Wcstminstcr Parliament alter
the /\et of lJnion in 1801 <lc man<lcd more autonomy ovn thcir own affairs <1nd
callcd pcrsistcntly for 'home rule' for lrcland (control of internal mattcrs hy
th e Irish through an asscmhly in Dublin ). Thc home rule qucstion <lominat<'d
late nint>tccnth- and ca rly tw 'nticth-century British politi cs an<l lcd to periodi c
outbrcaks of conMi<:t.
Evcntually in 1921 Ircland was partitionc<l into two parts as a result of
uprisings, violen cc anJ latcr political agrccment. Thc 26 countics ol" southcrn
Ireland bccame th c lrish Free State and a dominion in tlw Commonwcalth. Thc
six co untics in th e north became North c rn frcland and r<'maincd constitution-
ally part oF thc United Kingdom. Th c lrish Free Statc rcmaincd neutral in th c
Sccond World War, and in 1949 its Houscs of Parliamcnt passcJ thc Rcpuhlic
of lreland /\et, making thc Rcpubli c of lrcland o-fücially indcp c nJc nt and thc
co untry withdrew from the Commonwcalth.
Howcvcr, undn th e Act, lrish citizcns are trcatcd as though thcy are Com-
monwealth citizcns an<l not aliens, giving th e m for cx ampl · th e right to vote in
UK elcctions if thcy are residcnt in Britain. Until 19~)8, thc Rcpubli c of lreland
claimed North rn Irelan<l, but this was rescinded un<ler th c Bc]Fast J\greem ent
1998 through an arncnJment to th e lrish Constitution, which now states an
aspiration to peacefu] unity. D espitc a long history of conflicts, from English
military conquests in lreland to th e lrish War of lndep endencc, the UK pres-
ently works closdy with th e governm cnt of thc Republic of Ireland in areas
concerning th e pcace process in Northcrn Ireland as well as on many security
lnt ernational relat ions

issues. The relationship bctwccn thc two countries has irnprovcd signitica ntly
in recent years, symbolized by state visits to Ircland by the Qucen and to lfrit-
ain by the president of Ireland. Since Britain (inclu<ling Northcrn Ire1an<l) and
lrdand were both m embers of the EU, therc was no 'hard border' bctwcen the
Republic and Northern Ireland and each had free movement of pcoplc, goods
and services. This bccamc a signifi ant difficulty in coping with Britain's deci-
sion to lcavc the EU and thc status of thc bordcr rcmains problematic.
Thc prcsent Comrnonwcalth is a voluntary association of sorne 53 indc-
pendent states (including Britain). lt <loes not have written laws, an ' lected
Parliamcnt, or one politi ca l ruler. fn many of th c countrics th ere is cvidcncc of
past colonial rule, such as th -ir cducational and legal systcms, although few have
kept th e 13ritish fórm of parliamentary govcrnment. Sorne havc aclaptcd it to
thcir own nce<ls, while othcrs are onc-party states o r havc constitutions has J
on a widc varicty of models, with varying rccords on civil and human rights.
Th e Commonwcalth has nea rly a third of thc world's population and a
quartcr of thc ca rth's land mass and comprises pcopks of <liffc rent rcligions,
races and nationa1iti es, most of whom sharc a colonial history, with strugglcs for
independcncc from colonialism. Though th c Commonwcalth is oftcn Jcscribcd
as a fami ly of nations, th ere are oc:casional wars, tcnsions and quarrcls bctwcc n
th ese fomily m cmbcrs. The British monarch is its non-politi cal hca<l an<l has
varying constitutional roles in th t different c:ountrics. /\ foca l point of i<lcntil-i-
cation1th -' rnonarch has an important unifying and sy rnboli c h.mc:tion which has
oftcn kept th e Commonwcalth togeth er in times of crisis and co ni-lict.
Thc prim ministcrs, or hcaJs of state, in Cornrnonwcalth countrÍl'S nor-
mally m cct cvery two years undcr the auspiccs of thc monarch (or Prin cc
Charles as a repres ·ntativ' of thc Queen) for Cornmonwcalth rncctings or co n-
forenccs in diffcrcnt parts of thc world. Common problcrns are discusscd and
sornetimcs scttlcd 1 although thcrc sccm to have bt'e n more argumcnts than
agrecmcnts in recent y"'ars, with Britain having a rninority position on sorne
issucs (such as opposing trae.le sanctions against th e f-()rmcr apartheid rtgirnc in
South A-fri ca ). Sorn e countri cs have been suspended frorn m c rnbership1 such as
Zimbabwe (whi ch has rea pplicd) and Pakistan (whi -h has return ed).
Therc is a Commonwealth Secrctariat bascd in London which rnordi -
nates policy for thc Cornmonwealth un<lcr a Dircctor-G "n ral , who is thc
senior official of th e Commonwealth. The Cornmonwcalth lnstitute in London
is th e educational and cultural centre of thc Commonwealth , through which
many Commonwealth societies1 institutes, librari cs, profcssion al associations
and university exchange programmes are organizcd. Cornmonwealth citizcn s
travel to Britain as immigrants, students ancl visitors, whi lc British cmigration
to Commonwealth countrics co ntinues in rcc.luccJ amounts. English in its
many varieties remains th e common language of thc Commonwealth anJ thc
prestigious Commonwca lth Gamcs (athletics and other sports) are held cvcry
four years (thc last in /\ustn-1lü1 in /\pril 2018). Th re are many joint British/
 l n ternationa l r elat i ons 173
.,
-A ~
;.T

PLATE 6.4 Commonwealth Heads of Government meeting , London and W indsor, Novem-
ber 2018 , led by the Queen . © Yui Mok-WPA Pool/Getty lmages

Commnnwcalth programm 'S on both oflicial éHld voluntary lcvcls in agricul-

turc, cnginccring, h calth, cducation anJ cnvironmcntalism, in which sorne vcs-
tigcs of thl old rclation ship bctwccn Britain and th e Commonwcalth are slill
apparcnt.
Howcvcr, British attl'mpts to cnte r Europcan cconomi c structurcs from th c
l 9fü)s rcdu ccd thc imporlan cc to Britain of thc organization . Thcr ' is no longn
th c ol<l sc nsc of Commonwca lth soli<larity anJ purpose, anJ Britain has littlc in
comrnon with sorne Commonwcalth nations. 1t is argucJ that unlcss mL'mhcr
countries kcl th crc are vali<l reasons for continuing an association which rcp-
rcscnts hi storical acciJent rath er than common purposc, thc long-tcrm futurc
o Fthe C ommonwealth must be in <louht.
A YouGov survcy in 2009, commission ed b y thc Roy al Commonwcalth
Socil.'ty (R C S) suggcst d that th e Commonwealth 's importan ce to Britons is in
J 'clinc and th c UK publi c's level of knowlcdgc about thc Commonwcalth is
poor. Alth ough rnany Britons fccl warrnly towards it, only 35 per ce nt of J H- to
34-yca r-olds would he sorry if the UK withdrew, although 53 per ce nt of ovc r-
55s saiJ th ey would be appalle<l or sorry. From another perspectivc, although
42 p 'r cent said th ey would h e unhappy about the UK withdrawing from thc
Commo nwealth - compared to 4 per cent who would be happy- sorne 55 pcr
cent said the y would not mind or <lid not know. While the 18- to 34-ycar-nl<ls
also haJ JiHiculty correctly identifying mcmbcrs of the Commonwealth, wh l'n:'
 l nternat ional relations

its hcadquartcrs were based and who was its head, sorne 70 p er cent of all
respondcnts correctly identified the Queen as the head of the Commonwealth.
Yct only onc in five respondents were able to name any activities undertaken by
the Commonwealth, and among those th e great majority identitied the Com-
monwealth Gamcs. When asked to identify which international bodics wcre
valuablc to the UK, 33 per cent optcd for th e Commonwealth, compared to 44
p er cent for NATO, 42 per cent for th e UN, 37 per cent for th e EU and 35 per
cent for th e G7 group of nations.
This situation m ay vcry wcll change wh en Britain leaves th e EU and begins
to seek more substantial trading anange ments with Commonwcalth co untrics.
Britain had preforential trading arrangcmcnts with thc Commonwcalth before
it joincd the European Economic Community (EEC) in 19 73 and th e Com-
monwealth question form ed part of th e debate on mcmbership. EEC cntry was
seen as ending the dose relationship between Britain and thc Commonwcalth.
Yet economi c coop eration and trading b 'twecn the two ha ve co ntinucd, and
Britain contributes a considerable amount of its ovcrscas aid to countrics in thc
Commonwealth . However, although Britain has a dcclining sharc of th c Com-
rnonwealth trachng market and its cconomic prioritics wcrc prcviously more
with th e EU and othcr worlJ partn crs, this situation may changc considcrahly
following Brexit.
Nevcrthdess, British govcrnmcnts fccl that thc Commonwealth is a succcss
and are committcd to raising its profile. lndced, a number of countril's wish to
join th 'organization, not all of whom havc ht~en prev ious British colonies (such
as Mozambique) . Howcver, it is argued th at thc valuc of th c Commonwcalth in
thc contcmporary workl should not be as a histori cal anachronism, but must b e
based on a concrete and rcalistic role that is distin ct from that of othcr global
organizations. for example, it might function as a worldwid ' tórum or n ~twork
that cmphasizes accountablc govcrnmcnt, dcmocratic conccrn s, universal val-
ues, anti-corruption reform and civil and human ri ghts.

The European Union (EU)

Britain's rclationship with Europe has con<litioncd thc country's history for
man y ce nturies. In 19 73 it took a tortuous journcy from initially distancing
itsdf from Europe to scepti cal m embership of thc EU, and cvcntu ally a vote to
lcavc in 2016. The relationship is central to thc i<lcntitics of hoth Britain ami
E uropc and has included ideological contlict, political sclf-intcrcst, class an<l
nationalist perspcctives, widespread media covcragc an<l govcrnmcntal inahility
to solve problems.
The ideal of a unitcd Europc with stron g economi c and politi ca l institu-
tions bccame in crl·asingly attractivc to European statcsmcn aftcr th c ScconJ
World War ( 1~)3q-4 '.) ). Tlwrc was a desire to create a peaceful and prospcrous
 ln tern a tiona l relation s

l~urope aftcr the destruction of two world wars and years of antagonism and
J istrust b ctwcen European powcrs. Thc foundations for a more integratcd
Europc wcre cstablish cd in 1957 whcn six countries (West G ermany, France,
Belgium, thc N etherlands, Luxcmbourg and Italy) signed the Treaty of Rome
and form ed the Europea n Economic C ommunity (EEC) . Britain did not join,
hut instcad hc1ped to create the Europcan Free Trade Associati on (EFTA) in
1959. Not wishing to be r estricte<l by dose European conn ections in thc 1950s,
it saw its futurc in trading links with the Commonwealth anda 'spccial rclation-
ship ' with th c USA. An o lJ suspicion of Europc also led many British pcoplc to
shrink from membcrship of a supranatio nal European organization, which th cy
t ho ught might kaJ to a loss of th eir idcntity and ind epc nd ' ncc. Thi s tcnsion
bctwccn 'cvcr doscr union ' within thc EU and thc prcscrvation of individual
na tional idc ntity continucs.
Howcvc r, a Europcan commitmcnt grcw among sccti ons of British socicty
in thc 19fü)s, whi ch was influcn ccJ b y thc country's incrcasing social and cco-
no mic prohkms. Yct attempts hy Britain to join th c EEC wcrc vctm'd hy thc
Frcnch Prcsidc nt, Charles de Caullc. He was criti ca! of Britain 's n·lationship
w ith th c lJSA (parti cularl y on nuclear wcapons policics ), qucricd thc cx tc nt of
British rnmmitmcnt lo Europc ami arguably did not want Britain as a rival lo
t hc kad crship of thc EEC.

PLATE 6 .5 The European Parliament, Brussels . The Parliament also meets in Strasbourg ,
France, on a rotating basis . © Etienne Ansotte/Shutterstock
176 ln t erna t ional rela t ions

De Gaulle resigncd from thc Frcnch presidency in 1969, and new Brit-
ish negotiations on rncrnbership began in 1970 undcr the pro-European Con-
servative Prime Minister, Edward H eath. In 1972, Parliament voted in favour
of entry, despite widespread doubts and thc strong opposition of a politically
diverse group of interests among the British pcoplc. Britain, togcther with Den-
mark and thc Rcpublic oflreland, formally joine<l the EEC on l January 1973,
having left EFTA in 1972. Howevet~ a Labour govcrnmcnt (197 4) undcr Har-
old Wilson was committed to giving the peoplc a rdcrcndum on continued
membcrship. After forth er rencgotiations of the terms of entry, the refere ndum
was held in 1975, th e first in British political history. Pro-markcteers won by a
margin of 2 to l (67 .2 p er cent in favour, 32.8 per e nt against).
The EEC was based initially on economic concerns and institutcd harmo-
nization programmcs such as common coal, steel, agricultura} and fisheries pol-
icies, th e abolition of trade tariffs bctwecn mcmbcr statcs and dcvt'lopme nt aid
to depressed areas with.in its borders. Britain's poorer regions havc hencf-itcd
vcry considerably from regional fund s. In l 986 thc mcmbcr states form ed an
internal or Single European Market in which goods, scrvio.? s, prnple and capital
could move freely across national fronti ers within what was thcn callcd th e
European Community ( EC). The EC an<l Britain prospcrcd anJ by 2011, 53
pcr cent of British cxports were to the EC, and Britain rccdvcd 51 pcr o .: nt of
its imports frorn EC countries.
Sorne politicians had always hoped that economic integration woulJ kad
to political initiatives and a more integratcJ Europe. Th c Maastricht Trcaty
(1992) was a stcp in this proccss as a result of which thc Europcan Community
becamc the Europcan Union (EU). Thc trcaty provided i-or th e intro<luction
of a common European currency ( thc euro), a Europcan Bank an<l common
defencc, foreign and social policics. Furthcr trcatics have also incrcascd thc intl'-
gration momentum.
Thcrc are now (2018) 28 EU members with a total population of sorne
511.8 rnillion p eople (Britain, Denmark, Germany, Grt:'ece, Spain, Bc lgium, Irc-
land, Luxe mbourg, thc Neth erlands, France, Italy, Portugal, Swc<lcn, Finland,
Austria, Cyprus, th e Czech Republic, Estonia, Hungary, Latvia, Lithuania, Malta,
Poland, Slovakia, Slovcnia, Romania, Bulgaria an<l Croatia. Sincc 19~)4, most of
the EU single markct measures have also bcen "Xtc n<lcd to Iccland, Norway
and Liechtenstein through the creation of thc Europcan Economic Arca (EEJ\) .
Th e actual growth ofth c EU (to potential1y indu<le Eastcrn Europcan nations)
has been seen as providing an important political voice in worl<l affairs and a
powerful trading area in global economic matters. In 2014, according to EU
Commission figures, thc EU was the world's largcst eco nomy, with over 50 per
cent of the world's gross domestic product (GDP). According to 2012 figures, it
was the world's largest trading block, accounting for ] 5 pcr cent of global trade
in goods and 22.5 p er cent in services and was also the world's sccond-largcst
investor after the USA.
 lnternat i onal re lat ions

l The Republic of 10 Greece 11981) 20 Czech Republic (2004)

lreland (1973) 11 Spain (1986) 21 Slovakia (2004)
2 Britain (1973) 12 Portugal (1986) 22 Hungary (2004)
3 Denmark ( 1973) 13 Sweden (1995) 23 Slovenia (2004)
4 Luxembourg (l 957) 14 Finland (1995) 24 Malta (2004)
5 Germany (1957) 15 Austria ( 1995) 25 Cyprus (2004)
6 The Netherlands (1957) 16 Estonia (2004) 26 Romanía (2007)
7 Belgium (1957) 17 Latvia (2004) 27 Bulgaria (2007)
8 France (1957) 18 Lithuania (2004) 28 Croatia (2013)
9 ltaly (1957) 19 Poland (2004)

FIGURE 6.1 The European Un ion, 2019

The main institutions involved in the running of the EU are the European
Council, the Council of Ministers, the Euro pean Commission, the European Par-
liament and the European Court of Justice. In 2009, the Lisbon Treaty reformed
many aspects of the EU. It created a President of the European Council and a
High Representative of the Un ion for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy.
The European Council consists of national government leaders (heads of
state or heads of government) who meet several times a year to discus. and
 lnternational re lations

agree on broad arcas of policy. lt is thc suprem e political authority and com-
prises the appointcd President of thc European Council, the President of the
European Commission and one representative from each mcmber state.
Th e Council of Ministers is the policy-.implementing and law-initiating
body and is composcd of governm ent ministcrs from th membcr statcs who
vary accor<ling to the policy ar a that is being addr ssed . It has legislative func-
tions ( with the Europcan Parliam ent) and al so cxecutive powcrs undcr the
Common Foreign and Se ·urity Poli cy.
Th e Commission (under a Presidcnt appointed by thc Europca n Coun cil)
is thc central a<lministrativc fórce of th e EU, proposin g programmcs and policy
to th e Council of Mini sters. It comprises commission crs chosen from mc m-
ber states to hold certain portfolios, such as agriculturc or competiti on policy,
for a rcnewabl e five-year pcriod. Th eir intercsts thcn becom ' thosc of thc EU
an<l not of th eir national govcrnments. Th e most pro min e nt Co mmissioncr is
th e High R "prcscntative of the Union for Foreign Atlairs and Security Poli cy,
who also serves as Vi ce-Presidcnt of th e Commission an<l is appointcd by thc
European Council. Jt is argue<l that th e un electe<l Cornmission has too much
power, favours fcd cralism and should be more d mocratica lly accountablc. ílut
th e EU has a rclativcly intlucnti al voicc in worlJ affairs, both politi cally an<l
cco nomi cally.

PLATE 6 .6 Hall of the European Court of Justice, Luxembourg City, Luxembourg , 2012 .
© JULIEN WARNAND/EPA-EFE/Shutterstock
 lnternational re l atio n s

The Court of Justice (ECJ) compriscs appointed ju<lges from the member
states. It interprets EU laws and treatics, scttles disputes concerning EU law and
resolves conflicts bctween m ember statcs and th e EU. It is a very influential
institution and has built up a solid body of EU case law which is directly appli-
cablc in th c <lomestic systems of thc m ember states. Critics estima te that 70 p er
cent of l3ritish law originated in the EU, but which has now bccn transposed
dircctly into British law, pr paratory to leaving th e EU.
Th European Parli ament is dircctly clected for a five-year te rm on a party
political ba, is from the EU-wi<le electoratc. Jt advises the Council of Ministcrs
on Cornmission proposals, dete rmines thc l: U budget, cxerts sorne control ovcr
thc Council an<l thc Cornrnission and is thc ElJ's kgislative body (togcthn with
t he Counci l of Ministc rs ), rcsponsibl e for most of thc EU's ordinary kgislation.
lt is argucJ that thl' Parliamcnt, as thc only <lircctly clcctcd hody in thc ElJ,
shoulJ havc more power, a nd its veto ovcr EU poli cy has now h 'en extended.
The turnout of British votcrs in thc 20! 4 ElJ Parliamcnt ck ction was a
low 34 .1~) pcr ce nt and mainstrcam partil'S pcrformcd badly, particularly thc
coalition govcrnmc nt Conscrvativ cs and Lihcral Dcmocrats. Th e lJK lndcpcn-
dcncc Party (lJKlP), which wantc<l British withdrawal from thc ElJ and rn n-
trols on immigration , ca rne tirst. Thc ck<:tion uscd a PR sysll'm ol' voting with
party lists for England, Scotland and Waks and thc Single Transkrahlc Vote
CSTV) for Northcrn f rcland. Britain haJ 73 scats (or mcmhns the Europl',.111 or
l\1rli amrnt - MEPs) in tlw Parliamcnt (sel' Tahle Í) . l ), which was rcdun-d frnm
78 in 2004 hcca usc of ElJ cn largemcnt. Sorne 2~) difh:-rC'nt partics stood in thc
ck ction anJ UKIP's succcss was thc tirst time a British political rarly otlwr

TABLE 6.1 European Un ion Parliament election resu lts 2014 (Britain : main porties)

Party Votes % MEPS

United Kingdom lndependence Party (UKIP) 4,376,635 26.60 24 + 11

Labour 4,020,646 24.43 20 +7
Conservatives 3,792,549 23 .05 19 -7
Green Party of England and Wales 1,136,670 6.91 3 +l
Scottish National Party 389,503 2.37 2 o
Liberal Democrats 1,087,633 6 .61 -10
Sinn Féin 159,813 0.97 o
Democratic Unionist Party 131,163 0.80 o
Plaid Cymru 111,864 0 .68 o
Ulster Unionist Party 83,438 0 .51 1 o
Total seats 73
Turnout 34. 19
Source: Adopted from BBC News, London, 20 14
Note: Vote shores for Northern lrelond were colculoted os o percentoge for the whole UK
lnternatio n al relation s

than Labour or Conservative Partil's has won thc popular vote in a national
elcction since the 1906 general clcction. It was also thc first time a party other
than Labour and Conservativc had won the largcst number of seats in a national
election since the December 191 O general election. The Conservativcs werc
push ed into third place and thc EU-supporting Lib Dcms lost all but one of
th =-- ir scats. It was also the tirst time since 1984 that thc largest opposition party
(h ere Labour) had failed to win the European Parliament clcction.
Th e 2014 EU election saw thc risc ofleft and right radical parties. This was
seen as a sign of disillusionmcnt with the EU after a period of economic crisis
and a long-term fragmentation of traditional I .eft-Right poli tics. Th ese parties
werc also seen as anti-Europcan, who could potentially shift the EU Parliament
from its fcderalist traditions and provoke reform of th EU, allegedly in order to
make it more relcvant for its citizens.
British m ' mbership of th e EU continucd to be Jifficult, particularly with
the el ectoral succcss of UKIP. Thc UK had complaincJ about its contrihution
to thc EU budget (which although reduced undcr Margarct Thatcher was again
undcr threat); objected to agrjcultural and tisherics policics; and opposcd move-
ments towards grcater políti ca! and economic int ·gration. On th e on · hand,
Eurosccptic critics argue<l that Britain's sovereignty anJ independencl' wcr<:.
threatcncd by EU dcvelopm 'nts and wantcd th c rcpatriation oF sorne national
rights from the EU back to Britain . Thcy tended to se' thc EU as a frcc-trade
area in which national legal rights and intercsts c:ould b' rctaincd. Howcvl'r,
Europhile supporters wanted economic and politi cal intcgration (possibly on
fed era l lin es ), arguing that th e EU enabl cs national governmcnts to rational-
ize industrial and agricultura! plans and a1lows Europ "a n co untrics to opcratc
effectivdy in a globalized world by running l'Xte: rnal poli ics which ar<.' bcyon<l
the capacity of a small or mc<lium-sized ·ountry. In this view, mcmbcrship of
thc EU <lid not mean a handing over of power to Brusscls but a nct incrcasc in
effective power for EU mcmber states.
The major UK political parties have maintaincd until reccntly that th ey
want to be in the EU, but were divided in their opinions about what its ulti-
mate form should be. Thc Liberal D emocrats support an EU federal ideal, to
which thcrc is Eurosceptic opposition in the Labour and Conservativc partics.
The Conservative mainstream has wantcd to remain in thc EU, but supports
the allocation of more power to national parliamcnts, and insists on rcform of
EU treatics and structures and the repatriation of major functü)ns to thc lJK,
under the principlc of subsidiarity, wherc sorne economic and social activitics
can be carried out at lower levels in individual co untries rathcr than th e EU. Thc
Brexiteer wing of th e Cons rvative Party wanted British 'xit from the EU and
global trading activity. Thc Blair Labour Party had wantc<l a strong Europe in
which Britain ca n play a n ntral role; supported enlargement of thc EU; ba ·ked
the Lisbon Trea ty; was initially in principle in favour of Britain cntcring tht
European common n1rn·ncy ( thc curo); and proposed a common defcncc and
 lnternational relations

lt)rcign policy for the EU. But it was against the concept of a federal 'superstate',
fovo ured the Council of Minist ers as thc main decision-making body and was
,1gainst enhancing thc powers of th e Europcan Parliament. The prcsent Labour
Party, at kadership and m ember l vcls, has bccome more dividcd anJ sorne are
l·:uroscep ti · in thcir attitudes to thc ElJ whil e others are Europhile.
Therc are diffcrcnt vicws in Britain about the p erformance and effici ency
of the EU anJ the pace and dircction of future developme nts. Feelings about
the 2007-09 Lisbon Treaty (a r vamped EU constitutional system) wcre vol-
atilc. Among other things, the Treaty gavc legal iden tity and authority to the
EU; created a lcgally binding chartcr of rights; allowed for a full-time prcsi<lent
,md forcign ministcr; and formally recognized thc supremacy of EU law ovcr
natio nal law. It was finally adopted in 200~) after ca rlier rejections by Francc, the
Nethcrlands and th e Repuhlic of Ireland. But thc UK rcj cctcd mcmhcrship of
the euro (UJ common ·urrcn cy ).
British support for th t' EU peaked in thc l 980s but has sin ce crodc d, anJ
Britain has hcc n th e l --ast cnthusiastic of thc EU ·ountries, with a 2003 MORI
poll f-in<ling that only 30 per ce nt of British rcspondcnts fclt that Ll J mc mbcr-
ship was a gooJ thing. Sorne earlier polis suggcstcd that only a small majority of
rcs pondcnts wantcd to stay in thc EU whil 'a majority wantc<l a rcfrrcndum on
Britain's continucd membership and bclicvcd that Britons had not bu:- n givcn
cno ugh information about th ' argumcnts for and against nwmhcrship. A l3BC/
Com Res poll in 2009 found that 55 pcr ce nt of Britons wantcd to kavc th e EU;
84 per cent wanted a rdt~rc ndum bcforc transh.'rring ncw powcrs to thc EU ; 55
per cent wanted Britain to !cave thc ElJ hut maintain clos<' trading links ( 41 per
cen t di sagrccd); and 51 pcr ce nt <lisagrccd that Britain bc nditcd ovcrall from
memhership in tcrms ofjobs and trae.le.
Support for thc EU has bce n changcablc, lukcwa rm and indiff 'H.'nt.
Turnout of votcrs for British EU Parliam cnt clections is low anJ there is a
g neral ignoranc' in Britain about th c EU, its b ncf-its and its institutions.
A Pcw Rcscan.:h poll in May 2014 founJ that British res pondcnts gave ]im-
it ,cJ support to Europcan in stitutions, such as th c European Parliamcnt
(36 pcr e 'nt), thc European Commission (34 pcr cent) anJ the Europcan
Ce ntral Bank (30 pc r ·c nt) . An ea rli c r MORI poll in Septcmber 2004 found
that 32 pcr cent of rcspondents fclt th at th e EU necds Britain more than
Britain nccds thc EU; but 32 pcr cent also felt that Britain and the EU n ed
ca ·h othcr cqually.
Howcvcr, othcr polls havc shown mixed, nuanced and positive responses
to thc ElJ, and a wish for EU rcform. Sorne suggest that 'Europe' is consid-
crcd to be rclativcly more important to Britain than th e USA and th e Com-
monwcalth. Europ 'a nism (rathcr than an E.U institutional entity) sccrns to
he more casily and naturally acccptcd by people, particularly th e young; largc
numbcrs of Britons live and work in EU countrics; many Britons takc tht'ir hol -
idays in Europe; and therc is considerable intcrchange at many k vcls, s11t ·h ;1~
l n t ernational relations

university exchanges, betwecn Europcans and the British. However, an Observer/

Opinion poll in November 2013 found that only l 4 p er cent of Britons regarded
thcmselves as Europeans and chose as th eir closest ally fe11ow English-speaking
nations such as thc USA (33 p er cent), Australia (31 per cent) and Canada
(23 pcr cent) . Yet, underlying all the UK argumcnts about the EU, there is still
a feeling that the country has b ecome so closely ti ed to Europe in economic
and institutional ways that withdrawal would b e difficult in practica] terms,
and counter-productive economically. A significant doubt held by sorne critics
is whether Britain could in fa ct succeed by itself in a competitive g]obali zed
economic cnvironmcnt. British eurosceptics disagree.
Nevertheless, the Conservative Prime Minister, David Cameron, responded
to anti -EU feelings and promised that if th e Conservatives won thc 20] 5 G en-
eral Elcction, a rencgotiation of Britain's rclationship with th c EU an<l th e repa-
triation of trcaty powers to the UK would b e followcd by a rderendum in
201 6-17 on continued British membership.
Thc polls continuc<l to rdlcct sharp diffcrcnccs in opinion abo ut Britain
and thc EU in th e run-up to thc 2015 general d cction an<l two wcrc bascd
on actual votin g intention. A YouG ov poli for th c Sun ncwspapcr in D cccm-
ber 2013 suggeste<l that 32 pcr cent of rcspon<lcnts wantcd to stay in th c
EU and 45 per cent would leave. A Populus poli for th c BBC in /\pril 201 4
prior to th e European Parliame nt elections also found that thc British puhli c
wcrc di vided. Thirty-five p er cent of respon<lents would remain in th c EU, 32
pcr ce nt wanted to leave, 27 per ce nt were undccide<l and 6 per e 'nt woul<l
not vote. Region ally, Scotland, London an<l th c cast of Eng1an<l werc rro-EU,
whereas th e north-west of Eng]and and the West Midlands were anti-EU. How-
ever, the YouGov poli significant1y found that a majority wantcd to rcmain
in the EU if David Cameron succeedcd in rcnegotiating substantia1 trcaty
changcs ahead of a potential 201 G- 17 refercndum . Th ese mixed vi ews wcre
echoed in many polls in th e run-up to th e 2015 election . An Ipsos MORI sur-
vey in March 2014 found that Britons thought that th e EU was on thc wrong
track (G7 pcr cent) J exp ect cd anti-Europcan partics to do wcl1 in European
Parliament clections, but prcferrcd stayin g in th c EU and rcducin g its powcrs
(40 per cent) to leaving outright (28 per cent). Howcver, the renegoti ations with
th e EU did not succced and the Conservativc government held a rderendum on
23 June 2016, in which the UK voted to leave th c EU (scc Table G.2J.
'Leave ' won the majority of votes in En gland (53.4 per cent) and Waks
(52 .5 per cent) . 'Remain' won majorities in Scotland (62.0 per cent) and North-
ern Ircland (55.8 p er cent). Among geographical rcgions whi ch voted to leave
were the East Midlands, East of England, N orth-East England, North-West
England, South-East England, South-West England, Wal es, West Midlands and
Yorkshire/Humber. Among those arcas who votcd to remain wcrc Grca ter
London, North em Irclan<l and Scotland .
 l nternat i ona l re l ations 183
.,
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~ TABLE 6.2 UK results of EU Referendum 23 June 2016

Choice UK percentage UK voters

Leave the EU 51.9 per cent 17,410,742

Remain in the EU 48 .1 per cent 16,141,241
['. Electorate: 46,50 1,241
t Turnout of voters: 72 .2 per cent
i,, Re jected ballets: 25,359
t Source: adapted from the Electoral Commission

Referendum and withdrawal from EU (Brexit)

Thc proccss from th c refcrcnJum rcsult (201 G) to (original) scheJulcd with-
drawal from thc EU (29 Man:h 201 q) was th c most rnmplcx, politi ·al upheaval
in British lifc since the UK joincd thc EEC 4(, ycars ago. It was a divisivc, con-
fusing, frustrating and indccisivc pcriod f-cw many Hritish pcopk, and continucs
to be so (201 ~)). Thc EU-sccptic Brexitccrs bdicvcd that kavin g the ElJ would
giv' l3ritain access to global tradin g markcts, witho ut rcstriction from thc EU.
Rcmain crs rcjcctt'O such vicws anJ prefc rreJ th e institutions anJ record of the
EU, whik still agreeing that thcy nccdeJ rcform in ordc r to fa rc thc co ntc mpo-
rary worlJ more rcsolutcly.
Thc 2016 rdc rc nJum in which British vote rs chosc to lcavc thc EU Jid not
autom atica lly lcaJ to th c UK's cxit. J\rti clc 50 of th c Lisbon Trcaty, 2007- 09
givcs any EU mc mhcr stall' th e right to activat ' th c A.rtidc anJ !cave thc EU by
giving noti cc. Ninc months alter the rcfrrcndum rcsult, Prim e Ministc r Thncsa
May a ·tivatc<l Arti ck 50 by signing a kttcr which was J clivcrcd to th c Euro-
pean C ouncil's prcsidc nt on 2~) March 2017. Britain had two ycars to negotiatt.'
an cxit <leal with thc EU. Tortuous negoti ations the n e nsucd h ·tween the EU
anJ tlw UK .
If no agrcem<'nt was rcache<l in two yt.ars and no ex tc nsion was agrccd,
th c UK woulJ autom atically kave th c EU without a J eal. Brexit Day would
be Frid ay 29 Man:h 201 9. Howcvcr, th e process of lcaving th ·' ElJ b ccam '
ve ry compkx and thi s <late was not mC't . The EU anJ Britain th en agn.:ed ncw
pro -cdures, which co ntinucJ to be intlucnccd mainly by th e inability of ílritain
to d 'cidc on cffcctivc, agrc ,cJ action anJ a solution. The politi cal class (prime
ministcr, cxccutivc and lcgislaturc) was J cadlocked.
Britain coul<l rcjcct an ElJ dcal an<l kav e the EU. Parliament could vote
against th e dcal and sc nJ it b ack to thc EU requesting renegotiation of the
tcrms. lt r ould k gislatc fora s ·' conJ rcf-crcnJum on Brexit ora general election.
Or it could vote to stay in th "' EU by r 'voking Article 50 unilaterally.
ln te rn at iona l relations

Public and Westminster opinion on what to do about Brcxit continued

to be dividcd and the options for movemcnt b ecam e more. rcstrictc<l. On 5
April 2019 the EU Council appeared to be willing to grant thc UK a onc-ycar
cxtension to enable the British govcrnment to find a solution.

Exercises
Briefly define and examine the following terms, commenting on their
significance in British life:

Commonwealth Falklands Treaty of Rome

decolonialization Trident NATO
referendum supranational 'ever closer union'
'special relationship' Single Market Republic of lreland
Maastricht Treaty Eurosceptic European Commission
EFTA pro-marketeer European Council
euro EEA reservists

Write short essays on the following topics :

Does the Commonwealth still hove a role to play today?

2 Discuss Britain's relationship with the European Union .

3 Does Britain still hove a world role?

4 Examine the defence options for Britain.

Further read ing

1 Chapters in Block, J. (2000) Modern British History from 1900, London : Macmillan
2 Connolly, C. (2003) Theorizing lreland, London : Palgrave Macmillan
3 Dixon, P. (2001 J Northern lreland: The Politics of War and Peace, London : Palgrave
Macmillan
4 Marshall, P.J . (2001 J The Cambridge 11/ustrated History of the British Empire, Cambridge :
Cambridge University Press
5 Moody, T.W. and Martín, F.X. (2001 J The Course of lrish History, Cork and Dublin : Mer-
cier Press
6 Srinivasan, K. (2005) The Rise, Decline and Future of the British Commonwealth, London :
Palgrave Macmillan
7 Tonge, J. (2005) The New Northern lrish Politics?, London : Palgrave Macmillan
8 Warner, G . ( 1994) British Foreign Policy since 1945, Oxford : Blackwell
 lnternat i onal rela tions 18S
.,
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9 Watts, D. and Pilkington, C. (2005) Britain in the European Union, Manchester: Manches-
ter University Press
l O Young , J.W. (2000) Britain and European Unity 1945-1999, London : Macmillan

Websites
Foreign and Commonwealth Office : www.fco.gov.uk
Department for lnternational Development: www.dfid.gov.uk
The Commonwealth : www.thecommonwealth .org
Ministry of Defence: www.mod .uk
NATO : www.nato.int
Eu ropean Union : http://europa .eu .int/
 7
The legal system

l ,c-gal history

111 Sourccs of British law

■ Court structurcs in England and Walcs

■ Civil an<l criminal proce<lure in EnglanJ and Wa1cs

■ Law and ordcr

■ Th e legal profcssion
■ J\ttitudcs to thc legal systcm and crime

■ fxeni\·es

■ Furt-her rearling

■ Websites
The legal system

Legal structures have played a central part in British civilization for rnany ccn-
turies. lnitially, leadcrs or monarchs, and th en Parliament crea ted th e law; law-
ycrs and th e courts havc scrviced it; and all citizens are subj ect to it. lt has been
influcnccd by social contli ct, political struggle and constitutional change. This
chapter examines its history, the main elements that comprise it today, an<l the
problcm s that it faces.
Law and order1 and the actions of th e legal system are of concern to the
British people and affect individuals at diffcrcnt lcvds in thcir <laily livcs. Legal
issues rcgularly appear in opinion polis about the state of the country, and
includc the need for accurate figures of crime offenccs1 anti-social bchaviour,
violencc on th e streets, yobbishness, security and terrorism issues, cybcrcrimc
and th e rnonitoring of communications systems, and cuts in police tórces. Opin-
ions diffor on whether the legal system has been abk to <leal cffcctivdy with
th ese concems.
Britain <loes not havc a common legal systcm. lnstead, th crc are thrce
separate 'lcmcnts: thosc of England an<l Walcs1 Scotland, an<l North crn lrc-
land. These sometimes differ from each othcr in thcir laws, procc<lurcs c1nd
court namcs. Following J cvolution , sorne laws are applicahle only to individual
devolved nations, although UK Parliament legislation on rcscrvcd mattcrs still
applies to ali of Britain .
To simplify mattcrs, this chaptcr conccntratcs on th c largcst clcment: that
of England and Wales, with comparative rdcrcnccs to Scotlan<l and North crn
Irelan<l. Th e Northern lrish legal system is si milar to that of England and Walcs.
But Scotland has historically had its own in<lcpcn<lcnt legal apparatus.
British legal cases are dividcd into civil and criminal law. C ivil law involves
non-criminal privatc rights and scttles disputes betwee n inJividuals or organi-
zations. It deals with claims for compensation, finan cia] or othcrwisc, by a per-
son (claimant) who has suHered loss or damagc (such as a hrcach of contract or
a neglige nt act) at thc hands of another (defcn<lant). C ivil cases may he du :idcd
b y negotiation and settlement b efore trial or by a judge (.and somctimcs a jury)
aftcr a trial.
Criminal law protects society by punishin g thosc (thc accuscd or dch.'n-
dants) who cornmit crimcs against the state, su h as th eft or mur<ler. Th e state
usually prosecutcs an individual or group at a trial in order to establish guilt.
The result may he a fin e or imprisonment. Such punishment is supposed to act
as a deterrent to potcntial offcndcrs, as well a stating society's attitudes on a
range of mattcrs.
 T he lega l system

Legal history

The legal system is one of the oldest and most traditional of British institutions.
lts authority and influencc are hjstorically due to its growing indcpendence
i"rom thc cxccutive and legis]ative branch es of govemment. Its role is to inter-
pret and apply the law, serve citizens, control unlawful activities against thcm
and th e state, protect civil libcrtics, and support legitimatc govcmmcnt and
lcgislation.
Yet, it has been accuse<l of harshness, of supporting vest ,J and political
interests, favouring propcrty rath cr than human rights, maintaining thc isolation
.-m d mystiquc of thc law, c nco uraging th e del ay and 'X pc nsc of kgal actions, a nJ
being biased against the poor and <lisa<lvantagcJ. lt has hccn criti cizcJ for its
resistancc to rcform anJ thc maintcnan cc of profrssional privikgcs which can
·e.mtli ct with th c puhlic intcrcst.
Sorne critics fecl that th c law to<lay has sti11 not aJaptcd to changing condi-
tions, nor undcrstood th c nccds of contcmpornry socicty. Govcrnmcnt law oHi-
cers, thc kga l prokssion anJ th c policc are somctimcs niticizcd for pursuing
thcir own scctional intc rcsts. Rcccnt miscaniagcs of justicc haw c mbarrassed
the policc, govl' rnmcnt and judiciary (judgcs) and incrcascd publi c conccrn
about thc quality of criminal justicc. Therc are similar mi sgivings about thc
expense, Jclays and f'un ctioning of th e civil law.
Britain historically has not bccn thought of as a litigious socidy. Pcoplc
us ua11y avo id th c Ji Hirnlty and cost of legal action s if poss iblc anJ regard thc
law anJ lawye rs as a last rcsort in rcsolvin g thcir prohkms. Yct, rccently, more
Britons have b cen using thc civil co urts to gain sa tisfi1ction h)r allcgcd wrongs
aga inst thcm an<l a 'compcnsatinn culture' has grown, <:' ncouragcd by spccial-
ist lawy<.:' rs. L:1rgc dam agcs may be awardcd in lihcl cases anJ actions against
sch )ols, co mpanics, doctors, hospital s, the criminal justicc systcm, media abuse,
person al injuries, phont hackin g anJ medi ca} ncgligencc. Th c Human Rights
Act, 1998 is bcing incrcasingly used by indivi<lual s to asscrt thcir cl aims and
rights and can leaJ to se -mingly opposc<l actions. For cxa mpl e, a right to pri-
vacy can co nfli ct with the right of express ion , both of which are con tain eJ and
protccteJ in th c 1998 J\.ct, and which may be abolish -d by the Conservativc
governm ent.
Thc legal systcm has changed ov 'r the cen turi cs in response to chan ging
social circumstanccs anJ philosophies. Contcmporary consumer demands, pro-
fcssio nal prcss urcs anJ government reforms havc forccd it to develop, sorne-
times rapidly anJ somctimes slowly. Most p eoplc in the past were unaffect ed
by th c law, but it now involves citizens more directly and to a greater extent.
lncrease<l J ern an J s are made upon it by individuals, the state and corporate
bo<lies. Co ncern ahout crim c has em phasizcd the control role of the criminal
law, whilc in creascd Jivorce, family breakdown and a m ore litigious soc icty
have leJ to a h eavit.r worl<load for thc civil law.
The legal sy stem

To sorne extent, the structural diffcrcnccs in th e UK legal system are due

to th e events of history and the interna} politi cal developmcnt of the British
state. Generally, howcvcr, English (and gradually British) legal history has bccn
condition ed by two basic concems: first that the law should be administcrcd by
the statc in national courts and second that thc judgcs should be in<lcp en<lent
of royal and politi cal co ntrol.
State centralization of the law in England mea nt that the samc laws should
b e applicablc to thc wholc country. This was achicvc<l by J\nglo-Norman mon-
archs as th ey rationalizcd thc existing common (judge-ma<lc or case) law an<l
<lifferent legal codcs. Th e carly courts werc consequcntly mainly bascd in Lon-
don, whcrc thcy dea lt with canon (Church) , criminal, civil and commcrcial
law. But there was an in crcasing need for courts in local areas outside Lo ndon
to apply the natiomil law. 13y thc cnd of the twelfth cen tury, Lon<lon ju<lges
travcllc<l throughout England and J eci<leJ cases loca11y. In 1327, EJwar<l lIJ
appointed magistratcs (justices of the pcace) in each county who coul<l hol<l
alleged criminals in jail until thcir latcr trial by a Lon<lon judgc. Th c powcrs of
the magistrates werc gra<lually extended anJ thcy opcrateJ a syste m of local
criminal courts with th c London judgcs. But thcre was no adequatc provision
for local civil co urts. Th 'Se werc not cstablish cd until 1846 and a more intl'-
grateJ apparatus of local civil and criminal law was only gradually cstahli shcd
at a later stage.
Over th e ce nturi es, a growing population, an cxpanding volumc of
legal work and in creased social an<l cco nomi complexity ncccssitatcJ more
co urts anJ sp cci alization. But th e numbcr of local anJ Lon<lon courts in
this haphazard histori ca l devclo prn e nt rcsulted in divcrs' procc<lurcs anJ
an overlapping of fun ction s in Engl and and Wal cs, which hind c r ,d an adc-
quate implcmcntation of th <? law. Th e two p crio<l s of major reform to corrcct
this situation were in l 873-5, wh en th ' í ' was a co mpl ete co urt rcv ision ,
and in 1970-71 , when furth er changcs produccd the present co urt syste m
in England and Walcs. Similar d evelopm e nts also occurred in Scotland and
[reland.
The second conccrn was that the judiciary shoulJ be independent of th t>
cxccutive and legislative bran ches of governm cnt. Monarchs wcrc rcspo nsibk
for the law in earlier centuri es, oftcn interfcred in thc legal proccss and could
dismiss un sympath ctic judges. Judi cial indepen<lc ncc was achicvcJ in 1701 ,
when the Act of Settlement made judgcs virtually irrcmovablc from officc.
ln futurc, all judges will resign at 70 and can be dismissed hcforc that for
good cause. In recent d ecades under b oth Labo ur and Conscrvativc govcrn-
ments, th ere have b een conflicts b ctween judgcs and politicians, as th c ju<li-
ciary maintains its traditional indep en dence from th c 'xccutivc, its fun ction of
interpreting th e law an<l its sentcncing pow crs in cases, such as thosc involving
murder.
 T he legal sys t em 191
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Sources of British law

Th three main sources of English/Welsh. law are the common law, statute law
and, until Brexit, European Union law. The oldest is the common law, based on
thc vari d local customs of early settlers and invaders. After thc Norman Con-
qucst, it slowly b e -ame a uniform boJy of rul e , principles and law which was
d cided and writtcn down by judges in court cases. Thc same rul es still guide
judges in th eir intcrpretation of statutes an<l the cxpansion of thc common law
(also known as case law or judge-ma<lc law).
Common law dccisions form prccedcnts from which judgcs can determine
thc principies oflaw to be applied to currcnt cases. Normally today, thc crcation
of new prcce<l c nts in Englan<l an<l Walcs líes with thc Suprcmc Court, as thc
highest court of appcal from most courts in thc lJnitc<l Kingdom. Its rulings
state the prcscnt law to be applicd hy ali courts. Thc tra<lition of following prcc-
edent maintains consistcncy an<l continuity, hut it can rcs ult in consc rvative lclW
and fai l to takc account of social changc.
Statute law was originally maJc in various h)rrns hy thc monarch, hut the
Westminstcr Parliamcnt gradua ll y bccamc thc lcgislating authority hccausc of
its growing powcr against th' monarch . Statutcs (Acts of Parliamcnt which
cr ate ncw law) multiplic<l in thc ninctccnth an<l twcnticth ccnturics lwcausc
rules wnc ncc<lc<l for a changing, more complcx and largcr socil"ty. Much Brit-
ish law today is in statutc form and shows thc influcncc of the statc in citizcns'
livcs. Acts of thc Westminstn Parliamcnt are applin1blc to England, Waks and
sornctimcs to thc lJK as a whok and forml'rly w ' IT suprcml' over most othcr
forms of law ( cxccrt for EU law).
Eu.rupean Union law bccamc part of English (ílritish) law Following lhit-
ain's cntry into tlw l~uropcan Economic Community in 1973. EU h1w took
prcn.'ckncc ovcr British domcstic law in many areas and British ju<lgcs had to
app ly EU law whcn thcrc was a conHict with Acts of Parliamcnt. EU law and
British domcstic law thcrcforc cocxistcd and sorne 70 pcr cent of British law
originatu.1 in thc EU. How ·'V "r, whcn thc UK tricd to with<lraw from thc ElJ,
rckvant law was transfrrrcd into British law.
Anothcr form of law applicabk in B1itain stems from l3ritain's mcmhcr-
ship of th c Council of Europe's European Convcntion on Human Rights. The
Europcan Court of Human Rights in Strasbourg is not part of thc l~lJ lega l
structurcs, but rules on appcals madc to it by l3ritish citizcns on human rights
issm·s which havc bccn rcj 'Cted in the Briti.sh courts. Thcrc is continuing con-
tlict at rrcscnt bctwccn thc British nrnrts (cspccially thc Supreme Court) and
thc European Court nf Human Rights as to whcth er Britain must abidc by thc
lattcr's dccisions, or whether British rnurts are sovcreign in sorne matte rs, such
as whcther -onvicted prison ers in British jails have a right to vote in British
ekctions, which thcy have traditionally not posscssed .
 The lega l sys t e m

Scottish law derives from legal principles and rules modclled on both
Roman and English law. The sources of Scots law are judge-madc law1 author-
itativ' legal trcatiscs, EU law (pre-Brexit) and lcgislation. Thc first two consti-
tute the common law of Scotland and are similar to th e Engli sh common law.
Legislation consists of relevant Wcstminster Acts of Parl iamcnt and Scottish
ParliamentActs on devolved matters in Scotland.
Northern Irish law has a similar common law tradition to England and
Wale . Jn add ition to UK statutes affccting Northt'rn Ireland, th e Northern lre-
land Assembly has legislative and executive authority for devolved matters and
can thus mak · laws in Northcrn Ircland.

Court structures in England and Wales

Thc court system is divided into criminal and civi l courts (sce Figur' 7 .1) undcr
thc central directio n of the Ministry of .Justice. lncrcasing numbers of British
p eople have d 'alin gs with thc thff'~rent courts at various 1cv Is. Thesc are not,

CIVIL CRIMINAL

SUPREME COURT

COURT OF APPEAL COURT OF APPEAL

:----- -. (Civil Division) (Crim inal Division}
1 1
1 1
1 1

• •
HIGH COURT CROWN COURT
,,. 1
1
1

Oueen 's Choncery Fom ily Divisional

1
Bench Division Division court ♦
Division 1
1
(QBD)
1
1
1
1
•
.-.-- --- -COUNTY COURT MAGISTRATES' COURT

(- -- -- - appea l structure)

FIGURE 7.1 Civil and Criminal courts in England and Wales

 The legal system 193
.,
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.
therefore, abstract structures remote from the daily realities of British lifc and
their activitics are widely reported and commented upon.

Criminal courts
There are two levels of criminal courts. Thc lower and husicr is thc magis-
tratcs' court, which dcals with summary (l ess scrious) cases and handl es over
~)5 pcr cent of all criminal mattcrs. Thc more scrious (in<lictablc) criminal
offenccs, such as murder, are trie<l by th' highcr ·c.)Urt, thc crown ·ourt. Mag-
istrates1 courts se rve local areas in EngLrnd and Walcs. Two typcs of officials
try cases in thcsc courts: magistrates or .lusticcs of thc Peacc (.IPs) ami District
Judgcs.
Most magistratcs' courts are prcsiJcd ove r by 16,125 lay magistrates (J Ps ),
who may be appoint J from thc agc of 18 an<l retire at 70 . Thcy are part-timc
judicial officials chosen from thc general puhlic, hcar cases without a jury,
rccdv' no salary for thcir scrvic 'S ( only 'Xpcnscs), and havc soml' mandatory
legal training. Mag-istrates may be motivatcd by thc dcsirc to pnfrlrm a public
scrvice or thc supposcd prcstigc of the position . Thcy sil daily in big ·itics and
lcss fn:' l)Ul"ntly in rural arcas, in 330 ·ourts in England and Waks. ·rhcir oHin.'
dates from 1327 and illustratcs a 1 'gal systcm in which thc ordinary pnson is
ju<lged by othcr citizcns, rathn than by profcssionals. ThL'Y dl'al with crinws in
thc adult court anc.1, on gaining cxpcricncc, may he involvcd with dcfcndants
aged b -tw 'en l O an<l 18 in th' youth court, with thc wclforc ol" childrcn in
the family court, or with a ju<lgc in thc crown court when an appcal is hcard
against a scntencc passcd in thc magistratcs' court. Media rcports of youth
and family cases must not norma11y idcntify thc partics involvcd. Youth courts
play a central rnlc, particularly at a time whcn many nimcs ar· committcd by
young pcoplc agcd undcr l (), and family conrts are incrcasingly busy in civil
cases at a tim e of family problems. Magistrates' courts also hanJlc road traffic
offcnc<?s.
Magistratcs are now forma11y appointcd by th e Lord Chi< f .Justicc (hcad ni'
th e judiciary in England and Wales), who wiJI havc bccn givcn suitabk rccom-
mendations by local advisory committecs and who dclcgatcs thc function to a
se nior prcsiding judgc. [n the past, magistratcs wcrc mainly whitc midJll'- or
upp ' r-class males who were promincnt in thc local community, such as land-
owncrs, do ·tors, r -·tired military ofliccrs an<l busincssmcn. But thcy are now
recruitcd after a rigorous selection proccss from wi<lcr and more rcprcscntative
ocial, cthnic and gcndcr backgrounds. Howcvcr, thc govcrnmcnt has re<luced
th e numbcr of magistratcs and magistratcs' courts to cut costs. Both are now
struggling to produce a basic scrvicc in inadcquat ' conditions and subject to
long delays.
Thl magistratcs' court has an average of thrcc .JPs when hearing cases, usu-
ally composcd of hoth mcn an<l women. Thcy decide a case on th e facts ami
The legal system

pronounc th e punishment, if any is to b e given. For centuri es they were advised

by their cl erk, but this central position has now bcen replaced by 'a designated
officer for th e court', who is a legally qualified, full-tim e protessional element
in the system, but should not be involved in the magistrates' decision-making,
although now able to handle minor judicial tasks.
Each person accused of a criminal offence ( defendant) must usually appear
first before a magistrates' cow"t. Thc court can itsclf try summary offences and
sorne indictable/summary offences ('eithcr-way offcnces'). The magistrates
decide whether a person should be sent for trial at th e higher crown court in
serious cases. Magistrates have limitcd powcrs of punishrnent. Th ey may impose
fin es up to [5,000 for cach otfence, or send people to prison for six rnonths on
each offcncc up to a maximum of one year.
Th ere is a need for uniform punishments in magistrates' courts. Howcver,
sen ten ces vary in diff-erent parts of thc country and at local courts. This factor, in
addition to allcgcd bias and the amateur status of J Ps, has lcd to criti cism of the
systcm and proposals to replace magistrates with legal experts. However, these
suggcstion are criticized by those who opposc the full professionalization of
th e legal proccss and who argue that such changes woul<l not necessarily result
in greater competence or justice.
Sorne 140 district jurl1;es in th e magistrates' court are qu alitied lawyer · and
full-time officials, are paid by th e state, usually sit alonc to hear an<l decide cases
and work mainly in the large cities. Since th e magistratcs' systcm is th 'refore
dividcd bctwecn amateur .JPs and professional <listrict judges, it is som times
argued that thc lattcr should be used to replacc th e formcr on a national basis.
But thi s proposal has bccn r sistcd by those who wish to 1T.tain th c civilian ele-
m ent in th e magistrates' courts.
The highcr crown courts, such as the Central Criminal Court in London
(popularly known as th c Old Bailcy), are situated in about 92 locations in
England and Walcs and are centrally administered by thc Ministry of .Justice.
The crown court has jurisdiction over all indictahle criminal oHc nccs and
innoccncc or guilt after a trial is dccided by a jury o F 12 citizens. Aft r it has
reached its decision on the facts of th e case, scn tence i passcd by th e ju<lge who
is in chargE. of proceedings throughout the tria 1. Sorne crown courts can also be
used for civil cases.
In Scotland, minar criminal cases are tricd summarily by lay justices of th c
peace in district courts (equivalent to English magistrates' courts). Sheriffs'
courts deal with more serious offences where the sheriff sits alon e to hcar sum-
mary offences and is helped by a jury (15 membcr ) for indictabl e cases. Th e
most serious cases (such as murder and rape) are handl ed by th e High Court of
Justiciary in major urban centres and are hcard by a judge and a jury of 15 lay
people. North.ern lrish criminal courts follow thc system in England and Walcs
with lowcr magistratcs' co urts and high er crown courts (thc latter gcnerally
with a judge ami jury).
 The legal syst em

PLATE 7 . 1 The Old Bailey centra l criminal

court in the City of London has been the
scene of many famous tria ls in British
legal history a nd is now a crow n court
centre . © Kevin Foy/Shutterstock

PLATE 7.2 Interior of Kingston-upon-Thames crown court show ing computer equipment
installed for trial ; cou rt conta ins many trad itional fea tures such as the judge's cha ir and bench,
jury seats (left) and prosecution and defence benches (centre) .© Kevin Wheal/ Shu tterstock
 The lega l syst em

Criminal appeal courts

The appcal structurc (see figure 7 .1) is supposed to b e a safcguard against mis-
takes and miscarriages of justice, but the number of such cases has in creased,
resulting in much publicity and concern . Thcy havc bccn caused by police tam-
pcring with or withh olding evidence, police prcssure to induce confessions, and
thc unrcliability of sorn e forensic evi<lence. Climinal courts are criti ci1/..ed for
their dccisions and appeal courts for th eir handling of sorne appcals, and an
indcpcndcnt authority (thc Criminal Cases Review Commission) was crcated
in 199 5. It revicws possiblc miscarriages of justice in England, Wales and North-
ern Ireland and can sen<l cases back to the appeal courts, which may dfcctivdy
quash convictions as unsafc or order new trials.
Appeals to a higher court can be cxpcnsive and difhcult and p ermi ssion
must usually b e granted by a lower court. Appeals may b e made against convic-
tion or sentence and can be brought cm grouncls of fa ct and law. If successful, the
hi gher court may quash th e conviction, reduce thc sentcnce or order a ncw trial.
The prosccution can also appeal against a ]eni t.nt punishment an<l a hcavier
sentence may be substitutcd.

PLATE 7.3 The UK Supreme Court, 2009 in Parliament Square, London , which took over the
role of the House of Lords as the supreme court of appeal for many purposes for most parts
of the UK . © Ion Macpherson London/ Alamy Stock Photo
 The l e g al system 197
.,
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Crown courts hear appeals from magistrates' courts and both may appeal
nn matters of law to a divisional court of th e Queen 's Bench Division . Appea ls
fro m the crown co urt are made to the Criminal Division of the Court of App :> al.
Appeals may th e n go to the Suprem e Court in London as the high ~st court in
England and Wales (and for civil cases in Scotland and criminal and civil cases
in Northern lreland) . But p ermission is only granted if a point of law of public
imp ortance is involved. Usually, fivc to ninc Suprcm e Court .Justiccs (out of
twclvc) may hca r a case and thcir decision rcpn:' Scnts th e currcnt statc of th c
law.
ln Scotl.a.nrl, thc High Court of Justiciary acts in sorne largc and smallcr
towns in Scotland as a criminal court and in Edinburgh as thc suprcmc court
fo r criminal appcals. Thc Suprcme Court in Lon<lon is thc final court of arr -al
in thc UK for civil cases, an<l also frH criminal ·ases from Dnglanrl, \M:tles and
Northern lrelanrl.

Civil courts
C ivil law proceedings in England an<l Walcs, if not scttlcd hy ncgotiation out
of court, are gcncrally brought cith cr in thc ·ounty court (which dcal s with ~)()
pcr cent oF civil cases ) or in th c High Court (sec Figure 7 .1 ). More straight-
forwar<l and lcss ex pensivc actions are Jcalt with in tlw cnunty court, rathcr
t han thc H igh Court, and most c ivil <lisputcs do not 1Tach court at ali. Sin ce
2014, England an<l Walcs havc bcc n <livi<lcd into so111c ~)2 county courts, which
handlc a rangc of mon cy, propcrty, contract, divorn.' and family mattcrs anJ a
d istrict judgc usually sits alonc whcn h c.aring and dcc iding Célscs. Various typcs
of trihunals, such as thos ' d<:aling with cmploymrnt and disnimination m attc rs,
may also he uscJ hy th c civil law. Thc magistratcs co urt, crow n court ami family
co urt also Jcal with so rn e ' ivil matters.
Thc I ligh Court of .lustice has its main centre in l ,ondon, with courts
throughout England an<l Wal es whc rc High Court prncecdings may he issu ed
an<l hea rJ . Jt is <lividc<l into three <livisions which spccializc in spccifi c 111 attns.
The Queen's Henc:h Division has a wi<lc jurisdiction, induding rnntract an<l ncg-
li ge nce cases; the Chancery Court Div'L~ion is conccrnc<l with cornmcrc ial, finan-
cia! and succcss ion mattcrs; and thc Family Dillision dcél ls with dom csti c issucs
such as m arriagc, Jivorce, propcrty and th c custo<ly of childrrn . Afr.n mu ch
controvcrsy thcrc were changes to family ju, ti c' in 2014, which ar· supposc<l
to pul th c wclfarc of chil<lrc n at th c ce ntre- of th c systcm. Thc mcasurcs indudc
a single Family Court to rcplace th c prcvious thrcc-ticr systcm, and ncw time
limits for G.l Scs whcrc childrcn are take n into ca rc.
ln Scotlanrl, th e sheriff court d<:.als with most civil actions, bcca usc its juris-
<liction is not finan cially limited, although th c highcr Court of Scss ion may also
be used for sorne cases. The Northern lrísh High Court han<ll es most civil cases.
.,
"°~ 198 The l egal sy stem
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PLATE 7 .4The Royal Courts of Justice in the Strand , London , which contain the High Court
and the Courts of Appeal (civil , and criminal) . © Alex Segre/Shutterstock

Civil appeal courts

Th e High Court hears appeals from magistratcs' courts and county co urts.
Howev r, thc main avenue of appeal is to thc Court of Appeal (Civil Divisiont
which deals with appeals from ali lower civil courts on questions of law and
fact. It can reverse or amend de isions, or sometimes order a new trial.
Appeals from the Court of Appcal may b e mad ' to thc Supremc Court.
Thc appcllant must normally have obtained p ermission cithcr from th Court
ofAppcal or the Supreme Court. Appeals are usually restricted to points oflaw
whcre an important legal issue is at stake. In Scotland at present, civil appcals
are made first to a sheriff-principal, thcn to the Court of Scssion and finally to
the Suprem . . Court in London. Th e Northern Irish Court of Appca l hears appcal
cases and furthcr appeal is to th e UK Suprem c Court.

Civil and criminal procedure in England and Wales

Many featurcs of civil and criminal procedurc in England and Walcs are similar
to those in Scotland and Northcrn Irdand.
 The legal syst em

Civil procedure
/\ civil action in the county court or th e I ligh Court b egi ns when thc claimant
serves papers with details of a claim on the defe ndant. If the defe ndant dcfcn<ls
the action, documcnts are circulated to a11 parties and the case procceds to trial
;.rn d judgmcnt. A decision in civil cases is reachcd on the balan ce of probabil-
ities. Th e court also decides th ' 'X P ·nscs ami damagcs of' th c c:1ction, which
may be co nsiderable. Civil law proccdurcs have bcen rcorganizcd and simplifi --d
sin ce 1999 b cause of concern about th e effi cicncy of th systcm, with its dclays
and cxpcn. e. M uch of th e High Court's work has bcen transfcrrcd to th c co unty
court. Pro ·ccforal ruks betwccn the two co urts hav ' b een unifi ·d. Active court
managem cnt has b ecn adapted, with judgc. sctting th c pace of litigati o n, and
chcapcr, quicke r forms of scttlement in oth 'r co urts havc hcc n implc nwntc<l,
such as thosc dealing with mattcrs in small claims courts. NL'vc rthckss, it is
advisable th at disputes b e scttl cd by nL goti ation out of co urt rath er than by a
co urt tria! in ordcr to avoid high costs an<l any un cc rtainty about a res ult.

Criminal procedure
Crimcs c:1rc offenccs aga inst th e laws of thc sta te, and it is thc statc wh i -h usu-
ally hrings a pcrson to trial. Prior to l ~)85, th e policc in England ami Walcs
wc rc rcsponsiblc for prosccutin g criminal casl:'s. Thc Crow n Prosecution Sn-
vicc ( CPS) now pcrforms this role. lt is indcpcn<lcnt of th c poi in·, linan cc<l hy
th e statc and staffed by statc lawyc rs, but th crc has bccn criticism of its per-
fo rman ce, which has suffe rcd from undcrstafling and undcrl"unding. Thc C PS
and its hcad ( th e Director of Puhlic Prosccutions - 1) PP) havc th c final word
in dcciding whcther to pnxccd with cases. In S<.:otland, prosccution duti cs rlst
w ith th . . Crown Officc and Prncurator Fiscal Scrvicx and in Nortlzern lreland
with th e poli ce and thc DPP.
J\rrcsts for most criminal offcnccs are ma<lc by thc poli cc, although any
citize n ca n makc a 'citiz<:. n's arrest ' . J\ft:c r criticism of thc poi ice for th cir arrcst,
qu<.>stionin g anJ chargin g practi ces, th cy now opcratc und cr co<lcs of prac:t ic.T
(PACE) , which lay down strict pro -c<lurcs for th c protcc:tion oF suspl'Cts. Tlw
poliu~ ca nnot usually int ·-rrogate peoplc, or dctain th c m at a poi ice station iF
th ey have not be ·n arrested. On ce pcrsons havc bcc n arrl'Stcd, had thcir rights
read to th cm anJ b ee n chargcd with an ofh:ncc, thcy must be brought before
a magistrates' court, norrnally within 24 hours. In sc rious cases and after arrcst,
a pcrson ca n be hckl for up to 96 hours. After this pc riod, the susp ect must b e
rel eascd if no charges are brought.
Whe n a pcrson appcars beforc a magistratcs' co urt prior to a trial, thc mag-
istrates ca n grant or refose bail (frecdom frorn custody). If bail is rcfused, a
p erson is kcpt in custody in a re mand ce ntre or in prison. If b ail is gra ntcd ,
The l egal system

[TI
6 7

9
5 8

10

l Magistrates 5 The press 9 Witnesses who hove

2 Clerk 6 Defending lawyer g iven evidence
3 Defendant 7 Prosecuting lawyer 1O The public
4 Witness 8 Probation officers l 1 Court ushers
FIGURE 7 .2 A typical mag istrates ' court in action

the individual is freed until a later court appcarance. The court may rcquire
assuranccs from th e accuscd about conduct whilc on hail, such as residc ncc in a
specific arca and reporting to a poli -e station.
Application for hail is a legal right, since th e a ·cuscd has not yct becn founJ
guilty of a crimc, and th ere shoulJ be strong r 'asons for rcfusing it. Therc is
concern that those who are rcfused bail are, at th t ir latcr tria!, either foun<l not
guilty or are punished only by a fine. Thc systcm thus holds ailegcd crüninals
on remand to await tria!, which incr ases overcrowding in prisons. But th crc is
also public concern about accuscd persons who commit further , erious offcnccs
while free on lcngthy bail.
Criminal trials in th " magistratcs' and crown courts are usually open to thc
public. Howcver, th e m edia can only report the court proceedings and must not
comment upon them whil e the trial is in progrcss (the sub judice or ' pending
litigation' rul e) .
Thc accused enters the dock, th c charge is rcad and they plead 'guilty'
or 'not guilty'. On a 'guilty' plea, the p erson may be scntcncecl after a statc-
m e nt of the facts by the prosecution. However, scntencing may be defe rred
to a latcr date for furth er reports. On a 'not guilty' plea, th' trüil proc eds in
order to establish the person's innocence or guilt. An individual is innocc nt
until proved guilty and it is thc respo nsibility of th e prosccution to prove guilt
b eyond a reasonablc doubt. If proof is not achicvcd, a 'not guilty' vcrdict is
returned by magistrates in th e magistrates' court or by thc jury in th e crown
court. In Scotland, there is an additional possiblc verdict of 'not proven' (lack
of evid nce to convict, but judge or jury unconvin ccd of th c innocencc of th e
defcndant).
 The lega l syste m 201
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The prosecution and defe nce of th e accused are usually perforrned by soli c-
itors in magistrates' courts and by barristers and solicitor-advocates in crown
courts, but it is possible to dcfend oneself British trials are adversaria] contcsts
between dcfcn ce and prosecution. Both sides call witnesses in support of th c ir
case, who m ay b e qu -'Stionc<l by the other side. The rules of evidence an<l procc-
dure in this contestare comp1icated and must be strictly observed. The accused
rnay remain silcnt at arrest, charge and tria] and n ec<l not givc cvidencc. How-
cver, thc right to sile nce has now been limited, which means that the poli cc
must warn arrestees that their silence rnay a<lvcrsely affcct their later <ldt.' nce.
Th e prosccution and judgc at the tria] may commcnt on silence and it may
influcncc th c de ision of juries and magistrates.
It is argue<l that thc adversaria] naturc. of criminal trials ·an r sult cithcr
in the convi ·tion of innocent peoplc or in thc guilty cscaping conviction . It is
suggestec.1 that th c inquisitorial syste m of sorne oth -r European co untri cs would
be bcttcr. This allows thc prior qucstioning of suspccts 8nd cstablishing of facts
to be ca rri cJ out by professio nal impartial int ' rrogators (or judgcs) rath cr than
the poli cc.
The judgc in th e crown ·ourt an<l th c mag istratc s in thc magistratcs' court
are controlling inHucnces in thc battl c hctwce n ckknc and proscc ution. Thcy
apply thc rules of the court and givc Jiru:tions on proccJurc and ev ickncc, hut
th "'Y should not intt'rferc too aclivcly, or show bias. /\her thc prosccution and

ITJ QJ
7 8

3
[D] 13

19 101
12

1 The judge 7 Defending barrister 13 Witnesses who hove

2 Clerk 8 Prosecuting barrister given evidence
3 The jury 9 Prison officer 14 Waiting witnesses
4 The press 1O The accused for prosecution
5 Shorthand writer 1 l Court usher 15 Waiting witnesses
6 Witness 12 The public for defence

FIGURE 7.3 A typical crown court in action

 Th e l e gal sys t e m

Defendant charged or served with summons

i
Court appearance (magistrales' court)
(court may consider legal aid or bail)

Offences triable
¡
on ly on indictment Either-way offences Summary offences
1

t
Mode of trial enquiry (magistrales)
::-

Committal proceedings
(before magistrales)

i Trio!
(by magistrales)
Trial (crown court)
(judge and jury) ¡
i Sentence (if gui lty)
Sentence (if guilty)
¡
i Appeal (crown court or divisiona l
Appeal (Court of Appeal) court if point of law)

FIGURE 7 .4 Criminal procedure

thc J efrnc' have condu<le<l thcir cases, th c magistratcs deci<lc hoth thc vcrdict
and scnt -' ncc. In the crown court, th e jury ddivcrs thc ver<lict after th c judge
has given a summing-up and th e judgc th e n pronoun ·es scnten ce ( which rnay
be dcfen-e<l).
Thc use of ca meras has historica lly not been allowed in British co urts.
Although they wcre allowc<l in Scotland in ] 9~)2, restrictions h ad prevcntcd
thcir use in all circumstances. The Court of Appeal in Englan<l and Walcs has
now allowed cam eras into their procccdings from O ctober 2013 on limitcd
occasions.

The jury
Trial by jury is an ancient and important featurc of British justi ce. It has declincd
in civil cases (except for libel and fraud) , hut is th c main clcme nt in ·rirninal tri-
als in th e crown court for indictable offenccs. Most Rritish residcnts are obligc<l
to undertake jury service when summoned.
Bcfore th e start of a criminal triaJ in the crown court, 12 jurors are chosen
from a list of 30 namcs randomly selectcd from electoral rcgistcrs. Thcy li sten
to the cvide ncc at tlw trial and give thcir verdict on the facts, after having been
isolated in a roon1 l"or tlwir J clihcrati ons. If a jury cannot reach a dccision, it
will h e dischMg( ·d ;111d ;1 1w w onc sworn in. Thc accused can thus be tricd twi cc
 The le ga l system

(double jeopardy) for thc same offence ( as in appeals that order a new tri al or
in th e re-h 'aring of cases in the intcrcsts of justice where new and compelling
evidence app 'ars). Such results are an cxception to the principle that a person
can only be tried once for the samc oHence. In most cases, the jury reaches a
decision. Thc judgc acccpts a majority (rather than a unanimous) verdict after
the jury has ddiberat -'d for more than two hours, if there are no more than two
diss ntcrs (ten to two). The jury does not Jecide thc punishmcnt or sentence,
except in sorne civil ·ases, whcre it awards damages.
Th e jury system is th , citizen's link with thc legal proccss. 1t is supposed
to safoguard individual ]iberty and justicc because a common-sense decision on
the facts cither to punish or an.¡uit is takcn hy tellow citizens. Yet the systcm has
becn criticizcd because of high acquittal ratcs; allcgedly unsuitable or suhjcctive
jurors; intimi<lation of and thrcats against jurors; and thc ncc<l to savc time an<l
expense. Sorne critics wish to r ' place thc jury with 'cxpcrts'; the Labour govcrn-
mcnt reduce el th e right to jury tria! in sorne 'eithcr-way' offenc s; and othcr trials
in which jury intimidation is allcgc<l may now hl hcar<l and dccidcJ by a single
judgc without a jury. J\lthough criticism continucs, it se 'ms that thc jury systcm,
as an esscntial fcature of British justicc, will continuc for most rdevant cases.

Legal aid and access to legal services

Tlw British legal aid systcm was CJTatcd in 1~)4~) anJ was thc scconJ of its typc
in th e world. lt was intc ndcJ to hclp eligible pcrsons who could not affnrd legal
reprcscntation anJ advicc in criminal and civil mattcrs, to havc thcir bilis paid
by thc statc. Sincc thcn, cligibility for legal aid has b 'en rcformcJ and rcducc<l
in or<l 'r to cut costs. Recipicnts of civil an<l criminal legal aid may be askcd to
makc ·ontributions and pay chargcs dep ·nding on thcir i-inancial rcsourccs and
on whcthcr thcy are found gufüy or not guilty.
Thc changcs in legal aid mean that somt cases are no longcr eligible for
public aid funds, including divorcc, child contact anJ ac 'css, wclfare bend-its,
em ploymcnt, clinical ncglig ·nce and housing law cxccpt in limited circum-
stances. /\id in th ·se arcas was once largcly givcn to the poorcst and most undcr-
privilcgcd in socicty. Othcr exa mplcs, such as dom estic viokncc, must havc
mcdical cviJcncc of abuse, whi ch is expcnsivc to obtain. The coalition govern-
m cnt (2010- 15) argucd that cuts wcrc ncccssary, gcnuinc cases of domeslic
violcncc would be coverc<l and that th e re<luctions in civil legal aid have not
had thc scrious effocts that critics prc<lictc<l. Sorne lawyers argue that more
pcoplc will in fact rcpres ' nt the mselvcs in court and slow clown the court sys-
tcm. Othcr organizations, such as charitics and housing assocjations, are using
other ways to cov "r the gap left by thc rcmoval of civil aid by developing new
funding modcls. Howev ·r, a final asscssmcnt of the impact of the cuts remains
to he made, although it cutTently sccms to be substantial.
Proposcd rcductions in criminal legal aid will add to th pressurcs ncated
by thosc alrcady made. These include cutting lawyers' fees in complcx high-cost
 T h e legal system

cases, and in other crown court work by up to 18 per cent. Lawycrs argue that
this will prcvent people having proper reprcscntation in court, will seriously
affect the quality of justice and diminish the criminal bar with many junior
lawye rs leaving the profcssion. The government maintained that lawycrs would
be fairly paid for their work after thc reforms and that effi ci ncies are nccessa ry
to e nsurc that legal aid remains sustainable.
Critics argue that thc rcduction of legal aid has already rcsulte<l in many
1 'gal firms (and barriste rs) withdrawing from th e systcm beca use it is unprofit-
able. In this view, access to legal serviccs is restricted to thc poorest mcmb 'rs of
society (for whom re<luced legal aid may still be availahk without co ntrihution)
and thc richcst minority ( who are able to pay th eir own I gal f ,cs). Most peo-
ple on mcdium incomcs will usually have to pay th eir own civil and criminal
expenses in eme form or anothcr if thcy are involve<l in 1 'gal a ~tions.
Sin cc frwcr pcople are now eligible for statc hclp at a time when <lcmanJ
is rising, it is argu ed that th e provision of legal aid shoul<l be mad ' more cfti-
cient and cffective. But in crcascd demand res ults in a more expc nsiw legal aid
system ( which cost .[2 billion in 2014), and is both on c of th c most ex pc nsivc
and gencrous in the worl<l. Rece nt govcrnmcnts havc increascd 'm ca ns-tcsting'
oflegal ai<l ·o that any hdp is dfrctivcly tied to incomc. This practicc rcs ultcd
in a decr'asc·<l cxpen<liturc on legal aid of fl .5 billion in 201€)-17. Polls by lpsos
MORI showcd that bctwccn 2013 anJ 2014 thc numhcr of rcspond cnts sup-
porting th 'government's rnts in legal aiJ had fa11cn from 34 pcr crn t to 23 pcr
cent; thosc disagrcci ng rose from 44 p T cent to 4~) pcr ce nt; an<l thosc nc ithcr
agrccing or disagrceing rose from 18 pcr cent to 25 pcr cent.
It was hopc<l that a rcc 'nt rc form would hclp thosc pcoplc who wish to
start personal injury civil actions, but who ca nnot afford thc cost. C licnts ca n
e nt r into co nditional agrc ' mcnts with lawycrs, in which paymcnt of lega l
fees on a pe rccntagc hasis is only madc if th c clic nt wins ( 'no win-no 1-<.:e' ).
This schem could be ex tended to most civil Jisputcs that involw mon 'Y or
damagcs (and possib]y criminal matt 'rs). But critics argue that such work only
appeals to lawye rs if th 'tT is a rcasonabk chane of winning; it will not solvc th c
proble m of insuring against th <:. cost of losing; lawycrs may imposc largc frcs;
and it C>nco urages a compcnsation culture.

Law and order

Crime and punishment

There has been considerable debate as to whether thcre have becn rcccnt
decreases or increa 'CS in overall crime in thc UK. Law anJ ordcr are of witk
concem to peo pk, anJ politi -al parties promise action. Govcrnment analyses
indicate that Ilritain spcnds m01-e:. than other inJustrialized countrics on puhli c
 The legal system

order and safety (at about 2.5 per cent of GDP). But EU statistics suggcst that
it also has more violent crime than other European countries. Evaluations of thc
cxtent of crime in Britain are influe nced by significant non-reporting of oflenccs
such as assaults, burglary and rape; the level of unsolved crime remains high;
and despite improvem e nts in recording offenccs by the policc anJ other bodics
th 're are still conflicting sets of crimc statistics and interpretations.
In October 2017 1 th e OHice for National Statistics (ONS) rcportcd that
the policc in England and Wales recordcd 5.0 million criminal offon ces, more
than thc 4.G million in 201 G. Thcrc were incrcascs of 19 pcr cent in violcnt
crim c, assau1t with injury, robbcry, attempted mur<le r, thrcats to kili, rape and
sexual assault (incluJing stalking and harassment). Th cre wetT also incrcases
in theft:1 criminal damage1 shop]ifting (stealing from shopst fraud and public
order oHcnces. Th ese rises wcre arguably duc to improvcd rcporting and police
rccor<ling, and a surge of sex complaints.
On thc othcr hand, the British Crimc Survcy in England and Walcs
( CSEW ), which is baseJ on replies from rcspon<lcnts who cx pcricncc crime,
cstimatcd that th erc w 're l 0.8 million -rimes against houscholds and rcsidcnt
aJults (agcd 16 ycars an<l over) in 2017. This figure was a ~) pcr cent r ,Juc-
tion comparcd with 201 G. Thc rc<luction of crimc measurc<l by thc C SEW
was reportedly influcnceJ by dccrcascs in a rangc of crimc typcs, such as thclt
of-frnces, violc11cc and criminal <lamagc.
Howcvcr1 critics point out that th c Survcy focuscs on houschold responses,
whi -h may inflatc figures, an<l yct <loes not covu~ for cxamplc1 thc homckss,
studcnts in halls of rcsidcnc' and business crimc. It also surv 'YS peoplc h1l-c-to-
facc, whi ,h allcgedly rcsults in its figures diffning from the numbn ol' crinws
rcportcd by police. Thc ddinition of <Time in the CSEW also dilfrrs somcwhat
from how th c policc record it, an<l pohcc-rccorde<l statistics are conll'sll'd .
Ncvc rthckss, ONS figures in 2017 also rewaled that many more pcork in
England an<l Walcs worry about bccoming a victim of crimc than will actually
ex pcric ncc it. Th e risk of bcing a victim of crime is relativcly low. J\JJitionally,
thcrc has be '11 bcttcr rc porting oflow-level crimc, dom esti c violcncc and sexual
offcnccs1 an<l th c numbcr of crimcs that atlc -t most p eoplc, such as hurglary,
robhcry and vchicl' thcft:1 have d crcascd. However, strcct crirnc, such as knifr
attack\ is a politi cally high profile issue and 40 pcr cent of this typc of ninw
occurs in Lo11don.
Rcscarch survcys (_like th e Oftc nding 1 Crimc and .lusti T survcy up to
200G) suggcst that about l O p er cent of oftenders are rcsponsihlc for GO pcr
cent of offcnccs and that serious and prolific oHc nders amount to aroun<l l pcr
cent of thl' populatio11. It is also estimatc<l that only 011 ' in 50 crimcs results in
a conviction and that only sorne 23 per cent of all crimes are rccorded by thc
poli ce. Opinion polls still regularly suggcst that 50 p er cent of victims do not
rcport inc.i<lc nts to the policc b ecause thcy lack confidence that criminals would
be caught.
The legal system

Disturbing aspects of thcse statistics are the increasing use of knives, fire-
arm and acid in criminal acts, particularly those connccted to gang violence
and serious organize<l crime (leading to deman<ls that all police officcrs shoul<l
be armed); the increased arnount of drug- and alcohol-rdate<l crimc and vio-
lcnce; and thc number of offences committcd by young pcople. Britain has a
problem with you ng offcnders, the p eak age for committing crime is 15 an<l 1O
per cent of rcporte<l criminal offen ces are committe<l by teenagers undcr 16.
Th ere is a widcspread membership of gangs in this age group an<l adherence to
gang culture (all egedly cncouraged by rap music lyrics) in which thc carrying
and use of guns and kniv s are prevalent. But th e amount of knife-carrying is
also rcportedly <lue to self-protection from attack. Binge-drinking in town aJ1d
city centres has also increased and lcd to more violcnce on th e strcets (although
such behaviour declined in 2017). Critics argu that the prcvious Labour gov-
ernment's dccision to ext nd drinking hours in pubs, clubs and restaurants in
2005, in an attempt to copy Continenta l cate culture, on ly furth er ·ontributed
to th e problem.
Respondents to polls think that the causes of crime in Britain are lack of
parental discipline and male role modds; the hreakdown of family an<l commu-
nity structure ; drugs; alcohol; lcni ent sentencing by the courts; gangs; un cm-
ployme nt; a lack of school discipline; povcrty; tclevision; poor policing; teenagc
boredom; and lack of free-time faciliti es for young pcople. Govcrnments havc
tri ed to ease public concern by promising to confront crime by intrnducing
strictcr punishment (parti -ularly for young p eople ), curfews and rcstrictions on
persistcnt offe nders, longer jail terms and great1::.r protection for thc pub]i c. But
polls continue to show that people do not think that govcrnments havc <leliv-
ered 011 their law and or<ler promises.
A person found gui1ty of a first criminal oHe n ·e may, d 'pending 011 its sev "r-
ity, eithcr receiv a su. pended prison scnte11ce, or be placed o n non-custo<lial
probation for a pcriod under the supervision of probation officcrs, despite a
serious reduction in the staffing of the probation servicc. Other punishments for
adults are fin es or imprisonment (for those ovcr 21 ), which vary according to
thc severity of the offence and any previous convi ctions. Strictcr sentencing will
lead to more prisoners and convicted pcrsons are imprisoncd at a high e r rate
than in othcr western [uropean countries. In 2018, th erc were 93,000 peo pl e
in prisons in thc lJK (83,430 in England and Walcs, 7,595 in Scotlan<l and 1,475
in Northern Ireland) . The prison population is expected to grow by 500- 1,000
prisoners each year into the 2020s. Prison overcrowding is a serious problem
and prison warders lack control over inmates in many institutions, which suffer
from interna} violence and abuse, drug traffi king and widcspread dru g usage.
Alternatives to prison are community P habilitation orders (scrving thc
community in sorne capa ity for a number of hours over a number of months)
and suspended prison scntcnccs ( dependent upon no forthcr oflences being
committed for a s¡wcificd pcrioJ) . A recent experirnent is 'tagging' (arm or
 The legal system

leg bracclcts on offenders and connected electronically to local poli ce stations)

wh ereby offenders are con-fined to a specific area and have to observe a cur-
fe w. Th c tag is activated if thesc conditions are broken. Howevcr, tagging has
not proved to be a complete success and thc level of re-offcnding afrer and
during tagging is vcry high. A rccent attempt to control yobbish behaviour is the
anti-social bchaviour order (ASBO), whi ch bans offcnders from particular areas
or prohibits various form s of thuggish activity. Th e number of ASl30s reach cd
its height in 2005 before declinin g, and thcn started to increasc again in 2009.
In 2012, thc ASBO was replaced by Criminal Behaviour Or<lers (CBOs) and
C Pis (Crime Prevention lnjunctions).
Young p eoplc may be punished by fin es (under] 7 ), takcn into local author-
ity care, confin cd in a young offendcrs' institution (Youth Prison) for those
betwecn 17 anJ 20, or undergo supcrvision in th c community. Re-off n<ling
arnon g youn g p eoplc after a custodia] scntcncc is hi gh, but supervision out-
ide institutions leads less oft n to rc-offending. Th crc havc bcc n suggcstions to
abolish custodia] sentences for relativcly minor offc nccs, but this ide a has not
been irnpleme nted .
The <leath pe nalty by hanging for murdcr was endcd in 1965 an<l lcgally
abolishcd under thc Human Ri ghts Act in 1998. Thc Housc of C ommons
has sin e voted by substantial majoriti cs on severa! occasions again st its r '-
imposition. Howcvcr, an lpsos MORI poli in .luly 201 O rcvcalcd that 70 pcr
cent of respondcnts thought th at thc UK should still havl' thl' dcath penalty
as th c maximum possibl e penalty for at kast on c crimc, such as chil<l murdcr
(62 per cent). A YouGov poll in Novcmbcr 2010 rcportcJ that 74 pcr ce nt
upporteJ thc death pe nalty for mur<ler in sorne circumstan ces, but only 16 pcr
cent supported it for all mur<lcrs. Th csc poll. suggcst th at respon<lc nts are ablc
(and willtn g) to distin guish hetwccn different catcgori ·s of murdcr an<l oth cr
offences. But Ipsos MORI and British Social /\ttitudcs (BSA) usc<l trackin g of
attitudes to thc dcath penalty across the gc nerati ons which con ·lu<led that sup-
port for th e dcath penalty fcll by 20 pcr ·ent fro m 74 pcr ce nt in 1993 to 54 pc r
· ' nt in 2012 . Thi s declin e in support indicatc<l that most of thc population has
no immcdiate m edi a cx p ricncc of <leath penalty han gin g and is distance<l fro m
it . A BSA rcport in March 2015 fóund th at support for thc dt.ath p enalty ha<l
dropped bclow 50 per cent ( 48 per ce nt) for th c first time sin ce 1983.
Ncvcrth eless, dcspitc th 'Se develo pmcnts, the publi c <lo support harsh
treatment of crimin al offcnd ers, p articularl y in child abuse categories, and argue
that more sympathy and ai<l should b e given to victirns of crime. Governments
have supportc<l vi ctims with fin an ' ial compensati on, but its programmes have
not satisfi eJ critics.
Many British peo plc feel that the pe nalties for criminal offences are inad-
cquate as dcterrents against crime. But most prisons are overcrowdcd, ol<l ami
decayed, lack humane fa cilities, are unfitted for a modern penal systl' m and
ar undcrstaffed, with personnel being ovcrworked. Prison rnndition s h,1w
The lega l system

resulted in serious disorder and riots in recent ycars, low moralc among pris-
on ers and prison staff-; more suicides by inmatcs and terrorist indoctrination
of prisoners. Debates about punishment as opposcd to th ' rchabilitation of
offenders continue. Yet proposals to improve thc situation encountcr the prob-
lem of expense, although the governmcnt is building more prisons. Sorne pris-
ons and prison serviccs (such as escorting prisoncrs to court) havc also been
privatized.
A majority of prisoners are not rcformed by thcir scntences. Sorne (>Ü per
cent are rcconvicted for later off-cnces, and fcar of prison or punishment <loes
not seem to act as a detcrrent. Critics suggest that jail terms should be cut
(with weckend-only prison ers) an<l that institutions should he humanizcd and
prisoners given a scnsc of purpose. Alternativcs to custodial scnt 'nccs, such as
superviseJ housing, probation hostcls and superviscd work projccts are also
advocate<l. But othcrs argu ' that thc fonction of thc crim inal systcm is pun-
ishmcnt and not rchahilitation. For exampk, thc coalition govcrnmcnt argucd
that prison crs should not havc the right to vote in ekctions orto challcngc the
validity of ful] lite scntenccs, ckspitc opposition from thc European Court of
Human Rights.

Law enforcement and the police

Th e armcd forces in Britain are subor<linatc to the civilian govcrnmcnt and
are uscd only occasionally for dcfcn cc an<l cmcrgcncy situations. J\n cxn:p-
tion was thc <lcployment of thc army in Northern Ircland <luring th c Troublcs,
wherc th ey supportcd th e Royal UlstL>r Constahulary (now thc Policc Scrvic'
ofNorthern Ireland'). But proposals havc bccn ma<lc that th c military and sorne
civilian agencies coukl help thc police to countcr organizc<l crimc involving
drugs, illcgal imrnigration, fraud an<l computcr hacking.
Thc maintenan ce oflaw and ordcr rcsts mainly with thc civilian policc:. Thc
oldcst polio:~ force is the Metropolitan Polio:, foundu.l in l 829 by Sir Robcrt
Peel to fight crime in London, and from which thc mo<lcrn Forces grcw. ToJay
th cre is no single national poliG~force, but in ste ad 45 in<lcpcn<lcnt forces ( 43 in
Engla nd and Wales, on e in Scotland and onc in Northcrn lrcland) which undcr-
takc law cnforcement in county or regional arcas, with thc Mctropolitan Poli cc
bcing responsible h..)r policing London. Region al forc 'S are undcr th ' políti ca!
control of local government committees. Daily authority rcsts with thc hcad
of each regional force (chief constable ), who has organizational ind<.'pcndcn cc
and responsibility for the actions of thc force. Thcre ar, proposals to reduce or
merge the regional forces, and to centrali zc th c ir Functions, administratio n an<l
operations in a national unit.
A recent innovation to improve policc performance and thcir rdation-
ship with th e puhlic was th e creation of Polic c an<l Crime Comm ission crs
in 2013. Thcy are t'kctcd hy loca l populations in regional polie<~ fon e arcas,
 The legal system

PLATE 7.5 Clashes between police and Occupy London anti-capitalist protestors, Fetter Lane,
London , 12 May 2012 . © Matthew Chattle/ Alamy Stock Photo

reprcscnt thl puhlic, act on public vicws in poli cing mattcrs, produce polín'
and c rim c plans with proposa ls for local prioritics, an' supportcd hy a budget,
em ploy thcir own admini strators, and hold thc Chicf Constahk to accounl
for poli cc performance on bchalf of thc publi c. Thc Cornmissioncrs do not
havc a party political position an<l arl' givcn frc ,dom to Lkvclop thcir own
mcthn<ls ap propriatc to thcir an.: a. This scrv icc has ha<l élll un certai n start,
with co ntrovcrsy, contli ·ts an<l lack of Jircction , hut now appcars to havc
bccmnc more settled.
J\ crnrding to thc Housc of Co mmons Library, thcrc wcrc· 123, 142 Full-
timc policcmcn anJ womcn in thc 43 polín' forces of England anJ Wé.!lcs in
2017, a dccrcase of' O. 7 pu- e ·' nt or 924 sincc 201 (i. Poi ice forces are' bcing cut
und cr thc governmcnt's austerity measurcs and m any arcas of the country,
hoth urban and rural , h avc lost thcir loca l poli cc. Loca l populations m T vcry
co ncc rn cd and cri ti cs arguc that the forces are undcrstaflt:d anJ should be
in crcascd. Only a disproportionately small numhcr of poli cc ar -' from non-
whitc cthnic ·ommunitics l6 p cr cent o ran in creasc of] pe r cent in 1989 of
the total force ). Thc proportion of fe rn alc police ofticcrs increased from 7 p er
cent in 1997 to 29 pcr cent in 2017. Many in th c cthnic communities are hos-
tilc to or sceptical of thc policc, although thcrc have bcen attempts to recruit
mon of th ern to th e forces, with varying <lcgrces of success. Community Sup-
port OHicers (14,205, a decrease of 188 or 1.3 per cent since 2012_) provid e
.,
A~ 210 The legal system
;T
supplcmcntary h elp to the regular police in security duties and givc a greater
street presence. There are also part-time special constablcs (1 ~),01 O, a decrease
of 1,332 or 6.6 per cent since 20] 2) who form a voluntary police resourcc for
at least four hours p er week.
The police are not allowed to join tradc unions or strike. But they do have
staff associations or federations to rcprescnt their interests. Thcy are subject to
the law, and can be sued or prosecuted for any wrongdoing in thc coursc of their
work. lndivi<luals and organizations can complain about police actions to an
lndependent Police Complaints Commission (IPCC) which, it is hoped, might
provide a strongcr role than previous modds. Howcver, critics still arguc that
complaints procedurcs are unsatisfa ·tory and that dcmocratic control of the
policc should be strengthened.
The police, with their distinctive hclmcts and lack of tircarms, are often
regarded as a typical British in stitution. They uscd to 'mbody a prcsencc in thc
local community by 'walking th c beat ' and personif-i ,J fairncss, stolidity, fricnd-
liness, hdpfulness an<l incorruptibility. Thcsc virtucs still exist to a <lcgrcc an<l
the traditional view is that thc poliet~should control the community by conscnt
rathcr than force and that thcy should be visible in local arcas.
Howtve r, in n.: cent years, thc poli ·e have bee n takt n off foot patrols; put
into cars to in crcasc cffcctivcncss and mobility; and more are now armcd and
trairn-<l in riot-control programmcs. Thcy haw be<. n accuscd of institulional
racism, corruption, brutality, exc:cssive use of force, pervcrting thc coursc of
justice, tampcring with cvidcnce in criminal trials, and inappropriate bchaviour.
Sorne of thcse accusations havc bccn prnvcd. Thcy havc lowereJ thc imagc of
the police as well as thcir moralc and have contrihutcd to a loss of puhli c con-
fid ence and trust. Th crc ar' still public conccrns, anJ govcrnmcnts and senior
polio:' ofhcers havc attcmpted to reform the polic, forces.
The poli ce trca<l a thin lin e in community activities, strikes anJ dcmonstra-
tions. Th ~y are in th e middk of opposing forces, much is ex pected of thcm and
uncertain law an<l politically correct attitu<les somctimcs hinder th eir effective-
ness. Thc problcms of violent crimc, organizcJ criminal gangs, rclations with
ethnic communities and an increasingly complex socicty have ma<le th eir job
more difficult. The policc are trying to tind ways of adc4uatcly and fairly con-
trolling a changing society. Th ey are conccrncd about th cir imagc, but insist that
th ir primary duty is to maintain law and or<lcr.
In an attempt to counter a more complcx crime sccne, a National Crime
Agency (NCA) of sorne 4,200 officers was fr)rmeJ in 2013, with powers appli-
cable to England, Wales and Scotland. It combats major organized crimc such as
drugs, people trafficking and child exploitation, as well as complex intcrnational
fraud, such as onlinc cybercrim that cuts across regional an<l international bor-
ders. The NCA can also instru ·t regional polic anJ othcr agencies to carry out
specific tasks or opcrations.
 The lega l sys t em

The legal profession

The legal profession in England and Wal es is <livided into two prin cipal types
oflawy er: barristers and soli citors. Each branch has its own vested interests and
j urisdicti on an<l hercely protects its position. This system is criticized because
of a <luplication of servi ces, dclay and expense. But legal services have b een
refonn cd to b c ndit consumers, promote competition and give easier acccss
to th c ]aw. Lcgislation in 2007 made forth er inroads into th e profcssion's tra-
ditional self-regulatory role and excl usive rcprcscntative status by opening up
lega l services and firms to commercial ownership anJ th e sharing of functions
with other prof-essionals. An independ ent, lay-Jominatcd Legal Services Board
was also establishcd, which oversecs th e rcgulation of lawye rs and their orga-
nizations in England anJ Waks. It controls thcir general accountability to cli-
ents anJ socicty; acts in th c interests of thc consumers of legal scrvices; an<l
refo rms an<l modcrnizcs thc legal scrviccs markctpl acc. Arguahly, th e rc is now
bcttcr provision for th c puhlic to makc consume r complaints against legal
profcssionals.
Therc wcrc 142,28G solicitors in Englan<l an<l Walcs in 2018, who practisc
mainly in privatc firms, hut also in loca l ;.:inJ ce ntral gov ·rnmc nt, legal ce ntres
an <l in<lustry. Th cy are rcprcsrnte<l hy thcir profcssion al boJy, the Law Socicty,
but regulation is pcdc)rm cJ hy th c irKkpcn<l(' nt Solicitors Rcguhtion /\uthority
(S R/\), which examines thc conduct of solicitors and thcir rcl ationship with
clic nts anJ thc publi c. Thc free Lega l Omhudsman scrvicc (from 201 O) also
examines consumcr co mplaints hy thc puhlic against legal profr-ssionals.
/\lthough th c solic:itors' profrssion is historically middlc-class, it is attract-
ing mc mhcrs from widcr class, cthni - and gcmkr spcctrums of society. Solici-
tors dcal with general legal work, although many now sp ccializc in onc arca of
thc law. Th c ir tirms (or partncrships ) ofkr scrv i(·es such as conveya ncing (the
buying anJ sclling of rrorcrtyL probatc (wills and success io n after death); fam-
ily mattns; criminal an<l civil liti gation ; co mnwrcial cases; and tax and financia]
affa irs. Large firms m ay b e vcry succcssful, but small firms are currently affocted
by cuts in Legal Aid and so rn e fa ce closure.
Thc dicnt with a legal probkm will lirst approach a solicitor, who ca n ofte n
dcal with all aspccts of thc case. Solicitors originally co uld only appear (rights of
audi c ncc ) for thcir clie nts in th c lowcr co unty an<l magistratcs' courts, and cases
in highe r rnurts had to he han<lc<l to a barristcr. This expcnsive practice h as now
bccn reform ed an<l solicitor-advocatcs ca n appear in highcr courts.
In order to b ecome a solici tor, it is usual to havc a university degree, n ot
ncccssa ril y in law. Aftcr passing furthcr profcss ional cxaminations organized by
1aw colleges, thc studcnt serves a practica! apprenticeship as a train ee solicitor
with an cstablishcd solicitor for sorne two years. After a total p eriod of about six
yea rs' education and training, the ncw so li citor can practise th e law.
 The l egal system

PLATE 7.6 The Middle Temple, one of the four lnns of Court in London, where student barris-
ters become members and often work in chambers there on becoming fully qualified . © Frank
Monaco/Shutterstock

There were about 17,000 barristers in privat ' practicc in 2018, who have
thc right to appear bcfore any court in England and Walcs. Th ey helong to th e
Bar, which is an ancient protessional legal institution whose Bar Council pro-
vides rcprescntation, support and scrvices for barristers in Englan<l an<l Waks.
Barristcrs are also mcmbers of one of four Inns of Court in London ( Gray's I nn,
Lincoln's lnn, Midd] e Temple and the Inn er Temple), wh crc many barristcrs
work from chambers or off-ices. The Bar Standards Board is an indepcndent
body of the Bar Council which regulatcs barristers and th cir profr~ssiona1 con-
duct in thc public interest through a CoJe of Practice, although th e publi c ca n
now complain about barristers to thc Legal Ombudsman servio.~ (2010).
Ba1Tisters have two functions: to give specializcd advicc on legal matters
and to act as advocates in the courts. Historically, th e general public coulJ not
approach a barrister directly, but must have bcen introduccd by a solicitor. This
regulation has now been relaxed for sorne clicnts.
In order to becom e a barrister, one must usually hav' a univcrsity degree,
pass professional cxaminations and becom e a mcmber of an Inn of Court. Thc
student must dine in the lnn for a number of terms beforc b eing 'ca11c<l to
the Bar' ( acceptcd as a barrister). They must then serve for a one-ycar pcriod
(pupillage) un<lcr a practising barrister and therc is grcat compctition to gain
a place. Aftcr this liw-ycar training p eriod, th e ncw barrister can practisc law.
 The l egal system

Barristers are self-employed individuals who practise from chambers (or

oftices ), togcther with other barristers. The barrister's career starts as a 'junior'
handling minor briefs (or cases). They may have difficulty in earning a living or in
becoming established in the early years of practice, with the result that man y drop
out and entcr othcr f-ields. Should the barrister persist and build up a successful
practice as a junior, th cy may 'take silk' and bccome a Quccn's Counsel (QC).
A QC is a senior barrister who can chargc highe r fccs for th eir work, but who is
th en exclud cd from appearing in lesser cases. Appointmcnt as a QC may lead to a
future position as a judgc and it is rcgarded as a necessary stcp for the ambitious.
Th e legal profossions in Scotland an<l Nurthern Ireland are also divided .
Scotlan<l has sorne 462 practising a<lvocatcs (barrist ·-rs J and 11 ,000 solicitors.
Advocates practise as individuals an<l are in<lcpcn<lcnt of cach other. Scottish
solicitors usually op ~rate in partncrship with other sulicitors. Northcrn lreland
has so rn e 2,300 solicitors and about 700 b arri stcrs.
Th c jurlges constitute th e ju<liciary, or indc pendc nt third hranch of thc
co nstitutional systcm. Th erc are a relativdy small numbcr of judgc, at various
levels of scniority, who are locatc<l in most largc citics and thc highcr courts in
London. Th ey are ch<.lse n from th e ranks of senior barriste rs, although solicitors
are now eligible. Judges hips are advcrtisc<l for open competition an<l appoint-
mc nts are ma<lc by an indc pc ndent Judicial J\ppointme nts Commission . But
th crc is a currcnt probl m with tilling vacant judicial posts.
Judgcs are now re4uircd to retire at 70 ycars of agc, although thos ·'
appointE'd b cforc 31 March 1995 may wait to retire at 75. J\11 judges may b e
dismisscd for good n:.ason hcforc thcir rctircmc nt agcs, although su ·h a stcp is
historica ll y unusual. Given th <:' difticulty of rccruitme nt to th ' judiciary and
later rctircme nt agcs in socicty, it is suggcstcd that ju<lgcs shou ld also lw ahlc to
serve at least until 75 .
.Judges are rega rd ed by many as social ly and cducationally ditist and rcmote
from ordinary lifc. They are ovcrwhclmingly malc and are scen as pcoplc who
will not cause cmbarrassm cnt to th ~stablishmcnt and tcnJ to support thc
accc.:: ptcd wisdom and status quo. Howcv ' t~ th cy may in fact rule against gov-
ernm e nt poli cies. Th cy in crcasin gly arguc publidy in th e m edia and ds 'Wh ' re
anJ h ave b ecn frcq ucntly in dispute with govcrnments about thcir jurisdi ction
in ar ·'as such as ]¡fe scntc nces for murdcr. The judiciary is ·hanging to admit
mort' womcn, ' thnic minoriti cs and pco pk with lowcr-class an<l educa tionally
divcrse backgroun<ls. I3ut, altho ugh ovcr half of law students are female, there
are fow wom 'n judges (or QCs and senior p artn ers in solicitors' f-irms).
Thejudiciary tenJs to be old in ycars becausc ju<lgeships are normally awarded
to senior practising lawycrs and thcrc is no career structure that people may join
early in lite. A lawycr's income may be greatly rcduced on accepting a judgeship,
but the honour and a<ldcd security are supposcd to be sorne compensation . There
ar promotional steps within the judiciary from recorder to circuit judge to High
Court juJgc, and thence to the Court of J\ppeal and the Supremc Court.
.,
"') 214 The legal system

Attitudes to the legal system and crime

An lpsos MORI po11 in .June 2018 reported that concerns among respondents
about crime and law and order in the UK had risen to fourth place at 20 per
cent in a list of th e most important issues facing Britain, aft:er Brexit and the
NHS.
British attitudes to thc criminal justi ce systcm (CJS) in England and Wales,
which covers crime, criminal institutions, court proccdures, legal p crsonnel, the
police and criminal statistics, vary over time and ca n b e contradictory. Crime
statistics deriv e from two main sourccs. Th e first is crime figures record ed by
th e polín: on the basis of offenccs reported to them by th c publi - (recordable
crimes ). Th e sccond is th Crime Survcy for Lngland and Wal cs (CSEW). This
is regarded asan accurate survey of crim inal statistics bccause it asks households
in fa c ' -to-facc intcrvi ews whcther they have ex p e ricn ccd any crimc in th e past
ycar. But since it registers offe nces that have not b ccn reported to th e police,
and bccause it does not cover all groups (su h as studcnts living in univcrsity/
collcgc accommoJati on or individual childrcn under 18), thc Survcy's rcsults
are oftc n different to police-recorded crimc, anJ attitudes to crim e anJ th c CJS.
Thc CSEW in 2017 (see ca rli er scction on Law and or<lcr) re portcd that
th e r<:' wcrc l 0.8 million ofü~nccs, which was a 9 pe r cent rcduction on th e
previous ycar. But ONS figures of crimes recorJ c<l hy the police in 201 7 had
ex - ' ded 5 mil1ion for th c first time in ten ycars, anJ riscn by 13 pn cent from
4.6 million offc nces in 2016.
Wh en respondents w re askcJ in th e 2017 CSEW wh cthcr th cy thought
that crimc had incrcascd or decrcased in rcccnt yt ars, 60 pcr cent sai<l that it
had gone up (as opposcd to 57 pc r e 'nt in 201 G) and 83 .5 p cr cent thou ght that
crime was a big proble m; 72 pcr cent thought that crime in thcir local arca was
similar to or hi ghcr than crime nationally; had fórm ed opinions about (:rime in
th eir local arcas from th 'ir own or oth e r local p ' ople's expericn cc; but G7 pc r
cent said that thcir main so urce of information about crim e was from th e mc<lia
(TV /radio ncws).
The CSEW's 2017 finding of a rcduction in crime was rdlccted in a
decline (15.2 p er cent in 2017) of p eoplc who felt a likclihood of bcing a vic-
tim of crim e. Th ere was also a downward trcnd of aJults who worricd about
spe ·ific crime typcs, such as burglary, car crimc and violcn ce. As opposed to
th esc CSEW declines, police-reported crimc showeJ a 22 per cent inc rcase in
offenccs involving knives or other sharp instrume nts an<l an increasc in iirca rms
offenccs, which attract m edia comment and public con ·cm. It is argucd that
such crim es, whilc rclevant as individual incrcases, <lo not suggest , ignitica nt
trends. Most p oplc do not exp crien ce crimc, an<l vio! -nt offences tcnJ to be
localized in certain arcas in th e big ·iti es.
Arguably, thl' CSEW survcys and ONS poli ce-reportcd ofte nc 'S illustrate
that different polis, hascd on particular research mcthods, give varying pi cturcs
 T he legal system 21S
.,
A~
;.T
< il" overall trends in British crime. There an:. spikes in ncw types of violence,
which attract media and public attention, such as acid and moped attacks on
i11Jividuals, that often focus on parti cular groups or individuals. But it is argued
tha t fear of crime in Britain has becn historically higher than its actuality. The
1casons why sorne pcoplc think that crime has incrcased in England and Wales
rnay also depend on wh crc thcy obtain th ir information, such as telcvision,
ra dio, ncwspapers or local hcarsay.
The policc are at the for front of the tight against crime, but thcir numbers
have fallen by 19,000 oflicers sin ce 201 O duc to government finan cia! cuts.
/\ttitudes towards thc police have vari ed in reccnt ycars. According to a Poli ce
1:ederation Ge neral Pubhc Online Omnibus poll in 2014, rcspondc nts were
,,sked whcth cr they had co ntidcncc in th c poi ice in local arcas to kccp th crn safc
( 12 pcr cent rcplied 'very co ntidcnt', 59 pcr cent 'fa irl y confi<l ent') anJ to tell
the truth (15 per cent 'vcry co nfi<lcnt', 51 pcr cent 'fairly co ntidc nt').
An lpsos MOR( poli in 2014 also suggcstcd th at trust in thc poli cc at loca l
lcvcls haJ incrcased. Sixty-tivc pcr cent of rcspondcnts said thcy would trust thc
polio.:' to tell thc truth and 63 pcr cent disagrccd that loca l policc abus<...~ thcir
powcr. Scvcnty-thrcc pcr cent agrccd that thc poli cc coulJ be trustcJ not to
exc cd thcir au.thority and 66 p er ce nt of' rcspondcnts disagreed that tlw poli cc
think thcy are abovc th ' law. Thc1T hav ' bccn times whcn trust in tlw policc
at nation al leve! was relativl ly h igh anJ long pcriods in th e l ~)70s-~)0s whcn
it wa. low. In the last 30 years thc policc havc hcrn hc!J to higlwr standards
and thc ir actions have bee n more closdy <.. 'xa mincd. But dcspitc more positive
sta tisti cs, the formcr InJcpendcnt Poi ice Cornplaints Commission ( IPCC ) in
EnglanJ and Wales in 2015 rcportcd that cornplaints about poli n' co n<luct had
riscn by 15 pcr cent to a record high. Man y of thesc dcalt with assa ults by a
policc offi 'l'r or unl awful or unncccssa ry cktcntion. Foll ow in g recent angcr an<l
m istrust ovcr inv ~stigations into th c dcaths of scveral me n in poli cc custoJy, a
new IPCC was form cd in 2018. Th e aim was to cnsur' grl'atcr accountabi li ty
to th ' public by allowing th" ncw body to pursm. invcstigations indcpcndcntl y
of th c policc forces.
Howeve1~ thcre ar opposcd views ahoul th c ovcrall perfo rm ance of thc
Crirninal .Justicc System (C.JS) in England an J Wal es. Acco rding to thc Publi c
Accounts Committcc of M Ps in 2016, it was JcscribcJ as failing victims of
crimc anJ court witncss 'S and was closc to coll apse. BBC Ncws also reported
(2016) that it was wcakcncd by lon g-standing poor p erfo rmance, delays and
incfhcicncics. Th c r 'port warncd that a 26 pcr cent decline and a 27 p er cent
cut in Crown Prosccutio n lawycrs aff-t'ctc<l th , courts' ability to deliver justice.
Two-thirds of trials in thc crow n co urts were ddayed or did not go ahead at ali.
Therc was a list of cases and lon g wa it ing tim s to move frorn rnagistrate courts
to th 'crow n ·ourts. vVitn esses cxp cricnced lon g waits to give evidenc in court.
Th c systcm was described as in effectivc and putting criminal court justicc at
risk. Th Ministry of Justice in 2016 rcportcJ that th ere werc on ly 33 pn n·nt
The l ega l sys t em

of effective trials in 2014-15; the estimated cost for cases that diJ not go to trial
was f21.5 million; and thc backlog of cases in thc crown court since 2013 was
34 per cent.

Exercises
Briefly define and examine the following terms, commenting on their
significance in British life :

civil law claimant conveyancing

barrister legal aid Crown Prosecution Service
indictable lnns of Court common law
solicitor QC Metropolitan Police
jury Crown court County court
JP statute law bail
'tagging' summary offence District Judge
sub ¡udice adversaria! either-way offence
mag i strates probation burglary
DPP not proven precedent
CSEW IPCC 'fear of crime'

Write short essays on the following topics:

Describe and comment critically on the structure of the legal profession

in England and Wales.

2 How is the courts system in England and Wales organized?

3 Discuss the role of the police in law enforcement.

4 Examine British crime statistics in this chapter and comment on people's

fear of crime.

Further reading

Baker, J.H . (2005) An lntroduction to English Legal History, Oxford : Oxford University
Press
2 Berlins, M . and Dyer, C. (2000) The Law Machine, London : Pengu in
3 Clark, B. (2009) Scoffish Legal Systems Essentials, Dundee : Dundee University Press
4 Cownie, F., Bradney, A. and Burton, M . (2007) English Legal System in Contexf, Oxford :
Oxford University Press
5 Crime Survey for England and Wales, London: Office of National Statistics
 Th e lega l syst em

6 Emsley, C. (2005) Crime and Society in England 1750-1900, London : Pearson Education
Limited
7 Griffiths, J. (201 O) The Politics of the)udiciary, London : Fontana
8 Heale, J. (2009) One Blood: lnside Britain's New Street Gongs, London : Pocket Books
9 Hough, M ., Radford, B., Jackson, J. and Roberts, J.R . (2013) Attitudes to Sentencing and
Trust in )ustice: Exploring Trends from the Crime Survey for England and Wales, London :
LSE Research Online (the London School of Economics and Political Science)
1O Martin, E.A. and Law, J. (2009) A Dictionary of Law, Oxford : Oxford University Press
11 McShane, J. (201 O) Underworld UK: Knife Crime: The Law of the Blade, London : Ouercus
Publishing
12 Muncie, J. and Mclaughlin, E. (2002) The Problem of Crime, London : Sage Publications
13 Muncie, J. and Mclaughlin, E. (2002) Controlling Crime, London : Sage Publications
14 Partington , M . (2006) lntroduction to the English Legal System, Oxford : Oxford University
Press
15 Robe rtson, G . (2006) Freedom, the Individual and the Law, London : Penguin
16 Slapper, G . and Kelly. D (2015-17) The English Legal System, London : Routledge
17 White, R. ( 1999) The English Legal System in Action: Administration of Justice, Oxford :
Oxford University Press
18 White, R. and Wilcock, l. (2007) The Scottish Legal System , London : Tottel Publi shing/
Bloomsbury Professional

Websites
Mini stry of Justice : www.gov.uk/government/organization s/mini stry-of-justice
Home Office : www.homeoffice .gov.uk
Police: www.police .co .uk
New Scotland Yard : www.open .gov.uk/police/mps/home .htm
Amne sty lnternational : www.amnesty.org .uk
Scottish Executive : www.scotland .gov.uk
Northern lreland Office : www.nio.go .uk
The Law Society: www.lawsociety.org .uk
The Bar Council : www.barcouncil.org .uk
Mag istrate s and judges: www.judiciary.gov.uk/about-the-judi ciary/who-are-the-judiciary/
judicial-roles/magi strates/
1
 8
The economy

■ Early British cconomic history

■ Th e mo<lcrn economy: policies, structure and performan ce

■ Social class, the workforce and employment

■ Financia! institutions

■ Industrial and commcrcial institutions

■ Consumer protection

■ /\ttitudcs to th c cconomy

■ Exercises
■ Further reading

■ Websites
The economy

The cconomy is an important dement in British national lite. This chaptcr

examines economic polici s; the divcrsity and performance of economic pro-
duction; the influcnce of dass on thc economy; and thc different cconomic
institutions.
Fluctuations in national and global economies dircctly affcct British pcoplc
in their daily lives. Such changcs influencc inflation and intercst rates, cmploy-
ment and un employmcnt, individual and corporatc income, wcalth crcation,
taxation, invcstment, government economic plans, social wdfarc and political
party activity.
Historically, thc British econorny has been conditioncd by agri ·ultural and
industrial rcvolutions; a dramatic growth and later rcduction of traditional man-
ufacturing in the cightcenth, nineteenth and twentieth ccnturies; thc cmer-
gcnce of altcrnative government polici es and intervcntion in thc cconomy; the
modern expansion of s ' rvicc industries; and a rclativc global decline in British
economic pcrfórmancc and international status from thc late ninctccnth ccn-
tury as competing nations industrialized. Th ' economy ex pcricnceJ pcriods
of cxpansion and rcccssion ('boom and bust') in th e twcnticth e 'ntury, with
strong growth, low in-Aation and high employment altcrnating with in ·,-cases
in un employment, intlation and intcrcst rat ·'S lcading to wcak growth and low
economic productivity.
Thc cconomy continued to suffer cycl ical difficulti es in the carly twcnty-
first century. Thc worst effects of a worldwide recession wcre avoidcJ in th e
early 2000s, but from 2005 Britain cntered a slowdown. This coin ·id -·d with
increascd global oil prices, high public spcnding and a fragil consumcr markct
which was affectcd by higher interest ratcs and rising intlation. lt thcn facC:'J a
severe world cr dit crisis and rcccssion (ddin ed as two successivc quartcrs of a
year whcn th e eco nomy shrinks) between 2007 and 201 O. But fcars that finan-
cia! systems werc in danger of collapse werc eascd by new corrcctivc cconomic
tools, such as 'quantitativc easing' (purchas ' of asscts by central bank to stim-
ulate thc cconomy ). Britain carne slowly out of recession in early 20 l O, but its
recovery was hampered by a fl 78 billion budget <ldicit, amounting to 11 p er
cent of Gross Dorncstic Product (GDP). Gove rnmcnts imposcd austcrity pro-
grammcs with severe spcnding cuts and tax increases in an attempt to reduce
th e deficit, but recovery was slow.
By 2013-14, Britain faced conflicting dcvclopmcnts. Th e ··conomy had
GDP growth of 2.6 pcr cent in 2014 (th e fastest in four ycars and th c high-
cst in Europc), with i1H.Tl'ascs in small manufacturing output, cmployme nt,
 The economy

constrnction and services. However, austcrity targets had not been fully m et
and cuts in public services, social welfare and spending continued. Thc poorest
sectors of society suffered, the middl e classcs wer e squeezed economical1y, and
the gap bctwcen rich and poor grew. Thc 2007-10 financia] crisis, rccession
an d rccovcry w cre th e deep est cconomic problem s sincc the Sccond World
War ( 1939- 45 ). In carly 2015, Britain's tradc deficit in goo<ls and serviccs with
the rcst of the world widcned, cconomic growth was faltcring and thc pound
was affoct d by volatility in thc currcncy markets. But thc economy rankcd
fift:h in th e world in 2019, measured by GDP, after the USA, China, Japan and
Germany.
13ritain's decision in a 2016 rcfcrcn<lum to lcavc thc Europcan Union (EU)
sccrned initially to have little economic impact. J\.lthough stc rling slumped,
G DP growth in th c second half of 2016 was faste.r than in thc hrst anJ un em-
ploymcnt fcll rathc r than grew. Yct thc view that the economy woul<l esca pe
. erious cconomic conscquenc s from Brexit were contradictc<l by cvcnts during
2018-19. Signs of eco nomic and politica l unccrtainty appca rc<l an<l thc future
was unclcar.

Early British economic history

Britain was a largdy rural country until thc e nd of thc cightl'cnth ccn tury and
its cconomy was bascJ on products gt:neratcd by suclTSsivc r 'volutions in agri-
culturc si ncc Ncolithi c times. Th crc had also bcc n sorne industrial anJ manu-
fa turing dcvclopme nts over thc ccnturi es, which wcrc locatcJ mainl y in thc
largcr towns. Financial and co mmcrcial institutions, such as hanks, insurancc
houscs an<l trading companics, wcrc gradually foumk<l in the C ity of London
and throughout th e country to financc and snv icc th ' cx panJing an<l incrcas-
ingly <livcrsiiie<l cconomy.
Thc growth of a colonial empire from th e sixtecnth ccntury contributt'd
to national wcalth a - Britain capitalized on its worklwidc trading conncctions.
Colonics supplied chca p raw materi als, which w ' re rnnvertcd into manufac-
tured goods in Britain and exportcJ. Ovnseas tradc and marh ts grcw quickly
b ca use mcrchants and tradcrs wcrc protectcd at home and ahroad. Thcy
cx ploitcd th e colonial markets anJ controllcJ forcign compctition. By thc nin c-
tcc nth ce ntury, Britain haJ become a dominant military anJ 'conomic powc r.
lts wealth was based on intcrnational tradc and th c paymcnts it rcccived for its
ex portcd products. Govcmmcnts bcli cvcJ that a country incrcascd its wealth if
cxports excee<led imports.
This traJing system and its finan ·ial institutions assisted industrial revo-
lutions, which bega n in thc late cightcc nth ccntury. Manufacturin g inven-
tions, aided by a ri ch supply of <lomestic m atcrials and energy sources such as
coal, steel, iron, steam power and water, stimulated mass production .rnd thl'
 The economy

PLATE 8.1 This bridge across the river Severn at lronbridge, Shropshire, Eng land, was part
of the industrial revolution . lt was the first major iron bridge in the world , represented the use
of iron in industrial architecture, and was buil t by Abraham Darby in 1779 . © David Cole/
Shutterstock

economy. Manufacturcrs, who had gaincd by inte rnational trade and a J c man<l
for British goods, invcsted in ncw inJustri 'S and tcchnology. Industrial towns
expandcd; fa ctories wcrc built and a transport system of roads, canals and rail-
ways dcvcloped . Effici ·nt manufacturing m ' thods produccd ·ompctitivcly
priced goods for forcign markcts and Britain was transformcd into an urban and
industrialized country.
Howeve r, industrialization was opposed by sorne. For example, thc Lud-
ditcs in the ninctecnth century dcstroyed new machin ery in an attcmpt to halt
progress and preserve ex isting jobs. Industrial anJ urban dcv --lopme nt haJ neg-
ative effects, such as long working hours for low wages anJ bad con<litions in
mines and factories. Rural areas lost population and thcrc was a declin e in tra-
ditional home and cottage work. Industrial co nditions causcd social an<l moral
problems in towns and th "' countryside, and mcchanization was oft: n regar<led
as cxploitative and dehumanizing. The situation was worse nc<l by th e inJiffrr-
ence of many manufacturers, employcrs anJ politicians to thc human cost of
industrialization.
Ncvertheless, thc industrial changes <lid transforrn Britain into a rich anJ
powerfol country, dcspit 'conornic slumps, periods of mass uncmployme nt,
th e growth of urhan slums and significant social and economic harJship in th c
 T he economy

ninct ccnth ccntury for many p eople. Manufacturing output becam e the chief
gcncrator of wealth; production m ethods and tcchnology advanccd; and domes-
Lic compctition improved the quality of goods and scrvices.
Yct British dominanc of world tradc <lid not last. It dcclined relatively
hy the e nd of th e nineteenth century as countri es such as Germany and the
l JSA rapidly dcvclopcd th eir industrial bases an<l b ecam e more competitive.
How v '1~ British expe rtis ' co ntinucd to be intlue ntial in global finan cia} and
1.: ommercial dealings.

The modern economy: policies, structure

and performance

lt is argucJ that Britain's economic performance and world status <leclincJ

furth 'r in th e twe ntieth and tw ' nty-nrst centuries, although rcccnt rcscarch
quuics whcther <lcdin ' has bec n as comparativcly substantial as is popularly
assumcd. Howcver, the country was grcatly affe ·te<l by thc cconomic problcms
created by two world wars; intcrnational r 'ccssions; global co mpetition; struc-
tura l ·hangcs in thc cconomy; a la ·k of industri al anJ manufacturing compt'ti-
tive ncss; alt<:rnating govcrnmcnt policics; and 'boom-a n<l-bust' cycl "S in which
econo mic growth flu ctuatc<l grcatly.

Economic policies
Although British govcrnmcnts havc historically tended to be laisscz-faire (lct-
ting things takc th c ir own coursc) in cconomic mattcrs, th cy b cca mc more
involvcd in cconomic planning from th ' 1940s and the pcrr<.>rm an ·e of thc
e ·onomy has hccn in crcasingly ti cd to th eir fiscal, monctary an<l rolitical poli-
cies. Ali ílritish governmcnts thcrcaftcr have variously intcrvened in cconomic
lifc in attcmpts to manage th e economy and stimulate <le mand an<l growth,
particularly as global co mpctition has grown an<l <lomcstic needs havc bccome
more co mplcx.
C onscrvativc govcrnments histori cally advo ·ated minimum in terfe rcncc in
thc 'CO nomy and favourcd thc workings of thc free markct, yct th ey havc often
intcrvencd out of ne -css ity or changing i<leology. Labo ur govcrnmcnts initially
argucJ that thc cco nomy must be central1y planncd and its csscntial sectors
sh o uld be ownt'd an<l managcd by thc state. But they have also changed their
policics, which have bccomc gencrally more neoliberal and market-oriented .
Labour govcrnments from 1945 nationalizcd (transferred to public own-
ership) railways, road transport, water, gas) electricity, shipbuilding, coalmin-
ing, th c iron an<l stcd industries, airlinesJ th ' health service, the Post OHicc
and tdccommunications. These industries and scrvices were run hy thl statl'
through govcrnmcnt-appointed board .. Thcy were responsibk to l\1rli,mwnt
The economy

and financed by tax ation for the benefit of all, rather than for private owners
or shareholders. But governments were expected to rescue any which had eco-
nomic problem s.
This policy was gradually reversed by thc Conservatives. Th ey argued that
public industries and services werc too exp ensive and inefficient; had outdated
technology and bad industrial relations; suffered from lack of investme nt in new
cquipmcnt; dep ended upon finan cing from taxes; and were run as statc services
with too little attention paid to profit-making, consumer demand or market
forces. They denationalize<l sorne state industries and rcturn ed them to private
ownership.
Conservative denationalization was from 19 79 cal1cd 'privatization'. Own-
ership of industries su ·h as British Telecom , British Afrways, British Petroleum,
British Gas, water and electricity supplies, l3ritish Coal and British Rail was
transferred from the state to prívate owners mainly through the sale. of shares.
Th ese companies/industries are run as profit-making con ·erns and are regulated
in the public interest by independ ""nt r<:.gulators. The aim was also to libcralize
the economy so that restrictions on businesscs werc removed to allow them
to operate frcely and competitively. For exa mplc, the stock markct and public
transport were deregulatcd, resulting in greater diversity in thc City of London
and prívate and publi c bus companics (subsidizcd by local govcrnrn ent) com-
p -ting with cach other.
Conservatives believe that privatization improvcs dnciency, reduces gov-
ernme nt spending, increascs economic frccdom an<l cncouragcs share owner-
ship. The public bought sharcs in the new privatc companics an<l share-owning
by individuals and -finanrial institutions incrcased, but th ' re was also ·oncern
about privati zation as private industries bt.camc virtual monopolies. Thcrc is
a lack of co mpctition in sorne private scctors, and th crc are doubts about th c
indep endent regulators' abilitics to superv ise th m in th ' public an<l co nsumer
interest. Thcrc are complaints by the public and politician s abo ut th . sector 's
alleged inadequate services, inflat d priccs and inferior products. Although
som initial problems have been solved, businesses, such as thc railways, cnergy
and water systems, are still h avily criticized for their poli cics and performances.
Othcr privatized concerns, such as railway co mpanics, have failcd and becn
renationalized .
Thc Labour government effectiv -ly acccptcd more privatization in 1997
(having dropped fu]l nationalization from its party manifr,sto in 1995 ); has
part-privatized concerns such as National Air Traffic Scrvices and introduced
the prívate sector into public services such as transport, cducation an<l hca lth .
There are now fewer state-owned public conccrn s and mor ' privatizc<l
businesses. Both Labour and Conservative governments since th e 1990s havc
also introduced mi xcd puhlidprivate arrangemcnts, such as Prívate Financc Ini-
tiatives (PFI) an d Puhlic: Privatc Partnerships (PPP). Th e prívate sector builds
and invests in largt· célpit~il huilding proj ects and services such as schools and
 The economy

hnspitals, which are then leased to the public sector, which pays for their use.
This was intended to save public money, encourage cooperation on resources
and, for sorne critics, to expand the privatization programme. However, PFI
rrojects can be expensive or inadequate and may collapse. The state has to sup-
rort huge loans, and PFI schemes have weakened sectors such as the NHS with
sorne hospital trusts fa cing debt.
Policies such as privatization and PFI are criticized by those p eoplc who
support public sector services an<l ownership. Respondents to polls doubt that
allowing private sector companies and managers to build or run public services
results in big irnprove ments or that using prívate companies to providc public
services will improvc th em . Many consider schools, hospitals, trains, publi · util-
ities (water) and cncrgy (gas and electricity) shoul<l be providcd and managed
by thc public sector. Sorne prívate cornpanics havc found that joint building
and managemrnt schemes Jo not gcncrate thc cxpcctcd profits an<l with<lraw.
Whil e privatc. and public coopcration appcars to have workcd for thc com-
pletcd London Tube modcrnization, thc ongoing London Crossrail transport
projcct and thc HS2 train schemc to thc north of England have phmning and
cost prohl cms. The privatized East Coast railway linc from Lon<lon to Sc.ot-
land faikd and was returncJ to public owncrship as LNER (London and North
England Railway) in 2018.
Economic- mo<lds, such as nationalization, privatization an<l puh lic/privatc
schcmcs, are criticizcJ with claims that th 'Y do not work adcc¡uat<..'ly. Dl'spitl'
uch views, the política! partics havc gcncrally acccrte<l a closcr rclationsh ip
hetwccn tht publi c and prívate sectors, <lcr 'gulation and a mobill' workfon:c.
The prohlcm is how to manage a liberal eco nomy dlectivdy, whilc satisfy-
ing dcmands for puhlic scrviccs, such as thc National Hcalth Scrvicc and stat<.
school cducation, to be fun<l cd and organizcd from puhlic laxation . Follow-
ing thc crc<lit crunch and bank collapscs in 2007- 1O, thcrc w 're Jcmands for
stronger regulation of tinancial institutions by the left. Yct this is opposcd hy
Const.rvativcs for its allcged interferencc with eco nomic frccdom. Thc British
eco nomy is conscquently a mixture of diffe rent ideologics, which do not always
jcll ftcctively or opcratc cfficiently.

Economic structure
Thc mixed cconomy comprises public an<l prívate sectors. Thc public sector
includes thc rcmaining statc-run industries anJ scrvices which amount to under
onc-third of thc economy. Thc oth "r two-thirds are in the private sector and
this pcrce ntag ' will incrcase with furthcr privatization (e.g. of the Royal Mail
in 2014).
Unlikc public-s 'Ctor concerns which are owned by the state, th e prívate
sector belongs to people who havc a finan cia} stake in a company. It consists
of small busin csscs owned by individuals, co mpanies whosc sharcs clrl' suld to
 The eco n omy

PLATE 8 .2 The o nce-flouri shing Briti sh car indu stry is now much reduced, with Briti sh com-
pany collapses . But the Min i production line at BMW, Cowley, Oxford continues to produce
new models which sel! well worldwide and other foreign-owned car companies hove success-
fully opened in the north-east and the Midlands . © lns News/Shutterstock

th e publi - through th e Stock Exchange and larger companies whosc shares

are not offcrcd for sale to the publi c. Most companics are privatc anJ small
or meJium-sized. Th ey are ·rucial to thc cconomy and generate sorne 50 per
cent of ncw jobs. About l O per cent of thc cco nomy is controlled by forcign
corporations, which employ 1O pcr cent of the workforce. Britain (ev ' 11 out-
side thc European common currency, the curo) has bccn seen as an attractive
low-cost country for f-óreign investment in many areas such as clcctroni c and
high-tcchnology 'q uipm nt, leisurc fa cilities, hotds, finan ce and ·ars, although
British-owned prnduction of the latter has dccrcased from its high point in th e
mi<l-twentieth ccntury. Whethcr th . UK will ontinue to attract foreign busi-
ness after Brexit r mains an open 4ucstion.
The shareholders are the real owncrs of thosc companies in which th ey
invest their money. Howeve1~ the daily orga nization of thc busin ess is kft to
a board of directors under a chairperson o r managing director. In practicc,
most shareholders are more interestcd in receiving profit divi<lc n<ls on th eir
shares from a succcssful business than in being con cern ed with its running.
Yet sharehol<lcr pow r is occasionally mobilized if the co mpany is pcrform-
ing badly.
 The economy 227
.,
JO~
;T

PLATE 8.3 Bombardier is the last remaining major train maker in the UK . lts production plant
is based in Derby and it won a big contract to provide trains for the London west-east Cross-
rai l tube service (under construction). © Joanne Roberts/ Alamy Stock Photo

National an<l for 'ign huycrs may be involvc<l in takcovcrs and mcrgc rs
of co mpanies (onc cxarnrlc bcing th : Ame ri ca n company Kraft FooJs which
bo ught th , traditional an<l lon g-cstahlishcd British Cadbury chocoJatc husincss
in 201 O). A takcovcr occurs wh e n a largc r company takcs over ( or huys) a
smalle r, ofte n loss-making, firm. Me rgcrs are amalgamations bctwcc n compa-
nies of equal standing. Such battles for ·ontrol can he fi c rccly fóught and havc
resulted in sections of th c cconomy, such as cars, hotels, media '(HKl'rns and
foo J proJucts, h cing dominated by a r ,]atively small nurnbcr of major groups.
Takcovcrs and mergers may b e again st ·o mpctition rul es anJ can G IUS(.'
concern to targetcd cornpanies, workforccs, trade unions and consunwrs.
A non-ministerial d ~partment, th c Compctitio n and Markets Authority (C MA)
was cstablishcJ in 2014 to monitor such ·ituations hy prevcnting onc group
fro m forming a monopoly or crea tin g unfair and un competitive trading con-
ditions. lt rnay cnforcc consum <:: r protcction legislation an<l bring crim inal
proceedings against individuals and companics who cornmit cartel offenccs. It
may rcport to thc Sccrctary of Statc for Busin ess, Innovation and Skills who
can rule against th c takcove r or mergcr in th e public interest. Sorne decisions
havc prcv -- ntcd un<lesirable d ·velopm ~nts, although others have allowed nca r-
monopo listic situations.
 The eco n o my

PLATE 8.4 Rolls-Royce originated as a luxury car manufacturer and is now the world's second
largest maker of aircraft engines for major a irl ines . lts production plant is stil l based in Derby
and it also works in the marine propulsion and energy sectors . © Tim Graham/Getty lmages

Recent economic performance

Sincc th e Second World War, Britain has suffcrcd from economic problcms
caused by dom e:.sti - and global fa ctors, whi ch rcsulted in r 'ccssion, intlation,
high intcrcst ratcs, unemployment, balance of trade problcms, a flu ctuating
pound, low growth ratcs, poor productivity, an uncompetitivc workforce, and
industrial rclations ditficultics. Th esc have oftcn coincidcd with structural
changcs in thc cconomy, such as declin e in inJustry and manufacturing and
growth in servio~ industries.
Th e location of British industry1 which was dictated by eightecnth- and
ninetccnth-century industrial revolutions1has b een a factor in thc nation 's man-
ufacturing and in<lustrial decline. Industri es wcrc situatcd in areas wh erc thcre
was a cess to natural reso urces and transport systems and wherc there was oft:en
only one major industry. They could b e easily damag din a -hanging cconomi c
climate, unless th ey managed to diversify thcir product base. But cven rcgions
which adapted succcssfully in th e past were affcctc<l by furth er J cindustrial-
ization1 increascd global competition and recession from th ' 1970s to the -arly
2000s.
Many manufacturing industries fail ed to adaptto ncw markcts and dcman<ls1
<lid not pro<lm-e goods (' lfo..-i(·ntl y and cheaply enough to compete and price<l
 The economy

themsdves out of the world market, or were not supportcd by government.

Rritain's shar of global exports of manufactured goods decreased in the twen-
tieth ccntury due to world competition and a d terioration in its industries. The
decline of industry and manufacturing is still a major concern for Britain and
therc is a need to support manufacturing, increase industrial apprenticeships,
,.ind boost the workforce.
Decline badly affccted northern England, the English Midlands, Scotland,
Northern Ireland and South Walcs. 11-aditional trades such as textiles, stcel,
shipbuilding, iron and coalmining werc greatly reduced. Governments, helped
vcry considerably by European Union grants, revitalized depresscd areas with
n nancial ai<l an<l thc crcation of new manufacturing and othcr businesscs. Th<:.se
policies havc had a positivc cffect in Liverpool, Glasgow, Ncwcastle, Birming-
ham and Bdfast, though arcas in Walcs are still languishing. Ncverthdcss, struc-
tu ral -hangc in industry and manufacturing forccJ adjustmcnts to <liffrr 'nt
markets. Ncw production anJ rcscarch mctho<ls led to a growth in spccia li zcd
high-tcch nology scctors and th . . scrvicc st.ctor (banking, insuran -e, catering, ki-
sure, financc and information).
Thc <liscovcry of North Sea oil anJ gas in thc mi<l-1 ~)70s contributl'<l
gr atly to thc British cco nomy in a diflicult pcrio<l and also madc thc country
less <lcpcnd ' nt upon importcd energy. But gas an<l oil are tinitc and arl now
past thcir peak, anJ Britain has Jitficulty in tinding altcrnativc sourccs. lt has
to import gas and oil and nee<ls to till thc financia! gap with n 'W 1-ewnucs. lt
is argucd that cnergy income has bccn spcnt on social wdfarc targcts rathcr
than bcing used for invcstment in ncw in<lustry, to <lcvclop a sovcrc ign Wl'alth
fund and to crcatc a modcrn cconomic infrastructurc. J\t a time whcn political
tensions may disrupt "ncrgy supplics from abroaJ, Britain 's n 'c<l lc)r cncrgy
is substantial. Th . . discovery of shalc gas and oil dcposits in thc 2000s is secn
as valuabk if retricval of thc mincrals by fra cking ca n be achicvc<l saf·dy anJ
without cnvironmcntal cost. Fracking ( crushing undcrground rocks to produce
oil and gas under high pressure ) attracts protcsts, and exploration is currcntly
ha lted hcca usc of associatcd undergrounJ 'arthq uakcs.
Conscrvative gov 'rnmcnts (1979-97 ) ad<lrcssed thc boom-and-bust wcak-
nesses in thc British cconomy, hut opinions on thcir r' ·ord diff 'r. They tricd to
reduce inflation by high intercst rates anJ cuts in publi c spcnding. Industry and
commcrc werc cxpcctcd to restructurc thcmselves, increase their growth ratcs
and productivity, reduce ovcrstaffing and bcco m more etlicicnt under markct
forces. Privatization was also gra<lually applicd in many arcas of the public sec-
tor, such as tekcommunications, transport and energy companies.
Such mcasurcs and rcccssion rcsultcd in the l 980 British economy falling
to low l 'veis with high intcrcst rates, uncmployment, inflation and overheating
from 1986. Thcrc wcre balancc-of-payme nts dcficits, a weak pound, inflation
increased, and intcrcst rates were rais "d. Domestic and international Factors
forceJ thc country into a very deep recession (1989-93).
 The economy

PLATE 8.5 The Lloyd's Bu ilding ,

London is the base for an
association of individua ls who
provide insu rance for a wide range
of activities, suc h as oi l exploration
and shippi ng . © Sonny Meddle/
Shutterstock

In 1993-94, Britain carne slowly out of rccession, with improved manu-

facturing and financia] pcrforman -e and a fall in inflation, unemployment and
int rest rates, and a strong p )Und . In thc general election of ] 997, thc new
Labour governm nt inhcrited an cconomy that was one of thc most success-
ful in thc world. It continued similar poli cics to the Conscrvativcs, initially
managed the economy prudently, an<l largdy avoided tra<litional boom-and-
bust cycles. Howcver, Labour had to spend considerably on social services like
hcalth, cducation and transport, and publi c spcnding was a growíng conccrn.
This illustrates th problem of trying to combine a 'market cconomy' with thc
provision of publi services.
Britain in the early 2000s experienced mixed effccts from a global cco-
nomic downturn. Manufacturing was in recess ion and thcrc was weakncss in
other sectors. Although consumer spending boosted thc eco nomy, public con -
fid ence was low. Unemployment, after falling since 1~)93, rose again in 2001.
Interest rates and inflation were both stagnating. But Britain avoided thc
worst of an international rcccssion and had abovc-average cco nomic growth
through 2002 .
 The economy

However, economic forecasts had to b e scaled back in 2005. The buoy-

ancy of th e economy was affect ed by hcavy government spending; a dccrease
in company profüs; increases in oil and encrgy prices; rising inflation, interest
and unemployrnent rates; a faltcring housing market; higher indirect taxation
and increased National Insurancc contributions for workers; and a decline in
consum r ·onfidence. There werc othcr structural problems such as weak trade
performance, a declining poun<l, tlu ctuating manufacturing and industry, a p en-
sion · <le-ficit, low personal savings, a high 1~vt.1 of p rsonal debt an<l a continu-
ing productivity gap. Yet by Novcmbcr 2005 th - intlation rate ha<l improved,
although un e mploymcnt rose.
l3ctwccn 2007 and 201 O, the cconomy weake ncd again . A credit crun ch
and crisis-ríddcn banks suggcste<l that th c world 's cconomi c structures were
on thc vcrge of collapsl' and Britain suffl'rc<l from th c worst global rcccssion
incc th c Grcat Deprcssion of 1929. lndividual consumers had also contributed
to thc probkm by t aking out largc pe rsonal loans and incurring dcbts th ty we re
unahl e to repay. Thc British systcm was rcscue<l by a Labour govcrnmcnt bail-
out of hanks such as Northcrn Roc k and Royal Bank of Scotland ( with th c latter
rernaining statc-ownc<l). But th ese lYCnts provcd costly. In 201 O, th c budget
dt ncit ( thc difforcncc hctwccn gove rnm cnt spl'n<ling and th c incoml' it rcccivcs
through taxa tion anJ othcr so urccs ) was [178 billion . Political parti ·s an<l ccon-
omists <li sagrccd on ml'asurcs to reduce it, but th c coalition govcrnmcnt ini-
ti atcd a mixture of rl'paymcnt, cuts in publi c spcnJing and a highcr taxa tion
b an<l of 50 pcr cent on in comes ovcr [ 150,000. Th c dc hcit fcll slowl y and in
March 2018 it had b ·e n r ·Juced to [l ~) hillion.
0th ' r indicators of economic h calth had improvcd. lnfl ation had mo veJ to
1.5 pc r cent in 2014; thl' un cmploym ·•nt rate had fall e n to its lowcst kvcl sin cc
thc 2008 -finan cia] crisis with 2.02 millj on un cmploycJ or 6.2 pc r ce nt of thl'
workforcc; hut youth un employment was ( at onc quartcr of thc tota l) still high.

INFLATION RAYE (CONSUMER PRICE INDEX) 2014-2019

%

2014 2016 2018 2019

FIGURE 8.1 lnflation rote (% consumer price index), 2014- 19
The eco nomy

The ten years following the Great Recession was a p eriod of shifting eco-
nornic extremes. In O ctober 2014, th e International Monetary Fund (IMF)
rcportcd that Britain would grow faster than any G7 nation, expanding by 3.2
per cent in 2014 and 2. 7 per cent in 2015 and ernployment was high. Howcver,
l3ritain in 2015 faced the threat of detlation (re<luced priccs for goo<ls) for the
first time since 1960 aftcr inflation (rising priccs for goo<ls) had fallen to 0.5
per cent, the cqual-lowest rate in 26 ycars. Productivity and wage growth were
also weak.
But Britain was the world's fifth or ninth largcst economy in 2019 (dcpend-
ing on mcasurem ent criteria) and is st.ill a significant industrial and rnanufac-
turing co untry and exporter of goods and services, d spite its rcdu ccd share of
thc global rnarket and manufacturing decline since the ] 980s. Its GDP in 2019
was 2,622.43 trillion US$. GDP cornpriscs th e purchasing powcr of goods, ser-
vices, ca pital and incorne which thc country produces. GDP in 2017 comprised
70.07 pcr cent from scrvi cc. and 18 .57 per cent from construction, manufac-
turing and industry, whilc agriculture had 0 .5 2 pcr cent. Thesc figures illustrate
the importance of thc scrvice sector and thc declin e of traditional sources of
national wealth such as industry, rnanufacturing and agriculture.
Britain 's trading pattcrns havc also changcd. Th c CIA World Fact Book in
201 G ranked it as th c world's t nth largcst cxportcr and frfth largcst importcr.
lts mai_n cxport partners wcrc th c USA ( 14 .6 p cr cent), Gcrmany ( l 0.1 ), Swit-
zerland (7 .O per cent), China (G.O), Francc ( 5.9), thc Ncthc.rlands ( 5.8) and
the Rcpublic of lrelan<l (5.5) . Its main import partners wcrc Gcrmany (14.8
per cent), China (9 .8), th e USA (~).2), th c Ncth crlands (7.5), Fran ce (5.8)
an<l 13 lgium (5.0) . Its chief exports are manufacturcd goods, fucl s, chcmi cals,
foo<l, bcvcrages and tobacco, anJ its main imports are manufacturcd products,
ma chincry, fucls and foodstutfs.
1t has had a pcriodic balan ce-of-paymcnts problem and a tradc J cfi cit
with the EU and non-EU countrics. A trade J ,fi cit rcsults whcn cxports do
not exce ·d imports. 'Invisible exports', such as finan cia}, aviation and insurance
services, contribute significantly to the economy and hclp to balan ce dcticits.
Britain has tricd to rebalan cc its cco nomy towards cxports and to cut down on
ovcr-spending b y rcducing imports and consurner spe ndin g. Yct tradc dcf-icits
betwccn th e UK an<l EU and non-EU countrics do oc ·ur on a monthly b asis
and sugg ·-st slowin g growth.
Although the EU is gcncrally considcrc<l as th e UK 's single largcst trad-
ing partn er, a House of Cornmons Briefing Papcr in July 2018 rcported that
UK cxports of goods and servi ces to th e rcst of thc world collcctivcly w 're
higher than UK exports to the EU for thc ninth yu1r running. In 2017, UK
cxports to non-EU countrics were f 342 bi1lion, showing that th erc was still
a worldwidc dcmand for British goods an<l serviccs. Exports to EU co untri ' S
were f274 billion (45 pcr cent of all UK exp orts) an<l UK imports from th ., EU
were 041 billion (55 p<'r n· nt of a11 irnports). This mcant that thc UK hadan
 T he economy 233

nvcrall trade deficit of f67 billion with the EU in 2017. A surplus of f28 bil-
lion on trade in services was outweighed by a deficit of f.95 billion on trade in
goods. These figures illustrate the importance of services in UK trading patterns
and their continuance after Brexit. Thc 2018 figures showed that the UK was
t·xporting more services to non-EU countries than to the EU. This suggested to
sorne critics that the EU was 1osing its British export role and that th e UK could
1:apitalize on its world exports after a potcntial Brexit in 2019 .
Thc cconomy has also been affected historically by tluctuations in the
value of th e pound. Devaluation (_reducing th e poun<l's exchange value) was
used earlier by governrnents as an cconomic weapon . This boosted exports
by making thcm cheaper on thc worl<l rnarket, but raisc<l th e cost of imports
and dissuaded peoplc from buying foreign goo<ls. Dcvaluation has not becn
used recently. lnstead, tlw poun<l was allowcd to 'float' frorn 1~)72 and tinJ its
ow n market value in compctition with oth cr ·urrencies. Although Britain <lid
not join thc Europcan common currc ncy (euro), tht~ pound ha<l pcrformcd
rclativcly successfully outsi<le thc Eurozonc ( ·onsisting of thosc EU countrics
which havc adopte<l th c curo). Howevcr, th c pound's pe rformance an<l valuc
are variable, as political un ccrtainty can spark volatility in th c currcncy markets
and swings in sterhng may produce ckclincs against thc dollar and thc curo.

Social class, the workforce and employment

Social class
Clas. in Britain has bcen detin cd by factors such as wealth; ownc rship of land
and propcrty; control of th e mea ns of production as again st thc scllcrs oflabour;
cdu cation; job or profossional status; acccnt ancl (_lialc ·t; an<l birth and brccding.
Over time, a class systcm cvolved which <lividcd t hc population into uppcr,
middlc and working classes. In ea rli cr ccnturi c. hicrarchi es wcre based on
wealth, th e owncrship ofproperty, aristocratic privikge anJ political powcr, hut
a middle class of traders, mcrchants an<l ski ll cd craftspcopl e later made inroads
into this systcm. Industrialization in th e ninctcenth ccntury furth er fragmcntcd
class divisions. Thc working class chvided into skilled and unskill e<l workcrs,
while the middle dass split into lowcr, rniddl e and upper sections, depe nding
on job classification or wealth. Thc uppcr class was still largely defin cd by birth,
propcrty and inhcritcd money.
1t is argucd that thc spread of e<lu ·ation and expansion of wealth to incluJc
greater numbcrs of peoplc in thc twentieth century allowed greater social
mobility. For example, the working dass was more upwardly mobile. But th crc
were also downward movem ents and th e upper class gradually merged more
with th e middl e class. It was frlt that the old system was breaking clown as
the number of p eople in the various social and economic levels changed. Over
The ec o no my

time, official categories fluctuated. By 201 O, instead of thc traditional <livisions

of working, mi<ldle an<l upper class, the Office for National Statistics ( ONS)
introduced a classification based on occupational charactcristics :

1 Higher professional and managerial occupations

2 Lower professional, a<lministrative and managcrial occupations
3 Intermediate occupations
4 Small employcrs and non-professional self---e mployed worke rs
5 Lower supervisory an<l techni cal occupations
G Semi-routine occupations
7 Routine occupations
8 Never worked and long-term uncmployed 'underclass' with littl e social
mobility.

Jt was suggested that there were two main occupation al groupings in Britain:
a 'middle class' m a<le up of classes 1, 2, 3 an<l possibly 4 and a 'working dass'
consisting of classes 5, o, 7 an<l 8. Accordingly, th c population largd y consistcd
of a middle class (6 0 per cent) an<l a working class (40 pcr cent) . Th e working
cl ass had shrunk histori ca11y and thcrc was more upward mohility, with peo-
ple advan cing socially <lue to changcs in occupational structurcs an<l cconomic
progrcss. Yet such movcment coul<l be haltcd and rcddin cd hy economi c fa c-
tors and decline, whi ch pushed, for exampk, sorne of the cstablishc<l 'miJdlc
class' into th c working class.
Nevertheless, later polis incrcasingly suggested that the British in fact fdt that
they were becoming more miJdk dass and it was argucd th at many pcoplc had
thc sort of lifcstylc, jobs and income whi ch woukl be traditionally identificd as
middle class. lt also seem ed that class identif-ication was as rnuch a mattcr of <lif-
te rent social habits and attitu<les as it was of occupation and moncy. The old gaps
between the classes have lessened and class to<lay is a more fin ely grade<l hierarchy
<lep en<lent upon a range of characteristics. Yct incqualitics of wcalth, difliculties of
social mobility for thc poorcst in society, rdative poverty, professional diffcrcnccs
and qucstions of prcstige rcmain. Surveys suggcst that Britain's rate of upwarJ
social mobility is thc lowest in Europe and levels of inequality are high .
A Grcat British Class Survcy by th e BBC an<l Mike Savage (2013) dcvise<l
a new way of m casurin g class, not only by refcre ncc to occupation or job, but
also hy the 'capitals' that people possess. Th ese were 'co nomic capital (incom e,
property values and savings), cultural capital ( cultural interests and activities)
and social capital (the number and status of people th ey know). Thc model
comprised seven classcs based on the relationship betwecn thc capitals an<l
rcflects a more complex, but arguably more accurnte, class systcm. Thc sevcn
classes (in descending order) are elite, establishcd mi<ldlc class, technical mid<llc
class, ncw afflucnt workcrs, traditional working class, emergent servicc workers
and the precariat ( unprcdilt ihk social existence or identification) .
 The economy 235
.,
A~
;T
PLATE 8 .6 The Bank of Eng land is
Brita in's independent ce ntral bank,
w hich decides interest rotes and
oversees the economy. lt is loca ted
in Threadneedle Street in the C ity of
London. © Geoff Moore/Shutterstock

The workforce and employment

J\ccording to ONS and Lahour Force Survcy figur 'S in March-May 2018, thcn.·
wcre 32.40 million peopl c agcd ] G to 64 in thc workfon:c, induding part-
timc workcrs, with an cmploymcnt ratc of 75 . 7 pcr cent. This total corn priscd
27.44 million cmployccs and 4.79 million sclf-cm ploycd. Th c un cm ploycd
numht~red 1.41 million, with an unemploymcnt ratc of 4.2 pcr cent. Emplny-
me nt for pco pk agcd 65 and over had in crcased in Novcmbcr 20) 8 to 1.18 mil-
lion. This was partly bcca use more pco plc are stay ing on in work and thcrc are
more peopk of this age gro up in the population. J\Ftcr a pcrioJ oF wcak job
creation , thc job market cx panded from 201 Gin most sccto rs. On average, peo-
ple worked 31.9 hours pcr week in Dcccmbcr 2017-Fcbruary 2018. Part-timers
work -d 1G.3 hours per week in their main job and full-timers worked 37 hours
per week in their main job.
Thc large majority of th c workforcc is cmploycd in the services sector, a
smalkr pcrccntage in industry and manufacturing, and declining numbers in
agriculturc. Thc majority of British workers, whether part-time or full-türn:,
236 The economy

are still employed by an organization. This may be a small prívate firm, a large
private-sector company, a public sector industry or service, or a multinational
corporation. Most people are employees who sell their labour in a market
dominated by businesses which own and control production and services. The
class-<lefining boundaries of employees and employers have remain ed constant,
although sclf-employmcnt has increascd. In 2014- 1G thc ONS rcporte<l that
the wealth held by the top l O per cent of British households was five times
greater than the wealth of the bottom half of all households combin ed. These
figures suggest a considerable incquality of wealth in 13ritain, with the lcast
wea1thy half of households owning only sorne 9 p er cent of total aggregate
household wealth.
The contcmporary deregulated and mobile economy has created more and
different work patterns than traditional models. Manufacturing and industrial
jobs havc declined; service trades have increased; self-employmcnt ( 4. 79 m or
14.8 per cent of workers in 2018) has grown considerably; rnanagerial and pro-
fess ional fi elds have expan<led; and there are more part-timc workers ( with
women in th e large majority in 2018), job-sharing and temporary jobs or unpaid
intcrns. Manual jobs have decreased; non-manual occupations have incrcase<l;
thc wage-earning working dass has been ero<le<l by sa lari cd jobs; an<l th e work-
forcc has bccom e more mobilc and 'whitc-collar'. Job losscs an<l rcdun<lan cies
wcrc high bctween 2007 and 2014, and th c worst cmployment prospccts are
still ( 2019) among young job seekers.
ONS figures showc<l that in March-May 2018, thcrc wcrc a record num-
b er of 14.4 million working-agc women in th c British workforcc, comrarcd
with 18 mil1ion for m ' 11, abovc the average in major industrializc<l nations.
lt rcprescnted a large in crease since 201 O and many of thc ncw jobs wcrc in
skllled occupations. Thc numbcrs of wo mcn with jobs in agriculturc, manufac-
turing and co nstruction had incrcascd fastcr than thc numbc r of mcn in thosc
sectors. Howcvcr, these riscs in female cmployment havc also coinc idcd with
an incrcasc in thc gcndcr pay gar as m e<lian wagcs for womcn fcll whilc thosc
for men in creased or remain e<l stable. Th e increasc has also occurrcd bccausc
upward changes to th e State Pension agc has resultcd in fewcr womcn now
retiring bctween the ages of GO and 65 ycars.
In early 2018, 5.36 million peopl e w ·'rc e mploycd in th c puhli r sector
and 27.04 rnillion in the private sector. This meant that only 16.5 per cent of
all people worked in the public sector and 83.5 per cent in thc prívate sector.
Although women amount to 45 per cent of thc total private and publi c lahour
force, many, like m en, have recently found it diff-icult to find jobs ata time when
job creation has stalled. Women are the principal breadwinncrs in 30 per e nt
of households, whcther by choice or necessity, but many female workers are
still low-paid, part-time, unable to find full-tim e jobs an<l often unprotected by
trade unions or thc l<1w. Ncvcrtheless, new busin esses are increasingly startcd b y
women, particularl y in tlw scrv icc sector and in 2014 women ma<le up nearly
 Th e economy

one-third ( 1.4 million) of the self-employed. Although women are a 52 per

cent majority of the population (30.2 million) and increasing their numbcrs
in high er education, thc professions an<l whitc-co1lar jobs, they havc <lifüculty
progrcssing to the senior ranks.
Sincc thc l 960s, womcn havc campaigncd for greatcr cquality with mcn
in job opportunities and rates of pay. Legislation has attcmpted to rcJr 'SS th e
balance with varying <lcgrccs of succcss. Equal Pay J\cts stipulatc that mcn and
women who do th -' same or similar kinds of work should rcccivc thc samc
wagcs. The Sex Discrimination A ct makc.-~s it unlawful for the ernploycr to dis-
crirninatc bctween men an<l women when choosing a -an<liJatc.:: for most johs.
Thc Equality and Human Rights Commission rnonitors workplacc and other
lcgislation and brings cas .s whe n thcrc havc b een brcaches. But th ' gcnJcr pay
gap rncans that th e average wcckly wagc of rnany worncn is still only sorne 7(i
per cent of the average pai<l to rncn .
Th "re has bccn a reccnt necd for more worncn to e nter thc workforcc at
all leve-Is, in order to till gaps in thc rnark<.'t, pursuc carecrs and providc addi-
tional farnily incorne. This situation rcquircs irnprovcJ financia!, social wclfarc
and child-carc bcncfits for womcn to cnahle th cm to work, as wcll as more
fl exibl e cmployment arrangcrn ·nts. Sorne crnploycrs and thc govcrnrn ·nt are
responding positivcly in th 'SC arcas and Britain now SLTrns to be more cgalitar-
ian in tenns of fcmak cmployrncnt than in the past. l·-lowcvcr, Mcxibk hours,
job-sharing anJ part-tirnc working (such as work-frorn-homc schcrncs) Í<.)r both
scxcs ar<::: criticizcd by sorne of thosc in full-tirn e jobs who fcel thcy havc to hcar
thc hrunt of thc work b 'ing done in thc full-tirnc workplacc.
The un e rnploymcnt rate rose in 2009 to 8 pcr cent of thc workforcc during
th e 2007- 1O finan cia! crisis and rcccss ion, although hy J\pril 2018 it had tTCov-
crcd to 4.2 per cent or 2.08 rnillion pcopk. Howcvcr, average wagc kvcls ami
total pay declined and thcrc was press urc for riscs in Britons' inrnmcs. Uncrn-
ployrne nt r ~mains proportionally high in Northcrn Irclan<l, thc English M id-
lan<ls, Merscysi<l , north-east England, Scotland an<l South Waks; in localizcd
areas of thc big citi es and thc countrysidc; among cthnic minoriti cs such as
Pakistanis and Bangladeshis; an<l among gra<luatcs an<l thc young. Sin cc tlw late
1~)80s it has also affcctc<l th e normally atflucnt south of EnglanJ an<l inclu<lcJ
profcssional an<l highcr-grade worke rs. Th c cconorny, uncmploymcnt and johs
are still of conccrn to man y people.
Jobs may be availablc in th e rnarkct, but thcsc are vcry oftcn at thc bot-
torn of the wage an<l salary scales. The crcation of suitablc positions is the re-
forc important. Young pcople b etwee n thc agcs of 16 and 18 must now be
in work, education or training. Companics willing to create opportunities for
such students are givcn government subsidies in training and employment
schcrncs, which may 1 ad to future jobs. Howcver, th e training programmes
have hecn criticized and ther is no guarant · - that trainees will obtain a joh
afte rwa rds.
The ec onom y

UNEMPLOYMENT RATE, UK, 1971-2018 (AGES 16-64)

%
15

10

o-+------.--------------.---------r-------,
1971 1983 1985 2007 2018
FIGURE 8.2 Unemp loyment rate (percentage) l 971 - 20 l 9

A1though th e Brittsh workforcc is now more mobilc an<l flexible, many

vacant jobs are 1ow-paid, part-time, unpaid internships or have 'zen.> hours'
( minimum or no contract) work. In an attcmpt to get more people into work
atan acceptable levcl of payment, Britain has a statutory minimum wage and a
non-statutory living wagc (scc section on trade unions) . Other johs are in tcch-
ni cal and skil1ed areas, for which thc cJucational systcms havc not adc4uatcly
provided . The number of traditional apprcnticcships has bccn grcatly n.'duccd,
anJ technical or vocational cducation suffcrs from a lack of investmrnt and
faci lities. Despitc th e success of sorne programmcs, Britain lacks adc4uatc voca-
tional cducation and training schemes for th e un cmploye<l and young pcopk in
those techni cal areas which are ~sscntial for a modcrn industrial state. Rcports
on global competitiveness from bodics such as th c World Economic Forum do
not rank Britain highly for th e quality of its cmpJoycc training. Yct f-irms are
exp criencing serious skills shortages, w ith many having untillcd vaca ncies. It
is now recognized that training and e<lucation must ht thc rca listi c rcquirc-
mcnts of thc workforce and be something more than disguised un cmploymrnt.
Attcmpts are bcing madc to increase th e number of apprenticeships and to
provide a vocational provision in state school education. In 2018, it seemed that
sorne young p eoplc were incrcasingly choosing an apprenticeship (if ava il abl e
an<l suitable ) overa university education.
Traditional m anufacturing industry has been progressively rcduce<l in
Britain . Yet an industrial infrastructurc will continue to be jmportant and is
in creasingly emphasize<l by politidans and th c busin ess worl<l, accompanied by
manufacturing expansion in sorne arcas such as thc East Midlands. It will not b e
as labour-intcnsivc as in the past, because of technical a<lvances. The high-tech
industry and service trades are set to expand with ncw start-up busincsscs. It is
also likely that opportunities for professional and skillcd workcrs in managcrial,
supervisory, p ersonal an<l financia} serviccs wHl incrcasc. HowcvcrJ maintain-
ing employmcnt kwls c:1nd a trained workforce will still be prohlcms in this
post-industrial socit:ty and will rcq uire revisions of the work ethic and concepts
 e,
T he economy 239 A ~
;T
of ]eisure, as well as more flexible employment and child-care arrangements.
Although more state aid, such as a child-care tax breaks worth [2,000 was
promised for 20 l 5, only a small percentage of working parents can atford to
use formal child-care services all the time and many of them have to pay most
of their carc costs. Brexit may have serious effects on those trying to find a job
in a changed market.

Financial institutions
Financia] institutions play a central role in the economy. In the 1980s, thcy
responded to the dcrcgulated and freer framcwork crcatcd by Conscrvativc
governmcnts. Banks, building socicties, insurancc firms, moncy markcts and the
London Stock Exchangc cxpandcd, merge<l and <livcrsific<l. They cntcrc<l new
-fields and rcorganizcd traditional areas of exp crtisc as compctition bctwccn
institutions incrcascd. Economic ideologi cs became more flcxibk and aJaptcJ
to th e practical rcalitics of business lifc and liberal capitalism.
Howcver, th e institutions also expcricnccd problcms as the 'conomy
fluctuated in thc late 1980s, the early 1990s, thc ca rly 2000s ami thc Jeep
reccssion of 2007- 1 O. Thcrc was uncmploym e nt in tinancial busincsscs,
fluctuations on thc stock markct ancl incrcased Europca n anJ intcrnational
co mpetition. The crc.dit crisis in 2007-1 O forccd a govcrnmcnt rcscuc of
prívate banks with taxpaycrs' moncy; raiscd qucstions about th e futurc of
the financia] systcm; lcd to dcmands for strictcr rcgulation of thc tinancc
mark ets; and rcsultcd in criti cism of th e working practiccs of bankcrs, insur-
c rs and financia] tradcrs. Thc activities of sorne finan cia! institutions, such a.
thc rigging of th e Libor lending ratcs, crcdit loan and currcncy manipulation
have res ulted in publi c anger and a de mand for stricter rcgulation as thc
rcputations of banks and insurance companies haw fallen heavily. Ncvcr-
thclcss, LonJon has retaincd its status as a global tinance centre, although its
future aftcr Brcxit remains uncertain and th e re are concerns that a banking
anJ financia! ex odus from London may follow any collapse of negotiations
to lcavc the EU.
Many major financia] institutions have th eir hcadquarters in l .ondon, with
branchcs throughout Britain. Thc squarc milc of th e Cíty of London, with its
hanks, insurance houses, legal firms aml financia! dealcrs has always bee n a cen-
tr, of British and world iinance. Its resourccs havc financed royal war.s, military
and colonial cxploration and trading companies. Today it providcs f-inancial anJ
invcstmcnt services for commcrcial intcrcsts in Britain and overseas. Many City
institutions were founded in the sevcnteenth and eighteenth centuries, as Brit-
ain's prospcrity, overseas trade and financia] institutions grew, such as the insur-
ancc firm Lloyd 's ( 1680s), th e London Stock Exchange (1773) anJ thc Bank
of Englan<l ( 1694 ). The City is now heing challenged in financia] <lcalings and
 The economy

PLATE 8 . 7 The Canary Wharf orea is part of the Dockla nds redevelopment programme in
south-east London , offering a mixture of financia ! companies, commercial services, hotels and
residential housing . The pointed Canary Wharf Tower (top right) is 800 feet (244 metres)
high w ith 50 floors . © Jonathan Player/Shutterstoc k

status by the London Docklands commcróal devclopment on Canary Whart:

and in Europe.
The Hanl~ of England ('thc old lady of Thrcadneedl e Street') is th' UK's
central bank. Although prcviously nationalized, it is now inJepenJent (l 997)
of governmcnt and has the vital role of controlling intlation by setting intt'r-
est rates to which othcr institutions adjust th eir intercst rates accordingly. It is
organizcd by a governor and directors who are appointcd by thc govcrnmcnt.
It is thc government's banker and the agcnt for British commcrcial and forcign
ce ntral banks, prints mon ey for England and Wales, manages the national J cbt
and gold reserves; and supports the pound by buying sterling on foreign cur-
ren cy exchanges.
The main banks that provide banking services throughout Britain are the
central clearing banks, of which the most prominc nt on th e high strcet are
HSBC, Lloyds Banking GroupJ the Royal Bank of Scotland (including National
Westminster), Santander and Barclays. Thcy use a clearing housc systcm in
London to transfcr credits and cheques betwecn banks, and providc their cus-
tomers with currcnt and dcposit (savings) accounts, loans and fu1ancial a<lvicc.
However, thcy have hccn criticizcd for their role in th e 2007-08 crcdit crisis,
currency and cxchangc r;1tl' scandals, banking charges to clients, discrepancics
 T he ec onomy

h1..'tween their savings and loan interest rates, treatment of customers' com-
plai nts and thcir management of small business clients. Banks are again making
large protits after th e recession, are involved in international finance and have
1.·xpanded their traditional activities. Building societies1 many of which have
hccom e banks, offcr mortgages (loans) 1 banking facilities and Internet banking
;1nd prnvide scrious competition to thc high street banks. The 2007-10 banking
nash and public ang r with thc banks forced thc creation of a bankers' char-
t ' r in an attempt to control th eir dealings and appcase ustomers. But rnost
high street banks have closed many bran chcs, allegedly b eca usc thcy no longer
attract physical c ustomcrs and prefer to operatc onlinc, rnuch to th c disapproval
of many pcoplc.
In a<ldition to these banks, therc are the long-establishe<l merchant banks,
which are mainly loc-atcd in London . Th ey givc advicc and tinancc to com-
mcrcial and industrial busincsscs in Britain an<l ovcrscas; a<lvisc ·o mpani es on
takeovers and mcrgcrs; provide nnancial assistancc for foreign tran sa ·tions; and
orga nizc a range of finan cia) serviccs for indivi<luals anc.1 corporations.
T'hc London Stock [xchange is a markct 1-c)f th e buying and sclling of quotc<l
(list ,J) stocks an<l shares in British public companics anda frw ovcrscas. Ocal-
ings on thc Sto ·k Exchangc r ,fl ect thc currcnt markct tre nds ami priccs h)r a
ra ng' of sccuritics, which may go up as wcll as down. In rcccnt ycars, thc pe r-
forman ce of thc stock markct has fluctua teJ un<lcr Jomcsti c and intcrnational
prcssurcs.
Thc Stock Exchangc was rcvolutionizcd in l ~)8() by Jcvelopmcnts, known
popularly as th e 'Big Bang'. Financia} markcts wcrc Jcregulatc<l, which cnablcd
more frcc<lom of opcration. Ncw m e mbcrs wcre a<lmittcd, Jinancial dcakrs
wcn.' givcn grcatcr powcrs anJ comp 'tition incrcascJ. However, sorne com-
panü.: s wcrc too ambitious, ovcr-cxpanded and suffercd frorn thc cffects of
the worl<l stock markct crash of 1987. Sin ce 1997, finan cia! transaction s have
bccn organizcd dircctly from computer screens in corporatc oHiccs by an ordcr-
drivcn systcm which automatcs th c tra<ling proccss1 rathcr than through the
previous dcaling on th c floor of th e Exchange.
The foreign [xchange Market is also hased in London. Brokcrs in corporatc
or bank ofticcs <leal in the buying and sclling of forcign currcncics. Thc London
market is thc largcst in the world in tcrms of average daily turnovcr of co m-
pl ~t ·,d tran sactions. Othcr moncy markcts arrangc Jcals on the Euromarkets in
fo reign c urrc ncics; tradc on tinan cial fu tu res (speculation on futurc pri ccs of
commodities ); arrangc gold dealings on th c London Gold Market; and transact
global deals in th c commo<lity, shipping an<l frcight markets.
Lloyd's of London is a famous namc in thc insurance market and has long
been active in shipping and maritimc insuran ·c. However1 it has now diversifie<l
anJ in sures in many arcas. It operatcs as a market (association), where indi-
vidual undcrwriters (insurers) carry on th cir business. Underwritcrs normally
form groups to provi<le greater sccurity b cca use they have to bcar any insurance
The economy

losses that rnay occur, but sorne in recent years have suffered due to heavy
insurance losses.
In addition to th e Lloyd's rnarket, there are rnany individual insurance
companies with headquarters in London and branches throughout the country.
Th ey have international connections and huge assets. They play an important
role in British tinancial life b ecause they are the largest investors of capital.
Their main activity has traditionally been in life insurance, though many have
now diversified into other associated fields, such as pensions and property
loans. However, their handling of customers' invcstments (particularly pension
miss-selling and handling of insurance, which have been afflicte<l by problcms
and rnismanagement of savings schemes) has bcen heavily criticized. lnvestors
have lost mon ey and sorne insurance companies have virtually collapsed.
British financia] institutions have traditionally bcen respected fiJr their hon-
esty and integrity, but, as th e money markets have cxpanded and bccomc frccr
there hav' been fraud cases, collapses of financia! organizations and scandals,
such as insidcr dealing. These give thc City abad irnagc and have fórce<l it to
institute sclf-regulatory provisions in ordcr to tighten thc controls on tinancial
dealings. But consurncr confidence and trust in the tinancial institutions con-
titme to decline.
Sorne critics hav argu d for strongcr indeprndent supervision and reg-
ulation of th e City 's business practiccs. Thc Labour govcrnmcnt crcated a
watchdog, the hnancial Scrvices Authority or FSA in 2000 and a Financia]
Ombudsman in 2001 to overse all finan cial Jcalings. Howevcr, thcsc institu-
tions hav been criticized for thcir lack of adcquatc control, particularly after
the 2007-1 O credit crun ch and rccession. Th e coalition government (20 l 0- 15)
broke up the FSA by handing its regulatory duti es to thc Bank of England and
crcated a new banking commission to overhaul the City and consi<lcr whcth r
the City and banks should be more closely supervised and restrictcd . .A Finan-
cial Policy Committee undcr th e Bank of England (2013) now has powers to
oversee the stability of the financia} system. The Office for Bu<lgct Rcspon-
sibility (OBR) is an advisory non-departmental publi c body established on a
statutory basis by the government in 2010 to provide independent economic
forecasts and analysis of the public finan ces as background to thc UK buJget .
It is an official independent fiscal watchdog which produces forecasts to judge
th e government's pcrforrnances against its targets and sccms to have achi ved a
respcctable reputation for its work.
Bankers and -financiers were not popular with thc general puhlic aftcr th e
crcdit crisis. They continue to receive large bonuses despite frequcnt losscs by
their organizations, and the public feel that they appear to have littlc appr cia-
tion of taxpayer anger. Their attempts to put th eir houscs in order havc not bccn
wel1 receivcd and they may face greatcr government control and regulation.
The composition of thost who create and control wcalth in Britain has
changed sincc thc Sccon<l World War. Bankers, aristocrats, landown ers and
 The economy

industrialists were the richest p eople in the nineteenth and early twe ntieth
centurics. Today the most affluent are cntrepreneurs, tcchnology resea rch-
ers, social m edia and set-up d evelopers, an<l online retailers who servi ce thc
consumcr society, although holders of inh e rited w ealth are still numerous.
Many millionaires are self-made, from lower-middle-class an<l working-class
backgrounds.
There are great incqualiti es uf income an<l wealth in Britain and many <lif-
fcrcnt opinions about what constitutcs ri -hes. Protit an<l moncy generation are
een by sorne as worthy goals. However, many pcoplc are satisnc<l with th eir
incomc an<l oth ers think that th e issue is dependent on varying valucs an<l fac-
tors. Talking about what one earns and about mon ' Y g · ncrally has oftcn b 'C n
regarde<l as unsecmly in Britain and too much involve<l with ·rudc survival.
Howevcr, this m entality has changed sincc the expansion ofbusincss and monc y
markcts an<l ostentatious behaviour and lif 'stylcs are now more common.

Industrial and commercial institutions

The trade unions

'frade unions obtained legal rccognition in 1871 aftcr long and bittn struggks.
Th e fight for th e right of worke rs to organizc thcmsclves originatcd in tlw Lradc
guilds of th e fourtccnth century an<l latcr in social cluhs which wcrc l'ormcd
to givc th eir m embcrs prntl'ction against . ic:kncss, uncmploymcnt and polili ca l
opprcssion.
Thc mode rn traJc unions are associatcd ( if no longcr so closcly) with thc
Labour Party and campaign for bcttcr pay, working and hcalth condüions l'or
th ' ir m embcrs. Thc tradc-union movcnwnt is highly organizcd, with a mcm-
hcrship of 6.2 million pcoplc in 2016. Although this rcprcsrnts a !ali from
13 million in 1979, th e traJe union s are among tlw biggcst organizéllions in thc
-ountry.
Today thcrc are som' 167 individual tradc unions anJ prol'cssional asso-
-iations of workers, whi ch vary in sizc and influcn cc. Th cy rcprcscnt not onl y
skillc<l anJ unskillc<l workers in industry, but also whitc-collar worh,rs in a
range of busincsscs, companics an<l local and central gov 'rnmcnt. Othcr proh_•s-
sional associations such as th c Law Socicty, thc Poli cc Fcderation and thc British
Medica! Association carry out similar represe ntational roles for thcir mcmbcrs.
Members of tra<lc unions pay annual subscriptions to their unions anJ fre-
qucntly to th c Lahour Party, unkss thcy ele ' t not to pay this latter amount. The
funding provi<lcs fr)r union activities and scrviccs, such as legal, monctary and
professional hdp. The b ettcr-off unions are ablc to givc strike pay to mcmbers
1
who are taking part in 'official strikes which are those legally sanctioned by
1

m cmbe rs. Trade unions vary in th e amount of funds they rcceive from membcrs
The economy

and in their political orientation, which rangcs frorn th e left to thc right of the
political spectrum.
Sorne unions admitas members on ly thosc peopl e who work in a specific
job, such as miners or teachers, while others includc workers employcd in dif-
ferent areas of industry or commcrce. Sorne unions hav joined with others in
similar ficlds to form new unions, such as Unison (public ·ervicc workers with
] .3 million m mbcrs). Th e largcst in Britain at present is Unite with 1.5 mil-
lion mernbers, formcd in 2007 and whi ch indudcs the powcrful 1hnsport and
G eneral Workers' Union (T&G). Workers may choose, without victirnization,
wh ether they want to be]ong to a particular union or none at al l.
Sorne 58 trade unions are affiliated to thc Trades Union Congress (TUC)
in England and Wales, which was foundcd in 1867, serves as an urnbrella
organization to coordinate tradc-union inten:.sts and tries to prornotc worker
cooperation. It is able to cxert sorne pressure on govcrnmcnt (although this
has now dccreased) and sccks to exten<l its contacts in industry an<l cornmerce,
with ernployers as wcll as workers. Th · Scottish Tra<le Union Congrcss (_STUC)
and the lrish Congress ofTrade Unions (lCTU) perform a similar joh for their
me mbers.
The intluence of th c TUC an<l traJ -. unions, along with thcir membcrship,
ha declined. This is <luc to unemployrnent, changing attitu<lcs to tradc unions
by workcrs, the reduction and rcstructuring of in<lustry, a deregulatcd eco nomy,
a mor mobile workfórce, and Conservative lcgislation under Margar ·t Thatcher.
Laws were passcd to e nforce sccrct voting by union mcmbcrs before strikes can be
legally callcd and for the election of un ion offi ·ials. The number of pickcts ( un ion
strikers) allowcd outsidc business prcmiscs has bccn rcduccd, sccondary Cor sym-
pathy) action by other unionists is bann ed, and unions rnay b "' fin ed by the courts
if th ey <lefy lcgislation. Such Conscrvativc laws (which thc Labour govcrnment
acc pted) and the economic climate have forccd trae.le unions to be more realis-
tic in their wage demands. Howcvcr, pay claims are cscalating again and th ere is
increasing militancy arnong sorne union 1~adcrs. There are also arrangemcnts for
legal recognition of un.ions in thosc workplaces whcrc a majority of workcrs want
them and for consultation with workcrs in matters such as rc<lundancy.
Legislation has controlled extrem e union practiccs and introduct.<l more
democratic procedures into union activities. Thc grassroots mcmbcrship has
b com . . more in<lependent of union bosscs and activists, is more det -·rmin ed to
rcprescnt its own wishes, and is concE.rn e<l to rcform thc labour movcrnc nt. Th e
initiative in industry has shifted to ernployers an<l mo<lerate unions, who have
bcen moving away from the traditional 'class war' imagc of unionism an<l are
acccpting new technology and working patt "rns in an attcrnpt to irnprnve corn -
p etitiveness and pro<luctivity. However, there are still unions who will strikc in
support of pay dcmands and conditions of work.
Public opinion polls in the past found that, while a larg majority of rcspon-
dents believed that unions are essential to protcct workers' intercsts, a sizcablc
 The econo m y

numbcr felt that unions had too much power in Britain and were dominatcd
by militants. Half of trade unionists thcmsclvcs agreed with this latter point of
view and half disagreed. The concern ovcr tradc unions and their close relation-
ship with Labour governments d eclincd aftcr the 'N ew' Labour election victory
in 1997, but may in creasc again if thc Labour Party again forma government.
Union strike action can b e damaging to th e national cconomy and is useJ as
an economi c an<l political weapon . .In sorne cases, strikes ar ' scen as lcgitimatc
and tind public support. But othcrs, which are politically motivatc<l, are often
unpopular and are rejecte<l. Britain historically scem c<l to be pron e to in<lustrial
disputes, with large numbers of strikcs in th c 1980s, such as th c Min crs ' Strikc
in 1984. Howcvcr, fcwcr workin g days are now lost in Britain cach ycar than in
oth cr industrial nations, although th e number has in creascJ reccntly, particu-
larly in 2014 among low-paid publi c sector workcrs. On average, howc vcf¡ over
th e past 40 years most manufacturing plants anJ business 'S havc hL·e n free of
strikcs, and media covcrage ca n be responsiblc for giving a Jistortcd picture of
industrial relations.
Industrial proble ms should be pla cc<l in thc context oF finan cia! rcwards.
Britain has a low-wagc cconomy, comparc<l with major Europca n co untrics and
has a rnmplicated paymcnt systcm to assist th c low paid . Th c Nation al Míni-
mum Wagc (NMW) is thc mínimum pay pn hour most workcrs un<lcr th c agc
1
of 25 are entitlcd to by law. Thc govunmcnt s National Living Wagc (NLW)
is th c minimum pay pcr hour most workcrs agcd 25 anJ ovc r are cntitlcd to
reccivc. Th c rclcvant ratcs ( which c hangc cvc ry ycar) will <lcpcnd on a workcr's
agc an<l if th cy are an apprcntice. Employc rs may he prosccutcd if thcy do nnt
pay thc co rrcct wagc, which may rangc (2018) from U. 70 pcr hour for apptTn-
ticcs to L7 .83 fo r thos · agcd 25 an<l ovcr. Thc ONS rcportl'<l th at th c ave rage
gross annual wagc of work ' rs in thc UK in 2017 was [28,fü)() pcr ycar, with
th · average for m cn be ing L592 pcr wcck and womc n [4~)4 . Man y workc rs
(parti cularly womcn) rcccivc lcss th an these fi gures. D c pc nding on pe rso nal
allowanccs and othcr dc<luctions, p ersonal annual incomc for 2017- 18 is laxL·d
at 20 pcr cent up to f. 46,350, 40 pc r cent a hove this figure and 45 pc r cent on
ca rnin gs ovcr f l 50J)00.
Dircct incomc tax may have to incrcasc in ordl r to pay for public scrv iccs
(such as h calth an<l social car ), futurc statc pc nsion provision and thc budglt
J ,fi cit following th c 2007- 1O rcccssion. In addition, govcrnmrnts havc also
raiscd indircct or 'stealth ' taxes aft:er l ~)97, such as inc rcascd National lnsur-
ance contributions for workers and c:- mploy ' rs, as wcll as initiating a gene ral
rcsch ·duling of taxcs.

Employers' organizations
Th nc are sorne l 01 employcrs' and managers' associations in Britain of various
sizcs and signiticance, which are mainly associatc<l with companies in thc privatc
.,
·~ 246 The e co n o my
)T,
sector. They aim to promote good industrial relations between businesses and
their workforccs, try to settle disputes, and offer legal and professional advicc.
Most are m cmbcrs of the Confederation of British Industry (CBI) . This
umbrella body represents its m cmbcrs nationally; negotiates on thcir b ehal I'
with government and th e TUC; campaigns for greater investment and innova -
tion in industry and technology; and is often more sympathetic to Conservativc
governments than to Labour ones. Howevc1~ it can be very critica] of somt·
Conservative policies. It also acts as a pubhc-rclations organization; relays the
employers' points of view to thc public, and has considerabl e economic intlu-
ence and authority.

Industrial relations
Complaints are often raised about the quality of industrial relations in Brit-
ain. Histori cally, this has tended to be confrontational rather than coopera-
tivc and based on notions of 'class-warfare ' and 'us-an<l-th em' attitudes. Trade
union lc.aders can be vcry militant and stubborn in pursuing thcir members '
interests. But the performan ce of man age mcnt and cmpl oycrs is also c1iticized.
lnsensitivc managers can be rcsponsible fór strikes arising in the tirst place, and
relations betwccn manage mcnt and workcrs still leave much to b e desired,
although industrial unrcst is notas cornmon as it on ce was. Sorne opinion polls
havc indicated that a majority of respondents beli eve that bad m anagem ent is
ofren more to blame than the unions for poor industrial relations and Britain's
economic problem s.

The Advisory, Conciliation and Arbitration Service (ACAS)

ACAS is an indep endent, governmcnt-financcd organization, which was crcated
in 1974 to improve industrial relations. It m ay provide, if requested, advice,
conciliation and arbitration serviccs for thc parties involved in a dispute. But
ACAS <loes not havc binding power and the partics m ay disrcgard its advice
and solutions. Industrial relations in Britain consist of free collcctivc bargaining
b ctwccn employers and workers. It h as b een argucd that arbitration should be
m adc compulsory and that findings sh ould be madc binding on th e parties con-
cerne<l. However, strikc action is not illegal for most workers iflcgally callcd and
the govcrnmcnt has no power to intervene. N evcrthclcss, ACAS has performed
valuable work and h as been responsible for settling many disputes.
ACAS also oversees the operation of employmcnt law and abuses of
workers' legal ri ghts. These ma y involve compl aints of unfair and unl awful
dismissal under Employmcnt A cts; claims under Equal Pay Acts; grievan ces
under Sex Discrimination A cts; and unlawful discrimin ation undcr Ra ce
Rclations Acts. Th ere is now a large body of cmpl oyment and regul atory law,
which makes conditions of work more secur and less arbitrary than th ey have
 The e c onomy

1 )(·e n in thc past, particularly in the cases of women, ethnic minorities and th c
1, >w -paid . Howe ver, there is still concern about the real effectiveness of such
1, ·gislation .

Consumer protection

·1 ·hc traditional rule in consumcr and contract dcalings was caveat emptor (buyer
lit·warc). H owevcr, this was gra<lually rclaxcd and it was acceptcd th at, in a
, ompetitive markct, consumcrs should have a choi ce of goods and serviccs, th e
11l·cessary information to makc choiccs and laws to safeguard th eir purchascs.
Statutory protection for consumers has grown steadily in Britain, with th c Con-
.-. umer Protection Act 1987 and the Supply of Goods and Scrviccs /\et l ~)82.
Th e public can complain to tribunals and th e courts about unfair trading prac-
t ices, dange rous and unsafe goods, bad servie<::\ misreprese ntation, miskading
;1dvertising and pe rsonal injuri es res ulting from defcctive goods.
Th c respon sibility for protecting consumer inte rests and ovcrscc ing th c
heh aviour of trade and industry in Britain líes with severa! diffcrcnt organiza-
lions, such as th e Competition and Markets Authority (CMA) and th c Finan cia!
Con<luct Authority (FC/\) . Thcsc bodics are indcpc ndcnt of gove rnm e nt, but
rcport to governm e nt bodi es such as th e Treasury and th c Dcpartmcnt fr)r Busi-
ness, whi ch may take furth er action. Th e y promotc fair trading, protcct consum-
crs, su ggcst lcgislation to govcrnmcnt and aim to improvc consumcr aware ncss.
They set codes of practice an<l rcgulatio n with in<lustrial and cornmcrcial orga-
nizations, watch for brcach cs of th c codcs an<l publish thcir tindings.
Non-profit organi zations which providc free information and hclp on con-
su mer affairs at th e local le ve! are Citize ns A<lvice Burcau x, Consumcr l\d vicc
Centres, and consumcr protcction J cpartmcnts of loca l councils, such as 1·h1d-
ing Standards Scrviccs. Prívate consumcr-protection groups, whi ch invcsti gatc
complaints and advise con sumers, may exist in sorne localiti cs, such as thosc
orga nized by the not-for-profit Trading Standards I nstitutl'.
Thc independe nt Consume rs' Association was a wcll-known cstahlish cd
campaign er and pressure group for consumcrs' rights. ft has bccn rchrandcd as
an onlinc scrvi cc and is now known by its magazine namc, Which? This puh-
lication ch ampions th c co nsumer and app]ics rigorous tests to an ythin g from
tclcvision sets to insurancc and est ate agcnts. Which.? is the 'huycrs' bihl c ' and its
reports havc raised thc standard s of commercial products and sc rvi ces in Britain .
Consumer protection at state and prívate levels has improved ovcr thc past
50 y 'ars. But much still nccds to be done in this field to achicw mínimum stan-
dards and adequatc protcction, such as dealing with unscrupul ous build ' íS and
tradcs pcoplc prcying on gulliblc consumers, p articularly th e elderly; commercial
in competence and miss-selling ofpro<lu 'ts bytinancial organizations; bad scrvice
in shops and retail outlets; and inferior products flooding a co nsumer society.
 The economy

But there are signs that a British reticence to complain about goods and ser-
vices is brcaking clown as the amount of litigation and finan cia! claims increase.
This is associated with a growing complaint an<l 'compe nsation culture' in Brit-
ain. Howcver1sorne complaints are clearly frivolous and governments havc tried
to curb the worst excesses by introducing new legislation . A forther problem is
the confusing growth at official and independcnt lcvels of so many consumer
bodies1 which ten<l to duplicate each other's work and which can increase
bureaucracy.

Attitudes to the economy

Attitudes to th e British economy have been intluenced by a severe cred it crisis

and rec "ssion sin ce 2007. Attcmpts to reduce the rcs ulting budget deficit by
austcrity measures have continucd 1but difficulties remain .
A poli by The Economistllpsos MORI in Septemher 2017 rcportcd that in a
list of th e ten most important issucs/problems facing the country1 the eco nomy
and cconomic issues werc in fifth place at 18 pcr cent1and poverty/cquality was
cighth at 15 pcr cent.
Som - critics compared these economic probl ems to devclopmcnts in the
EU/UK Brcxit negotiations 2017- 19. But1according toan lpsos MORI poli and
its Global A.dvisor Economic Pulse in .lune 2018, although th e UK cconomy
was then growing at its slow st rate in ovcr five ye.ars an<l <lcspitc commcn-
tator. ' predi ction s of furthcr weak economi c growth, the British public wcre
positive about thc eco nomy an<l 51 pcr cent of respondcnts rated Britain 's cco-
nomic situation as good .
How ver1 Th e Ec:onomist magazin e remarkcd in January 2018 that it was
assumed by most cconomists that thc vote to leave th e EU in 2016 would
bring disruption and another recession 1 similar to 2007-1 O with falling housc
pri ces1 large rises in uncmploym ent and a drop in eco nomi c growth. ONS
figures in February 2019 indica ted for som · critics that the cconomy had
already bcen badly affected hy two years of Brcxit negotiations. It was J epen-
den t upon gove rnment and ho usehold sp en<lin g, but growth was affccted by
consumer confidence falling to a tive-year low in Decemher 2018 as man-
ufacturing1 business invcstment and tradc dccl in ed. Britain might al o b e
influen ced by a potential global slowdown 1 illustratc<l by th e Japan cse Honda
car production company announcing in February 2019 that it was closing its
operations in Britain. The eco nomy was not steady and it was suggested th at
p essimism among h ouseholds ahout Brex it matchcd th 2007 financia! crisis.
It was argucd that a 'no <leal Brcxit' (if Britain lcft thc EU without a satisfac-
tory <leal and had to dcp cn<l on World Tra<le Organization tcrms) would be
disastrous for the British economy1 as well as its sociaC welfare an<l politi ca l
structures.
 The economy 249
.,
"°~
;..T
Sorne critics felt that the situation could in fact b e worse than the 2007
credit crisis and recession. The supposed economic recovery had been falte1ing
in ear]y 2015, with slowing growth, uncertainty in financial markets, th ~ in sta-
bility of the pound, and many people were suftering economi cally and socia11y.
Britons still lived with the effects of the 2007 recession and partial recove ry
by 2015 <lid not benefit everyone equally. A survey by thc Chartcrcd Institute
of Personn el and D evelopment in February 2015 reported that whil e half of
workers had their pay frozen or cut in 2014, the other half saw their wages
increase by sorne 2 per cent. Public sector workcrs and other workcrs could
experience pay reductions, th e job market was weak and cuts in public social
scrvi ccs continucd.
Man y critics also pointed out that a rnajor concern of thc slow, crratic rccov-
ery frorn the 2007 credit collapse and later recession was that Britain had not
initially rnade grea t reductions in th c budget deticit. Seve re cuts and austerity
mcasurcs wcrc still bcing made in social programmes in 2019 . Thc gowrnment
admitte<l that earlicr re1ief targets had not been met and strcsscd that forther
action needed to be takcn until aftc r 2019 .
Questions on how thc crcdit dcficit could be reduced had bccn raised in
th c 201 O and 2015 general clcction campaigns. Th c lnstitute l<w Fisca l Studics
(IFS) had argued b cforc th c 201 O general cl cction that in or<lcr to promotc
recovcry by r · ducing th ' hudgct dcfi cit, th c ncw government woukl nccd to
furth cr cut publi c spcn<ling on scrviccs an<l wdfarc and probably raisc taxcs.
But prornpt action an<l rcsults w erc slow to arrivc, an<l thc debate continucs.
Thc rcccssion also prompted debates ahout whcrc thc hlarne for thc crcdit
crisis lay. Sorne criti cs attacked th c cco nomic policies anJ spcn<ling programmes
of thc Lahour govcrnmcnt ( l ~)97-201 O). l3ut niticism was also <li1Tctc<l al Brit-
ish banks for th eir lending and cre<lit practi ces, as wcl] as ovcr-horrowing hy
custome rs. A YouGov/Compass survey in Septembcr 200~) found that 83 pcr
cent of respondents agrccd ( 5 p er cent disagrcc<l) that cxccssiw honuscs and
pay in thc banking and finan ce scctors had also significantly contributcd to thc
risk eleme nt in credit spending and lending poli cics which rcsulte<l in rccession.
J\ccording to th c polls, bankcrs and banks are still vcry unpopul ar anJ it is h: lt
that th <.: ir practi ces continue. Sorne critics blame thc ofhcia] regulators in the
finan cia] markets fr)r not adequately co ntro11ing th c banks and insurancc husi-
ncsscs suHicicnt1y.
Th c cre<lit crisis and subsequent cuts have gcncratc<l debates about linked
areas, such as low wages, taxation, e rnployment, pc:nsions, povcrty and in cqual-
ity in Britain . A 2009 YouGov survcy fóund that 78 pcr cent of respondents
agree<l (and 6 per cent <li sagree<l) that th e growing gap b ctwccn rich and poor
was bad for society. This gap is illustrated by high wages for sorne p eople, a
bonus culture for employccs of banks, finan ce companies and privatized busi-
nesscs, low wages for many workcrs and high youth unemployment. Six ty-three
pcr cent of rcspondcnts supportcd (14 pcr cent opposed) th e establishment of
The e cono my

a ncw High Pay Commission to investigate thc cffcct of high pay on th e econ-
omy and ociety.
Mixed signals by respondents in identifying the big issues that affcctc<l thc
country were refl ected in an ICM poli for the think tank British future. Its State
of thc Nation survey (2013) assessed issues of national concern prior to th e
2015 General Election and rep orted how thesc might intlucnce how people
would vote. lt found that 61 per cent of Conservativc Party rcspon<lents placed
importancc of th e economy in tirst place, Liberal D 'mocrats set it in seco nd
place at 42 per cent, Labour respondents in fourth place at 41 p r cent, and
UKIP respondents also placed it in fourth place at 3~) pcr cent.
Optimism about economic issues was not shared equally across th e coun-
try, retlecting a traditional north-south divide. Only 24 per cent of respon<l nts
living in thc north em areas of thc UK were economically optimistic, compared
with 30 per cent in London an<l the Midlands, and 34 p er cent in thc south-cast.
Th e survey revealcd a divided society in which sorne w re doing wdl, a major-
ity were struggling, anda fo w at the top doing very well. Problcms of inequality,
relativc poverty an<l low wag 'S have continucd. Questions ahout foturc pub-
lí e spending cuts, taxation, pensions, growth, un ' mploymcnt and productivity
have also rec "ntly b e 'n ce ntral to peoplc 's conccrns about possibk cconomi c
recovery. Business reports an<l ONS statisti cs in 2018 pointcd to a mi xture of
negative and positivc prognoses for th e UK. 'l h ddicit was shrinkin g slowly,
unemployment continued to fall, foreign <lirect invcstmcnt was continuin g and
thc economy was running at ncar full capacity. lt rcmains to b e Sl'l'n whcther
thc country copes well with a Brexit event, or whcth er it will be as disruptive
as th carlier credit Tisis and rcccssion.

Exercises
Briefly define and examine the following terms, commenting on their
significance in British life:

diversification privatization GDP invisible exports

merger the Treasury shares balance of payments
private sector trade deficit TUC service industries
ACAS Canary Wharf HSBC market economy
the City inflation Which? mixed economy
devaluation Stock Exchange CBI deregulation
monopoly Lloyds euro deindustrialization
textiles clearing house Barclays Bank of England
recession child care Eurozone pickets
underclass 'buyer beware' trade unions City of London
 The economy

Write short essays on the following topics:

Examine, in brief outline, modern British economic policies and

performance.

2 Discuss the role of the trade unions in British life .

3 Should the financia! institutions in Britain be more closely regulated by

government? lf so, why?

4 To what extent does the performance of the national economy affect

individual Britons' daily life?

Further reading

l Booth, A. (2001) The British Economy in the Twentieth Century, London : Palgrave
2 Buxton, T. , Chapman, P. and Temple, P. ( 1997) Britoin 's Economic Performance, London :
Routledge
3 Cairncross, A. (2006) Britain 's Economic Prospects Reconsidered, London : Routledge
4 Davie s, H. (2006) The Chancellors ' Toles : Managing the British Economy, Oxford : Polity
Press
5 Floud, R. and Johnson, P. (2004) The Cambridge Economic History of Modern Britain, Vol.
1 lndustrializotion, 1700- 1860, Cambridge : Cambridge University Press
6 Gamble, A. ( 1994) Britain in Decline: Economic Policy, Political Strategy and the British
State, London : Palgrave Macmillan
7 Gregg, P. and Wad sworth , J. (ed s) ( 1999) The State of Working Britain, Manchester:
Manchester University Press
8 Johnson, P., Carnevalli, F. and Strange, J-M . (2007) 20th Century Britain : Economic, Cul-
tural ond Social Change, London : Longman
9 Mcllroy, J. (1995) Trode Unions in Britain Today, Manchester: Manchester University Press
l O O rton, M. and Rowlingson, K. (2007) Public Attitudes to Economic lnequolity, York :
Joseph Rowntree Foundation/Warwick University
11 Savage, M . (2015) lntroduction, Social Class in the 21 sf Cenfury, London : Pelican
12 The Economist weekly magazine : www.economist.com

Websites

Department of Trade and lndustry: www.gov.uk/government/ organisations/ department-of-trade-

and-industry
HM Treasury: www.hm-treasury.gov.uk
Office for National Statistics : www.ons .gov.uk/ons
The ec ono my

British Trade lnternational : www.gov.uk/government/organisations/uk-trade-investment

Bank of England: www.bankofengland .co .uk
Financia! Services Authority : www.fsa .gov.uk
Lloyds of London : www.lloydsoflondon .co.uk
Confederation of British lndustry: www.cbi .org .uk
Trades Union Congress: www.tuc .org .uk
Business in the Community: www.bitc .org .uk
The Work Foundation : www.theworkfoundation.com
Populus opinion polis : www.populuslimited .com
 9
Social services

■ Social scrviccs history

■ Household and dc mographic structures

■ Social sccurity (pcn sions and welfarc benefits)

■ The National H ealth Service (NHS)

■ The personal social scrvices/social ca re

■ Housing

■ J\ttitudcs to th c social scrvices

■ Exercises
■ further rearling

■ Websites
Social serv i ces

Th e tcrm 'social services' covers health carc, social care (personal assistance),
social security (pensions and welfare b enefits) and housing in the UK. This
chapter examin es th e public, private and voluntary provision of these services.
Statc (public) sector social services are now very much takcn for granted
by many Britons. They also f ature prominently in lists of pcoplc's concerns,
directly affect the lives of individuals of all ages and are a much-debated part of
go v rnmcnt policy. But it was not until thc ] 940s that the statc acccptcd over-
all responsibility for providing basic social an<l mc<lical hdp for ali its citi z ns.
Previously, there had been few such facilities and it was tdt that thc statc was
not obligcd to supply them .
Until reccntly, thc UK government in London organizcd statc hcalth, social
security, housing and social ca rc for the sick, retirecl, disabl c<l, dderly, needy and
unemployed, which wcre delivered by agencies and local councils throughout
Britain. This systcm changed from 1998 . Thc individual countrics of thc UK
now havc devolved powers over most of thcir own atfair. · through thcir elected
parliament and assemblies. Th e UK govcrnmcnt distributes central funds to the
devolve<l countties to spend according to their loca l pl ans.
Consequ -ntly, Scotland has devolved powcrs in hcalth, social housing and
social carc; Walcs in health, social welfarc, and social housing; and Northcrn Jrc-
land in health and social services. The UK govcrnmcnt organizes th esc servi ces
in England, but also has reservcd powers over work, pcns ions an<l social scc urity
bcnefits in the UK through the state Departmcnt for Work and Pcnsions.
State systems are primarily funded throu gh UK central taxa tion and
National lnsuran ce (Nl). This m eans that although many statc social serviccs,
such as health care, are providc<l free at th e point of nccd, most p eopl e will have
contributed to the cost during th ir working lives through paymcnt of in come
tax and NI. But so rne social carc is means-teste<l or based upon ahility to pay
for . ervi ces.
In thc private sector, social and hca lth services are financcd by personal
insurancc schcm es, company plans and by individuals who choosc to pay for
such facilities out of their own incomc or capital. Most of thcsc pcople are
also eligible for state care because of th e ir state contributions. In th e voluntary
sector, thcre are long-established organizations, which continuc thc tradition of
charitable help for the needy and depcnd for their fon<ling mainly upon <lona-
tions from the public.
The state social services have becn undcr financia! pressure for many
years. For examplc, Conscrvative governments (1979-9 7 and 2010- 15) tricd
 Social services 255
.,
·~
;;T
to reform thc National H ealth Service and social securjty in order to reduce
expenditure, improve effi ciency, encourage more self-provision and target b en-
fits to those genuinely in need. These have been widely criti cized, and it is
argued that they are based on an economic free market orientation.
A previous Labour government from 199 7 also tried to promote change in
the cxpcnsivc welfare state by encouraging people to insure th emselves against
unemployment and sickncss and to provide for th ir own pensions and care in
3

old age. Such rcforms havc tried to help families, rc<luce poverty and exclu-
sion, and madc cfforts to return th e unc mploy ,d to work. l3ut it is argued that
the refo rms havc not been successful and succcssive governments have had to
incrcasc state sp ending in social sc rviccs to prevcnt thcir dccay and possiblc
collapsc.
This situation suggests that th e UK and its devolved countries in future
may be una ble (or unwilling) to meet th c finan cia! costs of state social servi ces
without increas s in personal incomc tax, altcrnativc funding schcmcs or c uts
in aid plan s. Governmcnt's role in the future rnay lic in dirccting aid rath er than
funding it. Th e Labour govcrnmcnt has tried to invnlvc th e private sector in
the creation and managcm cnt of public scrvices (su -h as hospitals). But thcrc
is public anJ traJc union opposition to this poli cy, which is oftcn pcrccivcd as
privatization of 'free ' social scrviccs. This illustratcs t hc diHiculty of rcconciling
statc d 'mand with a national 'free markct cconomy' systcm and of dcciding
how much dependcncc th ' re should he upon thc statc. /\. rccurrcnt issuc in
general ck ction ca mpaigns has bcen how to pay for th c National Hca lth Scrvicc
(NHS). Govcrnments ar oftcn for ·cd to providc budgct incr 'ases for thc NHS,
but hav · not solved its problem s. Critics arguc that without largc incr 'ases in
income tax, alternativc funding and improve<l managcment, th c social scrviccs
will collapsc. For exa mple, th e Conservativc governmcnt in .January 201 ~) intro-
duccd a tcn-year pl an for the NHS bascd on tax fun<lin g, but vvas also struggling
to implcment a new state social security system .

Social services history

Historically, statc social services were non-existe nt fór most of thc 13ritish pop-
ulation. Churchcs, charitics, the rural feudal systcm and town guilds ( orga ni-
za tion s of skilled craftsm n) did give sorne prntc -tion against poverty, illncss
and un -' mployment. But this hclp was limited in its application and d'f 'Ct.
Most pco plc were thrown upon thcir own, often rninimal, resources in or<ler
to survive.
In Elizabeth I's rcign (1558- 1603), a Poor Law was established in England,
by which thc statc took over th e organization of charity provisions. Similar
schem s existed in Wales, Scotland and lreland. They operated at thc local par-
ish lcvel and were responsible for their poor, sick and unemploycd , hy providing
So cial services

housing, help an<l work relief The Poor Law was th c start of state social help in
Britain, but it was grudging, was limited in its cffects and discourage<l peoplc
from relying on it. Poverty and need were considercd to be the result of an
unwillingncss to work and provide for onesclt; a criticism which is still dirccted
at welfarc recipients and the unemployed in Britain today. The state was not
supposed to h ave cxtensive responsibility for social scrvices.
Thcsc attitudcs persiste<l, although urban and rural p ovcrty and need
continucd. Conditions worsened in thc eighteenth and nineteenth centuri es
as industrial revolutions expanded and the population rapidly increascd . The
urban workforcc had to work long hours, often in bad conditions, in low-quality
factorics for low wages. Families frequently inhabite<l slums of overcrowded,
back-to-back dwellings which lacked adequate scwcragc, heating or vcntilation,
in which sorne p ople also ha<l to work in crampcd and unh · althy surroun<lings.
The situation of many rural agricultura! workcrs was justas ha<l.
Public health hecame a concern an<l the poor conditions resultcd in infcc-
tious epidemi cs in the ninetccnth ccntury, such as mcaslcs, <liphth cria, typhoid,
smallpox an<l tuberculosis. Sorne Jiscases remain ed en<lemic in thc population
in the twentieth century becausc of bad housing, and th c lack of adcquate
health and social facilities.
Th e old Poor Law was rcplaccd by thc Poor Law Amcndmc nt Act of 1834
in Englan<l and Wal cs (later in Scotland). lt was <lcsign d to prevent th ' allcged
abuse of parish social reli ef and to reduce thc taxcs ncede<l to scrvi cc th ·, sys-
tem. It creatcd a systern of workhouses in which the dcstitutc and nccJy could
work and livc. However, th cse were unplcasant places and peoplc wcrc <liscour-
aged from relying upon th cm. They werc Jrcadcd by thc poor and ac -epted
only as a last rcsort. Since nin ctccnth-ccntury Britain cxpc1ienced cconomic
slumps an<l unemploymcnt, the workhousc system often resultcd in mis<.. ry and
the separation of familics.
Succcssive governments until th e ninetcenth century refu se<l to allow
workers to organize themselves into tradc unions, through which th cy might
agitate against thcir working an<l living co nditi o ns. This forced groups of work-
ers into establishing th eir own ocia] and sclf-hclp clubs in or<ler to providc
b asic protection . Although sorne cmploycrs were more bcnevolcnt than others
and provided good housing and hcalth facilities for their workers, such exa m-
ples werc few and lite co ntinued to be harsh for m any in b oth th e towns an<l
the countryside.
The social miscry of the nineteenth century pcrsuadcd sorne towns to
establish local boards to control public health an<l initiate health schcmcs,
though a publi c health apparatus was not created un til 1848 and an effcctiv ,
national system was not in place until ] 875. Legislation was passed to el 'an up
slum areas, but largc-sca le clearance was not achievcd until the mid-twcnticth
century. Rcfc)rms in ho usi ng, health, factory and min conditions, sanitation
and scwerag<..·, tnw11 -plc1n11in g an<l trade uni onism were implcmcntcd in th e
 So cial services 257
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ninetcenth century. But th ey were limited in their effccts and were seen as
paternalisti c in their intention.
The socia] welfare problems of the nineteenth century were considerable
and thc state's failure to provide adequate h elp against illness, unemployment
and poverty made the situation worsc. Social reform ers, who promoted legis-
lation offe ring sorne rclicf from thc negative effects of industrialization, had to
strugglc against th e apathy anJ hostility of vested interests in Parliament and
the country.
However, small victories had bccn won and in th carly twcntieth century
it was slowly, if not univcrsally, admittcd that th e state had social responsibility
fo r th e wholc of society. Progrcssive Liberal govcrnmcnts betwccn l 905 and
1922 introduccJ rcform programmes on ol<l agc p cnsions, national insurance,
h -alth, employment and trade unionism. Thcse form "d th e basic structures of
the future welfare statc. But th ey affcctcd only a minority of people, and the
state was unwilling or unablc to introduce furthcr provision s in thc carly twen-
ticth ccntury. Th e finan cia] an<l physical cxhaustion resulting from the 19 14-18
World War anJ th e cconomic cris<::.s of thc 1920s and 1930s halted social ser-
vices cxpansion.
Th c un<lcrlying nccd for more statc hclp continue<l as the population rap-
idl y incrcascd . Th c mo<lc l for a wclfare statc appcarcd in thc Bevcridgc Rep ort
of 1942. This rcco mmcndc<l th at a co mprehcnsivc syste m of social sccurity
and hea lth ca n~ for all shoul<l h e cstablish cd to ovcrcomc suffcring anJ nccd
'from thc crac.lle to thc grave'. It was intc n<lc<l that thc systcm would be largdy
finan ·cd by a national insurancc (NI) se he me, to which workcrs wou ld con-
tribute, and out of which they and thcir families wou ld rccciv' bcnefits when
requircd. J\lthough Conservativc governmcnts passcd sorne of thc lcgislation to
implement thcsc proposals, it was th e 1945-5 1 Lahour govcrnm nt that ra<li-
cally altered th e social and h ea lth systcms an<l crcated the prcsent welfarc state.
lt was also gradually r alizc<l that most of the ·ost of th c systcm would havc
to b e providcd for by general ta xa tion, which woul<l sharc thc finan cia] burdcn
with Nati onal Insuran ce, and in sorne cases m ·,ans-testing.

Household and family structures

The provision of contcmporary . ocial scrvices, in both the state and the prívate
sectors, is condition ed by changcs in family and houschold structures, demo-
graphic factors (such as birth ratcs and in crcase in life expectancy), govern-
mental res pon ses to social n cds, thc cost of scrviccs and individuals' personal
tinancial resources.
It is argucd that thc tra<litional British household type (two par nts and
chil<lrcn living together) is fragm enting into new units. These significant changes
may incur substantial finan cia! burdens for the family groups and British socicty.
Social services

In 2017, therc were 27.2 million hous<:'hol<ls in Great 13ritain (sce

Table 9.1 ), but a trend towards smallcr units resulted in th e average houschold
size falling to 2.4 people. The most comrnon type was the one-family housc-
hold consisting of a couple, with or without children ( 15 .7 million ), which has
seen a small declin e. The next most common, and incrcasing, houschold type
was the onc-pcrson houscho1d at 7. 7 mi Ilion, with one person living alon c. The
third most common type was thc onc-family househo1d of a lonc parcnt with
dcpcndent children in 2. 7 million units.
Pcoplc have also combi ned with two or more unrelate<l adults to f<.)fffi
a group-sharing household catcgory (0.8 mi Ilion). Multi-family households
with two or more families or relations wcrc thc fast 'St growing househol<l type
(0.3 million). Mcmbcrs may be unrdatcd or rclatcd, such as a marricd couple
living with th eir son and his girlfrien<l. This type has incrcasc<l reccntly due to
young peop1e b ein g uncmploycd or una bl e to atforcl a prop ' rty of their own.
lt is pre lictcd that traditional oppositc-scx married couples will in future
b e outnumb red by thosc p eop1 e who choosc not to rnarry. The proportion of
unmarried mcn is cxpected to in crease more than that of unmarrie<l womcn
and the risc in cohabiting couples ( ·ouplcs of th c sam or diff-ercnt gcn<lcrs liv-
ing togethcr outside marriage ) may not compcnsatc for thc decrcas ' in marricd
couplcs.
Thcsc prcdictions are complicatcd because th e Jdinition of marriagc as
bctwccn mal -' and -f-e mal ' changcd in 2013 to allow peoplc of thc same scx/gcn-
dcr to b ' legally marrie<l. Additionally, in 2004 sam e-scx couplcs in England an<l
Wales could obtain legal rccognition of th eir relationships by rcgistcring a · civil
partn ers, and werc ablc to convert th ir rclationship to marriagc from 2014.
By 20] l, som' 53,417 civil partncrships wcre registert.d, and th crc wcrc 1,409
sam e-s<:.x marriages by 2014 (SG per cent bcing fc malc and 44 per cent mak). lt
is argue<l that civil partnerships will declin e in popularity and b -' overtakcn by
marriagc. Household and family groupings havc produ ·cd thc ir own sex/gender
idcntities in response to changing views and lcgislation (scc Table 9.2).
Th e status of same-scx marriagc an<l other gend "'r qucstions in Britain are
debatcd . An ONS survcy in 2016 reported that 2.0 pcr cent of OK adults agc<l

TABLE 9.1 Types of household, UK, 2017 (millions)

One-person household 7.7

One-family household (couple) 15.7
One-family household (lone parent) 2.7
Two or more unrelated adults 0.8
Multi-family households 0 .3
Total households: 27.2
Source: Adapted from Labour Force Survey, Office for National Statistics, 20 l 7
 Soci al services 259
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TABLE 9.2 Types of families, UK, 2017

Family type Total families

Married couple family 12,834,000

Opposite-sex married couple 12,800,000
family
Same-sex married couple family 34,000
Civil partner couple family 55,000
Cohabiting couple family 3,291,000
Opposite-sex cohabiting couple 3,190,000
family
Same-sex cohabiting couple 101,000
family
Lone parent family 2,817,000
AII families 18,997,000
Source: odopted from Labour Force Survey, ONS, 2017

1G and over gave the ir sexual idcntity as ksbian, gay or bisexual ( I ,CB ), 1.2 pcr
cent as gay or lesbian, ami 0.8 as bisexual. Maks wcrc twicc <.1s likcl y as h.' maks
to reveal th eir sexual idcntity as gay or kshian. Howevcr, transgcndcr pcrsn ns
did not appcar in thesc figures, although transgrndcr pcrsons haw had tlw right
to changc their legal gen<ler sincc 2005 ( LGBT).
More a<lults will b e living alonc in thc futurc. Thcrc has bcl'n a signiiicant
incrcase ovcr the past 20 years in onc-pc rson houscholds with no ch ildn' n.
Thcsc are peoplc of all ages who may be singk hy choice, divon.-ed, st·p.m1tcd,
wi<lows or wi<lowers and the largest numhcr in 2017 wc rl' womcn .
While marriage is the most common form of partncrship for mrn and
womcn, it is becoming less popular. ONS -figures show that tlwrc wcrc 23~),020
marriagcs bctwcen opposite-sex couplcs in 2015 in Englan<l and Waks, a 3.4 per
cent decrease from 2014. Sorne 30 pcr cent wcrc rcligious marTiagl'S, 70 pcr Cl' lll
wcre civil marriages, usually in ar gistcr offic and 15 pcr cent wcrc rl'marriagl'S
for both parties. More p eople dday marriage for carccr ami othcr 1-easons with
the average age in 2015 bcing 37 .5 years for rncn and 35. l for wom 'n.
Th e average British marriagc whi ch rnds in divorcc lasts 11 ycars anJ six
months. Th e rate of <livorce in England and Waks tluctuatl's and has rl'ccntly
becn d ,cJining. Rcmarriagcs are at greatcr risk than lirst marriagcs anJ p ·oplc
who marry under 21 are thc most susceptible to divorcc. Thc ratc for remar-
riagcs arnong rnen is <loub1e that of womcn ami thc most common <livorcc
ages for both womcn and men are bctw 'en 25 to 29 years. Divorce affects a
considerable number of chil<lrcn un<lcr 1(). Th c trauma is increas d by the con-
frontational nature of th e divorce systcm, with contlicts over property, financial
support and custody of childrcn.
Soc i al serv íces

A recent decline in divorce rates has arguably coincidcd with an increase

in cohabitation (same-sex coupl es, opposite-sex couplcs and civil partn ers liv-
ing together outside marriage) . In 2013, therc wcrc 2.9 million opposite-sex
cohabiting famili es and 89, 000 same-sex cohabiting famili es in England and
Wales and the number may rise over the next 25 years (see Table 9 .2) . Sorne
of these relation ships are stable and long-tcrm and eight out of ten resulting
births to couplcs are registe red by both parents, rath er than onc. as prc.viously.
Adoption of children by civil partners and same-sex couples, and surrogacy are
also increasing.
ONS figures rcported that th e UK population grcw to an cstimated
65. l million in 2015, and markcd an increase of half a million people since
2014. In 2017, there were 766,000 people in the UK aged 18, but this number
has be.en decrcasing. The population is b ecoming older with 18 p cr cent aged 65
and ovcr and 2.4 per cent aged 85 and over. lt is proj ectcd that thc population
will reach over 70 million by 2050, although th ere was a 2.5 per cent decrease
in births and fcrtility rates in En glan<l and Wales in 2017 .
Average lifc expcctancy in 2014 was 80.42 years, with mcn at 78 .26 years
and women at 82.69 ycars, and th ere are more women among th c el<lerly. But
th e number of oldcr pcoplc in thc population is ex pectcd to grow Iess quickly
in future than in rcccnt ycars.
Although th e population is growing, child-bcaring is heing delaye<l, with
wome n in Britain having thcir -first child on average at 28, se.ven years older
th an in 1971 . Sorne women are dclayin g child-hcaring cwn longer for educa-
tional and career reasons, an<l th erc has hccn an incrcasc in th c numhcr of single
women and married/unmarried couples who ch oosc. to rcmain -hil<llcss, or to
lirnit their famili es.
Th ere has h een a growth in th e numbcr of onc-p arc.nt famili cs with <lepen-
dent children since 1961. In 2017, sorne 3 million childrcn wcrc bcing raised
in 2.8 million one-pare nt famili cs. Sorne 91 pcr cent of these unit<; are headed
by a mother an<l 9 per cent by a fath er. Of thc womcn hrin ging up on e-parent
famili es 16 per cent are single, 34 per cent are divorce<l, 22 pcr cent are scpa-
rated and 17 p er cent are widowcd. Lon e fath ers te nd to be either divorccd or
widowers. Sorne of these famili es (with th c highest proportion bc ing in inner
London) often have reduced living standards an<l sorne are dcpcndcnt upon
social security b enefits.
Th e proportion of working-age women in employmcnt is now sorn e 70 per
cent. More women are retuming to work m ore qui ckly after thc hirth of a child
and women make up 45 per cent of the workforce. But although Britain has a
high percentage of working moth ers and wives, provisions for matcrnity leave
and child care are low in European terms.
The various household units have to cope with increase<l dem ands upon
them, which may cntail personal sacrifice. They carry out most of th e caring
roles in British socil'ty, rathcr than state professionals. Only 6 per cent of p eople
 Social servic e s

over 65 and 7 per cent of disabled adults live in statc or prívate institutions.
Most disabled children and adults are cared for by their families and most of
the clderly are either cared for by famili es or live alone supported by th c social
s 'rviccs (Social Care). These figures represent a saving to th e state, without
which the cost of state health and social care would rise to very dcmanding
levels. H owcver, the burden upon famili es will grow as the population becom cs
more elderly, state prnvision is rcduccd and the numbers of disablcd (currcntly
b million a<lults) and disadvantage<l increase. There are proposals that more
social carc state aid shoul<l be given to carers, families and local authorities to
lightcn th "Ír bur<len and to cnablc thc clderly to stay in th eir own hom "S rathcr
tha n in expcnsivc carc homes or hospitals.
Th e picture that emerges from these statistics is one of smallcr households;
more pcopl e living alonc; an increasc in one-parent units; a declining <livorcc
ratc; more individuals living longcr an<l contributing to an ageing population;
mo re working mothcrs an<l wivcs; more cohabiting couplcs; ncw structures
. uch as civil partnerships; gcndcr classitications; and a tkclin' in oppositc-sc x
marriagc. Thcse featurcs intlu ' ncc thc contemporary state an<l privatc provi-
sions for social sccurity, hcalth , social can>. and housing. Th ey are v -ry diff '1-cnt
to previous gcncrations.

Social security (pensions and welfare benefits)

A ncw social security systcm was intro<luce<l hy Conscrvativc govc-rnmcnts in

20 14-17. It providcs p cnsion and wclfarc paymcnts to indivi<luals and thL'ir
dep ' ndcnt fam ilies. It is organi7.ed hy Ocpartmcnt for Work and Pcnsions
(DWP) otficcs in Englan<l and by d 'Volve<l agencies in Waks, Scotland and
Northcrn Irclan<l.
Eligible l3ritish pcoplc have since th e mi<l-twcnticth cc ntury r 'cciwd statc
contributory an<l 11011-contributory bcndits. Contributory payments are thl isc
whue workcrs contrihute to th e National lnsuran cc Fund (NI) and incomc
tax systcm during the ir workin g lives and rcc 'ivc henc lits on rctircmcnt or
wh ' 11 necessary. Non-co ntributory hc-ndits are awardc<l to claim ants who lack
t he necessary contributions and are disahled, ill or in need. Sorne h ·ncfits may
involvc mcans-tcsting of p erson al resourccs or discrctionary co nsidcrations
bcforc aid is granted.
Th e ontributory system has prnvided state retireme nt pcnsions for
employed pcrsons at 65, rising to 66-67 and possibly to 68 hy 2050; matcr-
nity pay for partncrs who take leave from work to care for m'w childrrn ; sick
pay for peo plc who are absent from work because of illn css or who hccomc
incapahk of work; an<l allowances for those who hecomc uncmploycd.
A widc rangc of non-contributory aid has been historically provi<lcJ to th e
eldcrly, one-parent families and the long-term sick in thc formo( for cxa mple,
Social services

Housing Benetit, Disability Allowan cc, Child Benefit, d ental treatrnent, eye
testing and childre n's school rn eals.
Under the old system, there were sorne 30 rnillion p eople in th e UK who
received income and assistance frorn social security. There werc a very large
number of diffcrcnt payments and at 29 pcr cent of total government expendi-
ture, social security represcnted th e largcst single arca of state spcnding. Public
retirement pensions were the most expensivc itern, accounting for sorne 37
pcr cent of total expcnditure and it was argued th at the pension could becorne
unsustainablc without fu rther reform and raised qualifyin g agcs. The other
main categories of benefit recipients are generally familics with children (18.4
per cent) , uncmploye<l p cople (2.5 per cent), p 'opl c on low incornes (20.8 p er
cent), clderly people (42.3 per cent), sick an<l disabled people ( 15 .53 per cent)
and hcreave<l peoplc (0.31 p er cent) .
Social security benefits do provide a dcgree of security for many British
peopk:.. They are supposcd to be a safoty net against nced, but this does not pre-
vent rclative har<lship. Sorne 13 .5 million p cople with 1.8 million chil<lrcn live
in houscholds below the low-income threshold ([279 a wcek for a couplc with
two depcndent childr 'n under 14). Oth er stu<lics suggest th at a quarter of the
populati on live on thc poverty line, which is somctim <:.s meas urcd as fi() pcr ent
of th e average annual national in come. But accurate povcrty fi gures are <lifficult
to gather because th ere are diffcrent ddinitions of what constitutcs povcrty.
Social security benefits are exp ensive and will bccom more so as thc num-
b ers of thc sick, di sadvantage<l, d<lcrly, poor, disabled and unemploy ,d pcr-
sist. Th e numbcr of benefits has grown an<l ca n be <lifficult to understand. lt is
al1eged th at they cncourage a dependency and welfare culture in which succcs-
sive gencrations of sorne famili es have never workcd .
Governments have tried to reform thc welfare systcm by attackin g abuse,
cutting expense and reducing bcn cfits whilc still preserving the safety net com-
mitment, targcting th ose people with th c great st nccds, and cutting poverty
and exclusion, whil e encouraging p eople into employment and away from
a life time on b en efits. Governments argue th at thc cost of social security is
un sustainable and try to encourage sclf-provi 'ion through work. But it is dif-
ficult to limit thc numbers and to create a simple an<l fair system that pro-
tects the genuine needy and p ersuades people to b ecome more self-reliant and
indep endent.
G overnments are con cerned that p eople sho uld look afte r th e msclves
without automatic recour e to the state for h lp. Polib cal partics agree that it
is unacceptable that those who are capable of work should reject it for a life
on b enetits. Thc reati on of jobs, an embrace of the work cthic and grcater
p ersonal responsibility are seen as essential in th c face of a potc ntially <liHi-
cult economi c futurc, social un certainties, a growin g clder1 y p opulation and
p ension <lifti cullil 's. For c xamplc, it is now gcncrally accc pted th at workers
should work lon gl·r lwl"o rT cbimin g th eir statc pension s (65 years at prese nt,
 Soc i al services

hut moving to 66-68), and save to supplement their pe nsions while in work.
More p eople are also now accepting th e chance to work longer, and work-
place agcism is decrcasing.
The coalition government from 201 O b egan to rcform w elfare henefits, and
argued that too many people werc trapped on hcncfits. After delays, changcs
werc gradually phased in in <litferent parts of the rnuntry from 2014 . Thcy
were designed to make work pay rather than pcople sccing thc ir in comc drop
when they moved off benefits. It has trie<l to simplify and rcform the system
by m crging former working-age hcnctit<; and tax credits into a single payment,
callcd Universal Crcdit (UC).
UC was supposed to he paid monthly in arrears and is bascd on peopl e
trying to move into work. But it ca n takc up to -five wceks to reccive th e tirst
UC paym nt after a successful claim, lcaving sorne rccipi e nts without intcrim
finance. Th e amount of UC rcceivc<l is gradually rc<luced as more moncy is
ea rn ed. Claims are madc online, and <litlcrcnt systems apply in Northcrn lre-
land, Wales and S ·otland.
In England, UC is a single monthly paymcnt for peo plc in or out of work,
an<l will replacc single hcn efits and ta x c rcdits. It compriscs a sta ndard allowance
to covcr hou. ing, duti es of carcrs, child-carl' rnsts, disabled childrcn an<l ill or
disahle<l a<lults. Thc maximum UC award comprisc·s one allowan cc for a housc-
hold an<l any family circumstanccs. J\n <1pplicant will rccc iw th c maximum
amount if thc household has no other ca rnings, savings or capital of [6,000 or
less. Oth er household carnings will b e takcn into account whcn ca lculating thc
UC paymc nt.
A pcrson o n UC ca n rcccivc paiJ work and qualify for a work allowan cc, or
thc amount of mon ey onc is allowcd to 'a rn bcforc th c UC paymrnt is affcctcd .
This work allowancc <lcpc nds upon whcthcr onc is rcsponsihlc for c.kpcnc..k nt
chil<lre n or is unablc to work beca usc of illn ess or <lisahility. Thc UC pa ym c nt
will be r ,Juced if earnings ex ·ee<l th c work allowancc ( carnings tapcr ). Earn cd
or pai<l hcndits, such as Maternity, Patcrnity and Sick Pay are trcatcd as ca rn-
ings an<l will also affect th e tapcr. Sorne uncarnc<l incomc, such as .Johscck-
T1s Allowan ·e and Pcnsion incomc will also affcct th c UC paynwnt. But othn
uncarncd in co me (Child Be nefit, Maintcnan ce paymcnts and Disahility l ,iving
J\llowan ·e ) will not be deducted from UC paymcnt.
The previous welfare systcm was scen as complcx, <lifl1 cult to un<lcrstan<l,
faulty, allowt.d pco plc who could work to rc main on wclfarc bc nctits and gavc
thcm insufficient incentives to start working again. But it is arguc<l that applying
for th c new UC can also be stressful.
Thc introduction of UC from 2013-14 was rn ca nt to improve th e previous
syste m by cnsuring that any be n ,fits that a person rcccived would in foture be
paid in one 1ump sum. The idea was to cncouragc people to find paid work,
in crcase thcir working hours, and move inlo a ncw working environment. Th e
ncw syst cm is supposed to be simpler, so that those who find johs do not have
 Social services

to worry about increased poverty. The changes were also intended to reduce
error and fraud .
Howevcr a study ü1 2016 by th e Fabian Society argued that the new sys-
1

tem was inadequate1 most low-income working h ouseholds would be worse off
by 2020 and famili es on out-of-work benefits face losing a fifrh of their income
1

bccausc of successive governrnent cuts and squeezes in public spending. With-

out an overhaul of UC and social sccurity policy the crisis in living standards
1

for poorer families will bccom c worsc as thcir incomcs dctcriorat e and child
1

povcrty and inequality will rise sharply. Th e Labour Party argued that what
was needed was a system that takcs account of contemporary social realities1
such as low pay high housing costs insecure work longer working lives and
1 1 1

caring rcsponsibilities. Otherwise1 social security spending under current policy

is likely to halve in the next fcw ycars.
Critics concluded that thc roll-out of thc UC schcmc should be halted
bccausc it was flawed in execution unjustly varied in operation an<l was as
1 1

co mplex as its prcdcccssor. Thc Conscrvativc govcrnmcnt in 2019 was forced

to delay th e implementation of peopl e moving on to UC because of th e prob-
lem s associated with it 1 such as delays in payme nts and correct assessment of
individual cases.

The National Health Service {NHS)

The National H ealth Service (NHS) was created by a Labour governmcnt in

1946 and was irnplemented across the UK in 1948. It was based on th e B 've-
ridgc Rc port recommendations and replaced a prívate system of paymen t for
health carc by one of free health treatment for ali at th e point of need . Sorne
in thc m cdical professio n wished to retain prívate m edicine and opposed thc
establishment of th e NHS, but this was countcrcd by thc govcrnm ent.
Thc NHS was originally intended to be free for those needin g m edica]
help irrespective of incomc. This idcal dcspite continuing problcms has bee n
1 1 1

largely achieved 1 and thc systcm is ccntrally fundcd through th c incomc taxes
and N ational Insurancc contributions of pcopl whilc in work. Hospital and
most m edica] treatment under the NHS are free for British citi zcns those for-
1

cign citizens lcgally rcsident in Britain and EU visitors to Britain undcr thc
Europcan H calth Insurancc Card (EHIC) . Th e NHS provides a comprchc nsive
range of m edica} and dental services bascd on hospitals and medica] practices 1

doctors dentists nurses, midwives ambulancc scrviccs blood transfusio n units

1 1 1 1

and othcr hcalth facilities.

However1 sorne hcalth serviccs and prescriptions lwritten notes from a doc-
tor enabling patirnts to obtain drugs frorn a chemist or pharmacist) 1 dental
work and cyc tests havc to be paid for (with exceptions in Scotland1 Wales and
Northern Irclaml ). l\1 ynw nts are dcp . . ndent upon employment status agc and
1
 S oc ial services

incomc. Children under 16, pcople on social security b endits and ol<l age pcn-
sioners rcceive free prescriptions, eye t ests and subsidizcd dentistry. Cov --rage
of NHS dental treatment is limitcd an<l many dentists havc left th e NHS for
private practice.
Th e complicate<l health structures in thc UK originated in legislation from
1946-69. D evolution in 1998 completed a scparation proccss, but whilc thc
lo ur devolved systems in England, Walcs, Scotland and Northern lrcland are
mostly indepcndent from cach othcr and handle their own health matte rs, sorne
Fun ctions are shared. The tcrm NHS usually rcfers to thc UK collectivdy, thc
UK government fund s thc NHS for th . . whol e UK, and has control over thc
English NHS through th e Departmcnt of Hcalth an<l Social Can~.
Thc individual systems ar National Hcalth Scrvicc NHS ( England ),
Health and Social Carc in Northern frcland, NHS Scotland anJ NHS Walcs.
NHS England also undcrwent rcorganization aftcr thc passing of thc Hcalth
and Social Carc Act 2012. Sincc ach devolved country has its own politica l
tructures, Jivcrgcnt programmes havc dcvelo¡wd Jcspite basic similaritics. For
examplc, paymcnts (such as prcscription charg --s) cxist in England, hut not in
the othcr systcms.
Thc UK Parliamcnt sctc.; thc ovcrall budgct availahk to thc NHS in Enghtnd
and allocatcs a hlock grant to cach devolved govcrnmcnt, which J cc icks how
much to spcnd on its regional hcalth-carc 1wcds. Hcalth cx pcnditurc in England
fo r 2017- 18 was [122 hillion, U 3 .2 billion in ScotlanJ, G.3 hillion in Walcs
and [5 billion in Northcrn Ircland. The NHS is th ' biggcst single cmployn of
labour in Western Europc. However, comparcJ with othcr G7 countrics, GDP
cxpe nditurc is rclativcly low and lnwcr than othcr major Western rnuntrics
which hav<.' a highcr co mbination of th e public and the privatl' in thcir hcalth
spcnding. lJK Funding de rives from UK taxation and National Insurancl' con-
tributions. Othcr sourccs of incomc include charging non-EU ovcrsC'as visitors
and insurcrs for the c:ost of NHS treatm nt, prcsniptions, dental chargC's and
hospital ca r parkin g.
Th crc has hccn much criticizcJ restructuring of NHS England by sucn·s-
sivc govcrnmcnts. In 2013, thc cxisting 152 Primary Carc Trusts (PCTs), which
controll ed loca l . pcnding on dt.ntists, hospital opnations, test<; and medicines
wcrc organi:t,cd mainly by health managers an<l accountcd for 80 rcr cent oF
NHS srending. Finan cia] and health commissioning Jutics (of primary carc)
wcrc given to 200 Clinical Commissioning Groups (CCGs) lc<l by General
Practitioncrs (GPs or doctors). F.:.vcry GP surgcry haJ to b clong to a CCC.
A. Clínica) Commissioning Boar<l was crcatcd which took charg . . of oversccing
thc NHS from thc Dcpartment of H ·alth. Hospitals had Trust or Foundation
status (r ,f rreJ or seco ndary carc based on rdc rrals from GPs) an<l would be
independe nt of Whitehall control. Thc Conservativc government promised to
cut bureaucratic costs, but this exercisc in reform and the resulting structures
have b een suhjcct to widespread criticism .
Socia l services

Doctors
Most people in Britain who require h ealth care will first consultan NI 1S-funded
doctor, who is a GP or non-specialist general practitioncr, of whom, for exam-
ple, thcre were in 2016 about 41 ,985 in England in 7, 6 13 practi ces and 2,887 in
Wales in 454 practices. There are difficulties with loss s, rctcntion and recruit-
ment of doctors. The majority of GPs are now membcrs of group practices,
where they share larger premises, scrvices and equipment, which also allow for
rnin or surgcry. A patient may be on the pan el of one narncd doctor, although
appointrnents with overstretched GPs can be diHicult to makc. Altcrnatives are
an NHS Jrop-in centre or Minor Care Unit, or in urgent cases th c A ccident and
Emcrgency Departmcnt ata local hospital.

Hospitals
lf patients rcquire furth er treatment or exarnin atio n, thc GP reters thern to
specialists and consultants, normally at local NHS Trust hospitals or Foundation
hospitaJs. Both typcs of h ospitals are 'self-govcrning' to a large extent, run their
own indcpcndcnt budgets and scrviccs, and provi<le rn ,Jica], dental, nursing
and rnidwife ry staff lt is argucd that although NHS England 's number of hospi-
tal bcds has fall en from 299, 000 to 142,000 in thc last 30 years, th e numbcr of
total pati nts being treated in hospital has increased bccause of greater input-
output efficiency. Britain has sorne rnodcm hospitals and fa cilities and m ore
hospitals are bcing constructcd, but it also has many buildings that were built
in th e ninctcenth century and are in need of moderni zation an<l repair. Th ere is
a shortagc of b cds in sorne hospitals, yet wards and hospitals are being d oscd.
Lon g waiting times for con ultancy visits and adrnission to hospital for op cra-
tions as well as for treatment in accident and em ergency dcpartments are still a
source of concern, despite a large infusion of governrnent funds into the system
and irnprovcm ent in sorne arcas.

The state of the NHS

Th e NHS has an ambivalent po, ition in th e public mind. On one hand, it is
praised for its work as a free servicc and its achievements. It is consid red a
success in terrns of consumer demand . Today pcople are in general rccciving
help when th y need it and many who would previously have died or suffered
are surviving and being car d f'ór. Standards of living and medi cine h avc risen;
better <liets have been devised and th ere is grcatcr health awareness in thc pop-
u lation at large.
On the other hand, th e NHS is criticized by sorne for its alleged in effi cicncy,
waste, cost, variation in trcatment throughout thc country, medica! scandals
and bureaucracy. lts obj cctiv s are considered too arnbitious for the amount of
 Soc i al se rvi ces

PLATE 9 . 1 Doctors' waiting room at busy GPs' practice, National Health Service . © age
fotostock/ Alamy Stock Photo

\
PLATE 9 . 2 NHS operating theatre in action, Chelsea and Westminster Hospital, London .
© Photofusion/Shutterstock
.,
·~ 268 Social services
;T
PLATE 9.3 University Col lege Hospital, "'
London, one of the new NHS hospitals
bei ng constructed i n many pa rts of
Bri tain . © Jeff Black ler /Shutterstock

money spcnt on it. Th e media constantly draw attcntion to shortcomings (such

as hygiene problems, breakdown, infectious discase outbreaks in hospitals and
lack of care and conccrn for patients). Workers in the NHS, such as doctors,
nurses and non-medical staft; complain about low pay, long hours, managcm ent
weaknesses, levels of staHing (with a shortage of doctors and nurses ), and cuts in
scrviccs. In the past, it was suggested that such problems could be solvcd simply
by injecting more rnon ey into the NHS, but incrcased spcnding by govcrnmcnt
has not eradicated what many critics see as a managerial inability to organize
the funds competently at the points where th ey are needed. Alleged inefficiency
and delays at general practice level lead pcoplc to scc Accident and Emergen y
D epartmcnts in hospitals as the only point of entry for help, which leads to
overcrowding and near-breakdown of th e A&E system. The dernands upon the
NHS have grown hugely, piling forther pressures upon staff In the 201 7- 18
winter, the NHS had great difficulty in meeting demand .
Rising costs and in creased demand provoke cries for more financc and
resources. The NHS is in many ways a victim of its own success and of thc
dernands that th c British place upon it as of right. It is inevitable that a free,
consurner-driwn scrvin· w ill rcquirc increasing levels of exp enditure, b etter
 Social services

managcmcnt of existing resources, more political competence from govern-

ment, grcatcr understanding from the public (including their use of the GP
appointmcnts system) or alternative funding. Yet despite prnblems, such as
increasing physical assaults upon health professionals in hospitals and surgeries,
an upsurge in waiting times in GP surgerics and A&E, and fc.)r hospital appoint-
ments and operations, together with oth er undoubtcd prcssures, it is generally
accepted that much of thc NHS works well, gives value for the moncy spent on
it and attracts popular support.
There are many suggestions as to how th e NHS can be improved, but each
can have unfortunate results. lncreased government spcnding on th e NHS may
require increased taxation, although rcsearch for thc NHS Confodcration in
2018 found that 77 per cent of respondcnts to a poll supportcd a Conscrvativc
governmcnt plan for a 4 per cent per year rise in health spcnding over fiv e yea rs,
amounting to i:.20.5 billion yea rly, and thcre was sornt.:' backing far a 3.9 per cent
rise in spending for social care. The incrcascs wcrc thosc ckcmcd ncccssary for
the NHS to makc improvcmcnts for health and social can:' to mcct <lemands,
accor<ling to the Jnstitute for Fiscal Stu<lies and th e J--h:,alth Poundation.
Forty-two per cent of the public agrccd that this would mean income tax rises
for taxpayers and 45 pcr cent that it involvc<l incrcased national insurancc.
Charges coulJ be maJc for sorne scrviccs, but this woulJ go against tht.:
principie of free hea lth care, although polls show that man y rcspon<lents are
prepared to pay for sorne NHS care if it mcant an overall hcttcr servio. ~.
More efficient rnanage mcnt of cx isting fon<ls, or the rcplacemcnt of allcgcJly
undcrpcrfórming managers, might rnake sorne efficicncy savings, hut possibly
not cnough. Combining a public servicc with prívate insurance as in othcr
countries might not inclu<le poorcr pcoplc, who would still be dcpcndcnt
u pon a free N HS.
Prcvious Labour govcrnments had involvcd thc privatc sector more closcly
in th e running of the NHS (for examplc..', through privatc hnancc initiativcs or
PFis to huild new hospitals) and paying for paticnt can~ in privatc hospitals to
reduce strain on th c NHS. But many p ·oplc rcgard thcsc schcmcs as privati,.a-
tion of th e NHS an<l sorne prívate contracts for building projc..·cts an<l snvices
havc not bccn succcssful and led to thc ncar-bankrupt -y of sorne hospitals, clin-
ics and carc homes.
Governmcnts havc tried to raisc NHS spcnJing, reduce managcmrnt costs,
transfcr moncy to mcdical care and statt; and reorganizc NHS aJministration .
But thc nccd fór more money continucs. The public, according to polls, have
secn littlc actual improvcmcnt, are apparcntly disillusioncd with attempts to
rcvitalizc thc NHS and are very conccrned about hcalth facilities. But th ey
still continuc to support thc NHS in po1ls. A survcy of eight European coun-
tri es, Canada, the USA and Australia in .Tune 2014 by the Commonwealth Fund
showed that the UK ranked nrst in ov 'rall pcrformances, such as quality of
care, access, efficiency, cost, equity of servicc anJ other indicators such as infant
Social serv ices

mortality rates. Howevcr, it lagge<l on health outcomes in tenth place and was
in third position for tirnelines of care.

The prívate medica/ sector

lt is argu d that h ealth care hould not b e a qucstion of who ca n pay for it, but
a responsibility of the state. Howevcr, atternpts hav been made to involve thr
private sector in providing health care.
Governments have encouraged the growth of prívate health institutions,
private rnedical insuran ce and commcrcial partnerships between the public and
private sectors. For examplc, th e controversia! private financc initiative (Pfl)
allows new health facilities, such as hospitals to be built and maintained by the
prívate sector. These are then lcased to th e NHS, which provides clinical ser-
vices and controls planning and clinical decisions. However, PFI arrangcments
have run into problcrns and NHS hospital Trusts have foun<l it difficult to ser-
vice and pay for their loans and leases. ln theory, th prívate sector could be
scen as compl ementary to the NHS. 1t can release press urc on state funds; gives
choice to pati ents; allows the sharing of medi ca! rcsources; provides fl exible ser-
viccs; results in cost-effcctivc cooperation with the NHS; and allows trea tment
of NHS patients at public expense in the prívate se ·tor. However, PFI arrange-
ments have been prnbl · mati c and NHS hos pital Trusts have found it difficult to
scrvicc an<l pay for th eir loans and lcases.
But agrecmcnts are ma<le with other prívate health-care providers to enable
the NHS to make b etter use of facilities in prívate hospitals. Sorne NHS hospi-
tals also share expensive equipment with prívate hospitals, and NHS paticnts
are treated ( at public expense ) in th e privatc sector when it represents value for
money. Howcver, the scale of privatc me<lical practie<:. in r -lation to thc NHS is
small. M uch private treatrnent is confined to relatively minor medica} cases and
exp ensive, long-term high-technology care is still carried out mainly by thc NHS.
About a quarter of all opcrations and health care in Britain are paid for
privately by patients out of their income, capital or insurance policies. Sorne
6.9 million individuals and 4.8 million people in company plans ar ~cov r d by
private medi cal insurance taken out with businesscs such a the British United
Provident Association (BUPA). Concern about waiting lists and all ged stan-
dards of hcalth care in the NHS p 'rsuade many to take out such insurancc. The
insurance policy pays for private care either in privatc hospitals and dinics, or
in NHS hospitals which provide 'pay-beds' (bcds for the use of paying patients) .
These still cxist in NHS hospitals and wcrc a concession in 1946 to thosc doc-
tors who agreed to join th e NHS but who wishcd to ke<:.p a number of private
patients. Opinion polls report that a significan t minority of people som ' times
consider going prívate to avoid lengthy NHS queues, although in practic' it is
estimated that the majority of Britons do not have private medical insurance.
Man y people toda y ar' likcl y to be deterred by th ' rising costs of insuran ce
premiums and privatc trcatnwnt.
 Soci a l services 271
.,
A~
;T
The personal social services/social care

The state sector

State social ·are servic s providc fa cilities by local government and other agen-
\·i --. in th local community which assist people, such as the lderly, th dis-
:ibl d, th e mcntally ill, families, chilJre n and young people. Unlike th NHS,
which is fun<l ed directly from the governm nt, social care is fund ed by local
n mncils and di nts may be means-testcd on thc cost of th e services providcd
lo them . Trained staf( such as district visitors, nurses, social workcrs anJ ca re
;1ssL t ants cate r for th "'Se personal needs. Th e s rvi ·es are organizcd by local
governm ' nt and d evolved authoriti es with UK govcrnmcnt funding. While it is
argued that statc social servi ces n '"' -d extra public moncy to addrcss prohl cms,
local and devolved authoriti cs are sdling or c.fte-ctivdy privatizing part of thl'
sector to avoid costs and to maintain basi - s 'rviccs. For exa mplc, mental hcalth
serviccs are seeing more p eopk seeking h -,lp, but lo ·al govcrnmcnt spc nds only
l .4 pcr cent of th eir public hcalth budgcts on mental hca lth . A crucial qu cs-
t ion is whethcr th c in clusion of Social Ca1T in tlw Dcpartmcnt of Hcalth wil l
im provc thl' ovcrall provision oF so ·ial ca rc. At prcsc nt, th crc are Funding proh-
lems for local governmcnt and its constitucnt parts.
Incrcasing press urc is being put upon th 'soc ial s 'rvi ccs, familics anJ carns
a the Id ,r)y population grows an<l th ' ranks of thc disa<lvantagcd risc. For
t.xarnplc, th numbcr of publi c rcsidcntial carc and nursing homes for th c
d<lerly is insufficient for th e d mand . Sorne havc hccn sold off to savc rnsts or
incrcas -'d th cir fccs, whilc sorne private homes closc b ccausc of cx ¡w nse and
rcd uc d profit. In both ·ases, cklcrly pcnpk rnay he fon:cd to s ,11 tl1l' ir nwn
ho m 'S to cover so rn e or ali of thcir cxp c ns 'S in thc remaining, hut dccrcasing,
public and private nursing or ca rc homes. Howcver, in Scotland rcsi<lcntial and
medi ca] carc is free und ' r d volved legislation . Carc scrvi ccs for thc cid -rly an<l
infirm in both privatc an<l stat ' se ·tors fa cc s 'V ··re staff shortagt unlcss highcr
pay an<l better training fo r workcrs are introduccd an<l thc systcm op 'rat s on
a b tter founJation.
Abuse of vulnerable patients and reside nts in carc homes continues to lw
a prob le m, particularly in the 17,000 homes in England, of whi -h 1,200 havc
b .<:.n warn d about thc quality of rcsidcnts' wclfarc treatm · nt. Thc low pay and
ina<lcquak training of carc assistants is a concern and th crc are <lillicultics in
contributions that local ·ouncils are supposed to pay at a time of hu<lgct cuts.
Vari ou · 'Carc in thc Comrnunity' programmcs havc bccn introduccd hy
Conservativ and Labour gov rnm c nts with lirnite<l success. Th -' aim was to
giv financia] and material support to farnilies and carers lookin g afrer cklcrly or
disabl d relativcs in the latter's own homes or for children and adults with <lis-
abilities in thc family home. It also allowc<l psychiatric patients who do not nceJ
constant care to be mov d to the community under so ·ial services supcrv ision
Social services

and for elderly and disabled people to be cared for in th eir own homes by social
services. The aim was to prevent the institutionalization of pcople and to give
them independencc.
The schemc had difficulties, such as mentally ill and disab] ed patients
becoming homcless, being housed in inadequate temporary accommodation
and ncglecting their m edication, while elderly p eople receive poor or insuffi-
cient attention and help by hard-pressed official carers. It is argued that local
authorities need more support, that helpers and carers should receive b etter pay
and conditions, and that it should be recogni zed that home supervision of the
elderly is not only cheaper than hospital, but what they wish for.
The p ersonal social scrvices also catcr for peop] e with 1earning disabilities,
give h elp to families and provide day-care fa cilities for children. Childrcn in
need or suffering from family brcakdown and dysfunctional parents are a1so
supposed to be protected in rcsidential care accommodation and local author-
ities facilitate fostering and adoption services. But thcre have been a number
of serious cases in recent ycars which havc drawn attention to the physical
and sexual abuse in childrcn's care homes and grooming gangs in the com-
munity which prey on young p eople, as well as child dcaths in family homes
from neglect and abuse. Local government social services, which are often hard
pressed, havc been heavily criticized.
Jn 2018, actual spending on social care was 9 p er cent lower p cr pcrson
than ten years ago, despitc extra governmcnt fun<ling and councils trying to pro-
tect services by switching money from other budgets. According to thc Institute
for Fiscal Studies, this mcant that local authority spen<ling on adult social care
dropp cd by 1O per cent in real terms between 2009 an<l 2015.
Other scrvices (excluding adult social care) providcd by local authori-
ties have been cut more h eavily, with average cuts per person of 32 per cent
although th ere were big variations with councils in poorer areas making larger
cuts. In 2018, councils in the 30 most dcprived areas of England cut social care
budgets overall by an average of 17 pcr cent, comparcd with 3 per cent in the
30 least deprivcd.
The Conservative election manifesto in 2017 proposcd to reform social
care, arguing that bctter-off older p --ople shoul<l pay more for their social care,
including care at home. Suggestion s were also made to make th e health and
care systems work more closely togeth er. A<lult social carc faced fundamental
changes in order to provide a system that worked for everyon e in society.

The private social care services and voluntary sectors

While therc wen: improv ~ments in state social care scrvices in the twentieth
century, then.' is still a shortage of f-inance, resourccs and effective policies to
support all thl' mTd y anJ disadvantaged in a comprehcnsive fashion and th eir
numbcrs con tinttl' to risl'. Thc prívate sector supplies various care facilities, but
 Social services

th ese are also declining because of costs. It is therefore important that voluntary
chariti s and agencies have remained and continued their work. Thcse are a
complementary welfare service to the statc and private facilities and provide an
essential element in the total aid pattern. The state system would he unable to
cover all nceds without them.
Most of th e voluntary agencies have charitable status, whi ch m eans that
th ey gain tax concessions on their incomc, but r ceive no ( or vcry littlc) finan-
cia] support from the state. However, sorne groups, such as thosc dealing with
drug and alcohol addiction and released prisoncrs, do receive financia! grants
fro m central and local government. Thcre are many thousands of voluntary
organizations in Britain, operating at national an<l local lcvcls and varying con-
sidcrably in size. Sorne are small and collect limitcd amounts of mon ey or dona-
tions from thc public. Others are very largc, have professional stafts and rcceive
millions of pounds from many differcnt sour -es. Sorne groups, such as Oxfam
(for the relief of famin e) and the Save the Children Fund, have now becom c
international organizations, although O xfam anJ others suffcrcd from destabi-
lizing accusations of sexual abuse in thcir foreign operations in 2017- 18.
Thc following are examples of voluntary age ncies in Britain. Barnardo's
provides hclp for necdy children; th e Church of Englan<l Ch ildrcn's Socicty
cares for ncglectcd children and is Britain 's largest a<loption agcncy; thc Cancer
Rescarch I~und gathcrs nnance and carries out resea rch into cures for canccr;
thc Pcoplc 's Dispcnsary for Sick Animals ( PDSJ\) providcs free vctcrinary aid
for pcoplc's pets; the Samaritans give tel ephon e he lp to thc suiciJal; womcn's
groups have foundcd refuges for abused women; anJ Hdp thc AgcJ campaigns
for the elderly.

Housing

Housing in thc UK is divided between th c puhlic and private sectors. Thcsc are
ovcrscen by the Ministry of Housing, Communities anJ Local Govcrnmcnt in
England and by devolved bodies in Wal es, Scotland and North ern lrelanJ . Th c rc
is at pr sent a serious lack of affordahlc properties to buy or rcnt in l3ritain,
and to simplify matters this section will refer o nly to the h ousing situation in
England .
According to ONS statistics in 2017, there were 23.9 million Jomcsti ·
dwellings in England (a slight increase since 2016) . The majority consistcd of
15 .1 million owner-occupied [private) dwellings, 4 .8 million privatc <lwcll-
ings rented from a private landlord or letting agency and 4 .0 mtllion so -ial and
affordable rcntcd dwellings (Prívate Registere<l Provi<lers and Local Authority ).
Thc prívate rentcd stock decreased fr ) m 201 6, the social and affordable rented
stock had incrcased and public sector stock had <lccreased. These figures illus-
trate the very variable state of the housing market in recent ycars, such as th e
 So c i a l serv ices

increase in private ownership, the decrease in prívate rented properties owncd

by 'buy-to-1et' landlords, and increa cd renting from Prívate Registered Provid-
crs (such as Housing Associations and other social housing landlords), despitL'
the fall in Local Authority propcrties.
There wcre 605,891 vacant dwcllings in England in 2017, an increase of
2.7 per cent from 2()1 G, and vacant dwellings were 2.5 pcr cent of the hous-
ing stock. Long-term vacant dwdlings had increased by 2.6 per cent and such
buildings are 0 .9 per cent of thc housing stock.
Social housing is in thc public, subsidized sector and is rentcd by low-
income tenants from local governmcnt authorities or housing associations
(non-profit-making bodies whi ch manage and build homes for rent and sale
with the aid of government grants ), and housing coopcra tives or charitablc
trusts. Thcse figures for England (as for thc rcst of th e UK) show a small decline
in home owncrship, but a rise in prívate and social housing renting, after a long
period from 1979 when prívate home ownership grcw stcadily.
Sorne 91 p er cent of the population livc in houses or bungalows (single-
storey houses) and thc remainder in flats and maisoncttes (about 9 per cent).
Houses are traditionally divided into detache<l (22 pcr cent), semi-d tached
(32 p er ce nt) and tcrraccd housing (27 per cent), with the greater prices and
prcstige being given to dctachcd property.

PLATE 9 .4 Detached hou se o n a new housing estate, Surrey, England . Detached houses
command the highest prices o n th e housing market, particularly as here in southern England .
But note the relatively sma ll-s ized house, sma ll w indows and high-density plot. © Shutterstock
 Social services

PLATE 9 . 5 Terraced housing , Kensal Rise, London . Terraced housing , where houses are joined
together in a row, varíes in qual ity and type throughout Brita in. These are popu lar and can be
expensive, depending on location and condition . © Ray Tang/Shutterstock

Much social, public or 'co un cil housing' has historically hccn provickd
by local council s with tinance from loca l councils an<l central govcrnmc nt.
Although th c provision an<l organization of such prope rtics hy local govc rn-
me nt has d -clincd in rcccnt ycars and more has b ccn takcn ovcr hy housing
associations, sorne local co uncils are incrcasingly building propcrti cs tór rc nt by
local tenants.
Conservative governments ( 19 79- 97) enco uraged th e grnwth of privatl
hom e ownership in the housing mark ··t, as part of its programme to crcatc a
property- and share-owning dcm ocra cy in Britain. In thc publi - sector, th e Co n-
ervativcs werc criti ca} oflocal government housing polícies. Thcy wanted local
auth oriti es to divest thcmselves of housin g management and instead, work with
housing associations and th e prívate sector to incrcas the supply of low-cost
housing fór rent without building ít th e mselves. The Conservativcs also contro-
vcrsially introduced ( 1980) a right-to-buy policy by which lo ·al government
sells off coun cil housing to sittin g tcnants at b elow-markct pric -'s. This policy
has increascd thc numbcr of hom ·-owncrs by over l mili ion and rcli -·ve<l local
authorities of th e expense of decoration, upkeep and repair. Th e Conservatives
in their 2015 Election Manifesto also announced that thcy woul<l allow Hous-
ing Associations to sell th eir houses at discount rates to existing te nc:mt.:;.
 So c i a l se rv ices

Th e Labour Party, after initially opposing thc right-to-buy policy, acceptcd

it, mainly because it proved attractivc to tenants. Later Labour governments
transferred back the revenue from council sales into loca] government (which
previous]y had not becn able to spend it) so that it can provide more low-cost
social housing. Labour thcrcfore returned sorne control over housing policies to
local government and was sceptical of tenants who bought council properties
to quickly sel1 them on for profit on thc open market. But Conscrvative gov-
ernment spending on social housing was cut to El .5 billion of total spcnding in
thc 2014-15 budget.
The construction of ncw public1y fundcd houses has declin ed considerably
in real terms and the private sector is not building enough low-cost or afford-
able properties to satisfy th e necd for housing. Critics argu that Conservative
governmcnt housing policies contributed to a serious shortage of cheap rented
accommodation in towns and rural areas for low-in come groups, single peop]e
and the unemployed, at a time when demand was ( and is) growing. The biggest
increase in this demand is exp ccted to be in the number of one-person house-
holds, which are proj ected to grow to 8.5 million by 2021. However, property
prices have been increasing and thcrc is at present a serious lack of affordable
properties to buy or rent, which particu1ar1y affccts young peoplc.

PLATE 9.6 Southmere housing estate, Thamesmead, London . Counci l or social housing bu ilt
by local government authorities for rent to low-income tenants . Many of these concrete tower
blocks hove now been demolished . © Cecilia Colussi/ Alamy Stock Photo
 Social se rv ice s 277
.,
·~
.:.T
The normal procedure when buying a house or flat is to savc for a deposit
and then take out a loan on the sccurity of the property ( a mortgage) from
a building society, bank or other financia! institution. The amount of money
advanced on a loan depends mainly on the borrower's salary an<l it is usual to
borrow three times one's gross annual salary. This long-term loan is normally
paid off over a 25-year p eriod and includcs intcrcst. Currently many p "ople
cannot afford a deposit, obtain a mortgage, or, if lucky, pay off th c debt. J\t
present rates and priccs, many in the younger generation may n ver he abl . . to
afford to buy a property of th e.ir own.
Housc prices can vary considcrably throughout Britain, with London and
south-east England having the highest priccs and northern England, Scotland
and Wales having the lowest. Prices incrcascd dramatically at thc bcginning of
the l 970s and much property spcculation occurred. Increascs th ' n stabilizcd
for sorne years. But thcre was a price boom from 198G to 1988 followcd by
1

high inter st rates and an increase in mortgagc fr)reclosurcs. This mcans that 1

when pcople cannot afford to continue th eir rcpayments on thc loan thc lend-
1

ing institution takcs over the property (_rcposscssion) and the occupicr bccomcs
homdcss. Thcrc was also a fall in housc priccs1 a property slump anda growth in
negativ ·' equity ( whcre thc loan excccds the value of the propcrty ), which was
only slowly reversed from 1994 as intcrcst ratcs wer ~ red uccd ami thc pror-
crty markct recovered. House prices thcn incrcascd again throughout Britain 1
and properties were arguahly overvalued. lntcrcst ratcs incru1scd to co untcr
the propcrty boom . Lenders oft '11 gavc high loans to borrowcrs who coul<l
not rcpay them. A crc<lit crunch arrived in 2007 bringing a collapsc in thc
housing market and reccssion due to high mortgagc lending by institutions, thc
accumulation of p rsonal debt by borrowcrs and an ov ' r-supply of ncw prop-
ertics (such as buy-to-lct tlats accumulate<l by privatc landlords) . ForL·closurl's
incr . . ascd. After a pcriod from 2008 whcn thc housing market was closc to
collapsc, thcre was a gov . . rnment-aided growth in sales an<l priccs by 201 O. But
critics in 2014 were again warning about a potcntial housing bubhlc an<l an
overheated property market with high prices particularly in Lon<lon. On thc
1

other hand, by 2018 there was a slowdown in the buy-to-lct propcrty rnarkct
and spcculators wcre squeezed.
British homes still have variable construction stan<lar<ls. Many okkr typcs
are damp and cold; are frcqu ntly badly built; an<l lack central hcating, <loubk-
glazed winJows and a<lequate insulation. Yct therc has hccn sorne improvcmcnl
ü1 housing quality in recent years an<l most new houscs hav . . a reasonable per-
centage of the basic amenitics. Grcatcr attention has bccn paid to insulation
and energy saving, aided by governmcnt grants for oldcr properties. However,
as building costs rise and availablc land becomes scarce, thc trend in sorne new
property construction has becn towards flats an<l smallcr, more cramped rooms
in property generally.
.,
A~ 278 Social services
;.T
Ncvcrtheless, there are still districts, particularly in the centres of the big
cities, where living conditions are bad and th e equival ent of contemporary
slums. N early half of the property in the inner-city areas was built before 1919
and, in spite of large-scale slum clearance in the 1950s and 1960s, much exist-
ing housing here is in barely habitable shape. Sorne high-rise (tower) blocks of
council flats and estates in the public sector from the 1970s and 1980s have had
to b e dcmolished because of defectivc and dangerous structures. According to
the Independent newspaper in 2017, 1.4 million households containing several
mmion people were living in unsuitable rented accommodation.
Twenticth-century town renovation and slum cl earan ce policies from the
1930s attempted to rcmovc the populations of large city centres to new towns,
usually located in the countryside, or to new council estates in the suburbs.
Sorne of thc new towns, such as Crawlcy, Hemel Hempstead and Stevenage,
have bcen s ·en as successes, although thcy initially had their share of social
and planning problems. However, many other council cstates have tended to
degen erate vcry quickly. The bad design of sorne estates, their social deprivation
and ]ack of upkecp are often blamed for thc crime and vanda]ism which affect
many of them. Sorne local councils have tried to modernize <lecaying housing
stock, rather than spending on new developmcnt, in an attempt to preserve
loca] communities, although others have demolishcd ol<l propertics, parti cularly
in northern tngland and the Midlands. But renovation work is also being done
by housing associations ( with government grants) and by priva te builders.
Th e provision of sufficient affordable and vari cd housing in Britain, such
as one-bedroom properties for young and single persons, has been a problem
for many years. People on low (and even m edium) wages, whether married or
single, are often unable to afford th e cost of a dcposit and mortgagc for suitable,
but expensive, private property in the current market. Evcn young profession-
als and university graduates with substantial salaries are unable to savc for a
dcposit and to obtain mortgages, and many live with thcir parents. One of the
factors (in ad<lition to high property prices and travel costs) causing difticulty
for young p ople in buying first homes, particularly in rural areas within com-
muting distance of London, is the desire of affluent p eople for homes - or
second homes - in the cow1try. It is also difficult for young people to obtain
council housing (even if availablc) beca use of long waiting list<; which contain
1

applicants with priority over them . The right-to-buy policy has also re<luccd
th e number of appropriate council houses an<l flats for low-incom e group an<l
the unemployed .
In a limited housing market, it is argued that Britons should give up th cir
obsession with exclusive homc-ownership and investigatc ncw alternativc ways
to mect housing demand, such as shared rentals, part- or shared-owncrship
arrangernents, and negotiated board with parcnts.
Conservative governments have tried to cncourage landlords and othcr
agencies to provide more privately rented acco mmodation by kssening th c
 Soc ial services

cffects of rent legislation and introducing new lease structures. But th e relax-
ations have led to accusations of exploitation of tenants by landlords. Somr
landlords do not make repairs to their properties which can create dangero us
living conditions. They may try to evict tenants or lose their propcrties in a dif-
ficult housing market, leaving their tenants homeless. The previous Lahour gov-
ernment wanted a healthy prívate rented sector. It tricd to improve th e ri ghts
of 1 aseholders to purchase their freehold anJ protcct themselvcs against abuse
by unscrupulous landlords. At th e sam e time, there was a growth in inJividuals
purchasing 'buy-to-rent' propertics which proved to be attractive investrnc nts,
but which could collapse in an econornic Jownturn, leaving th e tcnant hornc-
less. The recession lc<l to the virtual collapsc of thc 'buy-to-rc nt' rn arkct as land-
lords over-extende<l themselves. Currcntly, the housing rnarkct is at a low ebb
for those without deposits an<l a reasonable salary.
There are many suggestion. for housc-building schcmcs in an attcrnpt to
cope with the demand for housing. Howcver, th cse frequently rncct ohj ections
such as building on flood plains with th e conscquent threa t of tlooding. Oth-
ers could cause cnvironmental darnage, in creasc<l traffic congcstion and loss
of Gr 'en Belt land, although g wernrncnts havc pe rmitted coun -ils to allow
high-dcnsity housin g in urhan arcas and in sorne Grc "'n Belts. Then.' havc hcen
prot sts about ina<lcquatc govcrnrncnt housc ck vclopmcnt, ,rn<l lo ·al support
which allegeJly supports buildcrs an<l planncrs. Yet, a growing population will
need more an<l diffcrcnt propcrti cs.

The homeless and rough sleepers

Poor housing provision , povcrty, johlcssncss, <lysfunctional farnilil'S anJ mrntal
hcalth problerns hav<:- contributcd to the numbcr of homclcss pl'oplc, partirn-
larly in Lon<lon and othcr largl citics, which has lcJ to incrcascd social prohl cms.
Accurate nurnbcrs fr)r th c horneless are notoriously Jifficult to linJ . Orlicially,
govcrnmcnt figures in 2013 rcportcd that 112,070 peoplc in EnglanJ J cclarl'J
thernselvcs as homclcss to th 'ir loca l councils, who are lcgally ohligcd to housc
sorn e ca tegorics of thc horn less in temporary ac ·ommo<lation, such as hcd ami
brcakfast hot Is, which is usually inade4uate, '·specially for farnilics. Chariti cs
such as Crisis, Chain, Shcltcr an<l C -' ntrepoint givc a rcalistic homck ss total for
all age groups at about 380,000 (incluJin g ahout 130,000 chi]Jrcn) .
In addition to th c horneless, thcrc are thosc slecping rough on thc strccts or
at othcr locations. J\ccording to the Guarrlian ncwspapcr in 2014, thc numbcr
of peo ple sleeping in thc open in LonJon grew by 75 pcr cent to 6,437. Othcr
sources suggcst that, on any night therc might be sorne 2,4 14 pcoplc slccping
rough in England as a wholc. Howeve1~figures from thc Ocpartment for Commu-
niti s and l ,ocal Govcrnment gave lower figures of 4~)8 rough sleepers, with 248
in London. Sorne of them are visible on thc strcets and doorways of Britain's large
cities. Others live in squats (unoccupied houscs) an<l temporary accomrnodation.
 .,
"°:'JT--- 280 Socia l services

-- ~~i.;1J "\· •,.

• 2

PLATE 9.7 A homeless man begging , Cromwell Road , London . The previous Labour gov-
ernment claimed that the number of beggars, home less peop le and 'rough sleepers ' had
been reduced during its period of office . But estimated levels continue to vary considerably.
© Denis Cameron/Shutterstock

Th charity, Shelter, in 2017 us d govcrnmcnt Jata, freedom of informa-

tion returns from local authoriti 'S to estímate that 307,000 peoplc in Grcat
Britain are sleeping rough or accommo<latcd ( with children) in tcmporary
housing, bed and breakfast rooms, hostels or social scrvices housing, which
marked an increase of 13,000 sincc 2016. London is thc centre of homdessness
follow ed by Scotland and Wales, th e:. South-east and the West Midlands. This
figure includes 4,447 peopl e who wcrc slccping rough.
Th e reasons for homelessness and rough sleeping figures are varieJ, rang-
ing from poverty to m ental health, lack of affordable homes, housing benetit
cuts, and inadequate state help and finance. Mea nwhile the problcm expands to
commuter bclts outside London and largc provincial cities. Shelter warns 'that
more than a million households ar -. at risk of becoming homclcss by 2020'.
Homclessness is cornplex and affccts ali age groups an<l typcs of people,
but it is suggcsted that th e problem could be better handled. For exampk\ th er °'
are sorne 700,000 homes (mainly in th e Midlands and the north of England
but in crcasingly in south ern England) in both the private and publi - scctors
which remain cmpty and unoccupi ed for various rcasons. Critics arguc that
these could radicate the probl m of homelessness and thc housing shortagc if
they wen. properly refurbishcd, utilized and managcd.
 Social serv1ces

Chariti es such as Shelter and religious organizations like the Salvation

Army provide accommodation for the horneless for limited periods and cam-
p aign on their behalf Local organizations, such as Housing Advicc Centres and
Housing Aid Centres, also provide hclp. But the problem of housing in Britain
i still a major one and a focus of public concern. The hi gh prices of many pri-
vat c houses, the inadequacies of th e public sector mark · t an<l the difficulties of
sorn e r nting suggest that thc problern will re main. Although thc numb r of
new starts for housc construction improved in 2013-14 foll ow1ng the 2007- 10
rccession, th erc was a decrease towards the cnJ of 2014.

Attitudes to the social services

Opinio n polis indicatc that British people are concern ed ab out th c social ser-
vices ( NHS, soci al care, housing, pensions and social security ). An flconomist
lpsos MORI poll in Scpt "mbcr 2017 reported that the NHS/hospitals/health
care wcre in second place at 40 per cent after Brexit among thc rn ost important
issues/probl ems fa cin g Britain . H ousing was in sixth place at 16 pcr -cnt, pov-
erty and in cquality wcrc in eighth piare at 15 pcr cent andan age ing popul ation
and social ca re wcrc in tt'nth pl ace at 12 pcr cent. This scction will be mainly
concern ed with the NHS.
An lpsos MORI. Political Monitor poli in Jun e 2018 aJdrcsscJ th c iss ucs
faced by thc NHS an<l political attitu<lcs abo ut hcalth car '. Whrn rcs pon<lcnts
wcr ' ask ,J which politi ca l party was thc bcst at managing th c NHS an<l has th c
best rolicics on hcalth ~are, 40 pcr cent said l ,abour, 22 pc r cent sai<l C onsc r-
va ti ve, 5 pcr cent sa i<l Lib Dcm an<l l pcr cent saiJ UKIP. But 7 pcr n' nt sa i<l
'othcr ', 9 p er e ' nt sai<l ' ncrn c' and 17 'J on't kn ow' .
Th e re wc rc rnany argumcnts ahout in suflicicnt f1n ancin g of th c NHS an<l
its potcntial coll apsc in 2017- 18. Th c Conservativc govc rnmc nt h ad plc<lged
t o provi<lc an extra .[20 billion a ycar to th ., NHS for thc ncxt hvc )'l ars. lpsos
MORf Political Monitor asked rcspon<lcnts wh cth cr this extra fundin g was
cnough to ge nerate an improvemcnt in NHS scrvi ccs. Onl y 14 pcr cent sa id it
was, an<l 4~) per cent th ought th at it woulJ only maintain currcnt NHS perfor-
mance levcls.
The Monitor as kcd responde nts whi ch m 'tho<ls th cy woul<l support to
pay for th e incrcased fundin g fr>r th c NHS announ ce<l by th c govl rnment.
Fifty-tive per ce nt supportcd increasing individual taxcs; 55 per cent favoured
more chargcs for pco pk on hi gh in com c; 38 pcr e ' Jlt wanted more chargcs
fo r vcryo n ·'; 21 per cent upportcd highcr govcrnm -' nt spe nding; 20 per cent
wantcd reduced spc nding on other publi c servi ccs; and 5 per cent favoured
othcr means. Whe n th e Monitor askccl fo r re. pondents' expectations of the
NHS, 54 per cent thought that it wo uld get worse and only 22 per cent thought
that it woul<l get better.
.,
A~ 282 Socia l services
~T
Fears about the future of th e NHS are widely hdd . For example, the NHS
Fedcration in 2018 argued that th e annual NHS winter crisis now lasts all year.
It maintained that:

Without new ways of deliverin g serviccs and sustained investment,

N HS and car serviccs will simply not be ablc to cope We are not
currently doing enough for the old, the sick an<l th e vulnerablE., and as
things stand it will get worse.

The NatCen Social Research 's British SocialAttitudes (BSA) survey (2018)
asked th e public about their views on thc NH S anJ h ealth issues gencrally. It
found that satisfaction with thc NHS overall was 53 p er ce nt ( a 3 per cent drop
from 2017) . This was th e lowest lcvcl since 2007, but still better than th e low of
34 per cent in 1997. In particular, satisfa ction with GPs was at the lowest cver
of 63 per cent. The main reasons for satisfa 'tion with the NHS werc 4uality of
care; it was free at the point of use; the attitu<les anJ behaviour of NHS staff;
and the range of services and treatments avai]abk. The main reasons for dissatis-
faction were staff shortages, long waiting times, lack of fun<lin g and go vcrnment
reforms.
Surveys show that the NHS remains a rcsp ected national institution with
puhlic support fo r its founding principl es and the prio1itization of th c health
service for extra govemmcnt funding above other public scrvicc. such as cduca-
tion and welfare. Yet th e public's satisfaction with the NHS fluctuatcs in terms
of waiting times, patient exp rience, annual fears of immin ent collapse1 fundin g
and political attitudes to th e NHS.
The reason s for a decline in satisfaction include all eged J cterioration of ser-
vices, negative m edia reporting, public expectati ons of the NHS, and opposition
to government an<l its NHS p olicics. D ebate and concern continuc and it may
be th at th c publi c are supporting an iconi c state institutio n under threat from
perceived privati zation, irrespectivc of its actu al perform ance and satisfa ction
lev Is. Th c politi cal p arti es admitted in thc 2015 G '"' neral Election ca mpai gn
that th e NHS would run an annual defi 'it in th e futurc, which must be covered.
Yet there is no long-term programmc for m eeting the J d icit and no alternative
plan for how Britain can bcst generatc thc wealth to fund its public servi ces,
apart from ta.x revenues.
In spite of such concerns, th e 2010 BSA survey fo und th at 81 p ' r cent of
respondents thought that there should be m ore/ or much more spcnding on
health. But only 39 per cent said that govcrnment should in crease personal
taxes in order to improve health and social s -rvices and 50 per cent th ought
that ta.xes and spt nJing should rem ain at thc sam e earli ' f lcvcls.
The probkm of tin ancin g tate services remains1 and in Britain is linkcd to
the bu<lget Jdi c: it l()llowin g thc credit crisis in 2007 . Poll rcspondents diffe r
on how to redun· tlw hudgct J cncit, sh ort of increased taxa tion . A m ajority
 Social services 283
.,
A~
;¡T
think that public sector spcn<ling in fact need to be cut. 0th rs f 1that mak-
ing th c public services more eff-i cient could save rnon ey to pay off th c defi-
·it without damaging the services or raising incorne taxes. Som belicv ' that
reducing NHS waste and rnanagem e nt would givc considerable savings in th e
NHS bu<lget . Othcrs argue that th e coalition govcrnment's reforms of th -' NHS
to give doctors and nurs s control over th e ir own bu<lgc ts and work proccdurcs
would improve thc costs and organization of thc NHS1 r duce hurea ucracy and
incr as local control. Y t it appcars that th ' various attempts at NHS structural
r form. had not b ec n succcssful.
It is doubtcd wh cth r eff-icien cy savings would in fa ct b e suff-icicnt to make
deep inroads into budget d -ticits. Publi c so ·ial serviccs are at presc nt <lemand-
1 d and must be servk d largcly by taxation r vcnu s despitc thc fa ·t that osts
1is annually. Most of th e suggcstcd solutions to improvc quality an<l produc-
tivity such as b cttcr pay an<l con<litions for publi · s ctor cmployccs; more su ch
workcrs; and more invcstm -nt on new buildings and equipmcnt hav to be
largely paid for from tax revenucs. Both working and mid<l1c c:lasscs have becn
squ -'eze<l by highe r tax es1 and th c high e r paid havc bccomc thc prcfcrrcd targ ' t
group.
Rcs pon<lcnts to polls oftcn <lo not bclicvc that thcrc had b cc n a grca t
improv ' mcnt in social scrviccs gencrally <lcspit ' in crcasc<l govcrnnwnt spc nd-
ing and cuts. The y do not co nsider that statc institutions are wcll run and tht n:
is growin g support for more co mprch c nsivc, bcttcr-fundcd ami more <. fficicnt1
lcss wast +ul statc scrviccs. Y, ,t d espitc considc rabie rccc nt criti c ism of tht' N HS
an<l social scrvi ccs1 th ' pe rsonal cxpcricnccs of many indiviJuals in th c ir dcal-
ings with th ' systcm ar' usually vcry positivc. Doctors and nurscs frcqucntly
h -aJ th c lists of profcssionals with whom Britons are most satisfic<l 1 dcspitc
rece nt sca ndals about hiiling hospital\ m -dical ncgligcncc1 dclaycd appoint-
m e nts1 pati ·nt abuse1 lack of ca rin g trcatmcnt and ovcrworkcd (,Ps.
ft is argucJ that altcrnatives might consist of bcttn1 more ·füci c nt funding
of th e NHS such as upfront chargcs for it ' mizeJ serviccs subj 'et to annual
maxima ( as in othc r countrics) an<l supplcmcntary insurancc likc thc appar-
. ntly successful social insuran c . schemcs in Francc and J\.ustralia 1 in addition
to proportional taxation and National lnsurancc contributions. I-Iowcvcr1 thc
importation of privat sector mode ls into th e NHS1 such as PFI and privatl' Sl'C-
tor re-styling of hosp itals and doctors' surgcri s1 havc· not provcd succcssful or
popular with th e public. N 'VCrth cless, th ere is alrcaJy a <legre<.' of privati;,.ation
in thc publi c hcalth serviccs and it is possibl e that hospitals and doctors' surgcr-
i s could bccome more compete nt and co mp titivc market structurcs free from
exccssivc governm e nt and mana gc m e nt intcrfcrcn cc.
Thc problems of NHS funding are con<litioncd by history anJ cultural tradi-
tions1 n:'liance on statc funding as a reaction to past suffering1 andan assurnption
that th e pr scnt syste ms should be ablc, without Jra tic alteration1 to solve th e
problems of an ageing population and in crcasing amounts of chroni c lon g-t rm
Soc i al services

illness. So much of govemment p olicy and legislation therefore tends to be

working at the edges of monolithic structures wi thout fundamenta] and effec-
tive reform. O pinion p olls show that a m ajority of the British people support
the idea of a welfare state and public social services that are fun ded by taxa-
tion . O nly a minorit y seem to b elieve th at privatization policies wo uld improve
th e eff "ctiveness of public servicé's. All British política] p arties have, to varying
degrees, committcd themselves to sup port a public NHS and front-line social
welfa re serviccs.

Exercises
Briefly explain and examine the following terms, commenting on their
significance in British life:

welfare state chemist flats social services

roug h sleepers benefits GP nuclear family
'pay beds' rent Shelter council housing
workhouses landlord Oxfam Beveridge Report
Poor Law bungalow mortgage Child Benefit
Charities homeless cohabitation building society
PFls prescriptions managers budget deficit

Write short essays on the following tapies:

Describe the structure and condition of the National Health Service .

2 Does the social security system provide a comprehensive service for the
needy in Britain?

3 Discuss the different types of housing in Britain and the method of buying
property. What are sorne of the problems that affect property buying
today?

Further reading

George, V. and Wilding, P. ( 1999) British Society and Social Welfare, London: Palgrave/
Macmillan
2 Glennester, H. (2000) British Social Policy since 1945, Oxford : Blackwell
3 Ham, C. ( 1999) Health Policy in Britain, London : Palgrave/Macm illan
4 Harris, B. (2004) The Origins of the British Welfare State: Social Welfare in England and
Wales, 1800-1945, London : Palgrave/Macmillan
5 Lowe, R. (2004) The Welfare State in Britain since 1945, London : Palgrave/Macmillan
 Social services 28S
.,
A ~
;T.
6 Ludlam , S. and Smith, M.J . (eds) (2000) New Labour in Government, London : Macmillan
7 Mullins, D. and Murie, A. (2005) Housing Policy in the UK, London : Palgrave/Macmillan
8 Page, R. and Silburn, R. (eds) ( 1999) British Social Welfare in the Twentieth Century,
British London : Palgrave/Macmillan
9 Willman, J. (1998) A Better State of Health, London: Profile Books

Websites
Department of Work and Pensions: www.dwp.gov.uk
Department of Health : www.doh .gov.uk
Home Office : www.homeoffice.gov.uk
Charity Commission : www.charity--commission .gov.uk
Women's Unit: www.womens-unit.gov.uk
N ational Assembly for Wales : www.wales .gov.uk
Northern lreland Executive : www.nics.gov.uk
Scottish Executive : www.scotland .gov.uk
BSA survey and research : www.kingsfund .org .uk/projects/bsa-survey-2001 -14 and www.
natcen .ac. uk/our-research/ research/british-social-attitudes
 10
Education

■ School history

■ The 1944 Education Act

■ The contemporary state school sector

■ The contemporary indep endent (fee-paying) school sector

■ School organization and examinations

■ Higher education

■ Further, adult and lifolong education

■ Attitudes to education

■ Exercises

■ Further reading

■ Website
Education

British education today operates on thrcc main levels: schools, furthcr/adult educa-
tion and highcr education. Schools are divided into stat (maintained from publil·
funds) and indepcndent (privatcly financed) sectors (the lattcrmainly in England).
But there is no common educational organization for the UK, and England, Waks,
Northern lreland and Scotland havc somcwhat diifer nt school systems. This
chapter concentrates on the largest school unit, that of England, with comparatiw
refcrences to Wales, Scotland and Northern Irdand. Furthe:.r/adult and higher edu-
cation have similar structurcs throughout Britain and are mostly state-funded.11w
four individual countries of the United Kingdom have signifü:ant degrccs of eithcr
national or devolved self-government in educational matters.
Thc quality of contemporary l3ritish statc school cducation is of conccrn to
many par nts and teachers and attracts criticism b eca use of tcachcr and fund-
ing shortagcs. J\.n Economistllpsos MOR! poll in 2017 placed e<lucation/schools
in fourth plac' at 21 pcr cent in a list of the most important issues/problems
facing Britain. In recent years, international comparisons by organizations such
as thc Organisation for Economi - Co-opcration and Development's (OECD)
Pisa tests have suggested that Britain does not rank highly in global terms for the
quality of its school systcm (defin ed by goo<l passes in national examinations
in reading, maths and scicnce by 15-year-olds). Rcs ults for 201 G, for example,
showed that Britain had droppcd to 27th in maths and 22nd in rea<ling, but
climbcd to 15th place in science. England had the stron gest results in the UK,
but performance had not improvcd globally. Th e highcst intcmational ratings
werc consistently achieved by Asian cducational systems and by sorne Scandina-
vian countrics. However, a Pearson/Economist international leaguc table in 2014
based on widcr school and university results showed that the UK had achieved
a good p erforman ce in sixth and second places in Europe behind Finland. But
statistics vary over time, cover different areas, and rai. e questions about how
educational systems are, or should b e, mcasurcd.
British prc-school and primary education som times give poor rcsults,
allegedly because of low-quality nursery schools1 unqualificd an<l undcrpaid
statt; and poor working conditions at sorne primary schools. Figures from Ofsted
(the Officc for Standards in Education) frequently rcport considerable numbers
of children leaving state prirnary schools without basic skills in reading, writ-
ing and arithmetic. Critics arguc that this results in sorn e functionally illiterate
pupils passing on to thc sccondary level of education, whcrc th ey may have
learnin g an<l associatcd lwhavioural problems. lt is also estimatcd that 7 mil-
lion adults (on<.: in liw) in Britain are illiterat . Low standards of literacy and
 Educat ion

11l11ncra y arguably stem in large part frorn decades of inadequatc state school
, ·, luca tion and currcnt difficulti es. Ofsted inspectors have particularly criticized
·., liool stan<lards in English, mathematics, technology and writing/rcading skills.
However, th ,, Times Hígher Educ:atíon World University Rankings 2018
li...,l(·J British univcrsitics as leading the top 1,000 universitics in the world,
,,·ith the University of Oxford in first place, th e University of Cambridge (2),
Imperial College London (8), University College London (16) and the London
Sl·hool of Economi cs and Political Sciencc (25). But the ranking suggested that
1;ritish univcrsitics haJ cx perienced a year of 'stagnation and rnodcst Jeclin e' ü1

which sorne of them had lost ground and others had slipped frorn the top 200.
l)ritain had also fall en frorn th e second most n:prcscnted nation aftcr thc USA
, n th e rankings and th ere are conccrns that a bad Brexit result woulJ furthcr
liurt the UK's reputation an<l rcsearch capacity.
In 2001, ílritain had thc high est proportion (35 .6 pcr cent) of univcrsity
.1:raJ uatcs agcd 21, largely becausc of short (thrc ~-ycar) degree courscs in most
institutions. It is argucd that courscs should be cut to two ycars in orckr to incrcasc
qua lity and productivity and reduce costs. But, today, thcrc is also criticism of
dcgrcc standards, tea ·hing peri-órmancc, inadequatc contcnt of courscs, varying
(lutcornc lcvcls, and an allegcdly dedining quality of studcnts cntcring univcrsity.
Howcvc~ British education <loes have positivc dcmcnts. Governmcnts
have p1ioritized cdu cation, im.provcd its overall quality and madc it a lifc-long
lcarning expericncc. Sorne primary school litcracy has improvcJ an<l rcforms
are being encouragcd in s 'condary schools. National school cxa minations havc
improved in rece nt y · ars and tests havc bccn rcvised to avoiJ grade intlation.
Signifi ca nt nurnbers of schools and stu<lcnts in th e statc anJ inlkpcnd cnt scc-
lors and univcrsities produce exccllcnt work . It is th c failing and undcrper-
lórming state and indcpcndcnt school s, anJ sorne univcrsitics which attract thc
media hcadlines.
Neverth eless, cdu cation still appears in sorne critica] opinion polb as a con-
cern b ecause of declining quality, inadc quatc structurcs, political and burea u-
cratic intcrfcrcncc in schools and unive rsiti cs, a targcts and test culture, a leaguc
tabl . m '-" ntality, anJ confusing attcrnpts to rcform. cducational systcms.

School history

T he com.plicated nature of British schools and current educational argumcnts

have th eir roots in school history. State involvcrne nt in education ·ame late
and thc iirst attempt to cstablish a unificJ syst m of state-funde<l clcmrntary
schools was rnaJe in 1870 for England and Wal s (1872 for Scotlan<l and 1923
for Northern lreland). It was not until 1944 that the statc providcd a comprc-
hcnsivc and national apparatus for both primary and secondary statc schools,
which was free and compulsory.
290 Education

However, sorne church schools have long existed. After England, Scotland,
Ireland and Wal es were gradually converted to Christianity by the fifth and
sixth centuries, the church's position in society enabled it to create thc first
schools. These initially prepared boys for the priesthood, but the church then
developed a wider educational role and its structures influen ced the Iater state
system.
Other schools were also periodicaily establish ed by rich individuals or
monarchs. Th ese were indep endent, prívately finan ced ínstitutions and were
variously known as high, grammar and public schools. Thcy were later asso-
ciated with both the modern independent and state educational sectors. But
originally such schools wcre largely contined to the sons of the rich , aristocratic
and influential. Most people received no formal schooling and remained j]liter-
ate and innumerate for lite.
In later centuries, more children b enefited as thc church creatcd new
schools; local areas develop ed secular schools; charity schools were provided by
wcalthy industrialists and philan.thropists for working-class boys and girls; and
sorne other poor children attended a variety of schools organize<l by voluntary
societies, women (da mes), workhouses and th e Ragged School Union. But the
children attending such institutions were a minority and received only a very
basic instruction in reading, writing and arithmetic. Th e majority of children
received no adequate cducation.
By thc ninetecnth ccntury, Britain (except for Scotland with its quality
education) had a haphazarcl school structure. Protestant churches ha<l lost
their monopoly of cducation ancl competed with the Roman Catholic Church
and other faith s. Church schools guarded their independence from state and
secular interference and provideJ much of the available schooling. Thc ancient
high, grammar and public schools continucd to train the sons of the middle
and upper classcs for profess ional and lcadership roles in society. Yet, ata time
when thc industrial revolutions were proceedin g rapidly and the p opulation
was growing strongly, thc state did not provjde a school system which could
educate the workforce. Most of th e working class received no formal or suffi-
cient education.
However, local and central govcrnm cnt did bcgin to sh ow sorne regard fór
education in the early nineteenth century. Grants werc madc to local authori-
ties for school use in th eir areas and in 1833 Parliament funded thc construction
of school buildings. But it was only in 1870 that thc statc bccame more actively
involved . An Education Act (the Forstcr Act) crcatecl local school boards in
England and Wales, which financed and built clementary schools in their areas.
Such state schools supplied non-denominational training and the existin g reli-
gious voluntary (or Church) schools served denominational nccds.
By 1880 the state system was providing free and compulsory dcmcntary
schooling in most parts of Britain for children b etween the ages of 5 and 1O
(12 in 1899). The Balfour Act (1902) abo]ished the school boards, made local
 Education

governrnent responsible fór state education, establishcd sorne ncw secondary

an d technical schools and fund cd voluntary schools. But, although state schools
rrovided education for children up to age 14 by 1918, this was still limited to
hasic skills.
Adequate sccondary school education rernained largely the province of the
independcnt sector anda few state schools. But generally, parents had to pay for
thesc services. Aftcr a period when the old publi c (private) schools had declined
in quality, they revived in thc nin eteenth ccntury. Their w eaknesses, such as the
narrow currículum and indiscipline, had been reformed by progressive head-
mastcrs such as Thomas Arnold of Rugby and their reputations irnproved. The
prívate gramrnar and high chools, which imitatcd the classics-based education
of th e public schools, also expanded. Th ese schools drew th cir pupils from the
sons of th<:. miJdle and uppcr classes an<l werc th e training grounds for the
-'stablished elite and the professions.
Stat sccondary school education in the carly twcnti -'th ccntury was mar-
ginally extendc<l to children whosc parcnts could not afford s ·hool fees. Schol-
arships (financia] grants) for clcver poor children beca me availahlc, sorne state
funding was provided and more schools wcre crcatcd. But this state hdp did
not appreciably cxpand scco ndary c<lucation , oth n beca use man y working-class
childre n werc rcquired to work becausc of family poverty rathcr than go to
. chool. By 1920, only 9.2 per cent of 14-yca r-old childrcn in England and Wales
were able to cnter secondary schools nn a non-frc-paying basis. 'Thc school sys-
tcm in the 'arly twentieth century was still inadequatc for th e dcmands of soci-
ty; working- and lower middle-class children lackc<l extcnsiv , cducation; and
hard-presscd govemmcnts avoided any furthcr larg -scak involvcmcnt until
1944.

The 1944 Education Act

In 1944, an Edu ation Act ( th e Butlcr Act) reorganize<l statc primary and sec-
ondary schools in England and Wales ( 194 7 in Scotlan<l ami Northcrn Ir land)
and greatly influ ·' nct.d futur ' generations of schoolchildren. Statc schooling
became fr 'e and compulsory up to the age of 15 and was divi<lcd into three
stages: primary schools (5-1 l years), secondary s hools Cl 1- l 5) anJ post-15
education . A Ministry of Edu ation dr w up poli cy guidelines an<l local cdu-
cation authoritics CLEAs) decided whi ch forms of schooling would be uscd in
their areas.
Two typcs of state school resulted from th Act: county and voluntary.
County schools wcre created by LEAs in cach county and divided into primary
and secondary schools. Voluntary schools were mainly those elementary schools
which had bcen founded by religious and other groups and which were now
partially tinanced or maintain d by LEAs, although many retaincd a particular
Educat ion

religious affiliation. Non-denominational schools thus coexisted with voluntary

school .
Following th e 1944 Act, most state secondary schools in England, Wales
and Northern lreland were effectively divided into grammar schools, secondary
modem schools and technical schools. Sorne grammar schools were new and
statc-funded, while others were old foundations, whi ch received direct state
funding and were known as grant-maintained schools. The placemcnt of pupils/
students in this secondary system dep ended upon an cxamination rcsult. The
eleven-plus examination was adoptcd by most LEAs; consisted of intelligence
tests which covered linguistic, mathematical and general knowledge; and was
taken in the last ycar of primary school at the age of 11. The object was to dif-
ferentiate betwcen academic and non-aca<lemic children, and it introduced the
notion of 'selection' based on ability. Those who passed th c e leven-plus went
to the grammar school, whilc those who fail cd went to thc secondary modern
and technical schools.
Although all schools werc suppose<l to b e equal in their educational aims,
the grammar schools were equated with a better (more academic ) education
and a socially rcspectabl e role, and qualified children (through national exam-
inations) for good jobs and entry into higher education and thc prof ssions. Sec-
ondary modern schools emphasized basic schooling, initially without national
examinations. Th e third type of school (tcchnical school) educated more voca-
tionally inclined pupils and apprentices.
The intcntion of the 1944 Act was to providc universal and free state pri-
mary an<l secondary education. Day-rclcase training at local coll cgcs was also
introduced for employed peo ple who wanted furth er cducation after 15, and
local authority grants were given to stu<lents who wished to cntcr what was
then essentially free higher cducation for many studcnts. It was hoped that
such equality of opportunity would expand th . educational market, lcad to a
better-educatcd society, encourage more working-class children to entcr univer-
sity and achieve greater social mobility.
However, in thc 1950s it was fclt that thesc aims were not b cing achieved
under thc selective secondary school system. Education beca mc a p arty political
battlefield. Th e Labour Party and oth<:.r critics maintained that the eleven-plus
examination was wrong in principie, was socially divisive, had ed ucational and
testing wcak.n esses, resultcd in middlc-class chil<lren prcdominating in grammar
schools and higher cducati on, and thus p erpetuated th e class systcm .
Labour governments from 1964 were committed to abolishing the
eleven-plus, selection and the sccondary school divisions. Thcse woul<l be
replaced by non-selcctive 'co mprehensive schools' to which all childrcn were
automatically transfen-ed after primary school. Thcy providcd schooling for
children of all ability lcvcL and from all social backgrounds in a local arca on
one school campus.
 Education

The battle for the compreh ensive and selective systems was herce an<l still
continues. Although more schools beca me cornprehensive undcr th e Conserva-
tive govcrnment from 1970, it decided against lcgislative compulsion . In stead,
LEAs were able to choose the secondary cducation which was best suited to
local ne ds. Sorne decided for -omprchcnsivcs, others retain "'d selection and
grammar sch ool.s, while most chosc a mixture of the two systems.
But th e Labour govc rnrncnt in 19 76 intcndcd to establish co mprehensivc
school s nationwidc. Before this policy rnuld b e impl em entcd, th e Cons rva-
tives carne to power in 1979. Thu -, the statc second ary .sch ool sector toe.lay
still remains dividcd b etwccn the selectivc and no n-selective options since
a min ority of LEAs in En gland do not havc rnrnpreh cnsives and th ere are
sorn e l G4 gramrnar schools left. Grammar school s are allowecl to ex pand on
on sitc, but th er are incrcasing d emands from pare nts and politic:ians that
new grammar schools shoulJ be crcatcd to widcn school choi ce in more parts
of th c co untry. Sc:hools in Scotland and Wal es are comprc hcnsiv c, although
thcrc are so rne indcpc nd cnt cstablishmcnts. Northern lri sh schools are at
prescnt divi<led into grammars and scco ndary moderns, but thc el e ven-plus
anJ sdcctive tests for the grammar schools are schedukd for abolition .
Thc comprchcnsive/sclcction debate rnntinues in difforc nl forms. School
c<lucation is still subjcct to party political ami idcological rnntlicl anJ in thc last
frw ycars has bccome a very divcr. c markctplace. Opinion polls suggcst th at only
a minority of parents support the origin al comprehcnsivc rno<lcl whik a major-
ity favour a divers system of schools (induding grammarsL with cntry for their
childrcn bcing baseJ on choice, assessment or cxamination selcction. How 'Vl't~
govcrnmcnt rcforms to the statc school sy.stt m are slill b 'in g mac.k with th c intro-
duction of academies anJ free schools (scc f<.)llowing scction ). lt is oftcn argucJ
that thc long-running debates about thc rclativc m crits of Ji·ffL' rcnt typcs of
schooling in Britain havc not bcncfiteJ schoolchil<lrcn or the educational systcm .
Th erc is also dissatisfaction with school performanccs and standards, which t<: nd
to be link d to arguments about the various eJuca lional mmkls, and a conccrn
that lack of quality and disciplin e kads to furth c r social probkms anJ incquality.

The contemporary state school sector

Children in England between the agcs of 3 an<l 5 are cntitlcJ to a numbcr of

hours per ycar of optional, state-fun<l ed, pre-school cducation, such as 'play-
groups', nurserics, cornmunity child-carc centres or nursery das.ses in schools.
Alth ough 'home training' by parents is lcgat statc cducation is otlicially free
and co mpulsory for children between th c ages of 5 and 18. Pupils remain in
education or training until th ir 18th birthday, when they reach the edu cational
'leaving age'.
294 Ed u ca tion

The education system is divided into stages based upon agc. Early Vean;
Foundation Stage (ages 3-5); primary education (ages 5- 11), subdivided into
Key Stage 1 (KS 1), Infants (ages 5-7) and Key Stagc 2 ( KS2) Juniors ( ages
7-11); secondary education (agcs 11-16), subdivided into Key Stage 3 (KS3;
ages 11 - 14) and Key Stage 4 (KS4; ages 14-16); Key Stagc 5 is post-16 educa-
tion (ages 16-18); and tertiary cducation (for ages 18+).
At agc 16 the students mainly take exams for the General Certificate ni'
Secondary Education (GCSE) or similar level qualifications. While education
is compulsory until 18, schooling is only obligatory until l 6, ancl thus post-1 (l
education can take a number of forms, and may be academic or vocational. This
can involve continued schooling, known as sixth form or collegc, lcading (aftcr
two years of study J to A-level qualifications, or a number of altcrnative levcl
qualifications such as Business and Technology Education Council (BTEC), thc
lnternational I3a ccalaurcate (llf), Cambridge Pr -U, WJEC or E<luqas. It can also
·includc work-bascd apprenticcships, trainccships, or volunte 'ring.
Sixteen-to-eighteen student options are th -reforc full-tim c c<lucation at a
schoo] or college, an apprcnticeship, trainceship, part-time e<lucation or train-
ing, as well as bcing employcd, self-employcd or volunteering for 20 hours or
more a week. Su -h students can apply for 16-19-ycar-old funding schemes to
hclp with education costs. Schools are mainly mix ed-scx, although sorne are

PLATE 10. 1 Pupi ls in a primary sc hoo l cl ass, Tooting , London . Ethn ic mi nority children ca n
now form a majority in state schools in oreas of minority group conce ntration . © ll po Musto/
Shutterstock
 Educat io n

Sorne 93-94 p er ·cnt of British children receive free education in

.-.; i 11gle-scx.
'-la te primary and sccondary schools, but thc state system has remnants of the
1 ~)44 Act and a diversity of school types throughout the country.

In England, thc Department for [ducation initiates ov rall policy (with

Walcs, Scotland and Northcrn Ireland having devolved rcsponsibility for their
1·ducational systems). State schools consist mainly of fundcd, non-dcnom-
inational schools and voluntary (faith) schools which are usually statc-aided
;111d self..run, with sorne bcing conn ectcd to religious groups. LEAs in England
nrganizc sorne statc schools in thcir are:.as and may be formally responsiblc for
< ·mploying staff and school admission proccdures. But LEA control has <leclincd

1:onsiderably as new typcs of schools have been cstablishe<l.

Schools
State schooling bcfon:. th c age of tivc is not compulsory in Englan<l and th erc is
110 statutory rcquire mcnt on LEAs to provide e<lucation for un<lcr-5 children.

But more parcnts in England (particularly thosc at work) are sccking school
provisions for younger children an<l thcre is concern about thc lack of oppor-
tun ities and th ex pense of child care beyon<l thc basi c amount prnvided by
governmcnt. Pupils attcnd statc primary school (dividcd usually into infants
and junior lcvcls) from the ag of S. Most th en movc to statc scco ndary school
level normally at 11 until th e agc of 1G or 18.
Over 87 pcr ce nt of sccon<lary pupils in Englan<l attcnd rnmprehcnsivc
s -hools or ncw alte rnativcs such as 'free schools' an<l acadcmics. 'rhcrc are
o nly a small numbcr of grammar ( 164) and sccondary modcrn schools lcft in
the stat' system from 1944. The continuc<l -xistcncc of thcsc lattcr schoo ls
dcpen<ls partly upon local governmcnt <lccision s, partly upon parcnt powcr and
partly upon central governmcnt policy. Although thc Labour Party is i<lcologi-
l:ally against increasing thc numbcr of sel· ctive grammar s ·hools, man y criti cs
and pare nts argue for thcir retention and ex pansion on ncw sitcs. Many such
s ·hools achicvc high national examination results and providc a disciplincJ aca-
demic ba kground .
Comprehensivc school pupils are oft.cn of mix<:.<l abilitics an<l come from
a varicty of social backgroun<ls in the local area. Th erc is sti ll much argumcnt
about thc quality an<l performance of this systcm . Sorne criti cs arguc that <lisa<l-
vantagcd students from poor homes reccivc a poor e<lucation . Othcrs maintain
th at bright academic chi ldrcn sufter, although 'setting' (formerly callcd 'strcarn-
ing' ) <livi<lcs pupils into diff-erent ability and intcrcst classes, an<l cx amination
results ca n b e excdl "nt. Arguahly, therefor ', forms of 'selection' continuc within
comprchensives. Th c re are sorne very good comprehensive schools, whi ch are
not confined to privikged and atlluent areas. But there are also sorne w -ak and
failing on es, which suff-er from a variety of social, economic an<l ·ducational
problem s and are sometimes ( if not always) associated with deprived inncr cities.
 Education

FIGURE 10.1 The state sch ool sector in England a nd Wa les Pre-primary (3-5)
Nursery and Sure Start

!
Primary (5-11)

!
Secondary ( l 1-1 8 - from 20 l 3)

In an attempt to encourage diversity in th e statc comprehcnsive system ,

Con servative governments established sccondary levelJ state-fundcd, privately
sponsored City Tcchnology Colleges spcciali zin g in science, tcchnology an<l
mathcmatics. The Labour government from 1999 also promoted school diversity.
It crcated a systcm of publicly funded, p art privat ly sponsored, sclf-governing
acadcmies indep endcnt of LEA control that replaced fa iling and un<lcrperform-
ing schools and wcrc intended to revitalizc deprived arcas. Specialist Schools
were formed which conc ntrated on thc sciences, m odern forcign languages,
sports or the arts and allowed best performing schools to m entor loca] strug-
gling schools. Univers ity technical col1eges wcre also introduced as part of the
acadcmies programme. Th ey offer technically oriented courses of study, which
are sponsored and supported academically by a univcrsity, are fund ed by the
state, non-sclective, free, and not controlled by a loca] autho rity. It secrns that
currently these colleges are stru ggling for studcnts and support. Labo ur also
tri <l to increase the number of voluntary schools organi zed by faith s (for exam-
ple, Church of EnglandJ Roman Catholic, Methodist, .Jewish, Muslim and Sikh).
Th e coalition governmcnt (2010- 15) expandcd these m odcls. It allowcd all
existing sccondary and primary statc schools to apply for academy status with
state budgets and to opt out of LEA control. It also enablcd parents, ch arities
and other bodies to apply to set up 'free schools' independcnt of LEAs with
state fundin g for each pupil th ey attract. While sorne of thcse schools have
exped enced difficulties during the set-up stage, thcy were thc top p erforming
type of school at GCSE ex amination level in 2017. H oweve1~ critics argue that
such refor ms creatc a two-tier secondary school system , in which state acade-
mies and free schools becom e self-governin g indepcndent trusts, whil e com-
prehensive schools remain largely statc-funded and LEA-controlled . In 2018,
two-thirds of state secondary schools w ere academies and more than 680 free
sch ools had opened or been approved .
Scotu.md has its own ancient educational system , with schools, colleges and
universities which are among the oldest in Europe. Its state school system is now
comprehensive and non-selective. Children transfor from primary to secondary
education at 12 and continue to 18. Scottish 'public schools' are state and not
private institutions (although sorne emin ent indcpendent schoo]s do cxist) .
 Education 297

PLATE 10.2 Nottingham Bluecoat Academy illustrates the historie stages that sorne English
sc hools hove passed through . Created in 1706 as a charity school with a Church of England
identification in ce ntral Nottingham, it moved premises before becoming a Technology Col-
leg e and in 20 12 a vo luntary aided Acad emy funded directly by the government. This buil d-
ing was established in 2006 and houses specialist teaching. © Martine Hamilton Knight/
Builtvision

In Northem Irelund the state s hools are mostly divi<le<l on rcligious

gro und into Catholic and Protestant and are oftcn single-sex, although thcrc
are sorne tentative movcmcnts towards integrated co-c<lucational schools. Thc
omprehensive principl . . had not been widely adopted an<l a selcctive systcm
with entry tests at 11 gives entrancc to grammar schools, which 40 pcr ce nt
of the age group attend. The futurc of entry tests and selectivc schools is still
debated. Student p erformances at selectivc schools are generally superior to
thosc in England, although examination rcsults in the compreh -nsivc schools
are comparatively poor.
Wales tcnds to follow th e state school and cxamination system in Englan<l,
although there are relatively few indep endcnt and single-scx schools.
Thc acadcmic organization of most English schools has bee n tradition-
ally largdy lcft to hcad teachers and staff Following Conservative an<l Labour
rcforms, hcad tcach rs in sorne schools now have greater financial respon. ihil-
ity f-ór school budgets, management, academic organization, appointmcnt of
teachers and student admissions. Trust bodies of schools, such as acadcmics, and
school governors (drawn from among local citizens and parents) havc greater
 Edu c at i on

powers of dccision-making and parents are supposed to have a voice in running

schools. These changes have meant a shift from educational to managem ent
roles within state schools and involve incrcased burdens of time and admin -
istration. Parents also have a legal right to choosc a particular school for their
children ( not always succcssfully achi eved) .

The contemporary independent (fee-paying)

school sector

The are sorne 2,500 indepcndent schools in the lJK, which cater for about
615,000 children. This is 6.5 pcr cent of all UK childrcn, but 7 p er cent of thosc
in England. The independent sector operates mainly in England, is separatc
from the state school structure and catcrs for children frorn thc agcs of 4 to 18
at different levels. Sorne ] ,289 schools today are mcmb ~rs of th e Independent
Schools Council, which accounts for 80 per cent of thc pupils in the UK inde-
pen<lent education sector.
The sector is defin ed by payrne nt for schoo] c<lucation . Its finandng derives
from invcstmcnts and the fees paid by th e pupils' p arcnts for thcir education,
which vary considerably betwcen schools and can amount to many thousands
of pounds a year. Th e independcnt sector is dep e ndcnt upon its charitable and
tax-cxcmpt status to survive. This m cans th at thc schools are not tax ed on
their income if it is used only for educational purposes. A minority of children
are scholarship holders, whose expenses are covered by thcir schools. Given
th e in creasing fccs, sorne parents are apparcntly movin g th eir chil<lren to free
schools where thcy may potentially havc good-quality s ·hools without paying
fees. Yet thcrc have recently becn incrcased numbers of pupils in indep endent
schools cau ed by overseas applications and Biiti h parents rnoving tccnagers
from state schools.
So-called public schools (private, not state ), such as Eton, Harrow,
Thc King's School, Canterbury and Winchester, are the more farnou s of the

Pre-preparatory (4-8)

1
Preparatory (8-13)

Public schools Other independent

(13-18) schools
(11/13-18)
FIGURE 10.2 The independent school sector
 Education 299
.,
" ~
;.T .
independent schools ami are among thc 264 leading schools that belong to
the H admasters' and H eadmistresscs' Conference. Loretto, Fettes Collegc and
George Watson's College are among w cll-known private schools in Scotlan<l,
which in total havc about 31,000 pupil . Many independent schools wcrc orig-
inally creatcd (often by monarchs) to provide education for the sons of thc rich
and aristocratic although sorne were under public managcmcnt and offered free
schooling to the public. Today, such schools ar often boarding cstablishmcnts,
where thc pupils live and are educatcd during t rm time, although many now
take <lay pupils (who do not board_).
Independent schools play a significant rol e in English edu cation an<l many
lcading figures have b ecn educated at th em. Entry today is comrctitivc, often by
an entrance examination, and is not solely rcstrictccl to social class, conn ections
or wealth, although th e ability to pay a child's f.,es is obviously important for
most parcnts. lndependent preparatory schools (at the primary/junior lcvel)
preparé. th eir pupil for secondary school cntrancc, and pan nts who decide
to send thcir children to an indepcndcnt school will often givc thcm a 'prep
school' cducation tirst.
lndependent schools can vary considcrably in quality and rcputation. The
sector has grown and has an attraction dcspite its small siz and incrcasing
s hool fees. lnsurance schcmcs for th e paymcnt of frcs givc opportuniti s for

PLATE 10.3 Pupils at Eton College, a prestigious independent (public) school near Windsor,
England . © David Hartley/Shutterstock
 Educati on

independcnt education to the lcss aHluent. But sorne parents make grcat finan-
cia! sacrifices so that their children can be independently cducated. Opinion
polls oftcn suggest that many parcnts would send their childrcn to an indcp n-
dent school if they could afford it because of the quality of man y of the schools
and because such schooling may give social advantages in later lite. However,
sorne schools have had to closc in reccnt years because of poor rccruitment, bad
finances, recessionary factors, ·ompetition, tcaching quality and legal demands
from government.
Thc independent sector is criticized for being elitist, socially divisive an<l
based on the ability to pay for education. In this vicw it perpetuates the class
system. The Labour Party has long argued for the abolition of indcpendent
schools and thc removal of thcir ta,-x and charitable status. Rcccnt go vcrnments'
cvaluation of the schools co nduded that the se ·tor should continue but that its
charitabl e position could be more ri gorously <lcfined to include aid to neigh-
bouring statc schools, such as the sharing of teaching and sporting facilities.
Short of outright government abolition, th c ind 'pe ndent schools secrn firmly
establish ed, despite the economic and political pressures upon thcm , and pro-
vide choice in what would othcrwise be largely a statc monopoly on school
educa tion.

School organization and examinations

The school day in English statc and independent schools runs at variable times
from about 9.00 a.m. until 4 p.m., with possiblc voluntary or ex tra-curricu-
lar activities aftcr school hours. Thc school year is divided into threc tcrms
(autumn, spring and sumrncr), although th ere havc bccn proposals to reo rga nize
this systcrn by adding another term and cutting holiday times. Classes in English
schools used to be calleJ 'forms' and in sccon<lary schools were numbered from
one to six, but most schools have now adopted ycar numbcrs from onc (e.g.
Year 2), which include a two-year 'sixth form' for advanced examination work.
An in creasc in th e birth rate from 201 Oled to larger numbers of schoolchil-
dren, particularly in cthnic minority communitics, and a need for more school
buildings and facilities in difficult economic times. OECD reported in 2014 that
the average lJK class size for state primary schools was 26 pupils, thc largcst in
Europe and secondary schools had average classes of 21.3 pupils. [ndep endent
schools have smallcr class sizes and a bettcr pupil- teacher ratio.
Most school teach ers are trained at univcrsiti es and other collegcs to dcgree
level. Thcre has long been a shortage of teachers in sorne subj ects, "spccially
in mathematics, tcchnology, physics and fore ign languages, and thcrc is an
increasing use of tcaching ass istants to take sorne of the burdcn from sp cialist
classroorn teachns. Sonw practising teachers incrcasingly see th e profession as
unattractive ami lc;1w l<)r lwttcr-paid jobs or retire carly. Teachers ( and th eir
 Ed uc ation

PLATE 10.4 Pupi ls and teacher at a secondary (comprehensive} school practise a chemistry
experiment. There is a shortage of girls studying science subjects in schools and at uni versity
and there are attempts to attract more of them to the field . © Si mon Towns ley/Shutterstock

tradc unions) at prcscnt are sutfering from low mora le and rccruitmcnt dif-
ficultics aftcr battles with thc governmcnt ovcr pay, condition\ govcrnmrnt
targets, cuts and e<luca tional rcforms, and from what thcy think is thc low sta-
tus afforded thcm by government an<l thc general public. Th ' tcaching profcs-
sion has bccome vcry stressful and subjcct to grcatcr pressurcs, such as physical
and abusivc assaults upon teachcrs by pupils, increascd bun.'aucracy, lack of
rcsourccs, pupil indiscipline and an all egcd lack of support for tcachcrs. Thc
quality of tcaching in state schools has attract ed criticism an<l govcrnmcnts say
that th ey are cornmitted to raising standards, removing unckrpcrfórming tcach-
ers an<l dosing 'failing schoo ls'. Howcvc r, sorne successful rccruitmcnt cam-
paign s are now attracting high-quality and committed young gra<luatcs into
teaching.
Thc d'fcct of governm e nt spe nding or auste rity cuts on education has
b een considerable. Th ese have prcvented new school building and thc rcpair
and mo<lcrnization of ex isting schools; res ulted in redu ced serviccs and a
shortage of books and karning cquipm e nt for pupils an<l tcachcrs; an<l librar-
ies have also closed in man.y local areas. Howeve r, governments havc tricd
to protect schools in re al terms and th e budget for 2015- 1G was t53 bil -
lion. Moncy is b e ing spent for examp] e on the crcation of more free schools
in England. Thc aim is to produce a fairer fonding formula for schools to
Education

remove inequa1iti es b etween different areas. N cvcrtheless, LEAs and schools

argue that there have sti11 been cuts in their budgets carmarked for school
improvem ents and e ducational funds have b ccn cut b cca use of recession and
austerity m easures.
The educational testing of children in state schools has becn vigorously
dcbated and tied to Key Stages in the National Curriculum in England. Govern-
ments havc introduced tests such as SATs (standard assessment tests) to estab-
lish what children have 1carned between the ages of 5 and 11 an<l thc progress of
children is measured by national standards. School results are shown in 'league
tables' which allow parents, schools and public bodies to assess school perfor-
man ces. Th e subjccts under cxamination are often changed and reassessed, but
the usual areas are maths, English and scicnce, which may be marked by SATs
testing or tcach er assessment.
Such tests and asscssments have b een criticized and are controversia!.
Ofsted argues that an over-reliance on cxam results encourages schools to take
advantage of the system. Many critics are opposed to th em on principie, object
to thc stress and extra work involve<l for teachers and children, havc doubted
th e validity of thc tests, and objected to the competitive league tables. Sorne
teachers have boycottc<l thc tests, and argue that th ey detract from time that
should be sp cnt in tcaching. Governm ents an<l other critics belicvc that they
are valuable in countcrin g poor primary school performance and contribute to
serious and structurc<l lea rning.
Th ere has also hcen co nsiderable cffort to rationalize th e school syste m and
revitalize school subjects by thc crcation of a Nation al Curri ·ulum in England
in 1988 (with similar moves in Northern Ireland and Wales). A state currí culum
for primary and sccondary schools was established, which was standardized,
ccntrally deviseJ and appropriatc to thc nceds of contemporary lite. It is not
applicable to Scotland, independent schoo1s and academics, although the latter
must fo11ow sorne of thc subj cct arcas such as English, maths, science and rcli-
gious education.
The currículum covers what subjects are to be taught in schools and
specifies thc standards children should reach in each subj ect. lt has been
vigorously critici zed and consequent1y changcd ovcr the years as politicians and
educationalists debate what should he included and reprcsented. lt is structured
into Key Stages 1-4 coverin g ages 3 to 16. Th e age group hetwecn 16 and
18 includes students taking higher acadcmic examinati ons and categories in
furth er education and training.
The compulsory subjects studied in th e National Curriculum are English,
maths, science, history, geography, modern forcign languages, design and tech-
nology, art and design, music, physical education, citi zcnship, and information
and communication technology (ICT). Schools may <lcvclop thcir own ICT
study programmcs and must provide religious education (RE) and sex cdu-
cation, although parcnts ma y ask that their children be excusc<l from thc
 Education 303
.,
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last two. These compulsory subjects are adapt d in different programmes of
tudy throughout the two years of the coursc and schools have sorn e choice in
selection.
The National Currículum is tied to a system of national examinations at
th e secondary level in England and may also b e take n in Wal s and Northern
Ircland . Th e structures and co ntent of courscs and examinations have rec--ntly
b ' 11 reformed and th e nrst teaching startcd in 20] S. The two main national
exa minations are the G e neral Certificatc of Seco ndary Education lGCSE); and
th c G eneral Certificatc of Education at Advanccd Levcl (A-leve! ). Results in all
exa ms at all levels t cnd to be be tter in singk-sex girls' schools.
During Key Stage 4 ( agcd 14- 16) most stude nts work towards national
qualifications, usually GCSEs takcn at age 16. Students choosc from the core
compulsory subj ccts of English, math s and scicncc and foundation subj 'cts such
as information and communication t 'chnology (ICT) 1 physical cducation and
ci tizcnship. Schools must offe r at lcast on subject from thc arts, dcsign and
tcchnology1 humanities an<l foreign languagcs. Thcy must also providc Rcligious
E<lucation (RE) and sex edu cation. Pupils <lo not have to tak' cxams in RE,
hut s ·hools must provide one course whcrc pupils ca n obta in a rccognizcd RE
qualifi cation . Critics currently argue that thc prcsc nt RE syllahus shoul<l be
rcplaccd by a ncw subj ect (Religion ami Worl<lvicws) to includc Hum.mism
and J\thcism.
Thc choice of sorne subj ects, thc allcgcd downgrading uf moJcrn forcign
languagcs, <lcbat ·s about th e contcnt of history courscs, and thc pla cl' of rcli-
gious anJ sex education in thc curriculum havl' gcncratl'd contrnvcrsy1 <litti-
cultics of implementation and problcms about thc contcnt an<l srnpc of sorne
GCSE courscs.
Thc questions an<l marking of GCSE cxa min ations are un<lc rtakcn hy indc-
pcndcnt exa mination boarJs1 after a written cxa mination in th , sccond yl'ar. lt
ca n be takcn in any subj ect(s) according to individual choi ce. I3ut many ca ndi-
dates will atternpt six or scvcn subjccts and thc basi c suhjccts rcquired for jobs
and furth e r education are English, math s an<l scicncc. Th c GCSE was origin ally
inte nded to givc employus sorne idea of a ca ndi<latc's ability. But, although
stanJards continue to improvc, a third of studcnts do not achicv' hi gh passes
and 8 per cent <lo not pass a singl e subject. The minimum stan<lar<l aimed at is
hve GCSEs on a new grading system from ~) to 1, with 9 h cing thc top gra<lc.
Thc new A-lcvcl two-ycar course, whosc contcnt has hccn rev iscd and
up<latc<l, was taught from 2015 and has a final writtcn ex amination at the cnJ
of thc second year. It is associate<l with more acaJemic childrcn, who are aim-
in g at cntry to high er education or th e professions and who spcnd two y ars on
thei r studies in a school six th form or at a sixth-form collegc. Good passes are
now ssential b ccause the competition fór hoth popular and demanding courscs
at th e universitics and other colleges has bccome stiffer. Pupils may mi x arts
and sciencc.
 Education

The standards achieved an<l exa mination results continue to rise, although
grades havc rcccntly declin ed after criticism of grade inflation. Th ere is con-
tinuing discussion about the format and content of A-lcvcls and the system has
been criticizcd for over-examining students, leaving lcss time for othcr school
activitics and leading to teacher overwork.
Altemative cxaminations are vocational GCSEs which -are taken by young
peoplc b ctween th e ages of 16 and 19 and providc a broad-based prcparation
for a range of occupations and higher education; and National Vocational Quali-
tications (NVQs and SVQs), Highcr National Diplomas (HNDs), anda number
of other tcchnical and vocational courses which are job-spe if-ic exarninations.
A new English Baccalaureatc (_EBac) is an alternative to GCSEs, in which stu-
dents take examinations in English, maths, two scie nces, a language and history
or gcography.
Scotland does not have a statutory national curriculurn and pupils takc the
National Qualification (NQ) at thc age of 16. Th ose b ctwccn l G and 18 take
thc rcforrned Scottish Highcrs (Highcr and J\dvanced High er).

Higher education

Should pupils obtain th e required examination results at J\- or c4uival ent

levels, an<l b e successful at any rcquirc<l intcrviews, th ey may gain a place at
an in stitution of higher education (HE), such as a univcrsity or collegc. Thc
studcnt, after a prescribcd pcriod of stu<ly an<l alter passing cxamination s, will
reccive a degree and bccom c a gra<luate of that institution. In th " past, only
a small proportion of thc age group in Britain proccedcd to what was an lite
higher e<l ucation, in contrast to thc highcr rates in oth er major nations such
as th e USA.
The Highcr Education Statisti ·s Agency (HESA) r ported in 2017- 18 that
student enrolmcnt at British HE institutions was 2.34 million, an increase from
2016-17, with 81 per cent of all stu<lcnts coming from th e UK, 6 pcr cent from
EU countrics, and 13 per cent from countries outside the ElJ. Howev r, the
situation for UK students coincidcd with the eff et of incrcase<l tuition lees;
un certainty over whether students would choose ernployment possibilities over
HE; British students studying in Europe, thc USA and othcr English-speaking
countries; and part-time and mature stu<le nts struggling financially. Although
numbers increased in 2017-18 there was again a decrcas' in British applicants
in 2019.
Among undergraduate students from outside the UK, th e high est pro-
portion in 2017-18 carne from Asia (201,580). Othcrs carne from A frica, thc
Middle East and North Arnerica. Over half of all postgraduatc students were
from outsidc thc UK, an<l 42 p er cent of full-tim e postgra<luates carn - from
outsidc thc El J. But t-:l J student numbers in future may be ncgativcly affecte<l
by Brexit .
 Education 305
.,
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The universities
There were 23 British univcrsities in 1960. J\.fter a period of expansion in the
1960s anJ reforms in 1992 when existing institutions such as polytechnics were
given university status, there are now sorne ] 23 univcrsities (including th e pub-
licly funde<l Open University, the independcnt, privatcly funded University of
Buckingham, 1973, and thc privately funded Ncw Collcgc of the Humanities,
2012) out of a total of 161 institutions of highcr e<lucation.
The universities can he broadly classificJ into four typcs. The ancie nt uni-
versities of Oxford and Cambridge, composcd of their man y co11eges, date from
thc thirtecnth ccntury, and until thc ninctccnth century th ey werc virtually the
only English univcrsitics and offcrc<l no places to women. Howevcr, othcr old
univcrsitics wcrc founde<l in Scotlan<l, such as St Andrews ( 1411 ), Glasgow
( l 450)i Aherdee n ( 1494) and Edinhurgh ( 1583) . .1\. sccond group comprises the
'redbrick' or civic univcrsitics such as Lcc<ls, Liverpool and Manchcstcr, which
wcrc crcatcd hctwccn 1850 and 1930. Thc third group consists of univcrsities
founded aft:er the Secon<l Worl<l War and in thc 1960s. Man y of the latter, for
example Sussex, York and East Anglia, wcrc huilt in semi-rural arcas. Thc fourth
group are thc 'ncw universities' -reated in 1992 when polytechnics and sorne
othcr collcgcs wcrc granted university status. Since 1992, othl'r univcrsitics
have been crcated, cithcr based on cxisting collcgc.s oras new institutions.

PLATE 10. 5 Balliol Co llege, one of the oldest ( 1263} and largest colleges of the University of
Oxford . lt admits undergraduate and postgraduate students and has a high academic repu-
ta ti on . © A ndrew Drysdale/Shutterstock
 Edu ca t i on

..- ~

-~ ---:
t::::::-.;_ -~ ' · _ __ ·.. - - ·:~ --- - - -

r-.. : ·:~ ;-- ·-:_

PLATE 10.6 Leeds University in Yorks hire is one of the redbrick or civic universities established
in the nineteenth an d early twentieth centuries . Founded in 1904, its origins go back to the
nineteenth century and it is now a ma jor teaching and research ínsti tutíon . The Parkinson
Bui lding , shown, contains the Brotherton Libra ry, one of the largest university libraries in the
UK. © Mark Campbell/Shutterstock

Competition to cntcr universities has rcccntly b ee n strong in both pop-

ular and prcstigious subj cct, anJ students who Jo not do well at A-lcvel or
equival ' nt may b e unabl e to tind a place. Even students with v ry high grades
may not succecd in gaining th cir prefcrrcd place. An average of sorne 17 p cr
ce nt of studcnts drop out of higher education bcca use of work, finan ·ia] or
othcr problem s, and thc pcrce ntage is much high cr in sorne ncwcr institution s.
Howevcr, th e rnajority aim for a solid degrcc in order to obtain a good job, or
to continue in higher educatio n by doin g furth er study or research (Mastcr's
degrees and doctorates) . The bachelor's degrcc (l3ach elor ofArts, BA, or Bach-
elor of Scicnce, BSc ) is usually taken in fina l examinations at thc c nd of the
thirJ year of study, although so rne degrec courses do vary in lcngth in different
parts of Britain (such as Scotland with a four-y 'ar MA Honours degree ). Th e
degrce is divided into first- , secon d- and third-class honours. Sorne degr es
are awardcd entirely on th e basis of cxamination rcs ults, while othcrs may
include sorne continuous assessment over the pcriod of study. Grade intla-
tion (increascd number of high passes ), parti cularly for 'tirsts', has encouraged
calls to dispense with th ese Classitications and to rnove possibly to perccntage
results.
 Ed u cat ion

Universities are supposcJ to have uniform standarJs, although there are

centres of exce11ence in ccrtain fields and there has bcen rccent criticism about
low p erformance levels in sorne universiti es and particular subjects. Studcnts
can choose from a largc number of subject areas and tcaching is mainly by
the lecture system, supported by tutorials (small groups), seminar and web-
based courses. Th e student-lccturcr ratio at British universities has increased to
a high 25: 1, which has resulted in stuJent protest about the quality of tcaching
and courscs bccaus ' of high er student numbers and thc cutting of government
money for teaching jobs anJ staff positions. Studcnts live cither on campus in
university accommo<lation or in rentcd propcrty outside the univcrsity. Until
r 'Cc ntly few British studcnts chosc univcrsities nea r th eir parcnts' homes and
many seemed to prefer thosc in the south of England, but f-inancial costs now
persuade sorne studcnts to live at home or loca11y.
Thc 12 most subscribe<l-to first <legr ·" courses in 20 l 7-1 8 accor<ling to
H[SA wne, in dt.creasing ordcr of popularity, busin ess and administrative stud-
ics, subjccts allicd to m ,didnc, biological sciences, social studics, crca tive arts
and design, enginc<'ring an<l technology, cducation, computer sci ' ncc, languages
and law.
Univcrsitics are indcpendcnt institutions crcatcd by Royal Chartcr, c njoy
acaJcmic frccdom, appoint thcir staft; award thcir own J cgrccs and dcci<lc
which students to admit. l3ut thcy are in practicc dcpendent upon income from
studcnt fees and govcrnmcnt moncy. The lattcr <l rivcs from tinancc ( accor<ling
to the numbcr of studcnts recruited and rescarch performance ) given by gov-
ernmcnt to Universitics Funding Councils for <listrihution to the univcrsitil:'. S
through univcrsity vi c -chancellors, who are thc chi ef cxecutive otliccrs of thc
univ ' rsitics.
Both Conscrvativc and Labour governments have bce n co nccrnc<l to makc
th c universitics more accountable in the national interest; havc controllc<l
th eir budgets; and havc ' ncouraged th em to seck altcmative privatc sourccs
of tinance from busin ess, entrepreneurial activity, fun<l raising and industry.
Thc universities have lost staff and research rnoncy; havc had to adopt more
cffective manage ment and ac ·ounting proce<lurcs; must markct th eir resoun:cs
more ,fficiently; must attract and rccruit stu<l nts in order to obtain govern-
m cnt finance an<l stu<lent frcs; shoul<l pay greater attention to tcaching and
research performance, but have to cope with incrcascd burea ucracy; and must
justify thc ir positions tinancially and c<lucationally. Man y rnight be preparcd to
bccom e private institutions outsidc state control, but this would mea n the loss
of government finan cc in a competitivc market in which they would havc to
dcpcnd on their own initiativc and financia! resources.
Government conscquently interven es more dosel y in the runoing of higher
educa tion than in the past, for examplc by implernenting the closure of un eco-
nomic or failing departments. Thesc policics have provoked opposition from thc
univcrsitics, which argue that the recent larg expansion of student nurnbcrs
.,
A~ 308 Education
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.
has not seen an eq uivalent rise in funding, salaries or new staff appointmcnts.
Yet th ey have to adapt rather than continue to los -' staff-~ finance and degree pro-
grammes. It is also argue<l that expansion has led to univcrsitics taking poorly
qualified students to till quotas, who then <lrop out because of work an<l other
pressures. Sorne cducationalists feel that l3ritish univcrsities will decl in e in qual-
ity if they are not b ette r fond ed by the state. Others argue that capablc univer-
sities should break away from thc state, markct thcir own rcsourccs an<l attract
th eir own financc.

Other higher education colleges and

professional training
Th e 1970s saw th e crcation of collcg<:'s (or institutcs) of highcr cJucatinn, oftcn
by merging existing colleges with r -dundant tcachcrs' traini.ng collcgcs or by
establishing new in stitutions. Thcy offered dcgrcc, diploma, ccrtificatc anJ rro-
fessional cours ~s in both sc:ie ncc and th " arts. Thcy wcrc originally controllcJ by
thcir local authoritics, but Conscrvative governmcnts gra<lually grantc<l thcm
indcpendcncc and sorne havc since achievcJ university or altcrnativc status.
The traditional rrofess ional training of teachcrs was undcrtakcn by th c uni-
versitie. or by spccialist tcach er training collegcs. To<lay, graduatcs who alrca<ly
have a dcgrcc compkte a postgraJuatc ccrtificatc in education (PCCE) at a
university or coll ge and work with school partncrships on school cx rcricncc
placcmcnts as part of thc training. A sccond pathway is l·c)r studcnts to gain
qualificd tcacher status (QTS) by school-kd training hascd in schools whcrc
th ey learn 'on thc joh' and may latcr achieve othcr professional qualifications,
such as th e PGCE.
A varicty of othcr institutions also provide high e r cdu cat ion co urscs. Sorne,
]ike thc Royal Collcgc ofJ\rt, the CranficlJ lnstitutc ofTechnology and busin ess
schools, have unive rsity status, whilc othcrs, such as agricultura!, drama and art
colleges such the Royal AcaJC'my of Drama tic Arts ( RADA) an<l thc Royal Col-
lcgc of Music, provide com parable courscs. Ali thcsc institutions usually havc a
strong vocational aspect to thcir programmcs an<l fill a spccialized rol ' in high e r
cducation.

Student finance
Th e rc are diHerenccs betw<.>cn studcnt financc systcms in England, Walcs,
Northcrn Irelan<l and Scotland. This s 'ction dcals mainly with Enghm<l.
J\ftcr th e 1944 EJucation J\ct, English studcnts who gain ·<l a place at an
institution of highcr cducation werc awarJcJ a grant from thcir local cJucation
authoritics ( LEAs ). The grant was in two parts: it pai<l th ' tuition focs of a first
degre (directly to thc university ), and also paid after m 'a ns-tcsting of pare nts'
in com ', maintcnance and rcsidcnce expenses of the stuJcnt such as thc costs
 Education

of travel away from home, rent, food and books for a coursc during terrn time.
This grant system meant that higher education was free for many students,
~xccpt those whose parents were expected to contribute means-tested amounts
to their children.
In l 998, a Labour govcrnrnent replaccd the student grant with tuition fccs
an<l maintenance loans during th eir study period. The cost of thcsc schcmcs has
increascd significantly ovcr thc intervening ycars.
Thc prcscnt situation for most studcnts consists of two componcnts. First,
English and EU studcnt-, studying in England havc to pay annual tuition tees
for thcir courscs (T9 1250 in 2018). Thesc students apply to Studcnt Finance
England for a loan to covcr tht:'ir tuition f 't'S. This is paid dircctly to thc institu-
tion and thc studcnt has to start paying it back aftcr gra<luation whcn thcy reach
a prcscrih<.:d kvcl of incornc. Sccond 1 full-tirnc English stu<lcnts may apply for
a maintcnancc loan from thc Studcnt Finance EnglancC whi -h is intcndcd to
covcr living costs. Thc ncJn-means-testcJ loan in 2018 depended on whcther
thc stucknt livui at home ( up to an annual 1.:7,324 L away from home nutside
London (1.:8, 700) or away from home in London (.ll l 1354 ). Thc loan is paid
into an individual's bank acrnunt at thc bcginning oF tcrm. Part-timc English
stu<lcnts in tinancial or social diff-icultics may rcccivc assistancc from a maintc-
nancc grant, hut this may reduce thcir rnaintcnann.' loan. Purthcr hclp may he
availahk From hursarics and univnsity/colkge aid.
Studcnts start to pay back thcir tuition fl'CS and loans aFtcr graduation
whcn thcy are cmploy ·d anJ rca ch a salary kvcl of S..:25/)00 (2017). Consc-
qucntly1 ml)St stu<lents now havc to iinancc thcir own high 'r cducation withoul
free statc grants, sorne havc f-inancial diff-icultics, and rnay havl to takc part-timc
cmploymcnt. Howcwr, apart from a dccrcasc in applications to univcrsity alter
201 O, particularly from part-timc an<l maturc stulk nts, thcse changcs haw not
rcsult1: <l in a gn:at rc<luction in English studcnts. It is estimatcd that 45 pn
cent of thcrn will ncvcr pay ba ·k thcir loans in ful1 1 and any amount still owing
30 ycars after starting repayments will be cancclkd .
Scottish stu<lcnts living in Scotland rec ~ivc frt' l' tuition from the Srnttish
govcrnment. Howcvcr1 studcnts from l:,ngland 1 Waks and Northc.>rn IrclanJ
studying in Scotland are chargcd tuition fees by S -ottish univcrsitics, which are
similar to those chargcd in thcir own countrics. Currcntly, Wclsh an<l North ern
lrish tuition fccs are somcwhat lower than those chargcJ by English univcrsi-
til's to English studrnts1 who protest about this situation and thc sizc of thcir
tuition f 'CS. Howcvcr1 studcnts are now consumers of cducation and frd Frccr
to complain about what thcy see as the inadcquacil's of courscs, tcachcrs and
tlwir tcaching.
Thc Labour Party in February 2015 said that it would cut tuition frcs by
a third to rn,000 if it won the general election and consi<l 'red that tuition
fo es 'ha<l bccn a disaster'. This plan was supportcd by the National Union of
StuJcnts (NUS) 1 but the univcrsiti ' S said they would lose incorn , for te aching
Edu calion

and othcr reso urces if it wcre adopteJ . In thc event, th e Conscrvatives won the
2015 and 2017 elections and in 2018 announccd that th ey would cut +~es to
f6,000.

The Open University (OU)

The Labour Party broachcd th c idea of th e Open Univc rsity in thc 19()() ~. lt
would be a non-reside ntial systcm of 'distan ce lcarning', which initially uscd
BBC tclevision, radio, spccially pro<luccJ books, audio/video cassettes and cor-
respondcn ce c.ourses to bring dcgrcc-lcvel cnurs 'S to a range of studcnts. lt was
in te nded to givc opportunities (or a 's "Con<l chan ce' ) to adults who had bcx n
unablc to attend traditional carnpus-based high cr cdu -aticm. It was hopcd that
OU cours s might appeal to working-class studcnts who had kft school at thc
ofncial school-leaving age and wishcd to broaJcn th c ir horizons, as weJl as those
with h calth disabilities.
Th c Open University opcncd in l ~)()~), and its iirst cours ·s startcd in l ~)71.
lt now cat ·rs for und ergraduate, postgraduatc and rcsca rch students in a widc
range of subj ccts. About 7J)00 stude nts of a11 agcs and from vcry diffcrcnt walks
oflife reccivc dcgrccs from th e Open Univcrsity cach ycar. First dcgrecs (hach-
clor's degrees) are award ,J on a systcm nf crcdits for ca ch coursc compl ctl'd
and now includc stud cnts from th c Europcan Union , Gihraltar and Switzc r-
land . Postgraduatc degrees havc b ccn introduccd and thc OU Business School
is thc largest such school in Europc. Sorne 2.0 million students hav · takcn OlJ
courscs since ] 971.
As th e Op n Univcrsity developed, dcdi cation, stamina anJ persc verancc
wcre nccessary to complete its long, part-timc -ourscs. Thl' tirst Ol J studcnt5i
who w ' r .. often cmployed, fo11ow ,J th e ir k sso ns and lccturcs at home. Part-
time tutors in local arcas marked the studu1ts ' writtcn work and m ct them rcg-
ularly to discuss th eir progress. Th ere we re also spccial weeke nd and rcfrcshcr
courses throughout th e year at universities anJ collcgcs to cnabk studcnts to
takc part in inte nsive stu<ly. Thc televis-ion programmcs, wcbsites, hooks, printl'd
and digital coursc materials, and software associated with thc OlJ programnws
were wide]y used throughout thc world. Thc OU was gencra11y consiJcrcd to
be a cost-effective succcss, has provi<lcd valuablc alternativc l'ducational oppor-
tunities for rnany pcople anJ has scrvcd as a modcJ for distan cc lcarning anoss
th e world.
Th e OU has also utilized computcr and digital dc velopmrnts which havc
irnproved communications, confuencing tcchniques and wcb-bascd l'ducation.
The old television offcrings h ave b ccn rcduccd . But OlJ/BBC tclcvision rro-
grarnmes still appear at p eak time viewing, and have rcached a global audicnce.
In 2009, th e OU adopt d a new system of highcr cducation funding and
technological devclopml. nts. Governments had made tuition fcc loans availabk
 Educat ion

to part-timc lcarners for the first time, which help ed OU stude nts. In 2015-16,
ovcr J 74 1 739 students were studying with the OU, including 34 pcr cent under
25 and ovcr 7,430 overs as. Many studcnts acccss coursc matcrials on smart-
phon s and tablets at convcnicnt and flexible times. According to a National
Studcnt Survey in 2016 1 89 pcr cent of respon<l 'nts gavc an overall satisfaction
rating with thc quality of th eir coursc anc.1 thc OU was in joint 28th place out
of thc top unive rsitics in th ·, UK for stu<lcnt satisfa 'tion.

Further, adult and lifelong education

J\n important aspcct of British cducation is the provision of furthcr :rnd adult
cducation, whcthcr hy collcgcs1 univcrsitics1 voluntary bo<lics, tradc unions, the
Workcrs' Educational J\ssociation ( WEJ\), cvc ning institutcs, local socicties,
clubs and othl r institutions. Courscs may lx· vrn:ational (for cmploymcnt) or
rccrcational (for pkasurc), and cover a varicty ol" activitics and prngrammcs.
Soml' of thl'sc organizations originatl'd in a thirst for knowkdg<' which was
fr,lt hy working-class p1..·opk in thc nindccnth ami carly twrnticth n nturics,
parti c uL1rly aftn tlw ~1rrival of clcmcntary statl' ·ducation ami growing litcracy.
Today a wick rangc ol" cducational opportunitics is prnvidcd hy sclf-gowrning
statc-l"undcd colh·gcs of furthcr cducation (CFl ~s), and othn ty¡ws ni" puhlic
and privatc institutions. 'Thcsc may offn vocational and acadt·mic suhjccts ~<)r
part- and full-tinw studcnts and may srcciali:1.c in a widc varicty ofskills, su c h ,ts
art and dcsign, catering, l' nginccring ;rnd building tradcs, or husi1wss and lin,11HT.
Sorne ¡:nrt-time studcnts ovcr sixtccn, suc h as apprcnticcs, m . 1y study in tlw
cv ' nings or on day-rckasc from tht·ir nnploycrs and tht ir studics are oftcn
work-relatcd, includc govcrnrncnt training programmcs ami hav<' closc tics with
local comm<..'rce, cornpanics and industry. Ful!- and péirt-timl' studt·nts of vary-
ing agcs are taking a widc spcctrum of furthcr cducéltion courscs; somc colkg<'s
dcsign courscs cspccially for studcnts from othn countri<.·s; ;1nd thc l JK offns
work-hascd training for studcnt'> sccking to huild can·ns in sp<.:cilic industries.
Privatl' training companies coopcratc with collcgt·s ;rnd cmployns lt) providc
practi ca! work and qualil-i<:ations in suhjccts such as cnginccring, construction ,
lCT and social caw
For cxampk, National Vocational Qualdications ( NVQs) in England and
S ·ottish Vocational Qualilications (SVQs) are g:..IÍ1wd through asscssmrnt of
performance and knowlcdgc at work and collcgc. Thcy are a valuahk alt<.:ma-
tivc to acadrn1ic qualif-ications and NVQs 1- 5 are tlw cquivalcnt of CCSEs,
A-levcls, Jcgrccs and sorne postgraJuatc rnurscs. CanJiJatcs may work towards
an NVQ that rdlccts th cir cmploymrnt rol e in a paid or voluntary position,
su ch as somconc in an administrativc oflice rol e taking an NVQ in Business anJ
Administration.
 Educ a t i on

In th e past, a rclativcly low p 'rcentage of thc 1G-24 age group in Britain

were in further and higher cducation, compa red to thc much larger pe rccntagcs
in Japan, the USA an<l G crmany. The figures hav · now improv ,d consi<lcrahly,
with more ] G- to 18-ycar-olds in Britain remaining in ful1-tinw cducation, eithcr
in school or in furthcr education colleges. Yet thc pr 'v ious Labour governmcnt
felt that ev n more pco plc should be educatc<l or trained after the agc of l G,
with a proposcd 50 pcr e ·· nt p assing through univcrsity. This vicw is particularly
rclcvant ata time whcn thcrc is an increas ing shortagc of wc11-qualif-icd p ·oplc
for thc futurc workforcc, cspccia11y in th' vocational, trade an<l technical ticlds.
Today, ali pupils must rcmain in sorne form of c<lucation or training until th c
ageof18.
Th er' has beco a rccent expansion of continuing-e<lucation projccls an<l
a range of programm cs spccifically dcsigned for ·mploymcnt purposes anJ to
provide peop le with acccss qualitications for furthcr training. Th c pr vious
Labour govcrnment for cxample saw forthcr an<l adult c<lucation as part of' a
]¡f<.Jong learning proccss, which it wantcd to prioritizc. Thc aim was to cncour-
agc thc continuous J evelopmcnt of pcopk's skills, knowkdgc and undcrsland-
ing as w , J) as crcating skills an<l improving cmploymcnt prospccts in a ·hanging
lahour markct.

Attitudes to education

Conccrns about thc quality of British schools, univ 'rsitics and cducational pol-
i ·y :f rcqucntly appcar in opinion po11s. RcsponJrnts arguc that stat' s ·hools
are not pcrforming wdl, that th e educational systcm is co nfuscd, that more
moncy shoul<l be spcnt on cducation, and that parcnts' vicws about thl'ir chil-
Jre n 's schools are not takcn scri ously by politicians. Howcvcr, hoth Lahour and
Conservative governm nts havc givcn more funding to thl school systcm and
crcatcd n 'W typ cs of schools, as w ,11 as ref-o rming examination structurcs anJ
the National Curriculum.
But Jissatisfaction is still ft.lt. For exa mplc, an Economist Ipsos MORl poli
in Scptcm bcr 2017 placed cducation/schools in fourth placl' at 21 per cent in a
list of th e most important issucs/probl ems facing Britain, fo11owing Brcx it, thc
NHS and immigration .
A ccording to bu<lgct figures in 2017, spcnding on cducation as a sharc
of puhlic spending continued to shrink compare<l with other big govcrnmcnt
departmcnts, an<l was [102 billion in 2018-19, a 12.7 p.,r cent fall from 2017-
18. Thi. was largely attributcd to austerity cuts following thc cre<lit crash of
2007. A central qucstion for many critics is whcthcr thc availablc fund s are in
fact spcnt adcquatdy. Thcy query whether govc rnm cnts are rnmmitte<l ·' nough
to raising quality an<l performanc , and whethcr c<lucation has thc same politi-
cal priority as othcr arcas of state ex pe nditure.
 Education

Man y UK schools, for examplc, facc rcsourcc and infrastructurc Jiff-iculties,

such as poor buildings and difficultics in filling tcach cr vacancics. Education was
in third place for public sector spcnding at [102 billion for 2018- 19 or 4.4 pcr
cent of GDP, but co uld drop to 3.8 pcr cent - thc low 'St budgct sharc sincc thc
·'arly 1%Os.
Finan ' ial rcstra ints and cuts wcre rdl cctcd in a 2017 survcy by Guardian
Teachcr Nctwork whcrc 81 pcr cent of tcachcrs said that th c ir school hacl made
cutbacks or was planning to do so. Schools wcrc not rcplacing lcaving teachers,
support staff wcrc bcing madc rcdundant and budgcts for supply staff wcrc
b 'ing reduccJ. Budgcts for IT equipmcnt, hooks, extra-curricular activitics and
spccial cducation werc lacking. Workloads wcrc cxccssive, curriculurn changes
and cuts wcrc a co nccrn, classes wen.' largc r and prcparation time was short, and
de mands for more school cutba cks wcrc made hy local educati()ll authorities.
Such conditions are serious for those tcache rs who are trying to huild th eir
school asscts.
A poll conducted by The Key Educational Consultancy and lpsos MORI
in 2015 found that school head teachcrs wcrc u11<.k<:idcd about which political
party was best e4uipped to improvc thc cducation systcm in England. Many
were dissatislled with the cducational policies ol" thc political partics prior to
th c 2015 general clcction. Tcachcr mora le, workload ami rccruitrncnt WL'fe SL'<.:ll
éls mc1jor probkms, as was governmcnt and LEA intl'rfercn ce in cducation.
Yet dcspite thcse contcmporary imagcs, there is also a history of British
c<lucation trying to providc a compctcnt national Sc..'rvicc. Thc..'íl' havc b<.Tn
continuous d ' bates ahout thc ¡wrforrnan<.T and goals of British cducation at
ali lcvcls sincc the 1960s. 1raditionalist critics, who wantcd disciplin1._'d lcarn-
ing programmcs, frlt that stat · comprchcnsivc schools and 'crcativ<.'/progrcs-
sivc' mcthods of child-ccntrcd tcaching wcrc not pruducing thv kind ol" pupils
nccdcd for contcmporary socicty. lt was argucd that thcy lach,J thl' basic skills
of numera ·y anJ litcracy and werc unprcpar1._'d h)r cmploynwnt and tlw rcal-
itics of thc outsidc world. Th csc argumcnts continuc today and cmploycrs
frcqucntly criticizc hoth schools anJ highcr c<lucation for tlw quality of tht'ir
studcnts. Tlw ali 'g ,d]y low quality of British cducation is oftcn givL n hy Britons
as thc rcason for poor pcrhwmancc in many arcas of contcmporary ML'.
Conscrvativc govcrnmcnts' rcforms from l ~)8(., wcre bascd on ccntralizcd
and consunwr-choic<:' polici es. Thl'y attcmptcd to rcctify alkgcd c<lucational
wcakncss and aimc<l at producing accountability, improvcd standards ,:n1d skills
in schools and highcr c<lucation through more formal 1< arning programm es.
Att ' mpts wcrc madc to rcform thc tcaching profcssion , improvc pupil perfor-
mance, c mphasizc scicncc and modern languagcs anJ incrcasc parental choice.
A Labour govcrnment from 1997 continucd this functional rcform proc.Tss
in schools by stressing compulsory homework, contracts with parcnts, 'litcr-
acy hours', concentration on the '3 Rs ' (reading, writing and arithm ·tic) and
grouping children by ability ('setting'). Progressive 'child-centre<l' ml'lhods
Education

wcre dismissed and funds w ere provided for srhool rcpairs and co mputers in
every school. There was also a move away from having only onc type of state
secondary school ( cornprehensive) to embrace diversity through th e expansion
of faith schools, specialist technology collegcs, academies and 'free schools'. Th e
govcrnment also wantcd grcater numbers of poorer, di sadvantagcd and work-
ing-class studcnts to en tcr university. But it is still maintain ed th at ethnic and
disadvantaged studcnts are not gaining entry to co mpetent schools in th e inner
citics or winning univcrsity places in suffici · nt nurnbers, parti cularly to elite
instituti ons.
Th e argurn nts continu ' from both th c lcft and th c right oF th e politi-
cal spectrum, arguably lcaving thc British educational system in an uncC'rtain
state. Sorne critics maintain that thc school syste m should not be <levotcd solely
either to elitist standards or to market considcrations but should providc a
ch oice between (and idcally a mix ture of) thc academic/liberal tradition, th c
techni cal and th e vocational. Thc lack of adcquatc vocational/technical c<luca-
tion and training is still crcating serious probkms for employc rs in industry and
manufacturing who complain that th cy are unablc to tind competcntly trained
staff to fill vacancies. Th c futurc of British c<lucation and cmploymcnt may well
depend on how reforms and ncw cducation al institutions l'unction and how
th <:.y are perceived by teachcrs, parcnts, studcnts and cmployers. Howcvcr, th e
performances of sorne of them continuc to be criticizeJ nn socia1 é.rnd cduca-
tional grounds. Oth cr Titi cs arguc that th c British c<luca tional sy.stcm (at school
and high cr levels) is too div rse and that thcrc shou1<l be more simplificd and
inclusive structures and study plans.
Th e school debate in Britain oftcn rcvcals polarizc<l points of vi ·w an<l
strong reactions to both Labour and Conservativc policics, as rcv -a lcd in an
Ipsos MORI poll for th e trae.le unions NASUWT an<l Unison in April 201 O.
Whcn asked if more schools in th e futurc should be run by prívate compa-
nies, rcligious groups, charities or groups of parcnts rather than thc LE/\s, 44
per cent consider<:.d this a baJ idea and 24 per cent a good idea . The majority
(62 p cr cent) thought that local authoriti s are bcst placed to run schooL. Th ese
repli s are in strong contrast to both rece nt Labour mea.s ures aimcd at divcr-
sity of school typcs and Conservative plans for sponsorcd 'free schools' outsidc
LEA control, but fund cd by th e state and run by a vari ety of groups. Howcwr,
sorne ficrce critics in th e 2015 General Election ca mpaign thought th at too
many free schools wcre b cing created at grcat expe nse in arcas whcrc th crc was
no educational need for them and which havc becomc isolatcJ statc-fundcd
independen ts.
However, despite the responses to school c<lucation an<l performance in thc
last decade, 54 per cent of respondents to thc above poli thought that state <.:~du-
cation was generally good -ompared with 19 pcr -cnt who thought that it was
poor. Sorne 79 per cent of parents thought that their own childrcn's schools wcre
good and 65 per cent rcga rdcd the schools attended b y children of relations and
 Ed uca ti on 315
.,
A ~
;.T
friends as good . If a local authority wa failing to d liver good standards of edu-
catton, respondents considered that the government (37 per centJ and th local
authority (26 pcr cent) are responsible for addr--ssing th e failings, cvcn when
schools are directly run by other organizations. When asked if parcnts should he
asked to pay additional fees for thcir childr c:, n's ducation to supplcmcnt funJing
from tax "s, 18 per cent supported the idea but sorne G4 pn cent opposcJ it.
Dcspitc thc fact that this poli was commissioncd by traJc unions, rcspon-
dcnts' rcplics in<licated a traditional response to schoolin g anJ local direction of
cducation by LEAs, which may be wi<lcly supportcd. lt might also suggcst that
they wantcd ccrtai nty, control and stability in thcir chj}Jrcn 's schools rathn
than constant change an<l nccd for diversity on thc part of central govL-rnmcnt.
However, other critics argue that structura l changcs anJ constanl rcasscss-
mcnt of thc school syst ' m makc littlc diffcrcn c' to performance. Thcy main-
tain that thcrc is a crisis in the status of thc tcaching prolcssion which must
íirst be addressed anJ rcrn 'dicd. Thcy fi:cl that only an incrcasc in status and
a move to attra 't tak·nted graduatcs to th ' profrssion will providc thc quality
of tcaching that basically drivcs succcss in a schoo l. lt is argw·d that tcachcr
quality and rctcntion of good tca chcrs should be thc priority for politicians and
cc.l ucationalists.
G iwn thc allcgcd slatc of currcnt British cJucation, and sorne of tlw c ur-
rcnt ·fierre dehatcs on thc tcaching profr,ssion , it is intcrcsting to consid<.·r tlw
rcs ults of n.:> cL'nt polls. British Social Altitudes in its 201 ()- 17 surwy l<nmd th.1t
53 pcr cent of rcspondcnts had a grcat Jcal ol" rcsrwct for teaclwrs and 1~) pn
ce nt had sorne. Eighty pcr cent of respotH.knts reportee.! at lcast somt· co n 11-
dcncc in th e British school systcm; 83 pcr cent saiJ that statc schools t<.:ach
young pcoplc hasic ski lls (rcading, writing, maths) 'well ' or 'vny wt-11'; (>0 pcr
cent said that sccon<lary schools hring out studcnts' natural ahilitics wcll or vcry
wcll; 47 pcr cent said that srhools prepare studcnts W<.' 11 or vcry wL· II for work;
87 pcr ce nt said that it was csscntial or vcry important that school s airn to hclp
young pcoplc <lcvelop ski lls and knowkdgc rcquircd for gl'tting a good joh; .1nd
74 pcr cent thought that schools should shan· n ..sponsih ility with parcnts and
car 'rs l"or a child's personal and socia l dcvclopmcnt.

Exercises
Briefly define and examine the following terms, commenting on their
significance in British life:

public schools grammar schools WEA

comprehensives eleven-plus tutorial
A-levels Open University scholarship
LEAs tuition fees student f¡ nance
Educotion

Eton GCSE 'prep school'

the Butler Act degree vocational
streaming/ setting '3 Rs' literacy
faith schools AS levels free schools
graduate BSc church schools
academies National Curriculum 'redbrick un iversities'
grade inflation Vice Chancellor Royal Charter

Write short essays on the following topics:

Critically define and examine state secondary education in Britain,

analysing its structures, aims and achievements.

2 Describe the structure of British higher education and its institutions .

3 Comment upon the desirability, or otherwise, of the division of British

schools into state and independent sectors .

4 Should schoolchildren attend technical, vocational or academic schools,

depending on their choices and abilities? Or should they attend one
common type of school, which provides compulsory schooling in different
oreas of study?

Fu rther read i ng
Abercrombie, N., Warde, A. , Deem, R., Penna, S., Soothill, K., Urry, J. and Walby, S.
(2000) Contemporary British Society, Oxford : Polity Press, Chapter 14.
2 Chitty, C. (1992) The Education System Transformed, London : Baseline Books
3 Chitty, C. and Benyon, J. (2009) Education Policy in Britain, London : Palgrave Macmillan
4 Jones, K. (2002) Education in Britain : 1944 to the Present, Oxford : Polity Press
5 Lawton, D. (2004) Education and Labour Party ldeologies 1900-2001 and Beyond, Lon-
don : Routledge/Falmer
6 Ryan, A. (l 999) Liberal Anxieties and Liberal Education, London : Profile Books
7 Tomlinson, S. (2005) Education in a Post-Welfare Society, Maidenhead : Open University
Press
8 Walden, G . ( 1996) We Should Know Better: Solving the Education Crisis, London : Fourth
Estate

Websites
Department for Education and Skills : www.dfes.gov.uk
The Headmasters' and Headmistresses' Conference (HMC) : www.hmc.org .uk/ and also www.
hmc.org .uk/hmc-schools
 Education 317
.,
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lndependent education : www.isis .org .uk
The Times Higher Education Supplement: www.thes .co .uk
The Times Educational Supplement: www.tes .co .uk
Scottish Executive : www.scotland.gov.uk
National Assembly for Wales : www.wales .gov.uk
Northern lreland Assembly : www.niassembly.gov.uk
Office for Stondards in Education : www.ofsted .gov.uk
National Curriculum (England) : www.gov.uk/nationol-curriculum
Student finance : www.gov.uk/student-finance/overview
 ll
The media

■ Thc print m cJia

■ Thc hroadcasting media

■ Media owncrship and frccdom of cxprcssion

■ Attitudes to th e m edia

■ [xercises

■ further reading

■ \Mihsites
The media

This chapter cxamjncs the historical d velopment of thc British m edia and cur-
rcnt debat · about them . Thcy have long bccn an important part of British life
and inc1u<le communication systcms by which people are informcd, cducated
and cntcrtaincd. The tcrm has hi toricaily refe rrcd to th e print industries (the
press or ncwspapers, magazines and books) and hroadcasting ( radio and tcrrcs-
trial, cable, and satcllite television). Thesc systems have overlapped with each
other and with othcr m edia forms such as film , theatrc, records, discs and video.
Thcy are protitable busjncsscs and clos ly connect<::.d to advcrtising, corporate
sponsorship, commerce and industry.
Thc British media have evolve<l frorn simple mctho<ls of production, <listri-
bution and co mmunication to their contemporary advanced technologics. For
example, cabl e and satellite telcvision cxpandcd quickly from the mi<l-twcnti-
eth ccn tury and most media forrn s h ave since been aHcctc<l by clectronic devcl-
opments and th e national switch-over fro m analogw.: to di gital transmission in
2012 .
Thc Internet, online and Jigital communication systcms, smartphones, tab-
lcts and cornputers have bccom e <lominant media forces an<l have challeng ,d
th ' more traditional forms. Thcy are also a crtJcial part of busin ess, education,
politi cs, publishing, ncws and entertainment. They covcr homes, places of husi-
ness and leisure activitics, and th eir influence is powerful an<l an in evitabl e part
of daily life.
An Office for National Statistics (ONS) survey in 2018 drcw att 'ntion
to th ese changes. lt found that 90 per cent of hous -holds in Great Britain ha<l
Internet access. 13roadband Internet with a variety of fibre optic or c_ablc con-
ncctions was the most popular type and uscd by 98 p er ce nt of hou scholcls.
Eighty-six p er cent of adults used th e Intern et at least w ' 'kly in 2018 and daily
0

use has doubl d since 2006. Mobilcs and smartphoncs are thc most popular
dcvices used to ac -ess thc Intcrn t, 77 per cent of adults uscd thc lntern et 'on
th e go' and email remains th e most common Inte rnet activity. ln 2018, 78 pcr
cent of all adults bought goods or scrviccs onlin ' and older adults showcJ th e
largest increase in online shopping. Online banking increascd to 69 p ' r cent,
N etflix use grew to 46 per cent and watching videos on YouTube rcachcd 62 r 'r
cent. Social networking media, such as Twittcr, Facebook, Linkedin, lnstagram,
WhatsApp and blogging, beca me popular forms of daily communication among
a mixed generational demographic. Within the UK in 2017, 66 p er cent of agc
groups engaged in social networking, such as 96 per cent for thosc 1 G-24, 88
per cent of thosc 25- 34 and 83 per cent for those b etween 35-44. But despitc
 The media 321
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thc claims of such markets to be comp titivc an<l scrvice-oriented, thc.r ~ are
complaints about their quality, covcrage and influe nce.
Th e effects of these technological and cultural dcvclopmcnts w -re rcportcd
in an Ofcom study in 2017, which illustratcd th e changcs in mc<lia usag ' among
generations. Tee nagers and childrcn watched a thir<l lcss broadcast TV on tra-
ditional sets than they had in 201 O, as the shift to <ligital viewing and thc risc
of serviccs such as Netflix and Amazon incr ased. Childrcn (4 to 15 ycars oldJ
watched 101 minutes of traditional broa<lcast TV a <lay in 2016, whik 16-
to 24-yea r-ol<ls watched l 14 minut s, lcss than th c average oldcr vicw T who
w.;itchcd 212 minutes a <lay. The ovcr-65s/under-65 pcnsioncrs watchcd 344
minutes a <lay ofTV viewing.
Anoth cr m edia dev ,lopment has bccn th e popularity of on-dcmanJ TV,
such as BBC iPlaycr (thc BBC repeat scrviccJ and ITV Playcr, or Nctflix and
Amazon. The BBC has incrcased its childrcn's TV bu<lget an<l supports cxisting
chil<lrcn's channels, CBBC and Cikcbics. ft has moved its youth channd BBC
3 TV online anJ incrcascd invcstmcnt in iPlayer to match ,rnJicnn· d 'mand
and digital rivals. The corporations occupy a crow<lcd markct whilc trying to
preserve their idcntiti es.
Radical changc also has its cornrncrcial, artisti - and social prohll'ms.
Ofcorn's 2016 report into British broadcasting found dissatisfaction with tek-
vision programm cs. Thrcc in ten (29 pcr cent) vicwcrs kit that programllll'
quality had dctcriorated. Therc wcrc too rnany repca ts, littll varil'ty, trivial ity
anda lack of quality. O]Jcr adults (aged 55 and ovcr) tended to kcl that TV
prograrnmc standards had worsencd in thc past 12 rnonths.
British childre n between 11 and 15 watch lcss 'liVl'' tckvision cach day
than thcir parents. Half of them watch vidLo clips onlinc at kast once a WtTk,
·omparcd with 20 p er ce nt of adults. Th(' popularity oF clips has en ated a
ncw fashion for video bloggcrs who ca n altract largc numhns of Follow<..' rs and
advertising revenuc. Ofrorn research also showc<l thc cxtcnt to which young
peoplc are using social media such as Facchook, Whats/\pp and lnstagram to
co mmunicatc with each other. This in ·rcasc in onlinc activity has raiscd sak·ty
conccrns as young peopl are incrcasingly affectc<l by online inHucnc.Ts. Yct
cfhxtivc controls by the media industries and rcgulators are alkgLdly lacking.
Histnrically, print media such as ncwspa¡wrs and magazincs wcrc oft<..'n thc
only source of ncws. J\.s th c m edia cxpandcJ in thc twe nticth cc ntury, n ·ws
production was still a central s rvi cc an<l survcys showcd that ()~) pcr ce nt of
Britons obtaincd thcir Jaily ncws from tekvision, 20 pcr cent from print ncws-
papcrs and 11 per cent from radio. Thcsc 1-igurcs havc changcd in reccnt years
a, Inte rnet usagc has grown, print ncws papcr sa les and advcrtising incomc hc1vc
dcclined, an<l free onlinc ncws sites were attractive. R adcrs had rcactcd to
ncwspapt'r owners' introduction of subscription charges for th eir onlinc ncws
sitcs and rival free online news sites wer effective competitors. A Te ·hdigcst
survcy in 2009 found that 74 per cent of rcspondents would react by trying to
 The me d i a

find another free site, 8 per cent would use free headlin es only and 5 pcr cent
would pay to continue reading the site.
According to a 2018 Ofcom report, N ews Consumption in the UK, tel evi-
sion is the most-uscd platform for news by UK adults (79 p cr ce nt), followed
by the Internet (64 pcr cent), radio (44 p er cent) and newspapers (40 p . . r cent).
But the Internet i. th e most popular platform among l 6-24s (82 p r cent) and
ethnic minority groups (73 pcr cent). BBC One is the most-used television
n ews so urce ( 62 p er cent of ad ults ), followcd by ITV ( 41 p ·r cent) an<l Face-
book (33 p "r ent). Changing media habits mean that many peoplc ar' using
varied sources of ncws and information, somctimes simultan ously with other
elcctronic d "vices and somctimes concentrating on short summari s rather than
in-dcpth analyscs. Critics arguc that this variety of choice i. th e futurc format
of news pr ~se ntation.
Thc mc<lia continuc to provoke debates an<l complaints ahout what is
socially and morally permiss ibl e in th cir co ntcnt an<l methods. Oucstions are
aske<l about the role of a<lvertising an<l sponsorship; thc quality of th ser-
vi ces providcd at a time of rapidly cx pan<ling and <livcrsin "<l media outlets;
th c allege<l dang "r of thc conccntratcd owncrship of media resources; media
influence on politi cs; legal rcstraints upon m ,Jia 'frec<lorn of cxprcssion'; th e
potcntial abuse of media power and intluencc; bias an<l manipulation; and thc
rcsponsibility of thc m dia to indivi<luals and socicty. Aftcr a series of phon e
hackings and othcr press abuses thc ·ontinuing British debate in r ---ccnt years
has bccn whether the pr ss (and th c media in general) shoul<l be more tightly
controllcd an<l by whom.

The print media

Th e print media (n ewspapers and magazin es) bcga n to el ' velop in the eigh-
tccnth century. Initially, a wide circulation was hin<lcre<l by transportation and
<listribution probl ' ms, illiteracy, go vcrnment liccnsing an<l cens~r. hip restric-
tions. But, ovcr the last 200 years an expandcd educational systcm, th e abolition
of government control, d vdopments in print techn ology and I3ritain 's small
physical size have climü1ated thcse diff-iculti C's and cr ' atcd a free, outspoken and
often controversia} print media.
Th e growth of literacy aftcr 1870 proviJcd th e owncrs of th ' print m 'dia
with an increased market . Newspapers and magazincs, which had previously
been limited to the middle and upper classes, reached a widcr rcadcrship. They
were used for news and information, but also for protit and cntertainmcnt.
Media ownership, ncw print formats and tinan cially rcwarding advertising
increased in the compctitive atmosphcre of th e late nincternth and carly tw<.: .n-
tieth centurics. Own crs also rca lizcd that p olitical and social influcnce, and the
 The media

disscmination of combative i<leology1 could b e achicvcd through control of thc

mcans of communication.

National newspapers
National ncwspapers are thosc which are rnostly publishcd from Londo n ( with
sorne regional versions) and are availablc in ali parts of Britain on thc samc
day1 including Sun<lays. Many are still <lclivc rcd dir et to th c home from local
newsagcnts. Good intc rnal distribution systems e nahlc<l a national press to
dcvelop and onlin c copies of newspapcrs now otkr updated ncws anJ immcdi-
ate availability cvcrywhcrc.
R · gional ncw lcttc rs and news papcrs appeared in th c sixtccnth ccntury1
and th c first titl e<l London newspapcr, Corante (thc Daily Courant), was pub-
bshcd in 1G21. Th c first l3ritish ncwspapcrs with a limited national circulation
appeared in thc carly cightec nth e ' ntury and wcrr followcJ hy others, sud1 a
The Times ( 1785), thc Observer ( l 791) and thc Sunday Times ( 1822). Most of
thcsc w ' 1-C 'quality' papcrs, catering for a relativcly small, cdu catcd rn;-irb: t ata
time of mass illitc racy.
In thc ninctcc·nth c-cntury, thc growth and divcrsc co mposítíon of th e pop-
ulation co ndition cd thc typcs ni" newspapcr that wcrc produ ccJ. Thc f-irst 'pop-
ular' natinnal papcrs wcrc dclihc ratcly printcJ on Sun<lays, among tlwm tlw
News qf th.e World ( 1843) and the Peuple ( 1881 ). Th cy wcrT incxpcnsíve ami
aimed at thc cxpanding an<l inncas in gly litc ratc working class. In l 8~)h, /\lfrc·d
Harmsworth rroduccd thc Daíly Maíl, which was targctl'<l at thc lowcr middlc
class as an alternativc to thc 'qu ality ' dailics. Harmsworth thcn puhlisht'd thc
Oaily Mirror in 1~)03 for the working-dass ' popul ar' markct. Both the M rúl and
thc> M ·irror wcrc soon sclling more than a million co pies a Jay.
Thc carly twcnticth cc ntury was the era of mass-circulation p;:1 pers and of
owncrs ( descrihcJ as press harons) like 1-I armsworth anJ /\rthur Pca rso n. Thc-rc·
was fi ercc compctition hctwcc n th c m as th cy fought for higgcr sharcs of the
markct. Pear so n's Mornini l lerald (latcr thc Daily Express) was crcatl'd in 1~)()()
to compete with th <: Da:ily Mail for lowcr miJdlt·-class re adcrs.
Th c Da-ily Mirror was th c largest-selling national Jaily in thc carly twrnti-
eth century. It supportcd th c new Lahour Party and was dcsign ed for quick and
easy rcading by thc industrial and incrcasingly políti ·izcd working cl<1ss. Thc'
Daíly l leral.d (1911) also. upported thc l.abour Party, until in 1~)()4 it was solJ,
was re namcd the Sun anJ dcvcloped Jiffc rcnt political an<l news t'mphascs.
The compctition hetwccn thc Sun and Mírror ·ontinucs today, with each aim-
in g for a biggcr share of th c rnass daily markct. Battks are still fought bctwcen
dorninant proprietors, sincc ncwspapcr owncrship is conccntratc<l in a fcw largc
publishing groups1 such as Rupert Mur<loch's News UK (which has largc media
holdin gs in Britain1 Australia and the USJ\) and Trinity Mirror.
 The me di a

PLATE 11 . 1News UK (publisher of The Times and The Sun) printing plant at Broxbourne, near
Enfield, North London . News UK (formerly News lnternational) moved its printing operation
to Broxbourne from Wapping in centra l London in 201 O. © John Stillwell - WPA Pool/Getty
lmages

Thc succcss of th e earl y popular prcss was due to growing litcracy; a dcsirc
for knowledgc an<l information (as w ell as cntertainmc nt) on th ' part of th
working class; and in creasc<l political aware ness among workcrs causcd by th e
rise of th e Labour Party. Newspaper ownc rs profüed by thc hugc markct, but
th cy also sati -fi c<l dcman<l . Thc price and conte nt of mass papcrs rcllectcd
lowcr middle- and working-class rca<lerships and tastes. This -mph asis attracted
a consid ' rabl , amount of consumer adv 'rtising, and own crs werc able to pro-
dun pap ' rs ch eaply with thc aid of mo<lcrn printing m ethods anJ a nationwide
distributi o n nctwork.
Thc circulation of national papcrs rose rapidly, with 5.5 million <l aily sales
by 19 20. By 1973 th esc h ad increasc<l to ] 7 million . Howevc r, ncwspapcrs had
to cope tirst with competition from radi o and film and latc r from tclcvision .
Although th cy have survived, th crc has b een a continuin g declin e sincc th e
19 70s in sales and numbcrs of national and othcr newspapers as th ey fa cc pres-
sure from thc Internet, mobilc phon es and tablet . For exampl c, th c main British
nati onal newspapers in 2018 ha<l avera ge circulation sales o !" sorne 5.4 mil1ion
on weekdays (clown from 7.4 million in 2014) and 4.1 million on Sundays
(clown from 8.9 million on 2014).
Th national press in Britain in 2018 co nsisted of te n main daily morning
papers and eight main Sunday papc rs, after more papers had closed clown. It is
 The media

in effcct a London press, because many national newspapcrs have thcir bases
in th e capital, although editions of sorne nationals are now published outside
London, in Europe and the USA. Most of the m us ,d to b e located in the arca
around Fl eet Strect in central London, but ali havc now moved to othcr parts
of th e ca pital or offices outside London . Th esc movcs were duc to high prop-
crty r ~nts, comp ' tition b etween papcrs and opposition from tradc unions to
th e introduction of new printing t cchnology. Print m edia have also had to cope
with thc expense of newsprint, d clin es in advcrtising revcnu c, rising produc-
tion anJ labour costs, and compctition from othcr rn dia outkts, such as the
Intern et .
Hcavy labour costs wcrc du " to thc ovcrstaffing an<l r 'stri ·tive practi ·es of
thc tradc unions. Owncrs were forccd into new ways of in creasing proJuctivity
whilc cutting costs. Regional owners outsi<le Lon<lon, as in Nottingham with
its main papc r The Nottingham Evening Post, ha<l pion eerc<l thc movc mcnt of
newspapcrs and mé-lgazincs into th c ncw print technology, and London ncwspa-
pcrs wcr' ohligc-'d to follow in order to survive.
Thc use of c:omputcrs mea nt that journalists' 'copy' could he printc<l
Jire ·tly, without having to use th e tra<litional intcrmcJiatc an<l lcngthy ' hot-
mctal' typcsl'tting by printt rs. This gavc owncrs tlcxibility in thcir printing and
distribution methods and lower pro<lu ction costs. It allowcd thcm to t'sc.:apc
from tradc-union dominann:. anJ thc conccntration of th c industry in I .o ndon .
But it also res ultc<l in job losscs, tradc-union opposition anJ industrial ac:tion,
such as mass pickcting.
Ncw cquipmcnt, improveJ distribution mcthods an<l cuts in lahour ami
production costs had incrcascJ th e profitability of thc print industries to sorne
cxtc nt. Dcspite th c attraction oF othcr m edia, th ey still havc a rnnsidnablc
prese nce. Thc business is vcry ·ompctitivc anJ papcrs can sufkr frnm a varicty
of probl ~m s. Howt:.ver, th c hjgh risks involvcd havc not stoppcd th c introduc-
tion of n<:w ncwspapers. For cxamplc, th c quality national daj)y, th1..' lndepen-
dent bega n publi ·ation in 1986 and survivcd dcspitc c irculation loss<..'S until it
-losc<l print opcration in 2016. It continued onlinc-only and its Sunday prinl
c<lition also closcJ. Thc co ncise, compa<:t-siz1..J i from th1..· lndeperulent own-
ership appcarcd in 2010 until sold to .Johnson Pr 'SS in 201 (). Th e hest-sclling
Sunday N ews of the World which was founJcJ in 1843, was dosc·<l by N ·ws lJK
in 2011 Jue to tclcphon ' hacking anJ invasion oF privacy scanJals. On 2U Fch-
ruary 2012 'J'he Sun un Sunday was laun -hcd to replacc thc News of the Wor/11,
with som' of its formcr journalists, a nc w typefac1..· in 2013, huta rcduc ,J c ir-
culatjon in 2018 oF 1,286,859.
Most national p apc rs are usually tcrm<.:'<l e ithe r 'quality' or 'popul ar' (tah-
loid) <lcpcnding on thcir dith.~renccs in ·ontent. Othcrs ar calle<l 'mid-markct'
an<l fall b ctw ecn these two cxtrcm s (set. Table 11.1 ). The qualities (such as
The 'J'imes) rcport national and international n ws in d epth and analysc c:ur-
re nt c vcnts and th e arts in editorials an<l articles. Sorne critics argue, howc vcr,
 Th e media

PLATE 11.2 A selec tion

of national newspap ers
com prising popu lars
(tabloids), mid-markets
and qua li ties o n a
news sta nd , Great
M arlboroug h Street,
London , 2008 . © Ray
Ta ng/Shutterstock

that their content has be '11 dumbed clown (trivializcd) and th eir fcatures havc
beco mc ovcrly tren<ly and down-markct. Th e populars (such as the Sun) deal
with f ~w 'hard news' stories, tend to be superficial in th eir treatment of eve nts,
and it is fclt that much of their material is sensationaliz ' d . It i · argued that
populars are not instructive, or concerned with raising th e criti cal consciousness
of thcir readers. Yct owners and editors reply that th ir readcrships demand
particular stylcs, interests and attitudes. 'Mid-market ' papcr., such as th e Daily
Mail and Express, cater for intermediate group .
Qualitics and populars werc also historically <listinguish e<l by th eir format.
Populars wcrc tabloid or small-sheet while qualitics werc broa<lsh ect (largc-
sheet). Th.is distin ction has disappeared in rccent years as more broa<lsheets
 The med i a 327
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.
TABLE 11.1 Main national print newspapers (average circulation 2018)

Name Founded Sales Owned/controlled by

Popular dailies
Daily Mirror 1903 583 , 192 Trinity Mirror
The Sun 1964 1,545,594 NewsUK
Daily Star 1978 391 ,998 Northern and Shell
Mid-market dailies
DailyMail 1896 1,343,142 Daily Mail Trust
Daily Express 1900 364,721 Northern and Shell
Quality dailies
The Times 1785 440,558 NewsUK
The Guardian 1821 156,714 Scott Trust Limited
The Daily Telegraph 1855 385,346 Press Holdings
Financia/ Times 1888 189,579 Pearson PLC
2010 265,949 Johnston Press
Popular Sundays
The People 1881 193,846 Trinity Mirror
Sunday Mirror 1963 506,866 Trinity Mirror
The Sun on Sunday 2012 1,286,859 NewsUK
Mid-market Sundays
Sunday Mail 1982 l , 106,067 General Trust Ltd
Sunday Express 1918 309,958 Northern and Shell
Ouality Sundays
The Observer 1791 176,845 Scott Trust Limited
The Sunday Times 1822 739,845 NewsUK
The Sunday 1961 298,720 Press Holding
Telegraph
Source: Adapted from Audit Bureau of Daily Circulations, 2017

h avc bccom e ta hl o id, 'rnm pact' (T hc Times ) or ' Bc rlin er' (t lw Guanlian ) in
fo rm at. On ly th c Financial Times a nd t hc Du ily 'l'ele!!,raph are still h roa dsh cl'ts.
TotaJ sales of po pular papers on wcckd ays and Sund ay.s t'Xe<..'cd th osc of t hc
qu ali t ics. Fourtcc n of t hc p apcrs in '111ble 11.1 havc lost sorne cin:ulation sincc
2009 an d t hc rcst havc ga in e<l slightl y. 'Jhe Sun on Sunrlay, w hi ch cfh:diw ly
replacc<l t hc ddú nct News of th.e Wurltl in 201 2, c:1<.:hi cvcd t hc hi ghcst Sund ay
circul atio n in 2018, ca rricJ on th c b ·st-sclling tra diti o ns of t hc lattn papt' r,
h ut its sales are now dccli nin g. Q ualitics are more cxpens ivc th an p opul ars and
carry up-ma rk -•t ad vcrtising that gencratcs csscn ti al nnancc. T he popul ars carry
kss advcrtisin g anJ cat er fo r m ore J ow n-m arkct m aterial. H owcvcr, ali forrn s
of prin t advcrtisin g revcnu e have decl in ,J in profitability and m arkct sh arc in
rcccnt yca rs.
Th e m ed i a

There i currcntly no statc control or censorship of the British press,

although it is subjcct to laws of publication and expression and thcre are forms
of self.-censorship, by which it is supposed to regula te its own conduct. Th e press
is also financially indepcndent of thc political parties and rcccivcs no funding
from government ( except for Welsh-languagc community papcrs).
It is argu ·,J that most newspapcrs are politically right-of-centre and sympa-
thize with th '"' Conservativc Party. But thcir positions are arguably often driven
by read .rs' and owncrs'/controll rs ' opinions and th eir views ca n vary consid-
erably ovcr time and under the influence of evrn ts. J·or cxamplc, th e small-
circulation left:ist Morning Star has varicd bctwecn Stalinist, Euro-Communist
and Dcmocratic Left views. Papcrs may have a politi -al bias and support a spe-
cific party, particularly at election times, although this can vary. A few, such as
those of th e Trinity Mirror group, tend consist "ntly and vigorously to support
th c Labour Party. Sorne likc The Times considcr thcms ,]ves to be independent.
Oth ers, lik the Gua.rdía.n, favour a left-of..centre position, whilc thc Daily Tele-
graph supports th e Conservativc Party. It appcars that th 'British public r'ceive
a rcasonable variety of politi al views and cov 'rage from thcir ncwspapcr.·.
Newspapcrs are dependcnt for their survival upon circulation/sales figures;
upon thc advertising th ey can attract; and upon financia] hclp from their own-
crs. A paper may face difticultics anJ fail if advcrtiscrs rcmovc thcir business,
anJ all th' m edia have experi enc d difticulties in attracting a<lvcrtising r ' Ve-
nue. Howcvcr, a high circulation docs not neccssa rily guarantcc thc rcquired
advcrtising and consequent survival, b ecausc advcrtiscrs havc tended to place
th eir mass-appcal consumer products on tclcvi. ion, wh 're th<::'Y will bcncfit
from a larger au<licncc, although the Internet is now rapidly attracting more
advcrtising. Most popular papers are in constant compctition with thcir rivals
to increase th eir sales. They attempt to do this by gimmicks such as bingo
games and competitions, or by calculated (oft:en scnsationalist and idcological)
editorial policies which are in te nded to catch a mass or particular readership.
Most newspapers now have colour pages and daily and weekend suppl "-
m ents covering a range of interests that attcmpt to attract the ncwspapcr-rcading
public and appeal to advertisers. Own crs may ·rcfusc to rcsc: uc thosc papcrs
which make continuous losses. A numbcr of newspapers in the twcnti -•th anJ
twenty-fir. t ccnturics ceased publication because of reduced circulation, advcr-
tising reve nue losscs, rcfusals of furth er finan cial aiJ ora comhination of factors.
Dcspitc a fall in hard-copy circulation, most national n •wspapcrs now havc
onlinc Internet versions, which are somctimcs free ( at 1-'ast in outlin ' hJrmat),
but have incrcasingly to be paid for by subscription chargcs. Sorne also offcr
paid access to features and articlcs. This rapidly xpanding scrvicc provid ·s an
additional mediurn for information, cornmunication an<l advcrtising revcnuc as
well as continuously updated news. Subscriptions may be required in futurc for
most (or a11) onlinc scrvin.·s.
 The med ía

There is much debate about declining newspaper sales in Britain and of an

industry fighting to preserve its rckvancy. How ~ver, Media Week in August 2013
pointed out that thc National Readership Survey suggestcd that newspapers still
havc a rok in British life. Its readership figures showed that thc lca<ling daily and
Sun<lay ncwspapcr busin sses in the UK (The Sun group - 13.5 mjllion, The Mail
group - 12 rnillion, the frc paper 1he Metro - 7 .8 million, The Mirror group - 7 .9
million and the Guanlian/Observer group - 5.3 million) w erc rcad by 46 million
peoplc, eithcr in print or online every wcek. Dcspitc annual saks continuing to
show substantial d -'clin 'S, sorne polls havc rece ntly shown that rnany people still
bclicve in the traJitional principles, values and -ovcrage of th t' print press.

Local, regional and ethnic newspapers

Sorne 228 local wcckly ncwspapers are puhlishcJ in towns and citics through-
out Britain, in aJJition to sorn ~ 72 regional Jaili ·s which Sl'rvc largcr citics and
gcographical arcas. Thcy tcnd to fócus on local or regional 1wws, wilh sorne
national and intcrnational fr,atures, anJ are supportcJ financially by regional
advcrtising. Sorne 75 pc r cent of local an<l regional ncwspapcrs also opcratc an
Internet wcbsitc.
How ' ver, Audit Burcau of Circulation (/\BC) figures for h·bruary 2017
showcd declines of] 1.2 per cent in print sales For thc majority of local wcckly
ncwspapcrs and 12.5 pl'í ce nt hx n.': gional daily papcrs. Thcrc had also hcl'n a
rl'duction in individual titlcs, mcrgcrs hctwlcn titks, and dosurc or papcrs.
/\ccording to /\BC, thcsc ·ligures suggcst a continuing decline in print
papcrs in rcccnt ycars, arguably causcJ by pri -e riscs and editorial cuthacks. Tlw
n·adcrship has moved to local or national onlinc sou1Tl'S, n:sulting in a small
local wcbsitc growth. But prcssurc on aJvcrtising ovcrall has rcsultcd in lJK
regional and local 1wwspapcrs cxpcri ' JKing furtlwr Jcclincs in rcvcnuc flows.
Thc higgest local weekly scllcrs in 2016 wcrc Bcllast's Sunday Lije anJ thc
Islc of Wight's County Press, while thc b 'St-perrorming regional daily was tlw
Yorkshire Post.
Nevertheless, innovations in newspaper owncrships continul'. Tlwrc is
a growth in free local print newspapcrs of varying sizcs, sorne of which havc
national circulations. lt is estimated that 800 local anJ regional outk ts o¡wratr·
online websites, which indicates an incrcasing switch from print to onlinc scr-
viccs. Local websitc growth has partly offset loss ·sin print sales anJ adwrtising
re venue.
London seems to havc opcd with sorne of thc difficultil'S associatcd with
lo -al media. It ha. a <lominant eve ning pap ' r (thc Evening Standard, foundcd in
1827) with a daily circulation of 897,523 copies in Novernbcr 2017. In Janu-
ary 200~\ the Standard was purchased by Alexandcr Lebedev and bccarnc a fn:'"
Jaily tabloid ne wspaper (Monday to Friday). Its business modcl now in clude.
The m edia

an e-cdition with free subscription, mobil e ph one platform links, digital ser-
vices, a television station and increased fin ancia! spon sorship and e wncrship.
There are also about a hundrcd other local weekli es, <laili es and evcning papers
of various sizes and types which appcar in the Greater London <listricts.
Quality daily regional papers, such as The Scotsman ( Edinburgh ), the
G lasgow Herald, th e Western Mail ( Cardifíl and the Yorkshire Post [Leeds),
have historically had gooJ reputations and attract sales outsidc th eir specific
regions. Other Scottish papers are the Daily Record, thc popular Sunday Mail
(Glasgo w) and th e Sunday Post (Dundee ). North ern lrish papers include the
Belfast-based Belfast Telegraph and the N ews Letter, an<l others whi ch serve the
diffcrcnt scctarian communitié's. But man y have suffcrcd from J e -rcasing sales
and circulation.
The re has been a growth of othcr 'free ncwspapcrs' throughout Britain,
such as the tabloid d aily Metro with a circulation of 1, 4 7G,95G in Lon<lon in
November 2017 (whi ch is widcly availablc in urhan areas throughout thc rnun-
try - Monday to Friday mornin gs - such as buses, shop\ train stations, airports,
hospitals and strcet stalls, and has an onlin e scrvi e<.~). Whik growth of ncw
free papcrs seem s to be slackenin g, sorne 650 of th em, such as th c Manchester
Metro N ews :md thc Glaswegian, are publish ed weekl y on a local hasis and are
hn anced by local advertising, to such an cxtcnt th at ncws is oftcn outw 'ighcd
by the adverti sem ents. It is cstimated that th ey have a total weckly circulation
of sorne 29 million . They are oftcn dclivcr - . J Jircct to ho mes, as wcll as b eing
widely available elsewhere. Howcvcr, likc thc national papns, the regional , free
and local press has been severely aHected b y thc rccc nt Jownturn in advertising
rcvcnuc, on whi -hit is <lependent for survival.
It is argued th at ethnic minorities are still undcrreprese nted in thc Brit-
ish media. H owcve1~ thcir communiti es do produce sorne 70 ncwspapers and
m agazines, which are increasing in number, are avail ahl e nationally in thc larger
citics and are improving in quality. Sorne, such as Muslim m agazim's, are becom-
ing more mainstrcam in an attcmpt to appeal to a youn gcr Muslirt_1 and wider
non-Muslim audience. There is a wide ran gc of publicati ons ·for .Jcwish, Asían,
Afro-Caribbean, Chin cse and Arabic rea<lcrs, publishcd on a daily or (more
commonly) peri odie basis, such as the Asian Times and Afro-Carihbean papcrs
su ch as th e Gleaner (found ed in 19 51), the Vó'ice, N ew N atüm and Caribbean
Times. A largc recent immigration from Eastern Europc an<l th c widcr EU has
created more ethni c communities and rcsultcd in publication s in Polish, Latvian
anJ Rumanian, as we11 as existin g French, Spanish, Itali an and Ge rman media .
Sorn e of th e cthnic papers are resili ent and cnthusiastic, sorne qui ckl y Jis-
appear and most lack -finan cia] support. Man y h avc inadcc¡uatc publishin g sitcs
and sales. They struggle to attract advertising from thc prívate sector and rcl y
for thd r income from thc covcr pri -e and from local and national govcrnment
advcrtisin g. Yet Sky Media/Ethnic Media Sales (EMS) in 2017 suggestc<l a
potenti al market. Census fi gures indica te th at 14 per cent of th e UK populati on
 Th e med i a 331
.,
A~
~T
id ntify a an ethnic minority (28 pcr c nt of all 16-34s) and sp nt up to 50
per ce nt of th ir TV viewing tim e wat hing thni channels. Whilc 77 pcr cent
of British Asians f el that mainstream advertising has no relevan cL to th cm , 70
<:.thni c newspapers and magazines wcrc produ ·ed in 2013 for UK readcrs in this
growing market . According to EMS, G7 p e r ·cnt of Asian TV vicw ' rs r 'ad J\sian
news papcrs or magazines and 96 p er ce nt of ethnic press writcrs are cthnic,
w hile 94 p ' f ce nt of mainstream journalists, hy contrast, are whitc. EMS also
rcportc<l in 2013 that A ian and A fri ca n communities in Britain cxpcricncc<l
fast growth in mobil ' onlinc usage; th' mínimum numbcr of mohilc phones
own · d by J\sian households is thrcc; and G7 pcr · 'nt of Asian groups rcgularly
us mohilc phoncs.

Periodicals and magazines

Th re are sorne 8/)00 pcriodi cals an<l magazincs in Britain (2014), which are of
a wcckly, monthly or quartcrly naturc anJ are Jepc ndcnt upon sales ;111d ;;idvcr-
tising to survivc ([993 million in 2014 ). Th cy are aimcd at difkrcnt markets
anJ kvels of sophi sti cation an<l cithcr covcr traJ 'S, profrssions ami business
( rcad by ~)5 pcr ce nt of occupational groups) orare consumcr titlt s dcalin g with
sports, hobhics and intcrcsts (r 'aJ by 80 p ' r cent oF adults ).
J\lthough th e numbcr of pc riodi cals has cxpanded overa!!, it is still dilh-
ult to brea k into thc cstahlish cd consumn markct with a new produ ct. Slrnll'
attcmpts, which manage to find a gap in thc markct, succecd, hut n1a11y do not.
Othn ncw pcrio<licals whi ch are initially succcssful may also hcromc vic:tims ol'
·omp 'ting fashions ami trcnds.
Thc tccnage and youth magazine markct is ticrc '!y fought IL)r, hut hi:-tS
suffc rc<l largc sales loss 'S r ' ccntly. This is attributed to grcat ·r In te rn et and
mobilc phon -' usagc. Th e mc n's general int r ~st magazine markd (somc mag-
azinc.s having a spc ·ifically 'laddish' app 'al) is similarly volatilc. Womc:n's pni-
odicals, such as Take a Break, W<nnan and W<nnan's Own, have largc and widc
cir ·ulations. But th' h ' ·t-sclling publi cations in Dcccmhcr 201 :\ a<:<:ording to
ABC, wcrc The N ational 'frust Magazin e cov ' ring h Titagc, ·ountry houscs and
ga nkns with a c ir ·ulation of 2,024 1 01 O in first place, followe<l hy th c supcrm éir-
ket perio<licals Asda Magazine ( 1})83,433) an<l Tesco Magazine ( l />35,680).
Consistrntly high in th ( bcst-seller list are th c wcckly '/'V C lwice, What\- on
'/'V and Hadio Times, whi ·h contain fcature stori 's and schc<lukd progrnmnws
for BBC and indepcndcnt tclcvision an<l radio. Othn magazincs covcr intcrcsts
such as computcrs, rural pastimcs, gardcning, railways, coo king, a wi<le varil'ty
of -port\ archit 'Ctur ., anJ do-it-your elf skill . w ,]J-stocked n wsag<..'nt.· and
g ' n ··ral shop. illustrate the large number of offcrings.
J\mong th <:> serious w l<ly journal are th e N ew Statesman and Society (a
left-wing political and social affairs magazin ); The Economist (dcaling with cco-
nomic and political matters); the Spectator ( a conservative joumal); ami New
 The media

Scien.tist. The Times publishes influcntial weekly magazines, such as the Educa-
tional Supplement and the Higher (cducation supplemcnt). The lighter side of
th e market is catered for by periodicals su -h as Prívate Eye, which satirizcs the
shortcomings of British society.
Critics question the survival of magazin es and their relationship with
advertising, and on lin e activity is important. Advcrtising revenue from print
versions is crucial for the survival of most magazin es which might not ·urvive
the loss of income if they stopped thcir print versions and moved compl tely
online. It is diflicult for web-only pub1ishing formats to create a web-and-print
model 1 although sorne blogs and special interest websitcs are successful. Con-
sumer magazines and pcriodicals are struggling but in 2012 most of th e maga-
zine market was still plint.

The broadcasting media

Th e broadcasting m edia are divided into what has traditionally be n thought

of as two scctors. The 'public . e ·tor' is th e British Broadcasting Corporation
(BBC) nnanced by thc licenc foe (payablc by anyone who owns a tElevision
set) . The 'indepe ndent sector' consists of privatcly owncd comm ercial stations
or channcL 1 which are fund ed by advertising revcnu and subscriptions. 130th
sectors ·over radio, terrestrial (carth-based) tdevision and cable/satellitc tdcvi-
sion. Most services havc now moved from analogue to digital op 'rating/trans-
mitting systcms.
Since 2003, the Office of Communications (Ofcom) has rcp laccd th e roles
and duties of fórrn er regulators in both public an<l indcpendent scctors and is
thc single regulator for th e broadcast media. But although thc BBC is subj e ·t
to Ofcom r gulation on programme standards and eco nomi c managcment, the
BBC Trust is responsiblc for managing its public service remit. Opinions diffe r
as to th e futurc of the BBC in its prescnt role and th e rnntinuance of its funding
by thc licence fee.
Historically, radio was th' first broa<lcasting m ' dium to appcar in Britain.
Experimental transmissions w re made at the end of th e nine~eenth ccn tury
by Marconi and werc developed forth er in th c carly twentieth ccntury. After a
p eriod of limited availability, national radio was cstablish ed in 1922 whcn th '
British Broadcasting Company was form ed under John Rcith.
In ] 927 Reith bccame the hrst director-general of th e BBC and set th e ton e
and style for its developmcnt. Funded by thc liccnce fee, it ha<l a monopoly on
national broadcasting an<l a pat rnalistic image. Reith insisted that it shoul<l be
independent of governmcnt and commercial intcr -sts1 strive for quality, and be
a 'public service broa<lcast r' (ddined as having a duty to inform, educatc and
entertain). On this basis, th e BBC built a global reputation for impartial ncws
reporting and excellent programmes.
 The media

The BBC's broadcasting monopoly in radio and t -kvision (thc latter

starting in 1936 for a limited audi ence) led to pressure from commercial and
political interests to widen the scope of broadcasting. As a result, independent
television financed by advertising and under the supervision of the In<lepen-
dent Tclcvision Authority (ITA) was crcated in 1954 and thc first programmes
were shown in 1955. The BBC's m o nopoly on radio broadcastin g also n<lcd in
19 72 and independent radio stations wcre established throughout the country,
fondeJ by advertisi ng.
A duopoly (two organizations) then covere<l broadcasting: thc puhli c S ·'r-
vice ofthc BBC an<l th e ind ~pcnd nt service of the ITA. Th ' lattcr was cxpanded
as cable, satcllitc and othcr scrviccs developcd . Thc ITA evolved into thc IBA
(In<lependent Broadcasting J\uthority ), which was su -cecded b y th c ITC ( Inde-
pen<lcnt Tdevision Commission) and thc Radio Authority. Th csc wcrc rcplaced
in 2003 b y Ofcom. British broadcasti ng has thus b een con<lition cd hy change
and th e competition b ctw( en thc BBC and ind ' pcn<lcnt organizations.
Substantial reform s to British broadcasting wcrc ma<lc by Conscrvative
govcmmcnts in th e 1980s and l 990s, which crcated more radio and tekvision
hannels. A deregulation po licy was supposed to promotc co mpctition among
broadcasters and more choi - ' for consumcrs.
Critics havE. criti cizc<l these changcs. It was fclt that a largcr numhcr of
tclcvision and radio ch anncls need not nccessarily lca<l to gn.'atcr choice, hut
rathcr to programmcs of thc sam c typ . Thcrc is a f-initc numbcr of pcopk avai l-
ablc to watch telev ision or listen to radio, and advcrtisns' budgcts ca nnot he
strctched to covcr all availahle broa<lcast offcrings. J\ccording to Okom (2014)
television 's proportion of total rcvenue g -- ncratcd by advertising was 2~) pcr
cent in 2013, and had rcmaincd constant sin ce 2008. ft has, howcvcr, now hcen
replac<::.d by th c Internet as th c biggcst a<lvcrtising se ·tor in thc UK, and va luc
shares in 2014 wcr .:- telev ision at f 4. 9 billion an<l the Intern et at .D .2 billion.
The public serví -e cthos of thc BBC is also a statutory requiremcnt for a11
terresti-ial indcpcndcnt channels. Ofrom (as thc rcgulator of communications) is
conccrncd to maintain th e quality of programmes by the terr ·-strial publi c servicc
broadca ters (BBCl , 2, 3 anJ 4, ITVJ , 2, 3 and 4, Channd 4, Channel Fivc anJ
SC4 ). Under Jcgislation they must providc a mínimum levcl of <liffcrcnt typcs of
programming. Of -om has foun<l that standards are droppin g; thcrc is too mu -h
rcliancc on programmes with popular appeal; and th c audicn e share for publi c
service broadcastcrs is falling. J\ccordin g to Statista, thc larg st tckvision hroa<l-
casters in thc UK in 2017 by audience share were BBC (31.57 pcr cent), ITV
(21.71 pcr cent), Channel 4 (I 0.23 per cent) and Channel 5 (G.53 pcr cent).

The BBC
Thc BBC is based at N ew Broadcasting House in central London, with centres
throughout the UK providing regional nctworks for radio and television. lt was
334 The media

creatcd by Royal Charter and has a Trust that is responsiblc for supervising
programrn es and that comprises trustccs who are appointed by thc Crown on
the advice of governm nt ministcr. and constitute an independcnt lement
within the organization of the BBC organization. The trust chooses the dircctor-
gcncral, who controls the daily operations of thc BBC. Th e BBC leadership has
recently been criti cized for its handling of histori e sca n<lals and managcment
proccdurc. , such as salary structures in its workforcc.
Thc BBC is financed by a grant from Parliam ' nt, which comes from the
sale of t lcvi ion licences (f.5 .1 billion in 2013- 14) . These are payablc by any-
one who owns a tdcvision set an<l are relativdy low in international tcrms
(f.l 45.50 annually for a co1our set and [49 for bla ck an<l whitc in 201 O). Th
BBC ad<litionally receives incomc from selling its programmcs and services
abroad through its comm ercial arm Worldwi<lc Ltd, which generates a quartcr
of BBC rcvcnuc. It also bcnefits from th e sal , of a programme guide ( Radio
Times], books, magazin es, videos and DVDs.
Th , f3BC is undcr prcssure from govcrnm ' nt an<l critics. It has strugglcd
to maintain its position as a publi c servi ce broadcaster, fundcd by thc li cencc
fee, at a time of competition from indepcn<lcnt rivals. Interna] rcorganization
and cost- ·utting led to a slimmcr organiz.ati on, but it is reoar<lcd by its criti cs as
ovcrstaffed with too m any posts in managcmcnt. lt has <lcvdopc<l altcrnative
forms of fundin g, such as subscription and pay scrviccs and must inclu<lc inde-
p cn<lcnt productions in its television offcrings. Frc4u ·nt <le man<ls for rc-cvalua-
tion of th ' liccncc fce. raise questions ahout thc futurc of th e BBC.
Th c BBC's cx tcrnal scrvices, whi ch consist of radio broadca sts in English
(World S rvi ce) and 42 othcr languages abroaJ, wcrc founded in 1932 and
sincc 2014 havc been fun<l e<l by th c BBC. Thcsc havc a r 'putation for objcctivc
news reporting and programmes. Th e BBC a1so bcga n transmittin g commcr-
cially fund ed te1evision channels in 1991 by cable to Europc and by satcllitc
links to Africa and Asia. Today, BBC Ncws is an intcrnational 24-hour n 'WS and
TV information channcl. It has tht. largcst staff an<l audicncc (74 million wcckly
vicwcrs in more than 200 countrics worldwidc ) of any BBC tclevision scrvic '. lt
is owncd, opcrated and fund .d by thc BB C's commercial arm.
Th e BBC is not a tate orga nization, controlled by thc go vernment. How-
evcr, it is not as in<lependent of politi cal pressures as many in Britain and ovcr-
sca, assurnc. Its charter has to be r ' ncwc<l by Parliamcnt and govcrnm ' nt ca n,
and does, interve ne in the showing of programmes whi ch are allcgcd to be con-
troversia! or against the public interest. The l3BC trustees, although indcpendent,
are government appointees. Govcrnments can also ex<::.rt pressurc upon th c BBC
when the licence fee comes up for renewal by Parliamcnt. Thc BBC tries to
be neutral in political matters, to such an cxtcnt that all political partics have
cornplained that it is prejudiced against thcm, bcing cithcr too liberal/critical or
too conscrvativc. The majar parties have equal right to broadcast short party
political units on the BBC and independent television , usually at election times.
 The media

Historically, th e BBC ( with its monopo ly on radio) was affect ed by tht'

invention of television, which changcd British e ntertainment and news habits.
Th l3BC now has two main terrcstrial tcl cvision chann els (BBCl an<l I3BC2),
with an audience shar =- of 31.57 in 2017 . BBC1 is a mass-appcal chann el and
consists of ncws, plays and drama se ri es, com edy, quiz shows, co rnpl'tition s nf
various kinds, variety perfo rmanccs, sport and <locume ntaries. BBC2 tcn<ls to
show mor scrious itcms such as n 'WS analysis an<l discussion, documcntari cs,
aJaptations of novcls into plays an<l series, operas an<l con c rts.
Th e Labour governme nt from 2001 cxpan<lcd BBC tekvision sc rvi ccs by
thc crcation of two ncw channds BBC3 (contl'mp orary c ntc rtainm e nt, com-
ed y, rnusi c and <lrama) and BBC4 (culture an<l th c arts), as wc ll as a childrcn's
chann el ClH3C. Th 'Y opcratcd via digital cable, te rrcstrial, lPTV an<l satcllite
platforms. Howcvcr, au<l i ncc figures for thcsc chann els wc·rc initi ally low and
in 20] 4 it was dccidc<l to <lrop BBC3 from th ' TV schcdulcs and mnvc it onlin e,
as part of cost-c utting plan s.
BBC Radio pcrforms an important snvicc, although so rne of its audiences
havc flu ctuatcd rccc ntly. Th ' re ar' tivc national station s; 40 loca l stations scrv ing
many distri cts in Englan<l and th c Chann c l lslan<ls; and regional and community
scrviccs in Scotl and , Waks, Shetland, Orkncy, Foyk and Northern Ircland . Th cy
ali havc to co mpete for listcncrs bctwcc n thcmsclvcs an<l with inJcpcndc nt
stations hut offcr an altcrnativc in ncws, cl<..-hatc anJ local information to pnp-
bas<:'d local an<l national indc pcn<lc nt stations. Thc national chann cls s¡wc ialii', '
in <liffcrcnt tastes. In 2018, thc audicrH:c- sharc for R<ldio l , whi ch ca tcrs lc)r pop
music and a young audicncc, was (l. l m li stcnc-rs; Radio 2 with 12 .2m listcnns
has adult-oricnted light musi c, ncws and conwdy; Radio 3 wi th ().() million lis-
t cncrs provi<lcs classical music, modnn jan. and world music, talks, di scussion s
an<l pl ays; Radio 4 with l 0.7 million listcrn. rs rnncentrates on thc spokcn word,
news r -' ports, analysis, talks and plays; Radio Fivc Livc (establish ed 1990) has
sport and n ews programmcs; th e IrnC Asian N twork is aimcd at British Asians;
an<l 13BC6 Music with 1.96 mil1ion listcncrs providcs rock, funk and altcrnativc
music. Dcspitc thc challcngc from strcaming music scrvicc.:s and on-deman<l
compctitors, ra<lio list ·'ning is high and BB C Radio has 58. 7 pn cent of' total
nation al and local radio m arkct sharc ( with indcpcndcnt radio at 41.3 pcr cent).

lndependent broadcasting (The Office

of Communications - Ofcom)
Ofcom <loes not make or produce programm cs itsdf lts govcrnmcnt-appointc<l
board rcgulatcs thc indcpcmknt t -k·v ision and raJio compan ic s (ca ble anJ
satdlite ), and formally the BBC. lt grants liccnces to thc tran smitting com-
pani es which ·ommission many of th -. programmes shown on advc rtising-
tinanccd tclevision channels (]TV, ITV 2, [TV 3 and ITV 4, Channel 4 and
Channel 5) .
Th e media

Thc ITV Network is the bigge:.st commcrcial tclevision nctwork in th e UK,

has 15 regional licences and provides television to vi ewers across thc country.
Thc liccnce-hold ' rs coopcrate wüh each other to sorne dcgrcc, commission
and schedule tclevision programmes and providc regional programming. Most
of th e licene<:.s sin ·e 2004 in England and Wal es have bee n held by ITV ple,
and smallcr companics in Engla11d 1 Scotland, Northern Ireland an<l th ' Chann 1
Islands hold th e rest.
The licences granted to ITV companies are r n wable 'very ten year. and
the cornpanies have to compete with any othcr interestcd applicants. Th ey
receive nothing from the telcvision li cence fee, which applies only to thc
BBC. Th ' companies are thus dependcnt upon advertising anJ subscription
finan cc and thc sales of programmes, videos, DVDs, books, rccords and other
publications.
ITV hada 21.71 per cent audicnce share in 2017 . ITVl is the oldest inc.le-
pendcnt televisío n channcl and once seemcd only to providc popular pro-
grammcs of a light-entcrtainment type. Although its c..¡uality has improved and
it has a high standard of ncws reports, drama productions and clocumentaries,
critics arguc that th e hunt for audience ratings is again pro<lucing mass cnter-
tainmcnt rcality shows, music and food competitions, many quizzcs and rcpea t
com edi es.
ITV2, 1TV3 and ITV4 continue this mixture, with ITV4 containing many
rep eats.
Channel 4 ( with l 0.23 p er cent of audience sharc) was establi shed in ] 982
to create a commercial alternative to BBC2. lt is a public corporation, which
is fun<l ed by selling its own advertising time. It was intcnded to ofter somc-
thing different and chall enging in an appeal to min ority tastes and providcs
programmes in Wclsh in Wales (S4C). Channcl 4 initially had problems with
advcrtising and the quality of its programmes (commissioned from índep e n-
dent producers ), but has now develop ed a considerable reputation for its new
and documentary productions, art programmes and films, although its audience
share is declining (6.53 per cent in 2017). ·
lt has been argued that the former regulator, ITC, did not always ad'-
quatcly supervise independent broadcasting developments and allegcdly lacked
consistent policies. Th ere had bccn questions over its system of awarding ITV 1
li cences and critics tdt that there was a need to empha. izc programme quality
and production effici ency. Of -o m is an attempt to improve on thi structure,
but opinions are divided on its p erformance.
Television and its associate<l technological developments have be ·om very
attractive in Britain and a rich source of entertainmcnt. At one stag ', it was
thought that cable television by subscription would considerably exp and these
possibilities. Cable tclevision (with the main providers bcing Virgin Media, Sky,
Talk Talk and BT) is growing through digital technology (with an increas d
 The media

numbcr of channels) and is potentially available to 12.5 million homes largely

in urban and suburban arcas, with 9 rnillion subscribers. But it is cha1lcnged by
satellitc and , tr .aming platforms.
Tc1cvision broadcasting direct1y by satellite through subs Tiption was estah-
lishcd in Brítaín hy m crgers betwcen cx ísting companics which formcd British
Sky Broadcasting (BSkyB) with five satellitc chann els. It was th biggest UK sat-
'llitc tel 'Vision programmer in 2010 with l O million suhscribcrs and has addcd
2.4 míl1íon more subsc1iber ' sincc th ' 11 . lts channds providc ncws, light -' ntcr-
tainrncnt, sport an<l fcaturc films. Th c choice of satc !lite channels is cxpan<ling
steadily through digital technology wíth ovcr 420 radio and tdcvisíon satdlite
servers providing programming in Britain . Onc in thn:.'C hom 'S in th' UK and
Ireland use thc Sky serví ' C. However, <le. pit ' its cxpandcJ and costly sports pre-
sentations, it still lags bchind te rrcstrial ITV and BBCl in audicncc vicwing share
and it faces incrcascd compctition from n 'W Internet ,rnd strcarning proví<lcrs.
Ofcom also controls ind cpcndcnt radio, which inclucks thrcc national
stations an<l som' 150 local and regional stations throughout th c country. Ali
are fondcd by a<lvcrtising and reve nuc -figures suggest that radío is thc fastest
growing m edia outlct in Britain. Thc nationa l indepcndcnt radio stations we re
crcatcd by Conscrvativc govcrnmcnts to cxpand radio broadcasting. Tlw f-irst
li ccnc' was awardcJ in l ~)~)l to Classic FM (popular classi ·al music and ncws
hu11 ctins), thc sccond in 1992 to Virgin 1215 (rock musicL and th' third in
10~)5 to Talk Radio lJK (spccch-bascd).
Indt>pendcnt local radio was originally intcnd ,J to he puhlic snvic.-c radio,
fund ed by advertising and tightly reg ulatcd local radio stations ( LCRs ). Eal·h
was owncd by local peo pk, with local hroadcasting stations. J\part from thc
sharcd Indcpcndcnt Radio Ncws, nctworking anJ syndication wcrc infrcqucnt,
and ea h station produced a varicd local output. This structun' changcJ as indc-
p endcnt radio be ·ame comm e rcial radio. Expansion has occurrcd at c. ity, loca l
and community 1' veis beca usc broadcasting was dcrcgulatcJ hy governmcnt in
an attempt to increase thc varie ty of radio and indu<l c more taslcs ,111d intcr-
csts. Howeve1~ in 201 O, local an<l national indcpcndcnt station s accounlcd for
only 41.3 pcr ·cnt of total radio audicncc sharc. Critics arguc that this low
figure (cornpar d with thc BBC) is duc to indcpcndrnt stations ncgkcting pro-
grarnmes with a local ide ntity. lnst -aJ th cy havc hccome vcry commcrciali"l.cd
with networking and automation to produce gcnrc programming and lcft local
e mphasis to community radio.
Although both BBC and commcrcial radio appcarcd to be growing in rl'(T lll
years, broadcastcrs warn that radio station s are. thrcatened by strcaming with
srnartphoncs as young pcopk in ·rcasingly turn away from tn1ditional radio. ll
is argued that thc radio industry n cds to becornc an international cntcrtain-
m ent brand that ca n offcr on-<lcmand rnntcnt rather than solely focusing on
UK broadcasting.
The media

The role and influence of television

and other media
Television historica11y has been a popular entcrtainment activity which
attract ed large audicnces for events, programmes and series in modcrn Britain.
But arguably its latter spread over many different platforms has dissipated its
ea rlier influencc an<l dominance. According to TV liccnsing, sorne 96 per cent
of homes in 2013 had television sets in their homes; 94 p er cent of these were
colour sets; over 50 per cent of homes have two sets or more; and most have
bccn digitalized.
Th ere are contrasting vi ews about th e surviva l of British tcl evision culture
and TV vicwing. A report from the marketing body Thinkbox in 2014 suggcsted
that the traditional tclevision set is still central to British viewing and is the
favourite way to watch TV, particularly as on-dcmand and streaming services
bccome available on better and bigger screens.
However, the teleco m and media regulator Ofcom reported in 2014 that
th e number of households that own a tclevision set had in fact dcclincd by
500,000 as viewers chosc to watch films and videos on smartphon cs, tabl ·ts,
games consolcs and Japtops. Although a Tclescopc study foun<l in 2013 that
more people were watching TV despite a declin e in thc numbe r of tcl cvision
sets per houschold, an Acce nture survey in 2015 suggested that viewing tilms
and TV programmes on a traditional set had fa11cn by 13 pcr cent ovcr thc ycar
2014-15, largely because of faster nbre optic broadband computc r spccJs. In
this vicw, the imagc of th c tel evision set as th ' foca l point for th c nuclear family
of the ] 950s is breaking down.
It has also becn rcccntly suggested that radio (indc penden t and BBC)
was in fa ct more popular than television and in<licated that sorne peopl e were
<lescrting the latter b ecausc of its alleged dcclining quality. Ncverth eless, <lespitc
ycars when the statistics have b een variable and a pattern of declin e scems
to be obviou, average television viewing time in 2014 was slightly clown at
3.55 hours a <lay (25 hours per week) according to Thinkbox and about 94 per
cen t of individuals watch ed TV at least onc" a week.
Most of the programmcs shown on tel · vision are made in Britain, although
th ere are also man y imported .A merican drama, crime and musical series which
prove popular. A few programmes com e from othcr Engli sh-spea king coun -
tri es, such as Australia, New Zea land and Canada. But there are relativcly fcw
foreign-language productions on l3ritish television and th "Se are eith er dubbeJ
or sub-titlcd. Howcver, quality sub-titlc<l Scan<linavian, Frcnch and ltalian
crirne series have prove<l very popular in rccent ycars.
The rangc of programmes shown is vcry co nsiderable, but thcy also vary
widdy in quality.Although sorne British television has a high reputation abroad,
it does attract substantial criticism in Britain, eith er because of the a11 eged low
 The media 339
.,
A~
;T
standard of sorn e programmes, a la -k of variety, the tamcncss of content or
the frequent repetition of programmes. For example, sorne 60 per cent of the
programmcs shown over the Christmas pcriod are repeats. News r ports, doc-
umentaries and current-affairs analyscs are generally of a high standard, as are
sorne dramatic, educational, sporting, natural history and cultural productions.
But th ere is also a wide sclection of series, soap operas, competitions, films,
quizz s, reality programm .s and varicty hows which are of doubtful quality
to sorne, although they do appeal to significant sections of thc vicwing public.
Reality TV, dan ce and . inging talent shows, confrontational anJ confes-
sional programmes, anJ the profusion of makeover, d ecorating, fooJ and prop-
erty series have lcd to charges of a 'Jumbing-down' of British tcl 'vision. Many
of th '.SC prograrnmc.s are calculated to appe:.al to a mass audience, a s 'arch for
high ratings, and involve aggrcssion, ccl brity worship, dcsirc for instant fome
and cmotional display. lndepcndcnt tclcvision companies nccd .such succcssful
off rings to attract advcrtising and income. Jt is also necessary for thc BBC to
produce commcrcial offerings to demonstrate its own au<licncc mass appcal.
Compctition between the GBC and inJependent tclcvision is strong and thc
battlc of the ratings (the number of peopk watching indivi<lua l programmcs)
indicatcs thcir popularity, with Thinkhox fnr exampk rcporting that in thc 1-irst
quartcr of 201 O, 61.4G pcr cent of ali TV vicwing was on commcrcial channcls.
But compctition ca n mean that similar programmcs are shown at thc samc
time on thc major channcls, in ordcr to appcal to spccific markcts and attract
th e biggcst sharc of th audi 'ncc. lt is also argucd that competition has rc<lucnl
the quality of programmcs ovcrall . Thc BBC in particular is Titiciz ·'d for its
increasing commercialism and failurc to provi<lc ' nough quality arts, drama and
11l'WS programmcs. lt is argucd that thc l3BC must maintain its puhlic scrvicc

obligations to quality anJ c rcativity in ordcr to j ustify thc lic -ncc 1-<.~c.
Th -re has been r 'guiar criticism about th . , allcged kvels of sex, vulga-rity,
violcncc and bad languagc on British telcvision and radio gcncrally, and vc-n
bcforc the 'watershcd' of 9 p.m. in the evcnings when young childrcn may he
watching. Sorne groups and in<lividuals have attemptc<l to reform and intlucncc
th ' kind of programmes that are shown. J\cademi c rcscarch ha<l J ' ni ,J a media
influcncc on au<lie nccs, but sorne critics now suggcst that individuals can in fact
be morally harmed by the co ntc.nt, imagcs1 b chaviour and spcech of particular
te! -vision and radio programmes, which can be rapidly imitateJ, parti cularly by
childrcn.
Prcvious Conservative govcrnmcnt. considered that violcnce, scx and
obs ·cnity on tclevision did affect and dc-s nsitive viewcrs and could cncour-
agc copycat bchaviour. Attcmpts have bccn madc to 'clean up' te! vision, and
Ofcom now monitors programmcs, examines complaints, establish es codes of
conduct for thc broad ·asting organizations and has tightc ncd its rules con-
ccrning invasion of privacy by broadcasters. Howcvcr, polls and survcys havc
 Th e m edia

suggested that Britons are becoming more pcrmissive about th e portrayal of sex
and different lifestyles in the media if this is releva nt to a plot, and evcn more
accepting if it occurs outside a family context on ad ult chann els, video and films.
There continucs to be an 'cntcrtainment ' and 'information ' expansion in
.Britain whcrc online production compani es fight to attract vicwcrs and adver-
tising revenue. But critics query whethcr this means more genuin e media choice
or declining quality. Digital broadcastin g has increas d tclcvision chann =-1s and
transformed sorne media into interactive forces that combine thc Internet and
p ersonalized strcaming (such as Nctflix) and programming in on e package.
Broadcastcrs risk losing audienccs and revenuc as more pcoplc switch bctween
difle rent forms as an alternative to traditional tclcvision p rogra mmes.
Based on research by lpsos MORI, thc BBC reported in March 2018 that
young pco plc spend more time watching Netflix than BRC tclcvision, induding
its rcpcat functio n iPlayer. lt is argued that this shift in vicwing habits qucstions
the long-term rclcvancc of thc BBC fund c<l by li ce n ·e fees. Nettlix chargcs sub-
scribcrs a monthly tee for on-demand acccss to its contcnt archive of tilms and
programmes, which became operative in Britain in 2012. Rcscarch showed that
while Britons aged 16 to 34 spend about two hours a wcck with th e BB C, ITV
.-m<l Netflix, thosc in thc 16- 24 age brackct wat ·h more Nettli x str ·'a min g ofiers
than the BBC tdev ision scrviccs providc.
lpsos MORI rcscarch also rcrortcd that thc BBC's radio n 'twork has also
been overtaken b y music str 'aming scrviccs, such as Spotify and Appl c Music.
The last threc months of 2017 rcvcalc<l that p eopl e agcd 15-34 listcncd to
more hours of strcamed music a wcek than BBC of-fers. Th c I3BC wants more
digital opcrations, to greatly in crcasc th e iPlayer attraction, anJ to provide more
apps.

Media ownership and freedom of expression

The financia! and ownership structures of rnntemporary Briti;h media indus-

tries are compl ex and have traditionally involved a rangc of m edia outlcts which
gradually includcd thc press, radio and television.
Sometimcs, an individual or company would own and spccializc in a num-
b cr of print products, such as newspapcrs and magazin es. However, although
thi s kind of owncrship still exists, it is declining. Today n cws papcrs may be
owned and controllcd by corporation s that have widcr m edia intcrcsts, such
as tilms, radio, television, magazines, and satcllitc, cable and digital compa-
nies. Other newspaper- and media-owning gro ups havc divcrsif-icd th eir intcr-
ests evcn furth er, and may b e involved in a varicty of non-m edia activities. In
Britain, only a few newspapers, such as thc Guardian and th e Mom.ing Star,
have avoided b eing co ntrollcd b y multinatio nal and multi-mcd ia commcrcial
concerns.
 The media

This involvement of large e nterprises in the media, and the concentration

of ownership in a few hands, such as newspapers and other media int rests con-
tro11ed by UK International and Trinity Mirro1~ has caused concern . Although
th ese corporations do not yet amount to a monopoly situation, question s of
ownership and ontrol re main . Sorne ritics argue that thc statc shoul<l providc
public subsidies to thc m edia industries in ordcr to prcvent them being take n
over by big-business groups. But it is felt that thcrc are dangers in allowing thc
statc to ga in any direct or indirect financia] an<l political influcncc ovcr thc
media.
Today the law is supposed to guard against thc risks inh crent in grcatly
conccntratc<l owncrship of th c rnea ns of communication . Thc purchasc of
forth cr ncwspapcrs by an cxisting owncr is -ontrolled b y law, and rwwspapc r
owners' shareholdings in indep ende nt radio and television stations are limitc<l .
Furthc.:.~r restrictions, such as independ nt dircctors of newspapcrs, guarankes
of l'ditorial ind cpcndcncc from owners' inte rfc rcnce, anJ trustc.T arnrngcmcnts
to allow newspapcrs to rnaintain thcir character an<l tradition s, are usually
irnposed . Th cse arrangcmcnts are inte ndcd to prevent mon opoli cs a n<l un<luc
intlucncc by own crs. Howcvcr, such safrgua rds do not always work satisfactorily
in practice.
Thc qucstio ns of free cx prcssion in th c media and control owr prcss con-
tcnt continuc to be of conccrn and have not bccn satisfactorily resolved . Sorne
criti cs arguc that thc mc<lia <lo not havc sufficicnt frceJom to comrnrnt on
mattcrs of public an<l prívate intcrcst. But thc freedom of the rnc<lia, as of
individuals, to cx prcss thcmsdves, is not ab olutc. Rcgulation s are placed u pon
the ge neral frcedom in ordcr to safeg uard the lcgitimatc interests of othcr indi-
viduals, oth er organizations and th c statc, so that a bal ance bctwccn compctin g
intcrcsts may be achicvc<l.
Th crc are severa) legal restraints upon media frce<lom of cx prcssion. Th e
sub judice rule m eans that thc m c<lia may not comment on court procecJings
an<l must rcstrict th cmsclvcs to reporting the court facts. Thc rul e is inte nded to
protect th e individuals concerned, an<l if a media organization or pe rson hrcaks
the rul e, it or they m ay be found guilty of contempt of court and fin es or prison
scntcnccs may be imposcd . Contempt of court procccJings may also b e uscd
hy judgcs to ohtain journalists' sources of information, orto prcvcnt thc mc<lia
from puhlishin g court <lctails and documcnts. Sorne journalists have rd"uscd to
Jisclosc thcir sourccs and have gone to prison.
r¡ he obtaining and publishing of state and official information is controllcd
hy spccific laws such as Otticial Secrets Acts and by devices such as D-noticcs
(<lircctivcs to th c media concerning information that shoul<l not be divulgcd).
Th e mee.ha are also liahl e to court proceedings for libel and obsccnity offcnccs.
Libel is th e making of accusations which are proved to be false or harmful to
a pcrson 's re putation. Obscenity covcrs any action that offcnds against puhlic
morality. In such cases, th c media organization and all the individuals involvcd
Th m ed i o

may b e hcld responsiblc. There are current debates about whether th e strict
English libd law and their appli cation should be rclaxe<l b cause thcy rnay
inhibit frccdorn of cxprcssion .
L gislation by a previous Labour government has had considerable m edia
implications. Th e Human Iüghts Act (l 998) is a two-edged sword in tcrms of
free exprcssion. On th c one hand, it supposedly allows thc media greatcr free-
dom of expression to comm nt on matters of public intcrcst and importance.
On the other, it allows individuals to complain and claim compcnsation if they
feel that thcir indivi<lual ri ght and privacy havc bccn infringed (for cxa mple,
by thc m edia).
This situation was cxemplitied by the so-calkd 'Hacked-Off' campaign in
2005 whcn individuals maintain ed that their phonc voiccmails had bcrn hackcd
(brok n into) and th eir privacy invaded by thc rr ' SS and oth cr . Criminal trials
followed against joumalists, prcss managers and the poli ce, sorne of whom were
found gui1ty. Eventually, '/'he N ews of the World ncwspaper, which was impli-
cated, was doscd <lown by its propri etor, Rupert Murdoch, in July 2011 and
th c Lt.veson Inquiry into the practiccs and ethi cs of th e prcss began in Novcm-
ber 2011. A report by Lord Justic Lcvcson was publishc<l in Novembcr 2012
with proposals for closcr control ovcr thc pr<::'ss. Th e govcrnmcnt wantcd a lcgis-
lative undcrpinning of th e press, and a Royal C hartcr on rcgulation oF th ' prcss
was grantcd by th e Privy Council in O ctober 2013, dcspite legal challcngcs by
newspaper publishers. Th c lattcr wanted self-r 'gulation and set up thc unrccog-
ni zcd prcss-fundcd Independcnt Press Stan<lar<ls Organization (IPSO) in 2014,
which consists of most British newspap ''fS. lt is an indcpcn<lcnt rcgulator of
thc n wspaper and magazine industry to promote journalistic stan<lar<ls an<l to
support m emb rs of the public in th eir complaints that thc E<litors' Codc of
Practice has bccn broachcd. Anoth r bo<ly, lmprcss, was approvcd by th e Prcss
Recognition Panel (PRP), but represcnts only sorne 25 spccia list publication s
financed by prívate in<livi<luals. The resulting situation is complcx, th 'r ' is con-
flict between the media bodies, and therc wcr -' demands in 2018 for anothcr
enquiry into m edia action. Thc debate continucs on th frecdo~, in<l 'pcn<lcnc<:'
and sclf-regulation of th e prcss and th e impli cd thr at of governmcntal action
against thc press. It sccm s that th e prcss will have to a ~t strongly on allcgations
of prcss abuse. Otherwise state action could b (' invokcd .
The Levcson Inqui ry arguably preserves th ~ unsteady institution al powcr
relationship betwccn newspaper propri ' tors, politicians, governme nt an<l th c
policc. Th e Media Reform Coalition conclude<l in Novcmber 2013 that thc out-
come of th e Levcson Jnquiry illustrates th e ways in whi ·h chan gc and rcform
opcrate in Britain:

Time aftcr time, newspaper readers havc shown in polls that th ey

trust neither politicians nor proprietors to d liver an ethical and inde-
pcndent prcss whilc a suhstantial majority of the public wants to scc
 The med i a

action taken to limit the size and influcnce of the largest media outlets.
H owcvcr, it does seem that, for now, corporate m edia interests havc
outmancuvered those tighting for mcaningful change ... Th crc is no
reason to think that anything has changed since the [ Leveson] report
was publishcd and it will take action far beyond that of a publi c inquiry
to tacklc the problems that [Levcson] raiscd .. . and th at still wait to be
adequately addrc. sed .

Similar qucstions of interpretatio n of what is allowabl e b ehavi our by thc

m ,cJia and how thcy can b e effectively policed arosc when legislation was
passt'd in 2006 whkh made incit rn ·nt to rcligious hatred a criminal offcncc
in England anc.1 Wales. Although much will <lcpend upon actual co urt dcci-
sion s, thcse may arguably rcstrict th ' m c<lia '.s an<l artists ' ri ghts of expression
to comm cnt nitically on rcligion and rcli gious belicf Th c qu estion becom cs
on e of distinguishing bctwccn permissiblc critical comment and allegc<ll y illcgal
b chaviour. Th c succcss of a chargc of in cite mcnt set.ms to rcst on thc subj 'ctive
or personal assess ment of th c complainant. /\. poll by th c Ncw Culture Forum
in 2014 found that 77 pcr cent of rcspond ·nts thought that p 'opk should b e
abl e to makc statcmc nts ahout rcligion in books, tdcvision an<l oth cr media
that might o-ftc nd sorne bl'li cvers. Twdvc per cent thought that thcy should not.
Rcstri ctions prcvcnt ahsolute m 'dia frc cdom of cxprcssion and raisc qucs-
tio ns ahout tlw naturc of such control. It is argu cd that, dcs pite lcgislation, th crc
is still a nced fi.ff rcforrn if rcsponsiblc invcstigatiw journalism an<l th c media are
to do tht'ir job adcquatcly. Britain is a sccretivc socicty, and it was thought that
th ' Labour governm cnt's f-recdom of Infr>rmation Act (2000) might break down
sorne of thc sccrccy anJ cxccutive co ntrol. But, whilc th c m edia havc hccn ablc
to use th e Act succcssfully in sorne ca, es, critics suggcst that it is not working
satisfa ctorily anJ that ofücial bodics avoid giving th e information rcqucstcd.
On th e oth er hand, th e m edia can act irre.sponsibly, invade in<livi<lual pri -
vacy, bchave in uncthical and criminal ways and sensationaliz ' l'VCnts for th eir
own purposcs. Thc media have won som libel cases brought against thcm an<l
gain cd important viclori<:s for open information. But they h aw also lost othcr
cases b ·cause of th cir methods. Such m edia practices do caus<' conccrn anJ th c
governmcnt could impose statutory restrictions on invasions of privacy unlcss
th c media rcform th cmselves. But sorne criti cs feel that frccdom of 'xpression
coul<l b, 1 ·ss rcstrict ,d than it i. at prescnt.
lt is somctim cs argued that the conccntrated ownership patterns of th c
medié.1 might limit frccdom ofjournalistic exprcssion by allowin g own ers unduc
influe ncc ovc r what is includcd in thcir products. form er journalists h avc
-laimcd th at th crc is proprietorial interterence in sorne of th m dia, which is
not hcin g curbcd cith ·r by editorial guarant es or by govcrnmcnt restri ctions.
On th e oth cr hand, -'ditors and journalist ·an b e very indcpcndcntly minJcd
pt.oplc, wh o will usually object to any attcmpts at interference. Sorne own crs
 The media

PLATE 11.3 The worldwide headquarters of the BBC at New Broadcasting House, Portland
Place, London , underwent major renovation and rebui lding which was completed in 2012-
13 . © David A Eastley/A lamy Stock Photo

also scem to be careful not to trcad on too many toes, hccausc thcrc are always
competing m edia souro~s that are willing to publish th e facts.
A furth er conccrn about limitations on m edia freedom has b een thc cxtcnt
to which advcrtiscrs might dictate policy and content whcn thcy pl ac, th cü
products. The qucstion of advertisers' influence is complex anJ might toda y be
more applicable to th e mass-consumer markets of radio, television and social
media than the press. Advcrtiscrs dealing with thc prcss are m ore conccrncd
with the type or status of readers rather than with th eir numbers. Arguably, th e
media have not succumbed in a substantial dcgree to the dircct manipulations
of advertisin g agencies, in spite of their dcpendence upon advcrtising revenuc.

Altitudes to the media

Opinion p olls suggest that most British peoplc havc traditionally tended to sec
the media for what they are and have no great illusions about th em . Respon-
dents are generally sceptical of the press and journalists ( who frequently appear
at the b ottom oflists of trustworthy professionals), are suspicious of the content
of newspapers and televi ion and do not believe that they present all sides of a
question fairly.
 The media

Th ere are also conflicting views about whethcr thc media play a dominant
p art in intlucncing public opinion on political and socia] m atters. Thc ldt-wing
view assumcs that they do and consequ ently disapprovcs of th c allcgc<l 70 per
cent right-wing bias in the British m edia. But, whilc sorne peoplc may have th cir
attitud ~s dircctly shaped in these ways, it is argued that man y rcadcrs and vicw-
crs havc alrcady made up th eir own minds and r ·act aga inst any blatan t attcm pts
at indo -trination. On sorne occasions (su ch as clcctions ), thc m edia ma y appcar
to havc an cff-ect on public opi nion and may stress what th cy scc as th eir intlu-
encc ('It's 'J'he Sun Wot Wun lt' ran a Sun h eadlin on 11 April 1992 ahn that
year's General Election). But it is also likdy that thc m edi a may mcdy follow
what th cy frel are popular trends anc.l ch anging política] and social vicws amo ng
thc puhlic, rather than th ' mselves bcing the insti gators of ncw ideas.
Man y pcnple r Hect a popular cultural tradition in Britain and h avc karncd
to rcad bctwcc n th e lin es of thc m ·dia and are co nditionc<l ca rl y in lit<..' ' not to
bclicvc cverythin g you rcad in the papcrs', or hear 'on thc tclly'. Sincc tclcvision
in particular is often accuscd of bein g c ith c r right-wing or lcft-wing, dqw nJing
on which government is in power, it would sccm that thl British pl'o pk are
rcceiving cnough information of varying 4uality from ali si<lcs of thc politi ca l
sp ectrum . ln practicc, most pco plc sccm to makl' up th ·ir own minds, obj cct Lo
having politics and oth cr conccrns 'thrust <lown th c ir throats' and many Lakc a
tircd ( and ofre n cynica l) attitudc to such mattc rs.

PLATE 11.4 Photographers and the press wai ti ng outside the Lindo Wing of St Mary's Hospi-
tal , London after the Duchess of Cambridge gave birth to Prince George on 23 July 20 13 . ©
Peter Macdiarmid/Getty lmages
The m e di o

Howcvcr, opinion polls in recent years have shown widcspread distrust of

thc British m edia dcspitc a BBC/Reuters/ MeJ ia Center poli in 2006 that trust
in thc media h ad incrcased in Britain from 29 pcr cent to 4 7 p er cent in the
p eriod 2002- 06. Instcad, Rcuters Institute in June 20 17 found that only 4 1
per cent of respondcnts agrecd that the British news media did a good job in
hclping thcm distinguish fact from fiction, and communication agency Edel-
man's 2017 Trust Barometcr of l ,500 Britons found that only 24 pcr cent of
respondents truste<l l3ritish news ou tlcts at all. Th e US Pew Rcsearch Ccntr "'
rcportcd in 2018 that t hc UK news m edia were thc lcast tru sted among eight
European nations to 'gct thc fa cts right' and 'cover irnportant storics of thc day' .
The question of trust in the mainstrcam m edia has bcco me very irnportant in
Britain, with sorne defen<ling it and others criticizing its actions.

Exercises
Briefly explain and examine the following terms, commenting on their
significance in British life:

I
media circulation newsagents compacts'
press tabloid ' free newspapers' ' hot meta l'
advertising broadsheet Prívate Eye libel
Fleet Street the Sun ownership sub judice
The Times John Reith Rupert Murdoch BBC 2
TV licence fee Ofcom World Service dubbing
lpso mid-market Channel4 duopoly
terrestrial digital Virgin Med ia Classic FM
tablets Leveson lnquiry press freedom BBC News

Write short essays on the following topics :

Describe and comment critically on the structure of British broadcasting .

2 Examine the problems of media freedom of expression ..

3 Discuss the division of British national newspapers into 'populars' and

'qual ities'.

Further reading

Bignell, J. , Lacey, S. and Macmu rraugh-Cavanagh, M.K . (2000) British Television Drama:
Post, Present and Future, London : Macmillan/Palgrave
 The media

2 Branston, G . and Stafford, R. (20 l O) The Media Students Book, London : Routledge
3 Briggs, A. and Cobley, O . (2002) The Media: An lntroduction, London : Pearson Longman
4 Broadcasters' Audience Research Board (BARB) (May 2018) The Viewing Report, London :
BARB Co .
5 The Communications Market (2014), London : Ofcom
6 Curran , J. and Gurevitch, M . (20 l O) Mass Media and Society, London : Bloom sbury
Acodemic
7 Curran, J. ond Sea ton, J. (2016) Power without Responsibility: Press, Broadcasting and
the Internet in Britain , Routledge : London
8 Franklin, B. (200 l) British Television Policy: A Reader, London : Routledge
9 O ' Sullivan , T., Dutton, B. and Rayner, P. (2003) Studying the Media: An lntroduction,
London : Bloomsbury Academic
l O Seaton , J., Petley, J. and Gaber, l. (2005) Culture Wars : The Media and the British Left,
Edinburgh : Edinburgh Un iversity Press
l l Stokes, J. and Reading , A. (ed s) ( 1999) The Media in Britain : Current Debates and Devel-
opments, London : Palgrove/Macmi llan
12 UK Audience Attitudes to the Broadcast Media : A Summary of Findings (20 17), London :
Ofcom
13 Wedell, G . and Luckham , B. (2001) Television at the Crossroads, London : Palgrave Macmillan
14 Understanding Attitudes to the Broadcast Media, (2013) London : Ofcom
15 Wiseman, O . (2014) Speakers Cornered: Twenty-First Century Britain 's Culture of Silence,
London: New Culture Forum

Websites
Department of Culture, Media and Sport: www.culture .gov.uk
British Broadcasting Corporotion (BBC) : www.bbc .co .uk
BARB : www.BARB .Co. UK
ITV l : www.itv.com
Channel Four: www.channel4 .com
Channel Five : www.channel5 .co .uk
Office of Communications (Ofcom) : www.ofcom .gov.uk
The Press Association : www.pad .press .net
lndependent Press Standards Organization : www.co .uk/lPSO
The Times : www.the-times.co .uk
The Guard ian : www.gua rdian .co .uk
The Daily Telegraph : www.telegraph .co .uk
Leveson lnquiry: www.media reform.org.uk/blog/year-leveson-press-power-still-control https://the
guardian .com/media/2017 /aug/06/can-you-trust-mainstream-media?
 12
Leisure, sport
and the arts

■ Lcisurc activities

■ Sport

■ Th ' arts

■ Exercises

■ Further reading

■ Websites
 .,
'°~ 350 Lei su re , sp o rt and t he arts
.:.T

The prcceding chapters have examined in stitutional building blocks and thcir
distinctive cultures, which comprise British civilization. This chaptcr considers
how lcisure pastimes, sports and the arts in Britain are represented; how th ey
contribute to a whole way of lifc; and how they are fond ed by state, voluntary
and prívate contributions, and through their own pro-fits.
Th e diversity of lite in contemporary Britain is retlectcd in the ways thc
British organize such activities. They revea] different cultural habits, rath cr
than one unif-ied image, and are divided between parti -ipatory and spectator
pastimcs, which show varying degr -es of active and passive cngagement. Thcy
are also associatcd with national identities, iconic institutions, mass participa-
tion and minority interests. They may be intlucn ·ed by social class, gov ' rn-
ment f-inan cial aid, a changing national cconomy, pe rso nal disposablc inco mc,
th ' exp ens - of activities and eyuipment, and the pressures on lcisure time in a
work-oriented socicty.
According to the authors of a poll-based book (Jacobs and Worccster, We
British, Weidcnfcld & Nicolson 1990: 124), 'the variety of available leisurc,
arts and sporting activitics disproves thc criticism that Britain is a oun.try of
philistines who pr -fe r se.cond-ratc entertainment to th e best'. Yet th ere havc
bcen many reccnt complaints about a 'dumbing-<lown' of British cultural lifr in
tdcvision programmes, films, the arts, literature, music and ducation; declining
standards in sports and physical exercise, which havc b en co nnectcd to an
increase in adult and child obesity; and <leer ascd participation in and attcn-
dance at leisure events. Such criti cism and observations are not ncw. They w r "
also ornrnon in the ninetcenth ce ntury whcn the working and middlc classcs
were expanding rapidly and contrasts bctwcen high an<l low cultur -'s wcre com-
m entcd upon by critics, writers and artists.
Although public opinion polis in the 1990s and early 2000s indicatc<l that
Britain's leisure industries were relativdy hcalthy, a financial cri~is and rccession in
2007- 1O scriously affected rnany individuals and businesses. Pcople r -'duce<l th eir
free-time activities because of stagnant wagcs; stayed at home rather than going
out to socialize in pubs, bars and restaurants; 'staycations' Qargcr numbers of thc
population holidaying in Britain rather than abroad) bccame popular; consum 'r
purchascs of hom e entertainmcnt ele -tronic cq uipment, ncwspapers an<l maga-
zines declincd because of th eir cost; there was less personal disposable incomc; an<l
many people budgcted more carefolly. While the national economy had improvc<l
by 2017, indivi<luals still expc1ienccd f-inancial difficulties and low wages.
 Le isure , spor t an d the a rts

Nevertheless, th e authors of We British (1 990: 133), reached conclusion s

about Britain 's cultural life 29 years ago, which are still arguably valid in large
part today, although sorne observers of British li fe might disagree:

[ w ]e can rcport that the nation is in no tclly-induccd trance. Its t astcs

mix watching and doing, 'high' and 'Iow' cultures, with a richncss that
rnntradicts the stereotypes of th e British as divided 6 --tween mindlcss
lage r louts and eq ually mon ey-grubbin g consumers. Th e mi x w' have
found wi11 not pkase cverybody. Not c nou gh football for sorne, not
e nough opera for oth ers. l3ut that is what we should <:'x pect in th c
culture of a wholc nation .

Evolving social pursuits and pastimes h ave implications for thc largL~r socil'ty.
Much lcisure time in Britain was histori cally spe nt within thc family home and
th ere was a separa tion of individual s from th e widcr social contcxt. Cra<lu ally,
as th e population grew, there was grcatt'r mixing bctwccn individuals outside
th c Family. Although sorn e home activitics still rc m ain important, many pas-
tim es now involve dcvdopcd te -hnology and commc rcializcd husincsscs, which
are part oF a largcr public markct in which produccrs try to attract and max-
imizc consumcrs and sales. But this dcwlopmc nt has also lcd partl y to more
individual activitics he ing cnjoyed hy young peoplc within th c home ami its
private spaces.
A..cccss to lcisurc, sports and arts activiti cs is unev cnly Ji strihutcd in Lh c
population, bccausc it is dcpc nJcnt upon purchasing powcr, opportunity and
availability. Exdusionary factors opcrate against sorne individuals and groups,
such as lack of <li sposablc income, thc influcncc of class, disadvantagcd back-
grounds, ina<lcquatc knowlcdgc of availablc activitics, poor (or non-l'Xistrnt)
musical and arts tcaching in schools, cost of cquipm c nt, thc pri cc of tickcts,
shortagc of time in busy liv 'S, and fr,wc r rcsourccs. This fragrrwntation ironi ca lly
can crcate its own div crsc and altcrnativ' forms oF culture which, as in thc past,
may h ecom c m ainstrca m.
Thc distribution of lcisurc, sports and th c arts havc rccc ntly appcarcd in
discussions on how social 'culture' o r 'capital' is dcfined and applicd. Th c crc-
ative industries that servi ·e th e 'leisurc market' (such as cin e ma, thcatrc, pub-
lishing, music and th c pcrforming arts) are an important part of Britain 's social
and cconomic lite. T'hcy gcnerate substantial amounts of rcvcnuc and cxport
carnings which contribute to th e gross domestic product (GDPL cmploy many
p eopl e and havc an influe ntial value at home an<l abroaJ. Yet, parti cipation in
th c m is dccrcasing as in comc declines and cntcrtainmcnt vcnucs closc. Qucs-
tions arise as to how and why sorne sectors of socicty benefit from cultural pro-
ccsses and othcrs do not, and h ow finan cc and support may b e raised for kisurc,
sports and arts activities.
352 Lci su r e , spor t and the arts

For examplc, th e UK gov<::.rnnP nt Department for Digital, Culture, Media

and Sports (DCMS), crcated in 1992, sponsors cultural, sporting, tourism, crc-
ative and leisur ' industries in Britain. It provides finan cia] aid (from central
taxation) to museums, gal1eries and lihraries; touri sm: historie buildings an<l
th arts in, for exa mplc, England through Arts Council England; and grants to
]ocal govcrnm nt for spcnding locally. Cultur an<l sports finance ar also givcn
by central gov -'rnmcnt to th t. devolved arcas of Scotlan<l, Wale and North-
crn lreland for interna} distribution. Somctimes this aid can be controversial
and criticized. Other voluntary and private organi7.ations, ·uch as the National
Lottery, commcrcial companies, pressurc groups and indivi<luals provi<lc sub-
stantial fundin g to lcisurc activities, sports and thc arts, without which many of
th em woulJ find it ditlicult to survivc.
Howevcr, the DCMS also suffered from th e 2007-1 O finan cia} rcccssion
an<l cuts wcre madc to subsequcnt budg ' ts up to 2016. Whil ' th e cuts wcrc
ometimes smallcr than cxp cted, they w -r ' significant, specially for local
government councils an<l regional arts groups whi ·h lost part of thcir publi ·
fun<ling.
ln this tinancially limited situation, critics ask whethcr state or public f,nan-
cial subsidization of 'the arts ' an<l wi<lcr cultural activities is justitic<l . This oftcn
leads to questions about th e rn ea ning of culture; who decides what culture
is, and whethcr it ultimately <lepcnds on what indivi<luals, rath ' r than ofticial
in ·titution s, consider to b e culture? Such debates continue in Britain . 'Culture',
for cxa mplc, is somctimes defin e<l anthropologica1ly as 'a wholc way of ]¡fr, ' in
which <liff rcnt forms react to cach othcr, may sharc common values, or crcatc
thcir own m odes of cxpression.

Leisure activities

Leisurc activitics in thc country's pre-industrial p ~riod, apart from som ' high
cultural interests exclusive to the urban, m -' tropolitan elite, were for most of
th e population largely conditione<l by the rural and agricultura! nature of Brit-
ish lite. Settlcm<::.nts wcr<::. isolated, and transport and roads wcrc cith er poor or
non-existcnt. Peoplc were rcstricted to thcir homes and villagcs and obliged
to crcate their own entertainm E' nts. Sorne werc home- or family-based, whilc
larger participatory an<l spectator activitics, such as sports an<l scasonal cvcnts,
wcre enjoycd by thc larger community. Thcy might also involvc itincra nt pl ay-
ers, who travell ed the countryside and provideJ alternativc entertainme nts,
such as drama and musical pcrformances.
Improved transport and road con<litions from the cighteenth -entury
onwards cnabled the rural population to travcl to neighbouring towns whcrc
thcy took advantagc of a variety of amuscments and wider social opportunities.
Spectator and parti cipatory activitics increas -d with thc industrialization of the
ninctee nth century, as more of thc population movc<l to the towns an<l citi es
 Le i sure , sport a nd the arts

and as th ·atrcs, co ncerts, music halls and sports dcveloped and bccam e availahlc
to more pcople. The establishment of road an<l railway systcms and th forma-
tion of bus and train companies initiatcd th c pattern of chea p one-day trips
around th c country an<l parti cularly family holidays at th e scasidc, whi ch w ' re
to grow into thc mass charter and pa -kagc tours of conte mporary Britain. Th c
arrival of radio, film. and television in th c ea rly twcnticth - ·ntury re ·ult ,J in a
hugdy ex pandcd profossional e ntc rtainmcnts industry serví ·cd hy n w th ea trcs
and cinemas, with th e emcrgin g BBC radio and tcl vision chann els bccoming a
fulcrum for th e wholc family. Thc variety of offcrings and l ·vcls of participation
in crcased again drarnatically from th c 1960 · and coinód ·d with mor ' leisurc
tim ·, grcater disposahle in coml , th e wcakcning of 'high' and 'low ' cultural har-
ri ers and an -'x plosion of 'popular ·ulturc', parti cularly in musi c, thcatrc and
literaturc. This was followcd by a robust ·xprcssion of 'youth culture' focusing
on musi c, crafts, art, thcatre, foshion, photography and digital dcvclopmcnts in
the late twcnticth and ca rly twcnty-iirst ccnturi cs. 1n ali th csc changcs, thc mix-
tur ·, of participatory, spcctator, homc-hascJ, individual and comnwrcial kisurc
activiti 'S and traditions hav' continucd.
Many contc mporary pursuits havc thcir roots in thc c ultural anJ social
b haviour of th c past, induding boxing, wrcstling, cricket, foothall anJ a rangc
of othcr sports. Dan cing, amateur thcatrc and musical cvc nts Wl'IT focal rarts of
rural lifc for all cl asscs anJ wcrc ol"tc n associatcd with th c ch,rnging agricultura!
scason s. Th c traJitions of hunting, shooting anJ fishin g havc long hl'l' n rrac-
ti sed in British rnuntry lifr (not on ly by th c aristocrncy), as havc hlood srorts,
such as dog and cock fighting anJ bcar baiting, whi ch ar ' now ilkgal. Howcv ·1~
organi z . . J bctting on illcgal c.log anJ othn animal lights docs co ntinuc toe.lay in
sedud ,J locations.
A foaturc of contcmporary Britain is thc ·ontinuing attL'rnpt to stop sorne
kinds of rural activitics such as fishing anJ fox hunting, as wcll as rnlls (organizcJ,
humane ki1ling) of <leer and hadgcrs. Activists havc hccomL' more asscrtiw in thcir
objections to and campaigns against what th cy scc as thc crm·lty nf many rurnl
traditions and th c co ntainmcnt of th c animal rorulation, as wcll as in tlwir orpo-
sition to the use of animals in comm ' rcial anJ rncdical Lxpuimcnts. For cxarnrk,
a MOR! poll in 1997 showcd that two-thirds of rcspondcnts favourcd a rnmplctc
ban on fox hunting with horses an<l <logs. Although thc countrysidc lohhy orposcd
such action 1 fc.)x hunting was bann c<l first in ScotlanJ anJ thrn in England and
Wales in 2004. l ,ater polls found that support for thc fox-hunting ban had follen
by a halt; with an increasc in n:.spondcnts who said thcy were neutral on thc issuc.
Apathy about fox hunting has grown an<l support to ovcrturn th e ban appcarcd to
have increascd with th ' allcged ncr<l to control thc growth of thc fox population .
Howeve1~ a MORI pol1 in Deccmbcr 2017 commissioned by thc animal
wdfarc charity th e Leaguc .Against Cruel Sports rcporte<l that 85 pcr ce nt
of re. ponde nts thought that fox hunting should not b e made legal again.
Othcr rcsults opposed <leer hunting (87 per cent), harc hunting and co ursing
(90 per cent), dog fighting (99 p er cent) and badger baiting (94 p er cent).
Leisure , sp or t and t he arts

Thc British to<lay enjoy a variety of cultural, sporting and 1cisure activities
and more people have more free tim . The growing problem is how to organize
the work/life balance. Most workers havc at least four we ,ks' holiday a year, in
addition to publi breaks such as Christmas, Eastcr and bank holidays (days off
work), although Britain has fewer such holidays than other Europea n countrics.
The growing numbcr of pensioners (sorne of whom are reasonably affl uent) has
created an economica lly rcwanhng lcisure markct which ben 'nts both the cldcrly
and service companies. Un mploymcnt also mcans that sorne groups of pcople
have more nh1rccd fre time (if not always the financcs to njoy it in foil) .
Consumcr patterns and leisure activities havc also changcd and coinci<lcd
with part-time and shift working and high cr income for many of thosc in work.
T here is a demand for public faci lities such as cinemas, shops, supcrmarkets,
restaurants and leisure scrvices to be open and available for longer, more conve-
nicnt, periods during thc week and at weekends. But such activities can suffer
when there is an cconomic downturn anda 1ack of incomc to generatc cxpan sion.
Th e 2007-10 rcccssion s ·riously restri -ted Britons' ability to cnjoy and
afford leisure opportuni ties, and visits to pubs and restaurants are still in decline.
But parts of th economy havc slowly improvec.t and dcsp ite wagc stagnation,
th e most popular pastim s rcma:in social or home-bascd (see Table 12.1 ). Thcse
activitics reflect rclatively onsistent and continuing patterns of hchaviour.

TABLE 12.1 Adult leisure pastimes in Britain (%) 2017

Watching TV 91
2 Spending time with friends/family 89
3 Listening to music 79
4 Shopping 78
5 Eating out at restaurants 76
6 Internet/ emailing 75
7 Days out or visits to places 73
8 Reading 72
9 Sport/ exerci se 59
10 Going to the cinema 53
11 Going to pubs/bars/ clubs 52
12 Gardening 50
13 Theatre/ music concerts 43
14 Visiting historie sites 41
15 DIY (do-it-yourself) 39
16 Visiting museums/gal leries 37
17 Playing computer games 28
18 Arts a nd crafts 23
19 Playing a musical instrument 9
Source: Adapted from Department for Culture, Media and Sport - Taking Part - Statistical Release
2017.
 Leisure, sport an d t he arts

The Off-ice for National Statistics (ONS) 20 l 7, found that thc major1ty
of lcisurc time for both mcn and women was spent on mass m edia such a.
watching TV or list ·'ning to music. ílut mcn spcnt more time on sports, hobbies
and computcr games than womeni who wcrc more attracted to social activitics.
Th · ovcr-GSs cnjoyed more lcisure time than 25- 34-ycar olds. Peo plc in skillcd
prnfossions spent thc lcast time on lci. urc, comparcd with thosc in sales and
custom ~r scrviccs. Leisurc activitics werc high 'St for thosc in the south-cast of
England and lowcst for thosc in North ern Irclan<l.
ONS statistics on family houschold cxp 'TIScs and living costs showcJ that
thc third highcst category of spcn<ling was rccrcation an<l culture. Historica lly,
th er "' had b ee n incrcasing rates oHamily cxpcnditun~from l ~)77 until the crcdit
crisi in 2006, but spcnding pattcrns -hangcd ovcr time, hccaus ' of grcatcr dis-
posablc incomc in sorne pc riods and rising c:osts in othcrs.
A 2013 ONS list of wcckly rccrcation an<l cultural cx pcn<litun.' indudc<l,
in dcscc nding ·ost, pa kagc holi<lays, lJK <1n<l abroac.l (35 pn n nt); rcncational
anc.l cultural scrviccs, suc:h as sports admissions, lcisurc class fccs, cinema, thc-
atre an<l museum tickcts, TV liccnccs and subscriptions, and cquiprncnt hirc
(29 per cent); recrcational itl'rrlS and cquir,mcnt ( l G pcr crnt); ncwsp;-1pcrs,
books and stationcry (8 pcr cent); audio-visual, rhotographic and inforrnalion

PLATE 12. 1 Drinking outside the White Horse pub, Soho, London . Soho has long been a pop-
ular orea for pubs, clubs, exotic entertainment, restaurants and theatre which have a ppea led
to a wide variety of people. lts d ub ious image has often been bohemia n, eccentric and raff-
ish . © Kev in Foy/Shutterstock
Le is u re , sp ort and the art s

proccssing equipmcnt (8 per cent); and recreation and culture durables, such as
television sets, computers and other electronic cquipment (3 per cent).
Despite rec ssion and other socioeconomic problems such a inequality
of in come and status, the 2013 ONS poll indicatcd that Britain overall is a
relatively affluent society and spends a significant part of personal in ·orne on
lcisure activities. More Britons participate in a widc variety of availablc pas-
times, somctim s with surprising priorities. For xampl<:., dcspitc th e effects
and influence of the digital age, reading, although decl ining in recent years,
compares favourably with the most popular habits such as watching tcl vision
or playing music.
However, there havc bee n significant 1--isure changcs in recent years.
According to FCOM statistics 2018, spending by main tckvision channels such
as th BBC, ITV, Channel 4 and Channel 5 on ncw UK-made TV programmes
fell to a 20-ycar low and indicated that people are watch ing less tclevision.
Average daily broadcast viewing of tclevision decreased by 9 minutes in 2017
and by 38 minutes since 2012. In 2018, according to tind ·' r. ·om, the figure was
22 hours a wcek, not including stream in g scrvices. l3ut more than 1O million
homes have subscription view-on-demand s rvices such as N ctflix, Amazon
Prime and Now TV.
Thcse figures illustrate the competitivc shift within thc UK television
indu. try due to the risc of global Internet media companics and to the chang-
ing habits and prefercnce of UK au<li -nccs. More choi ·e for viewers has lcd
to competition for vicwers in an increasingly fragmcntcd TV market. While
broad ·ast TV has dcclined, but remains popular among sorne groups, vicwing
among 16-34-year-olds is moving online and streaming services subscriptions
are bigger than traditional pay television. This marks a major shift in the UK's
leisure and viewing habits. In 2018, 28 .3 million homes in the UK had a tele-
vision set.
Watching tdevision is still a common leisure activity, wheth er individ-
ually or among family and friends and is a popular activi_ty for age groups
from 35 upwards. The continuing attraction of television as a popular enter-
tainmcnt m edium rnay be due to the greater quality pro<luction offered by
digital telcvision after the transfer frorn analogue in October 2012.This gives a
greater choic of channels, interactive alternativcs, DVDs, ~treaming and high
definition (HD) wide screens. But teenagers and young adults aged 15-24 are
th e most frequent cinema goers, although as a tirst choice the gr at majority
listen to music.
Polls show, as expected, differences in agc group usage when comparing the
16-24 age group with those aged 65 and over. Certain activities are cited lcss fre-
quently as age increases, such as listening to music; Internet usage and emailing;
sport and exercise; going out to pubs, clubs and bars; and going to the cinema.
Thc British spen<l sorne two-thirds of thcir spare time using electronic
equipment. A largc amount of money is spent on items such as television
 Leisur e , spo r t and the arts 357

sets, subscriptions to satcllitc tcl ev ision and cabl e t elevision, radio equip-
ment, videos, ·omputers, DVD cquipment an<l DVDs (although thc lattc r
are going out of fashion). There were 48 .8 million Internet uscrs in 2009
and 58 per cent of adults had accessed it at sorne tim e. By 201 O, increasing
numbers of homes and businesses wcre using high-sp ee<l broadband fibre
optic conn ections and more p eople were usi ng thc Internet in prefcrence
to tel evision, but man y peopl e still do not have adequatc broa<lband acccs,.
Film streaming on the Internet via companies such as Netflix an<l Spotify is
becoming increasingly popular, as w ell as catch-up scrvices such as th e BBC's
iPlayer, although sorne prcfcr to watch on a television screcn rather than
phon es or co mputers.
In th ese exa mples, th e hom e is still thc chicf place for family and individual
entertainmcnt and poses compctition to other activities outsi<lc thc home, such
as the cinema, sports and thcatrc. Lcisure activities for both males and fcmalcs
exclusively within the home include listcning to th e radio or music; watch-
ing television; studying; rcading books and newspapers; rcl axing; convcrsation;
entertaining; hobbies; computcr and tablet use; gaming; and tcxting.
Despitc thc competition from telcvision, thc cinema, d ectronic media and
busy lives, rca<ling still appcars to be an important leisurc activity for sorne
p eople of all agcs. It ca rne cighth in a list of 19 with 72 pcr ce nt of al1 p eople
over 16 in Britain in the 2017 DCMS survey, which was a small declin e from
previous years. Oth er polls, such as thc Booktrust charity, indicatc that while
large minorities of people have negativc attitudcs towar<ls readin g, substantial
sections of th e population are more positivc.
There is a large variety of books and magazincs in all li clds to ca ter for a11
tastes and intcrcsts. In 201 G, according to Statista, British hook sales improvcd
to 195 mi Ilion anJ sales amounted to an incrcasc uf l4.8 billion ( Publish ers
Association ). Exports were strong, particularly with aca<lcmic and rescarch
publish ers, and the biggest cxport market is Europe. But e-books continued to
decline. The best-sell-ing books are romances, thrillers, modern popular nove ls,
detective stories, science fiction, children's books and works uf advcnture and
history. Classic literature is not wi<lcly reaJ, although sales of older novels can
still benefit from adaptations on television. Thc tic-in of books (of all types )
with videos, DVDs and television series can be lucrative, although th e DVD
market is dcclining. Book publishing in the UK is in transition with sorne phys-
ical book sales and audio readers increasing and other categories decreasing.
Do-it-yourse1f hobbies (DIY), such as house painting, decorating and gar-
dening, were once very popular and home repairs and improvements amounte<l
to a large ítem in the total household bu<lget. But there was a big decrease in
2015, with hig national rctail supply shops closing clown as p eople buy and shop
online. Until the recession, the number of restaurants had increased and the prac-
tice of eating out was popular, with expenditure on restaurants and hotcls being
a significant part of the houschold budget. But fashions and tastcs havc changcd
 Le i su r e , sport an d the arts

anJ many restaurants have closcJ in recent years. This has b een attributed to
wage stagnation and a decreasing interest in restaurant culture. However, th ere
are a variety of 'ethnic' restaurants (particu]arly In<lian, Chinese, Italian and
French) in British high streets and fast-food outl ets serving pizza, hamburgers,
kebabs, chicken and fish and chips. Th e quality of food in British restaurants is
still vcry variable, although many havc improved, and the variety and number of
avai1able cuisines has increased. Chefs have gained television ex posure ancl raised
an awareness of many varieties of foo<l among the general public.
Visiting the pub is still a signiticant part of British life and leisure. Sorne
seven out of ten adults visit pubs and one-third go once or more a wcck. But

PLATE 12. 2 The Eagle and

Child pub, St Gi les, Oxford,
also known as the Bird and
Baby or simply the Bird .
Popular with many people in
Oxford, includ ing C.S . Lewis,
J.R.R . Tolkien and other writers
(known as the lnklings) . © Amy
Welmers
 Leisu re, spo r t and the arts 359
.,
A~
;T
the pub, as a social institution, has changed over the years, although it still caters
for a wide range of different groups and tastes. The pub is said to be Britain's
most envied and imp rfectly irnitated institution, where people can gath er on
neutral ground and ocialize on their own terms. However, according to the
Brjtish Beer and Bar Association (2016), falling customer numbers and alcohol
consumption, th e recession, the ban on smoking in public places in 2005, ris-
ing property priccs, takeovers by chain ownership and restaurant<,, high taxcs
on bcer, thc increasing cost of food and drink and a concern with trendiness
and quick profüs have 1 d to a decline in Britain's unique pub heritage. More
peopl e are also drinking at home and buying more alcohol (27 pcr cent) frorn
sup ~rmarkets, off licenc s (off trade) and shops, as prices in pubs have rise n
. teadily. The UK 's 50,000 pubs (2016) had be n <lepleted each week with a
loss of 10,500 (17 pcr cent) sincc 2000, although the decline now sccms to be
slowing down. Many huildings havc h ~en turned into gastropubs, club. or bars
in an attcmpt to emulat - 'caf; society' . Othcrs became largc spac ~s fór vertical
drinking with littlc ofth e traditional pub amhicnce and craft be rs havc be come
more popular. Howcvcr, adults are drinking lcss often and in 2016, ONS statis-
tics reported that only 57 per cent of rcspondents said that they <lrank alcohol
in thc week beforc b · ing interviewe<l.
Pub licensing hours, which apply to opening times for thc sal e of alcohol,
wcre liberalize<l in 2005 and pubs can open for xtended drinking hours in the
cv ning or into th e early morning. Pubs may provi<le foo<l in addition to <lrinks,
an<l sorne, in more prosperous urban and rural affas, have restaurants atta -he<l.
In rccent years, there has been a mushrooming of bars and clubs with
cxtend ~d opening h )UfS. Thc growth an<l popularity of thc -lub scene with its
mu. ic, Jrink anJ appcal to th e young, ofl-crs considerable comp 'tition to thc tra-
ditional pub trade, although p 'ople may move between <lifforent vrnues du1ing
an evening. Such devclopmcnts (tog 'thcr with extended pub opening times
an<l the availability of cheap alcohol) has also 1"d to a 'bingc-drinking' ( <lrink-
ing to exccss) epidemic in city an<l town entres andan upsurge in anti- -ocial
behaviour on thc strcct -, which has cause<l great conccrn and provokcd calls for
thc system of licensing to b<:. tightened . However, binge <lrinking dccreascd by
2014, arguably due to a reduction in disposabl in orne arnong the young as a
result of the 2007-10 r 'ccssion.
British nightlifc for most young pcople is varied and livcly, with night-
clubs, largc-scalc rock gigs atare.nas an<l sports grounds, music testivals (su has
Glastonhury with top-lining bands) and outdoor 'raves' with a varicty of acts
and D.Ts. Use of so-calle<l rccreational <lrugs such as cannabis, cstasy (Jespitc
wcll-publicizcJ <leaths frorn its usage) and cocaine has bccome so widesprcad
that thcre have becn calls for dccriminalization of sorne hard anJ soft drugs.
Thcrc is also a thriving and developed lesbian and gay (LGBT) clubs ene.
Hol i<lays (location and duration) are often the largest part of British res-
idents' leisure plans. Th choice is conditioned by their amount of f-ree tim '
 Leisure, sport and the arts

PLATE 12.3 The resort of Benidorm on Spain's Costa Blanca has long been a favourite des-
tination for British tourists . lt helped to open up mass tou rism a nd the package hol iday p he-
no menon to the British . © Geoffrey Robinson/S hutterstock

and, until the rec ssion led to stagnant wages for many workcrs, the cost. ABTA
travel spccialists in 2017 foun<l that 13 pcr c nt of British pcoplc took no holi-
days at all; 30 per cent spent th eir holidays only in th e UK; 15 pcr cent travell ed
only abroad; and 42 p er cent combine<l UK and ovcrscas visits. ONS figures
(Table 12.2.) reportcd that in 2016 th ere wcrc 70.8 million vi~its ovcrscas by
UK residents (an in crease of 8 pcr cent since 2015). They spent [43.8 billion on
overseas visits in 201 G, 12 per cent more than in 2015. Th e füst tivc countrics
in th e table amounted to 49 p r cent of all UK visits abroa<l anJ 46 per c ' nt
of total sp cnd . It is ironic that so man y Britons chose to spend th eir holidays in
Europe whcn a majority latcr votcd to leavc thc EU Wide restrictions on travcl
within Europe may apply on cxit.
Many l:'. uropean tourists also chose to visit the UK. At a time of incrcased
reciprocal tourism , therc wcre 37.6 million visits by overseas rcsidcnts to
thc lJK in 2016, 4 per cent more than in 2015. Th ey spcnt [22.5 billion on
their UK visits in 2016, 2 per cent more than in 2015 (Table 12.3). London
attractcd 19.1 million overnight visits in 2016, but other citics outsidc Lon-
don also reccived many visitors, such as Edinburgh (l . 7 million ), Manch stcr
 Leisure , s p o r t a nd t he arts

TABLE 12.2 Leading countries visitad by UK residents (million) , 2016

Country Total number {millions}

Spain 14.7
France 8.5
ltaly 4.0
Republic of lreland 3.7
USA 3 .6
Portugal 2 .8
Netherlands 2.8
Germany 2.7
Greece 2.5
Poland 2.4
Source: adopted from lnternotional Possenger Survey (IPS), ONS, 2016

TABLE 12.3 Leading countries visiting the UK: visits and spending, 2016

Country % of al/ visits % of al/ spending

France 11 16
USA 9 7
Germany 9 6
Republic of lreland 8 5
Spain 6 5
Netherlands 5 4
ltaly 5 4
Poland 5 4
Belgium 3 3
Australia 3 3
Source: lnternational Possenger Survey (IPS) , ONS, 2016

( º1.2 mili ion) an<l Birmingham (1. 1 millionJ. Travcl rcstriction s ma y also apply
to Europ 'ans after Brexit.
Holi<lays rcgularly account for th e first major leisure choi ce in Britain. ílut
a <lcclining numbcr of Britons takc their holidays in thc UK itsclf; wh ' JT thc
south-west English coastal resorts and Scotland are vcry popular in summ cr.
But largcr numbcrs now also go abroad in winter or summer or hoth, an<l thc
gr 'at <lays of th c British scaside resorts have declined. According to ONS an<l
Th · lntcrnational Passcngcr Survey, th e number of long holidays takcn abroa<l
by th c British decreased in the recession by 15 p er cent from 45.5 million visits
in 2008 to 38 .5 million in 2009, the lowest since 2000. Spain, Francc, Italy,
 Leisure , sport and the arts

Portugal and Greece tend to be thc main attractions for these holidaymakers,
who buy relatively cheap package tours. Yet thc British seem to have become
more adventurous and 25 p er cent now travcl widely outside Europe to Asia,
Africa, South America and the US on a variety of holidays. Large numbers of
UK residents also travel to visit relatives an<l friends worldwide.
The 2007-10 recession altered these patterns to som degree, with more
people taking th eir holidays in Britain. Domestic holiday tourism grew by 12
per cent from 75 million trips visits within th e UK in 2008 to 84 million in
2009 . Holi<lay visits abroad decreased by 15 per cent from 45.5 million visits
in 2008 to 38.5 mil1ion in 2009 . The pattern of ovcrseas travel for Britons has
recovercd in recent ycars, with Spain re maining th e most popular dcstination
for UK rcsidcnts going abroad on holiday. The lrish Republic is a popular dcsti-
nation for British residents travelling overseas to visit fricnds and relatives. UK
rcsidents aged 45 to 54 tend to take the rnost holiday visits abroad. It remains
to be seen whcther Britain's exit from the EU will seriously affect travcl plans
in Europe.
In more normal times, many British p eople prefcr to organize th eir own
holidays and make use of the good air and sea communications betwecn Britain
and th e continent. In Britain itself; difterent forms of traditional holiday still
exist, from 'bed and brcakfast' ata seaside boarding house, to hotcls c~f varying
quality, caravan sitcs and camping (the latter at 1O per cent of total holidays) or
increasingly th cmed, upmarket and trendy stays at spas and expensivc hotcls.
lncreascd car ownership has allowed greater travel possibilities, with day trips in
l3ritain for examplc amounting to 51 pcr cent of total holidays in 2009. To<lay,
more than seven out of ten houscholJs havc th e use of at least one car and 27
per cent havc two or more.

Sport
There is a wide varicty of sports in contcmporary Britain, which ca ter ·for large
numbers of spectators and active participants (the latter at different levels of
ability and organization). Polling organizations, such as Mintel, forth er divide
these into individual/kecp-fit sports (e.g. gym work and swimming); team/
competitive sports (e.g. football and cricket) ; racquet sports played with an
implem ent (e.g. tcnnis and squash); and outdoor/alternative sport (e.g. hiking
and fishing). Sorne of th ese sports have distinctive origins and were historically
minority, exclusive or class-based (such as yachting and the contrasting codes
of rugby union and rugby league), while others appcal now to majority tastes
(like football and swimming). The number of people actively participating in
sports increased in the l 990s. This coincidcd with a greater awareness of health
needs and the importance of exercise, particularly when many Britons werc
overweight or obese. Weight remains an issue and fitn ess campaigns attempt to
 Leisure , sport and the arts 363
.,
A~
;T
increasc an awarcness of the bendits of health and cxercis for all age groups.
Howeve1~ sorne po11s such as Mintcl, suggest that while playing , port is wi<lely
supportcd at both participatory and spectator levels, indjvidual fitncss-focused
sports ar more favoured than team or outdoor a1ternatives. lt is argucd that the
sports participation markct in 2016 consisted of thos' regular participants who
contributc<l most of th e f3.9 billion estimatcd as being spcnt on taking part, but
was having <liffic ulty in rctaining playcrs with more casual intcrcsts.
Expe nditurc on playing and watching sports, and buying sports eq uipment,
amount to a ·onsi<lcrable part of houschold and individual hudgcts. Yet it is
argucd that Britain has inadcquate sporting faciliti s an<l leisurc ccntr s at rea-
sonable priccs in both thc public and prívate s ctors and that sports participa-
tion and exercise has dedin ed in recent years. 1t is recognizc<l that thl cr -ation
of more facilities can lead to greater national sporting intc rcst and succcss, such
as thc achievcmcnts of th e British cycling tcam at thc Bcijing Olympics (2008),
th e awarding of thc 2012 Olympic Gamt's to London, and thc pcrl"ormances
of British athlctcs in the ~apital's Gam 'S. Howevcr, thc lcgacy of thc lattcr has
not be ·'n as grcat as had bcen anticipatc<l in terms of incrcase<l income an<l the
encourag mcnt of participation in sport. But rcasonablc succcss was achicvt>d
at thc Rio Olympi cs in 2016 an<l at latc r Commonwcalth Gamu; ami Europcan
and World Championships.
Survc-ys on sports and lcisurc participation in Britain revea! <lifh.-rcnt
cmphascs and contrasting rcsults bccause sorne Jea! with th c whok UK anJ
oth crs with th e individual nations. For cxamplc, in .lunc 201 G, a survcy from
Sport England found that the numbcr of pcnpk agcd 1(> and ovcr playing
sport or cngaging in cxercise had fallen sincc thc 2012 London Olympics an<l
15.8 million peopl play sport or CXl'f ·isc at ka. t once a wcck, a drnp oF 0.4
pcr cent sin.ce 2012. Howevc r, this was still l. 7 million more pcoplc partici-
pating in sport than in 2005 . Thc biggcst decline wa, among pcopk from cth-
nic minoritics an<l economically <lcprived groups and fiv e of thc ninc English
rcgions recorded dedin 'S.
Sport England's Active Lives Survey, Octobcr 2017, liskd thc top 15 par-
ticipatory sports activitics by English a<lults ( agcd 1()+) at kast twicc in thc
preceding 28 <lays. Thcsc werc running/jogging with 15 pcr cent of rcspondcnts,
fo11owcd by fitn ess classes (14 pcr cent), gym sessions ( 12 r -r cent), swimming
(11 per ce nt), cxer ·ise machin es (9 pcr cent), climbing or mountain cning (5
per cent), interval scssions (5 p r ·cnt), football (5 pcr cent), wcights s 'ssions
(5 p er cent), gen ric fitn ess training (5 p cr cent), golf (2 pcr cent), ha<lminton
(2 per cent), tennis (2 per c ' nt"), rowing (2 p er cent) and boxing (2 pcr ce nt).
Swimming had droppcd from tirst place and football from third place in thl
2012 list, and thc overall hgurcs show d that of 29 sports, which rangcd from
majority to minority intercsts, nine had an increase and 20 suffered a decl ine.
Thcre are also other individual keep-fit sports, such as cycling, walking, jogging,
aerobics, yoga and Pilates.
Le i su , e, sport and t h e ar ts

Th e above figur 'S produced exarnplcs of physical activity levels for England
in 201 7. Th e in active (30 minutes a week) amounted to 26 p er cent of the total
population; th e fairly active (20-149 minutes a weck) to 14 per e nt; and th e
active ( 150 minut .s a wcck) to 61 per cent. Som what different analyses were
followed for Wal es, Scotland an<l North crn Ircland.
Variou. reasons are given for this apparent <lrop in participation. lt is argued
that thc government has failcd to <lelivcr on th e 2012 O lyrnpic lega ·y through
lack of planning, strategy and fun<ling; peop1c cannot afford or do not have thc
time for sport; therc are insufticicnt resources for local government to repair
faciliti es orto provi<le new emes; minoríty sports are ignored or not encouraged;
and th e negative effccts of th e 2007-1 O recession continue wíth cut. to bu<l-
gets, th ·losure of local government fa cilities and rcduce<l personal incomes.
A furth ' r íssue is the use of iJlegal drugs which has tainted many sports an<l lcd
to thc banning of sports peo plc.
Th e individu al types of outdoor an<l in<loor sports or exercise hav ' also
chang "d compar d with -'a rli cr years, togeth ' r with their popularity. Opinion
polls in th e early 2000s suggcsted that th e most popular and accessibl parti ci-
patory activity tór both men and womcn was walking (inclu<ling rambling an<l
hiking). Billiards/snooker/pool wcrc th e next most popular for mcn, followcd
by cycling, indoor swimrning, football and golf Kecp tit/yoga was th c n xt most
popular sport for women, follow ed by indoor swimming, cychng and s~ookcr/
pool/billíards. Fishing was the most popular country sport for m e n. Sorne of
thcsc have declin ed, despit · governm nt eftórts to incrcasc the exercisc ratcs
and to counter obe:.sity. At the beginning of thc 2000s, publi - and prívate gyms
and indoor activities were vcry popular. But mcmbership has dcclined becau '
of costs, fees, lack of time for parti cipants an<l th e recession, an<l local counciL-
often cannot afford the upkccp of exi ti ng public rcsources or th ' cost of prn-
vidi ng ncw oncs.
In addition to their individual ke p -fit activities, many British peopl are
also kecn follow ers of amateur and professional team/competitive sports and
attcn<l a range of activities. Fans citen show a tribal i<lentity or loyalty with thcir
favourite teams or competitive games (sec Table 12.4 ). Th er is also a rangc of
other popular sports, which attract varying degre ~s of attc ndance and partici-
pation, such as badminton, netball ( women), bask "tball, volleyball, hockey (ice
and ficld), darts, snooker, boxing, athletics, rowing and hockey.
Polls on sport and exercise participation in thc UK suggest that, dcspitc
declin es, consumcrs combine traditional sporting pastimcs with public and
prívate resources. Sorne 38 per cent of respondents say that they u ·e existing
public leisure centr s for a wide rang, of activiti es from swimming, tcnnis an<l
badminton to weights workouts with videos and computer gamcs, whilc 23 p cr
cent exercise at home; 16 per cent ride a bike (bicycle ) outdoors and 14 pcr
cent run or jog outdoors; 9 p r cent attend titness classes (wh ether public or
priva te); 15 p er cent go to private gyms; 6 per cent playcd team sports (football,
 Leisure , sport a nd the arts

TABLE 12.4 Most popular sports events (attended) in the UK, 201 8

1 Football (soccer)
2 Rugby football (union/league)
3 Hockey (ice and field)
4 Cricket
5 Speedway
6 Rounders
7 Swimming
8 Tennis
9 Horse racing
1O Boxing
Source: odopted from WorldAtlos.com . Updoted John Misocki, August 2018 . lncludes spectotor and
participotory

netball and hockey_) while 4 pcr cent cnjoycJ water ·ports (surting, sailing and
rowing) . Sorne activities werc rcstricteJ by low incomes, although othcrs, such
as outdoor runnin g, cost littlc. lnt 'r<:: _stingly, 6 per ce nt of aJults sai<l that th cy
used a hcalth and f-itn ess mnhilc app ( 14 pcr ce nt among l 6- 24s), which may
in crcase gn: ater sports participation ratcs in futurc.
A 2018 Eurobaromctl'r rcport frnm th e European Commission , hascd
on survey data from Kantar Puhlic, suggcsts that Europcan lcvcls of physical
activity we rc low. ln thc UK, 13 pcr cent did so r ' gularly, 34 p ' r cent with
sorn e regularity, 16 p c r ce nt sc ldom anJ 37 p cr cent ncve r. This lattcr low
figure has app are<l frcqucntl y in British statistics in reccnt yc ars at aroun<l
30 per cent.
DCMS figures for its Tuking Part survey 20W- l O rcportcd th at 53.4 pcr
cent of adults in England participatcJ in active sport at moJcratc intcnsity for
at least 30 minut -s a wcck, which is thc reco mmcnJcd amount rcquircJ for a
h calth ben fit from sports activity, and 7 per cent of a<lults play sport cvery <lay.
Howcver, th e 2009- 1O ONS Social Trends: Lifestyles ami Social Participutiun
survcys in<li cate<l that 40 per cent of UK a<lults said that lack of time was th e
main reason for not practising sport. Sports participation vari cd widdy by agc,
with thosc aged ] 6- 24 e ngagin g at 75 p cr cent and thosc agcJ ov .r 75 at l 8
pe r ·ent. In co ntrast to adults, 55 per CL'nt of chilJrcn in school ycars 1- 13 in
En gland participateJ in at least thrcc hours of 4uality school physical cdu ·ation
(PE) anJ out-of-s ·hool sport in a typi cal wcck. Th ere was no signiiicant varia-
tion in parti cipation due to deprivation bctw 'en rcgions, or bctw<::. n rural and
urban arcas.
Active sport covers a wi<lc ran ge of a tivities in whi ch participation has
varicd as has thc number of spectators at amateur and professional sporting
evcnts over time. In 2007, British SocialAttitudes reported that 49 per ce nt of
a<lults over 18 had attendcd a sports cvent at least on ce a ycar as a spectator,
 Leisur e , spo rt and t he arts

PLATE 12.4 Footba ll Association Cup Final at Wembley Stadium , 19 May 2018 . Eden
Hazard scoring winning goal (a penalty) for Ch el sea ( 1) against Manchester Uníted (O) .
© Chris Brunskil l Ltd/Getty lmages

but that a lower proportion attended on a more regular basis. Today, it is

argued that attendance is dropping bccausc modcrn profcssional sports are too
exp ensive for ordinary spectators to attcnd; that thc cost and tim e demands
of family-supportcd and amateur team sports are too great; and that fans are
oftcn inadequately trcatcd by professional organizations and clubs. N cverthc-
less, active sport covers a wide range of participatory activitics, as divcrse as
swimming, karate, nctball, canoeing, rol1er-b1ading and curling. For childrcn,
the list of activities within sport reflects thc many diffcrent types of activities
appropriate fór the 5-1 O and 11 - 15 age groups. A feature in recent years has
been the emergence of womcn's tcams in all major amateur and professional
sports, whi ch attract co nsiderable spectator support and p erform in interna-
tional competition.

Footba/1 (Soccer)
Football (soccer) is played at amatem and professional lcvel throughout most of
the year and also at international level. It is a very popular sport in Britain and
today transcends its earlier working-class origins. Thc profcssional game devel -
oped into a largc, fomily-ori cnted organization, but has suffered from stadium
tragedies, crowd viol<'nn·, high ticket priccs, dcclining attendances and finan cia]
 Leisure, spor t o nd t he arts

crises. However, cnforced changcs in recent ycars such as all-scater stadiums,

greatcr security, improvcd facilities and lucrative tic-ins with television cov-
eragc (such as Sky Sports) have improved thi situation. Y t, tcam sports stil l
suffcr from outbreaks of racism and hooliganism. Man y of thc top profcssional
football clubs in th e English Prcmier Lcague hav ' bccomc publi - companics
quotcd on th e Stock Exchange, havc foreign owners an<l ovcrscas play rs1 anJ
football is now big business in which, critic arguc moncy and thc abi li ty to
1 1

win big competitions are deciding factors, particularly in thc Premicrship. lt is

also argued that th ese tructures have hindcrc<l th e advancc of young English
players as most top tcams consist largely of overseas players.
Thcre is a widcn ing gulfbetwccn th e top clubs (such as Chclsca, Ar. ' nal,
Man ch cster City1 Liverpool and Man -hestcr United) and othcrs in thc lower
divisions and th e bottom half of th e Prcmie r Le.agu e. Sorne 80 pcr cent of
EnglanJ's soccer clubs lose mon y despitc tel vision incomc1 which gocs largely
to thc 20 clubs in the Prcmiership. Most football clubs (cvcn at th c top 'nd of
the Premicrship) are in a precarious financia} position, with on ly a fcw making
a profit, many losing control ovcr th e ir costs, suHcrin g accumulat in g d 'ht and
sorne going into administration ( a form of bankruptcy ). lt is argm'<.Í that this

PLATE 12.5 Wembley Stad ium has been the home of Eng lish footba ll since 1923 and a new
stadium built on the fou ndations of the old w a s opened in Spring 2007. lt holds 90,000
spectators and hosts other events such as rugby, A merican footba ll and pop concerts . Sorne
fans prefer the old ground to the new one . © Charles Bowman/Robert Hard ing/Shutterstock
 Lei surc, spo rt a nd the arts

situation is due to poor club organization, bad busin ess decisions, hugc salaries
for playcrs, i11flated transfer fees1 fans deserting th eir clubs becaus of high
ticket prices anda recent lack of quality and succes un thc pitch in Britain and
in Europcan and World cup competitions. Football such as the English tcam's
improved p erformance in the 2018 World Cup in Russia bring European and
world competition and huge financial rcwards, but failure results in serious
financia! loss. Wome n's football has b en succcssfol at club and international
levels and is increasingly influential and popular1 but suffers from a lack of
financia) input an<l support.

Rugby
Rugby football is popular and is widely watchcd and playcd, with two forms
of the sport b eing played. Rugby union was once confincd to amateur clubs
and was an cxclusively middle-class and public-school-influcnced game but it 1

b eca me profcssional in 1995 (at least for the top clubs), now covers a wider
social spectrum and rec ived a boost wh en England won thc World Cup in
2003. England's fortuncs and performance ha.ve varied since th n, and Scotland,
Wal es and Ireland h ave also had their ups and <lowns. Rugby lcague is played
by professional tearns, mainly in the north of Engla nd and sti ll tcnds to be a
working-class sport in terms of participation and support. Both types of rugby
are also playcd internationally.

PLATE 12.6 A tra d itional Eng lish cricket match between two vi llages, Chagford and Fen iton ,
at Chagford , Devon , June 2008 . © Christopher Jones/Shutterstock
 Le i su re , sp o r t an d 1he arts

Cricket
Cricket is a summer sport in Britain1but the England t cam also plays in th e win-
ter months in Commonwealth countries. 1t is now both an amateur and profcs-
sional game, having started as largely amateur. Th e senior game is professionaJ
and is largcly confin ed to the English county sidcs ( and onc Wclsh county side)
which play in the County Championship. J\ttendance at thc traditional long
threc-day county cri cket matchcs continucs to decline, although onc-day 20-20
games attract large numbers of spcctators and substantial financial backing. It
is felt that th e contcmporary game has lost sorne of its attractivencss as it has
moved in overly profcssional and money-dominated dircctions. It was in danger
of becoming a minority sport. But it regain ed popularity in th c summer of 2005
when England b cat thc visiting Australians in the Ashcs Test Match series and
the short game also achieved success intc rnatíonall y1 with England bccoming
20-20 workl champions in 201 O. Sin cc then, English Test Match cri cket, par-
ticul arly against thc Austrahans in Australia in 2014 1 and 20- 20 matc:h cs have
varicd b ctwcen considerable succcss and -mbarrassing failurcs.

Other sports
Th erc are many othcr indoor and outdoor sports that rdlcct thc <livcrsity of
traditional intc:rcsts in British lifc. J\mong thcsc are golf; horse racing1 hunting,
riding, lishing, shooting, hockey, bowls1 <larts, snookcr1 sailing1 mountain cering1
walking, ice sports, motorcar an<l motor ·ycl e racing and rally driving. Ameri can
football and basketball are incrcasingly popular bcca use of tdc vision cx posure
and are also played in Britain. Thesc sports may be c:ither amateur or profos-
sional1 and spectator- or participator-base<l, with car and motor ·yck competi-
tion s, greyhound ra cing and horse racing being th e most watcht'. d on tdevision,
at ra cecourses and on thc few remaining motor circuits.

PLATE 12.7 Surfing on the Corn ish coast (here Polzeath, Hayle Bay) has attracted growing
numbers of participants, nationa lly and from abroad . © David Hughes/Robert Hard ing/
Shutterstock
Le i s u1 e, sport an d the ar t s

Gambling
Thc profcssional sporting industry is now very lucrativc, and doscly associated
with sponsorship schcmcs, tclevision incorn e, brand merchandizing and sports
sales. Gambling or b etting on sporting and othcr cvcnts has always been a pop-
ular, if somewhat disreputable, pastime in Britain, and is now much more in
th' open, if not total1y acceptable. Bul there havc bccn rcc nt fraud ·ases and
addiction abuse in th e gambling industry, with calls for greater control and cash
limits. Most gambling (through betting shops or bookmakers on thc High Strcct
and online) is associated with horsc and greyhound racing but can involve other
sports, such as football. Weckly football pools (betting on match results") are
popular and can result in large financial wins, although thc traditional appcal
and involvcmcnt havc diminished.
The partial acceptability of gambling in Britain was rdlected in th e estab-
lishment of a National Lottery in 1994. lt is . imilar to lottcries in other co un-
tri es and considerabl e amounts of moncy can be won. Sorne of its income has
fund ed artistic, community, charitable, lcisure and sports activities, which are
in need of financc to survive. It also h elped to finan ce thc London Olympics
in 2012 and to support elite athlctcs. But falling ticket sales and prnfits have
recently mcant that thc lottery coul<l no longer guarantee financia! support for
all its 'good causes '.
A 2016 report for th e Gambling Comrnission founJ that 45 pcr cent of
pcoplc had participated in sorne form of gamhling in 201 S; 15 p cr cent gam-
bled online; 97 per cent of onlinc gamblcrs gamblcd at home; 33 per cent used
a mobile phone or tablet; and 25 p er cent ha<l bct in-play. In terms of attitudes
and problems, 39 per cent of respondents felt that gambling is fair and can be
trusted; O. 7 pcr cent wcre identified as problem gamblers; 5.5 werc identified
as low or moderate risk gamblcrs; an<l 40 per cent thought that gambling is
associated with crime.
A 201 O report found that in a top list of 61 per cent of men (wom en 56)
gambled on the National Lottcry Draw; 25 (25) per ce nt on an altcrnativé lot-
tery; 22 (25) per cent on scratchcards; 9 (1) pcr cent on football pools; 6 ( 11)
p er cent on Bingo; l 6 (l O) per cent on slot machines; 7 (2) on nxed odds betting
terminals; 21 (11) on horse raccs; 8 (2) on dog raccs; 16 (2) on sports betting; 6
(2) cm non-sports betting; and 9 (2) on casino games.
The Guardian newspaper reported in 2014 that 55 per cent of thc lJK
population gambled, clown from 57 per cent in 20l 2, but that pcoplc aged
18- 24 were 5 per cent more likcly to gamble than thcy wcre a year ago in th e
country's 9,128 b etting shops. Its analysis also found that north ern, urban cit-
ies and London boroughs with high levels of un employment bet four times as
much on gambling machines than richer rural areas in southern England with
low r unemployment. The previous Labour government had also controvcr-
sially opened up the possibility for more casinos in sorne big cities, although
 Leisure , spor t and the arts

th ere has been 1ittle progress duc to local and national protests. Local gov-
ernment is now ablc to limit the winnings on gambling m achines b ecause of
increase<l addiction to the games. But cases of acutc addiction have resulted in
demands for more rcstrictions.

Sporfing instifufions
Many sports have contributed to institutionalized and iconic fe atures of British
life and provide a ccrtain dcgrce of national identity. For example, Wimbledon
is ten nis; th e Football A ssociation Cup Final is football in Eng]and (at Wcrnb-
ley Stadiurn); St Andrews is golf in Scotland; thc Open Championship is the
major golf tournament held annually at golf courses throughout th c country;
Twickcnham in England, Murrayfi el<l in Scotland, and th e Millcnnium Sta<liurn
in Cardiff; Walcs (known sin e 2016 for sponsorship purposcs as th c Principal-
ity Stadium) are rugby union; Lords Cricket Ground in London is cricket; th c
D crby at Epsom is flat horse racing, the Grand National in Liverpool is stccplc-
chasin g; H cnlcy Regatta is rowing; Cowes Week off the Isle of Wight is yacht-
ing; Royal Ascot is horse racing; and thc British Grand Prix is Formula l motor
racing at Brand's Hatch and other cir -uits. Sorne of th esc sports may appcal
only to -ertain sections of the population, and others may still be cquatcd with
wealth and social position.
Although tobacco sp onso rship of rnost sporting evcnts is now b ann cd ,
sorne peopl e feel that thc profcssionalization and co mmercializa tion oF sport
in Bdtain has tended to wcakcn what is thought to b e the traditional sport-
ing image of th e amateu1~ of fairncss, of gro up loyalty and an ernphasis upnn
playing th e ga me for its own sake. Yct thesc values still exist to sorne <ll grec,
in spite of greater financia! rcwards for professional sport, th c intluc nccs of
sponsorship an<l a<lvcrtising and more cases of unethical b chavio ur in ali sports.
Football, cricket and rugby players, for example, havc b cen accused of ahusive
an<l aggressive behaviour on and off the fi eld .
British governm ents have only rccently takcn an active politi cal interest in
sport. Thcy are now more concern ed to promote sport at all lcvcls and th c re are
Ministcrs for Sport in England, Scotland, Wales and Northcm IrclanJ, who are
supposcd to coordinate sporting activities throughout th e co untry. J\n -arli c r
Lahour govcrnmcnt was concerned to improve sporting facilities in 13ritain
by sctting up sports councils, coll eges, funds and action zoncs, opcrating on a
regional basis. However, nationally fund ed provisions for sport in Britain are
still inadequate and th ere is a lack of professional coaches, capital invcstmcnt
and sporting facilities compared with other co untri cs. Local authority sports
arcas, school sports fi elds and leisure centres, continue to b e sold off-; dcspitc a
Labour government's attempt to focus more moncy on playing fi elds and open
spaces in dcprived areas. The 'legacy' effrct supposedly generated by th e 2012
Olympi c Games does not seem to have had widesprcad positive results, except
 Lei sur e , sport and t he arts

for spccific cvcnts such as the Commonw alth Gam es in Glasgow in 20] 4 anJ
the Gold Coast in Australia in 2018.
The sporting notion of 'a hcalthy mind in a healthy body ' has long 6 -' n
a principle of British education. All schools are supposcd to provide physi ca l
recr ation an<l a rcasonablc rangc of sports is usually, if not always, available for
schoolchildren. Schools may play soccer, rugby, tiel<l hockey o r nctball <luring
th . . winter month s, and cricket, tcnnis, swimming and athl ---ti s durin g the sum-
m er. Sorne schools may be better provided with sporting facilities than others
and offcr a widcr ran ge of activitics. There have also b '<:.n govcrnment attempts
to increase titness in childrcn an<l to redu ce childhood obcsity, with marginal
success.
However, th re are complaints from parents that physi ·al education (PE)
dasses, team gam cs and comp titive sports are dcclining in state schools and
that th ere is a lack of profess ionally trained PE tcachcrs. School reorga nization
and the creation of large compr ---hcnsiws have reduced the amount of inter-
school comp - - tition, which used to be a fcaturc of educa tion; sorne left-wing
councils are opposeJ to competitiv activities; there is a shortage of playing
ficlds for many schools; and a lack of - - quipment and coaching facilities. Th e
position is aculé' in inn er-city arcas, and i of concern to th ose parcnts who f ---el
that th cir children are being prcvcntcd from expres ·ing thcir physical natur s.
Thcy maintain that thc statc s hool ystem is failing to provid . . sporting ·provi-
sion for children, with sorne turning to the indepcnd ·' nt sector, whi -h is usually
well provided with sports facilities. As part of its attcmpt to make indepcnde nt
schools justify th "'ir charitable status, govcrnmcnts insist that th ey share sport-
ing facilities with local state ·chools.
Frequent promiscs are made by government to providc more financia} aid
in an attcmpt to improve th ' availability and sta ndards of state school sport.
Othcr organizations and voluntary groups also try to addres thc lack of sport-
ing facilitie. and recent achievem ent in Britain by embracing the notion of
compctition bctw n schoolchildrcn; bringing through promisin g children; and
crcating <latabases of sporting facilities. Nevcrthelcss, it is cstimated that 70 p r
cent of the most talented youngsters drop out of sport b tween th e ages of] 4
and 17, as opposed to thc lower numb rs in other countri cs. But b ctter facilities
in th emselves may not be cnough and critics maintain that sorne schools an<l
local areas have r asonably good provisions already. Oth ers argue that more
pcoplc of all ages should be encouraged to take up sport and that thcr . . should
be greater cooperation between schools and local communities in the use of
facilities an<l coaching.

The arts

The contemporary British 'arts' derive from ancicnt oral, written, spatial and
musical traditions, which have flourish ed successfully for ccnturics and have
 Leisure , sp o rl and t he arts

dcvdopcd new forms and styles. Howcver, a currcnt debate in Britain concerns
the condition of the arts in difnc ult cconomic times and whcther th ' ir fonding
should come from public taxation, prívate donors, th . . income of art · busin ess s
or a mixture of sources.
Som of the arts still have an exclusiv image associated with notions of
high ('highbrow' J culture, especially in literaturc, music, painting, sculptun\
crafts, theatre, opera and ballet, which havc usually bee n thc provin cc of thc
urban and privilcged mctropolitan miJJlc and upper classes anJ, so m "times,
thc landcd aristocracy. This attitud · has lcsse ned to sorne <legre' sincc thc S<.." c-
ond World War undcr the ímpetus of incr "ascd educational opportunitics and
the gradual relaxation of social barriers. Th e growth of mass and popular cul-
ture in many fi el<ls has incrcascd thc pote ntial audicncc for a wide r and more
inclusive range of cultural activities, an<l th c availability and scopc of difh.'rc nt
vari ties of th e arts havc spread to greatcr numbers of peopl e. Thcsc activitics
may be amateur or prof ssional and continue a mixture of parti cipatory, spcc-
tator- and home-based entcrtainment.
lt i, also suggestt.d that th c genuine vitality and innovation oF thc é.1rts in
Britain today derive from thc millions of peopl c across thc country who are
engaged in amate ur, and oftcn minority, music, art and th atrc, rath cr than from
thc profcssional and commcrcial arts world. Many towns, wburhs and vill agcs
have amate ur groups, wh ether choirs, music scctions, orchcstras, string quartcts,
pipe b ands, brass bands, chora] groups, ope ra circks or drama/writing clubs.
The~e are also profrssional arts and cultural fe. tivals hcld cach ycar throughout
Britain, many of which ar of a high standard an<l aprcal to di verse tastcs. Thcsc
range from th e Glastonbury (pop/ro ·k) h .'. stival to th ' Glyndehourn c Opera
Festival in East Susscx.
The funding of th c arts in Britain is prcca rious in hoth thc ¡,rivatc and
public scctors. The public sector is <lividcd bctwcc n local authoritics and four
devolvedArts Councils which rcceive grants from ce ntral authoritics and in co nw
from the council tax to fund artistic activitics in thcir arl'aS. Thc amounts vary
between different arcas of the country, and rccipicnts are critici1/,cd for citlwr
spending too much or too little on cultural activitics. Thc n ca tiw industries
thcmsclves, in their many differcnt forms, are a major British in<lustry, which
according to the D e partment for Digital, Culture, Media and Sport (DCMS) in
2017 contributed f9 2 billion to th e British cconomy, employs ahout a million
people and provides many ·ultural cxports. Sorne critics arguc that th c arts
should not depcnd upon subsidies from taxpayers but shoul<l thcmsdv<. s sup-
port their loss-making tdlow artists.
Members of thc devolved Arts Councils in England, Scotland, Walcs ami
North em lreland are appointed by th c Sccrctary of State for Digital, Culture,
Media and Sport. They are rcsponsible for dividing up an annual govcrnml'nl
grant to the arts and the finance has to b e shared among theatres, orch<:.stras,
opera and ballet companies, art galleries, museums and othe r cultural organiza-
tions. Thc division of limited funds has attracted criti cism . Jt m ans that many
374 Leisur e , sport and the arts

artistic institutions are often depcnd nt upon thc prívate sector and indivi<luals
to supply donations, sponsorship and funding to their state and local gov rn-
m ent mon ey, in order to survive and provide a scrvice. However, cultural organi-
zations, both largc and srnall, such as the Royal Opera House ( Covent Carden),
museums and villa.ge musicians, have also received much-need d finan cc from
the National Lottcry.

Theatre
British th eatre can b e lively and innovative and has an intern ational reputation.
Th ere are sorne 300 commercial or profcssional th 'atres, in ad<lition to a large
number of amateur dramatic clubs, fringe and pub th eatres throughout thc
country. London and its suburbs have about 100 theatres, but the dominant
influence is th e capital 's 'West End' . Th e majority of th c West En<l theatres are
commercial in that thcy are orga nized for profit and r ceive no publi - funds.
They provide a rangc of cntcrtainment offerings from musicals to plays and
com edies.
Howeve1~ . orne of the other Lon<lon and regional theatres are subsidi:,.,.ed
from grants suppli d by thc J\rts Counci l, such as thc N ational Th eatrc, thc
Royal Shakespeare Company Cas wcll as at Stratfor<l-upon-Avon) and th c
English Stagc Company. Th ese offcr a varicty of plays from th c classics to mo<l-
ern drama. The subsi<lizcd theatr s in both London aml the regions rcgularly
ask for more state finan cia! aid, which thc governme nt is oftcn loath to giv . The
government subsidy is considerably lcss than that given to most comparabl e
th eatres in co ntinental Europe. But th re is a feel ing in sorne quarters that thcsc
th eatrcs should be mor , compctitivc and commer -ially mind d like the West
End, although Arts Council and local govcrnment grants have bcen cut bccause
of austcrity programmes.
Many of th e th eatres in the rcgions outside London use.el to be repertory
theatrcs, which rneant that th y providcd a specitic numb r of classica] and
ü111ovative plays in a given sea.son, and ha<l a resi<lent thcatrc company andorga-
nization. Th e repcrtory compani es h ad traditionally b n the training gro und
for British actors and actrcsses, which allowcd thcm to learn their craft whil e
working as part of a pcrrnancnt co mpany. Thcir numbers have now grcatly
decreased 1 many havc lost local governm{.:'.nt subsidies and they may facc fur-
ther decline.
Theatres in London and elsewhere have had difficult times in recent ycars
in attracting audicnces and in remaining solvent although thc Wcst End the-
1

atres bring co nsiderable finance into th '-' British cconomy an<l are popular with
tourists. Th ey have had to cope with in creased compctition from alternativc and
new entertainment activities. However commercial thcatrcs in sorn e regional
1

citics are proving popular, offer competition to thc rcmaining repertory th catres
and serve a public dernand for a broadcr range of arts offerings, and actors learn
 Leisure , sport a nd the arts

¡
PLATE 12.8 West End
" -... . . commerc ia l theatres
,. , . ... . "
on Shaftesbury
. - ~~
Avenue, regarded as
the centre of London 's
theatreland and
popular with tourists
for the variety of its
4
entertai nment venues .
© Alex Segre/
Shutterstock

wider and diffcrent skills. They provide a range of innovative entcrtainmcnt,

shows and plays, oftcn prior to a London run.
Opera in Britain occupics a similar position to that of thc thcatrc and is
divided into subsidizcd, commcrcial and amateur companies. Th e Royal Opera
operates from the rcfurbished Covent Garden Theatre in London. It provi<lcs
London scasons and occasional regional tours, while the English National Opera
Company supplics distinctive English language and contemporary musical
offerings from its base at the London Coliseum. There is a range of oth cr opera
companies, both in London and the rcgions, such as the English Touring Opera,
the Welsh National Opera an<l Scottish Opera. Thcre are also severa] light opera
Le i surc , spor t a nd t h e art s

groups, and ballet companies such as the Ballet Ramb rt, th e London Festival
Ballet, thc Scottish Th eatre Ballet and th e Royal Ballet, thc latte-r of wh ich oper-
ates in London and Birmingham. A number of contemporary dance companies
have also been formed in recent years, and th e high numbcr of different dance
forms are vcry popular.
Britain has many quality orchestras, although most of them are based in
London, such as th e London Symphony Orchestra, the London Philharmonic
and th e BBC Symphony Orchestra. Thcre are superb regional symphony orchcs-
tras, such as the Hallé in Mancheste,~ th e City of Birmingham Symphony, th e
Ulster Orchestra, th e rrnc National Orchcstra of Wales an<l the Royal Scottish
National Orchestra, along with a number of chamber groups in London and th ,
rcgions. Most opera, ballet and orchestra activities have their greatest appea l in
London and still cater for a minority of thc prnple. More popular forms, su -h
as brass bands, choral singing and light music, once had a large following, but
audiences and participation hav dedin ed. Thc mor exclusive e-ntertainm 'nts
are heavily dep endent upon Arts Counci] subsidies, local government grants and
privatc donation , and critics question whcthcr scarce public funding is appro-
priate for thesc activitics.
Engagement with th e arts is mainly rdlected in participation or atten<lance
figures, and may involve mor than one a ' tivity. /\. DCMS Taking Part sur:'CY of
adults in England, 201G- 17, rcported in Septembcr 2017 that 77 p er cent of
respondents had engagcd with th e arts in on e or more forms.
Thos defin ed by attendance of people in England were events such as
dan ce, opera/operetta, ballet, culturaily specific festivals, video or elcctronic art
event, jazz performance, classical music concert, str et arts, craft cxhibition,
carnivals, pantomime, public art display, art/photography/ culpture exhibition,
play or drama, musicals and othcr livc music eve nts. In terms of livc musi-
cal tastes outside musicals, operas, -lassical concerts an<l jazz performan ces,
DCMS reported the attractions of other styles from rock to ch oral music (se
Tabl e 12.5) in 2015-16. Visits to hcritage si tes, museums, art gallcrics and
libraries also appcarcd in thc list.
Thc most popular participatory art forrns are crafts such a. calligraphy, pot-
tery or jewe1lery, using a computer to crcate original artworks or dance, pho-
tography as an artisti - activity, playing a musical instrument for own pleasure,
painting, drawing, printmaking or sculpture, and textile rafts.
Thc varicty of th ese activities suggest a significantly vibrant arts scene in
Britain, dcspite decline, lack of interest and financia} rcstraints in sorne tields,
and therc are other amateur and regional cultural forms. Responses to th e arts
can vary over time to refl ect cultural changes, p ersonal taste and economic
conditions.
Generally, fewer adults in England cngage with th e arts three or more times
ayear, compared with more who ngagcd at lcast once, and attendance is greatcr
than participation. Nevertheless, the examples of atten<lance and participatory
 Leisure, sp o rt and t he arts

TABLE 12.5 Uve music events, 2015-16, attendance by percentage

Rock music 67.6

Soul, R&B or hip-hop music 29.4
Folk or country and western music 22.0
Reggae, Calypso, Caribbean 9.0
music
Others 7.8
Spanish or Latin American music 4.5
African music 4.0
Classical 3 .4
Dance, trance, techno 3.1
South Asían music 2.5
Brass band music 1.0
Choral/ choir music 0.9
Source: adapted from DCMS-Taking Part, Statistical Release, 2015- 16

activ ity above suggcst a positivc response to th' arts in Rritain and a rclativcly
imprcssivc sprcad of artistic forms.
Whilc attcndin g thc cinema as a pastimc scorcd 53 pcr cent in tcnth place
in a 2017 DCMS poli, thc history of thc cin ema in Britain has shown a decline
since its e arly days as a vcry popular form of mass cntertainmcnt and from
1946, wh e n total annual visits rcachcd l .G billion. Thc Jomcstic tilm industry
has suffcrcd from a lack of invcstmcnt and govcrnment help, alth ough Brit-
ish films with British actors continued to b e madc abroad and in Britain with
fórcign financia] backing. Sorne govcrnmcnt, British Film In stitutc (BFI) and
National Lottcry fo1an cc has now bccn provided to support British tilm making.
Thc British film in<lustry still produces highly rcgardcJ quahty tilms, although
many f-ilms made in Britain are cither forcign or co-pro<luctions.
In 1960 thcrc wcrc ovcr 3,000 cin <: mas in Britain, but m,rny havc now
either go ne out of business, or ch angcd to othcr activitics such as clubs, dan cing
and bingo. Annual audicnce figures dropp cd from sorne 501 million in 1960 to
193 million in 1970. This decline was hastcneJ by thc arrival of tclevision ami
continued as new forms of home e ntertainmrnt, such as videos, DVDs anJ th e
Internet, added to thc compctition, an<l annual aclm issions sank to 55 million
by 1984 .
However, new screens have been built since 1996. According to th e UK
Cinema Association, there were 801 cinema sites with 4,309 screens situatcd
eith er in single buildings or in multiplexes in 2017. There was an incrcasc in
admissions to 142 million in 2000 and ] 76 million in 2002 before declining
agai n to 168 million in 2016, down 2 pcr cent on 2015, according to th e BFI.
lt reported combined box office film receipts in 2016 off 1.2 billion in thc UK,
down 1 per cent on 2015 .
Lei s ur c , s p o rt a n d the arts

The top four films released at thc UK box office in 2016 w ere UK produc-
tions, including the top title Rogue One: A Star Wars Story with gross receipts
of [66 million . The next three most popular relcases were: Fantastic Beasts and
Where to find 'J'hem (f.55 million), Brídget .Jones's Baby (f48 millionJ and The
Jungle Rook (f 46 million). Six UK film s were in the top 20 films of 2016, down
from eight in 20] S. One was a British indcp cnd cnt film , Absolutely fa.bulous:
The Movi.e, whi ch was based on a very popular television series.
While admissions droppcd in 2016, improved audi en ce figures ovcrall sincc
1984 had b een encouraged by cheaper tickcts, a widcr rangc of tilms (not 1im-
ited to blockbustcrs), responses to competition, an in creasing appeal to youngcr
peoplc, the provision of an alternative leisurc activity within modern surround-
ings, and <levelopme nts such as streaming. Biggcr audicnccs wcre also due partly
to the success of British-bascd films, such as Harry Potter nlms and srnaller
indcp cndcnt films. But more than 30 p er cent of th e popuh1tion do not go to
th e cin e ma, 4 7 p er cent of those aged over 35 n cvcr go at alt and auclicnce sizes
can vary considcrably.
Thc attraction of British popular music incrcascd in Britain and abroad
from th c l 960s, an<l was both an economic and cultural ph cnomcnon. Follow-
ing th c Bcatlt.:s and Rolling Stones, th , dom estic markct for music sales greatly
increased . However, in recent years, critics f-,]t that th crc was a stalcncss .in th e
popular tield which affected mainstream pop genres, hip-hop, rap, avant-garde
and 'ethnic' music alike. Sorne attributed this to commcrcial manipulation,
overly packaged oflcrings and standardized bands, and others to a lack of sub-
stantial and consistcnt talcnt or of memorable tun es and songs. Old-guard pop
stars complained about th e inadcquacy of contcmporary British pop music with
its bland material and eph em eral artists, most of which had <.hfficulty brcak-
ing into thc global (and particularly th c Amcri ·anJ market. M embers of 1990s
bands havc also criti cized moclern pop music as sclf-absorbcd and lacking social
commentary.
However, there has b een a rcccnt rcsurgence in 13ritish popular and rock
music, characterized by single artists, bands an<l son 6rwrite rs, in an cxpanded
dom estic and international following. Th e British Phonographic Industry
reported that there had b een a 9.5 p er cent rise in music consumption in 2017
as demand for music in the UK grew and music sales wcrc at thcir highest for
20 years. Sales of vinyl rccords rose 26.8 p e r cent to 4 million; LPs accountcd
for sorne 1 in 1Ophysical purchases; 68.1 billion digital audio streams were sent
( over half of UK music consumption ); UK acts made up cight of thc top-] O
b est-selling artist albums; and 135.1 million albums or thcir cquivalcnt were
streame<l, purchased or downloaded.
This recovery was generated by the stadium tours and radio, and onlin e
strcarning of artists such as Ed Shecran, Sam Smith, Stormzy, Adele, Littlc Mix,
Rag'n'Bone Man, Ke ndrick Lamar and Liam Gallagh er according to Pe rforming
 Le i sur e , sport and t he arts

Rights Socicty (PRS) for Musi c. British songwriters received increased royalty
payme nts in this cxpanding market as the influence of UK music was boosted
ovcrscas. Crucially, payments to artists were strengthened by better busin ess
technology aftcr a pcriod of poor orno control. Arrangements w ere made with
royalty collection socictics, onlinc rcvcnuc was tightened up and streaming ser-
vices, such as Spotify and Appl e Music organize<l effi cie nt sub ·cription schemes.
But PRS reported in 2018 that alth ough its total royalty rcvcnucs had incrcasc<l
12. 7 p er cent to f 717 million, sorne music wcbsitcs werc still not compensating
artists fairly, and piracy and downloading continue.
Most record sales are pop record albums, sales of classical albums havc
incrcased steadily, an<l vinyl or plastic records have seen signifi ca nt growth and
popularity amounting to l in l O in 20] 7, but CD and DVD sales have <lropped.
According to UK Music, th e music industry in 2013 contributed a significant
total value of f3.8 bilhon (up by 9 per cent from D.5 billion in 2012) to the
British e -onomy and had total music exports of f.2.2 billion or 12 .6 per cent of
global sales, accountin g for one in eight of all artist albums sol<l. Polls suggest
that 81 pcr cent of Britnns between 16 and 24 spend th eir leisurc time listcn-
ing to music at lcast once a wcek. However, th e music busin ess rc mains vola-
tik, accounts tór only 1G pcr crnt of thc lJK cntertainmcnt markct and sorne
tcchnology companics frcl that thc industry is not kcepin g up, f-inan cially and
technically, with th c vcry varicJ anJ ·hallcnging structural ways in wh ich music
is bcing uscd today.
Th e rc is a wiJc rangc of musc ums and art gallcries in 13ritain ( l ,8UOL
which provi<le for a varicty of tastes. Most of thcm are tinan ccJ and rnntrnlkJ
by local authoriti es, although sorne are commcrcia l vcntu rcs and oth -rs, such
as national institutions likc t h c British Musc um an<l thc National Calkry in
London, are thc provimT of thc Sccrctary of Statc for Cu lture. Entry to ma n y
of th c publi c muscums and art galkrics is now fn:l' of chargc, aftcr a pcrio<l
wh en e ntran ce fees wc rc lcvicd for som ~ institution s. But muscums anJ élrt
gall eri es are genera ll y fin<ling it di-H-i cult to o¡wratc on limitcd funds anJ are
dcp e nd nt upon local govcrnmcnt gra nts, /\ rts Council subsidies and National
Lott"ry donation s. DCMS survcy statistics in 201 G- 17 1-<.)r England rc portcd
that 52.3 pcr cent of rcspon<le nts ha<l visitc<l a musc um or ga llcry at lcast once
in a 12-rnonth pcriod and the re werc proportional in crcascs in Waks, Scotlan<l
and North e rn Ireland. This annual figure was slightly clown on 2013 but tlw
proportion of adults who had visited a museum or gall ery at least once a month
and at least 3-4 times a year had incrcased signiticantly. Th ese fi gure· rdl cctcd
thc consi<l -- rable popularity in rc cent years of exhibitions such as Mat-isse:
Cut-Outs at Tate Mo<lcm and Vikings: Life and Legend at th e 13ritish Muse urn.
Later ex hihitions havc showcascd Caravaggio, Modigliani, Van Gogh, PicasS<.\
Degas Jrom the Rurrell (the National Gallcry, London, 2018) and Rodín and the
Art of Ancient Greece (th e British Museum, 2018). Special cxhibitions are a
 Lei sur e, sp or t and the arts

PLATE 12.9 The M illennium Walkway (from the north to the south bank of the river Thames
in London) and Tate Modern , a very successful gallery and exhibition hall created in 2000
from a disused power station, which special izes in contemporary art. © Andy Lauwers/
Shutterstock

prominent feature ofregional galleries and museums which focus on them es of

local interest. ln 2016/17, 52 per cent of adults were aware of local or national
events or activitics in the UK between 2014 and 2018 to commemorate the
C entenary of the First World War, and 74.2 per cent of adults supported the
UK commemoration.
The public library is a long-established British cultural institution which
is havin g finan cia} difficulties and fighting hard to survive. Libraries were very
mucha feature of nineteenth-century social development and werc intcnded to
supply a local source of learning and culture for regional audiences, and every
city and town and many villages had their own libraries.
Thcre were 4,145 publi c libraries in the UK in 2014, a reduction from
4,482 in 2009-10 (Statista). These figures marked a large decline in the num-
ber of library buildings sin ce the great days of the public library tradition in the
nineteenth and early-twenticth century. They now provid e books, music CDs,
audio-books, records and DVDs on loan to the public, togeth cr with informa-
tion , microfilm, microtiche, cornputer and Internet facilities. Sorne have m obile
library buses whi ch takc books out to communities and rural areas but this
1

traditional servicc is also dcdining.

 Le isur e , sp o r t and t he arts

DCMS and ONS stati. tics show that between 2006 and 2010 thcre was a
decr ase in adults over l 6 visiting a public library in En gland from 48 to 39 p er
cent. In 2016- l 7, 34 per cent of adults had used a puhlic library scrvice. This
is significantly lowcr than in 2005-06 (48.2 per cent) , but similar to 2015- lG
(33.4 p er cent and the biggest dccrcascs have been in th e 16-24 age gro up.
Public library us d clined for males and fem ales over the period 2005- 06 to
201 6-17, but in 201 6-17, 38.3 per cent of females used a library omparcd
with 29.6 per cent of males.
An aspect of this declin e is that public libraries run by lo al gov rnment
have b en gradually clo ed clown in recent decades and austerity mcasurcs
to reduce the budget deficit have led to more -losures nationwide. But som -'
libraries are being staffe d by volunteers who preserve sorne services.
Many p eoplc choose to b orrow books from librarics rath cr than huying
them . Fifty-one per cent of the UK populati on have a currt nt library ca rd, but
most of these holders are over 60 years of age. Thc use of library websites has
in creas d to 14.2 per cent of adults but th e decrease in book loans is 4 pcr
1

cent, although e-book marketing has rccently promote<l a temporary surge in

library m mbership. Th - numbcr of adult tiction books, adult non-fi ction and
child non-fi ction books issucd have all de -reast <l over tim e'¡ hut childrcn 's tic-
tion books have generally increascd.
DCMS figures report that in 2014-1 5, 48 pcr cent of a<lults in Grcat Britain
aged 15 and over read a daily newspapcr at lcast three times a we --k, which is a
decrease on 2013-] 4 when the figure was 51 pcr cent. On a eragc sin ce l ~)81
the proportion of people reading national ncwspapcrs has fall en hy approxi-
mately 1Op er cent overa period of declining ncwspapcr cin:ulation. It is ditncult
to assess wh ether reading g ' ne.rally as a leisure an<l cultural form will de -Iin c
ov "r time or whether reading will continuc in <liff -rcnt ways through altcrnative
electronic forms. DCMS figures for 2014- 15 rcportc<l that 64 pcr c nt of adults
had read for pleasure in their own time.
Bodies such as the Reading Agency are optimisti c and arguc that the
remaining public libraries are popular and wcll-used, cspccially by young chil-
dren if appropriatc arrangcmcnts are ma<le f-or th em . Writcrs who organize
library cvcnts report that th ere is still a thirst for and curiosity t:lbout rca<ling
and books.
As with sport, certain arts activitics and th eir associatcd huildings havc
bccomc virtual institution s, such as th c West End, thc remaining rcpu tory com-
panies, the Last Night of the Proms (Prom enad' Concerts, an annual scason of
classical music held at th Albert Hall, London), th c Royal Festival Hall, th e
National Thcatre, Tate Britain, th e National Gallcry and the Royal Shakcspearc
Theatrc at Stratford-upon-Avon . Tate Modern is asso ·iatcd with oftcn co ntro-
versia] pri zes, such as the Turner Prize. These institutions rd lcct Britain 's liv -ly
(and internationally important) contemporary art s -ene.
.,
0
~ 382 Lei surc, spor t and the ar ts
.AT
Exercises
Briefly define and examine the following terms, commenting on their
significance in British life:

do-it-yourself (DIY) the pub rugby football

package tour National Lottery sponsorship
bear baiting casinos 'bed and breakfast' (B&B)
'high culture' cricket the Arts Council
the West End brass bands repertory theatres
football pools ethnic restaurants multiplexes
binge-drinking vinyl digital
box office blockbuster microfilms

Write short essays on the following topics :

What impressions do you gain of the British people, based on their

leisure, sporting and artistic activities?

2 How would you account for the fluctuations in cinema attendance in

Britain in the twentieth and twenty-first centuries?

3 Critically examine the results of polls and surveys in this chapter. What
information do they provide about the cultural lives of the British people?

Further reading

Bailey, P.C. ( 1986) Music Hall: The Business of Pleasure, Milton Keynes : Open University
Press
2 Belfiore, E. and Holdaway, D. (2014) The Future of Cultural Value, University of Warwick :
The Warwick Commission
3 Bennett, A. (2000) Popular Music and Youth Culture: Music, ldentity and Place, London :
Palgrave/Macmillan
4 Christopher, D. (2015) British Culture: An lntroduction, London : Routledge
5 Cunningham, H. ( 1985) 'Leisure' in J. Benson (ed.) The Working Class in England, 1875-
1914, London : Croom Helm
6 Enriching Britain: Culture, Creativity and Growth : The 2015 Report by the Warwick Com-
mission on the Future of Cultural Value, University of Warwick, The Warwick Commission
7 Fowler, D. (2005) Youth Culture in the Twentieth Century, London: Palgrave Macmillan
8 Gray, C. (2000) The Politics of the Arts in Britain, London : Palgrave Macmillan
J. (20 l O) The Cambridge Companion to Modern British
9 Higgins, M ., Smith, C. and Story,
Culture, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press
 Leisure , !> p o , t a nd t he arts

l O Hill , J. (2002) Sport, Leisure and Culture in Twentieth-Century Britain, London : Polgrave
Macmillan
l l Holt, R. and Masan, T. (2000) Sport in Britain 1945-2000, Oxford : Blackwell
12 Jacobs, E. and Worcester, R. (1990) We British : Britain under the MOR/scope, London :
Weidenfeld & Nicolson
13 Monk, C. and Sargeant, A. (2002) British Historical Cinema, London : Routledge
14 Polley, M . ( 1998) Moving the Goalposts : A History of Sport and Society Since 1945,
London : Routledge
15 Rowell , G . ( 1984) The Reperfory Movement: A History of Regional Theatre in Britain,
Cambridge: Cambridge University Press
16 Sandbrook, D. (2016) The Great British Dream Factory, London : Penguin Books
17 Silva, T. , Elizabeth, B. and Selwood, S. (eds.) (2006) 'Cultural trends : Cu lture, toste and
social division in con temporary Britain ' , special issue of Cultural Trends , vol . 15 nos. 2/3 ,
London : Routledge
18 Statistical Yearbook, 2017, Research and Statistics Unit, London : Briti sh Film lnstitute (BFI)

Webs ites
Department for Culture , Med ia and Sport: www.culture .gov.uk
UK Sport: www.uksport.gov.uk
Sport England : www.english .sports .gov.uk
FA Premiership : www.thefa .com
Rugby Football Union : www.rfu .com
Artsonline : www.artsonline.com
Arts Council (England) : www.artscouncil.org .uk
Arts Council of Wales : www.artswales.org .uk
Scottish Arts Council : www.sac.org .uk
Arts Council of Northern lreland : www.ortscouncil-ni.org
National Lottery Comm ission : www.natlotcomm .gov.uk
BBC : www.bbc .co .uk
Ofcom : www.ofcom .org .uk
 lndex

J\cts nf lJnion 7, 119 Buddhism l 07

a<lult ·<lucation 31 l -2 building societics 2 77
J\dvisory Conciliation an<l J\rbitration hudg ' t <ldi ·it 220
Scrvi cc (J\CJ\S) 246- 7
agrirnltural rcvolutions G Ca binct (the) 151- 2
agriculturc 6, 40-2 cahl ' tclcvision 320
J\ngli ·an C hurch 95, 99 Ch ane -llor of the Exch c<..¡ ucr 15 1
archhishops (C hurch of EnglanJJ 96 C hanncl 4 333, 335
arls (thc) 372-8 1 C hanncl (tnglish, th c) 1O, 32
J\rts Co un cils 3 73- 4 C hann cl lslands 28
Attkc.\ e 7, 8 Chann ·1 Tunncl l O, 51
aviatinn (civil) 52 C harl es 1 120- 1
Christi anity 9]-2
ha ·kb cnchcrs 149 Church oF Engl an<l ~)2- 100
bail l9~)- 200 C hurch of Srntlan<l 100
l3ank of England (thc) 235, 240 cinema 377- 8
banks 240- 1 C ity (of London) 72
Baptist. (the ) 103 civil co urts 197
Bar Council 2] 2 civil law 188
barristC'rs 201 civil law appcal co urts 198
13l3C (the) 14, 333- 5 civil and criminal law proccJurc 1!)8- ~)
Bevcridge R "port (th e) 257 civil sc rvants 152- 3
bills (parliamcntary) 138, 142-3 Civil War 121
bishops (Church of England) 95-6 class structurc 13
Brex it 15- 16, 24, 76 climatc 39-40
Rritain 2-3, 20 ·lubs (1 -isur ') 355, 360
British attitudcs (to Britain) 21 - 4 coal 46
British Empirc, thc 6-7 colonialism 6
Britishncss 7, 13, 62, 69, 83 Common Agricultura} Policy (CJ\.P)
Briti h Lsles (the) 62, GG 41 - 2
l3ritish politi cal framework Common Fisheries Policy (CFP) 43 - 4
(contemporary) ] 29-34 co mmon law 191
13ritish Telecom 48, 53-4 Commonwealth (the) 162
broadcastin g media (the) 332 cornrnunications 53- 4
.,
¡~ 386 lndex
.:T
.
comprehensive schools 292-3 European Commission 178
Confederation of British l ndustry (CBT) 246 European Court of Justi ce 1 79
Conservative Party 7, 18-9 European Union law, 191
constituencies 14 3-4 Europcan Parliam ent 179
constitubon (Britain) 3, 12, 121-30, 130-5 Euro pea n Un ion (EU) 3, 10, 12, 20, l 62,
co nsumer protection 247-8 166, 167, 174-84
contcmporary political framework 15- 20,
129-34 farming 6
co uncils (local govcrnm ent) 204-8 financial institutions 6, 62, 239-43
ouncil housing 273- 8 fishcrics 42-4
co unti cs 29-30 Flcct Strcct 224-5
county councils 1 26- 7 football/:occer 366-8
court structures in England and Walcs 1~)2 foreign policy 162- 4
cricket 369 forestry 44
crime and punishmcnt 204-8 fracking 229
criminal co urts 193-5 Free Churches (the) 102-4
·riminal law 188 furth -r, adult and lifelong eclucation 311 - 2
criminal law appeal court 196
criminal procedure 199 gamblin g 370- l
Cromwell, O. 120- 1 GCE 'A' lcvds 303- 4
crown courts 194 GCSEs 303- 4
Crown Prosecution S rvi ce (CPS) 199 G en eral Post Officc 48
geographical identities 28-30
defence policy l 62-3, 166-70 Glorious Rcvolution (thc) 121
Defra, 28 gov 'rnmcnt (thc UK) 12, 13, ] 50-3
<lcindustriali zation 228-9 government stru ctures, 124-5, 152
denationalization 9 grammar schools 292
devolution 8, 18, 127-9 grant: (studcnt) 308- 9
Dir ctor of Public Prosec uti ons (DPP) 199 Grcat Britain 3
district judges 193 growth and imrnigration 8, 67
divorce 259-60
doctors (GPs) 2GG Hea th, E. l O, 176
H nry Vl 11 G9
economi c history (British) 221 - 3 hcrcditary pccrs 139-40
economic performan ce 228-33 High-Church (Church of England) 97-8
cconomi c policies 223-5 High Court 1~)7-8
economic structure 225-8 Higher education 304-11
cconomy ( attitudes to) 248- 50 Hindus 107
ed ucation (attitudcs to) 312- 5 histori cal growth (Britain) 3
Education A ct (1944) 291-3 holidays 359-62
education (school histo ry) 289-9 1 homdcss (thc) 2 79-8 1
education (further and adult) 311-2 hospitaJs 266
education (higher) 304-8 House of Commons 3, 7, 140-1
cducation (schools) 293- 300 House of Lords 7, 139-40
election (UK parliamcntary) 143-4 Household and demographi c structurcs
electricity 44-8 257 -61
migration 77 housing 273
Empirc, Commonwealth and Ireland 6, 9,
10, 162, 170-4 identiti cs 13, 14, 82-6
employer.' organizations 245-6 immigration 8, 70-80
employment 233-9 Indepcndent Broadcasting 335
energy resources 44-8 independent schools 298-300
England (gcography) 4, 35-6 Independent Televi ·ion J\uthority (ITA) 333
English, the 84-6 industrial and commercial institutions
cnvironment (attitudes to) 54- 9 243-6
cthni · minorities/groups 72-3, n - 80 industrial relations 246
 lnde x

industrial revolutions 7, 71-2 ational Currículum 302-4

Inn. of Court 212 National H ealth Service (NHS) 8, 14,
institutions 12 264-5, 266-9
lRA 128 nati o nal id "ntity (attitudes to) 82-G
Irdand 4, 62 1 123 nati onalization 8
lrL h Re publi - 3, 4 ational Crime !\gen -y (NCA) 210
1sle of Man 28 Nationalists, 8, 9, 11
lTVl 333 National Lottery 370
N/\.TO 11 , 166- 8
James V 1 (of Scotland), ( l of England) news papers (national) 323- 9
4,5 newspapc rs (local, regional and cthni c)
J wish Community 104-6 329-3 "1
judgcs 190, 213 non- C hristian tradition (th ) 100-8
jury 1~)5 1 202-3 Norman Conqucst (thc) 4, 5, G5
Justices of the Peacc (JPs) 193 Northcrn Irdan<l 15, 38-~), 125- 6, 192
nuclea r dcterrcnt 169
Labo urParty7,8, 18 nuclear povver 4(i- 8
law (attitudcs to) 214-6
law and order 204-] O Offi ·e of Communications, thc (OFCOM)
law cnforccm cnt (th c poli ce) 208-10 321 - 2,335- 7
Law Society 2·1 1 Open University 3W- 1 1
law sources (Britain) l 9 l - 2 opera 375-G
Leader of the Opposition ·1 49-50 orchcstras 3 76
legal aid 203-4
legal hi story 189- 9 '1 parishcs (Church of En gland), ~)(j
legal prof ,ssion 211-3 ParJiament (lJK) 4, 7, 12, 15, l l!)- 21 ,
legi lation (parliamentary) 141-2 138-4 '1
leisure activiti cs 352-62 parliam ·' ntary (UK) co ntrol nf govc rnrnent
Liberal Democrats1 th e 7G, 125 153- 5
libraries 380-1 parliarncntary (lJK) ·lectora! systl'm 143 -4
lif peers 139-40 parli amcntary (lJK) lcgislation 138- 41
Lloyd 's 230, 241-2 parliamcntary {UK) prnccdun· 1, 141 -3,
Local E<lucation /\.uthoriti cs ( LEAs) 2~)5, l 4~)- 50
30"!-2 party political syst ' m 121 - 2, 144- 50
local govcrnment 13 , 29-30, periodi ca ls and magazincs 33 1-2
126-8 physi ca l fca tur ·s ( Britain) 30- 5
Lords Spiritual 139-40 Plaid Cy mru 147-~)
Lords Temporal 139-40 poi ice l ~)~)
Low-Church (Church of England) 97- 8 Poli cc Scrvi c' oF North c rn lrcland
(PSNI) I 26
magistratcs 190-4 poli ti -s ( attitudcs to) 155- 7
magistratcs ' courts 193 politica l history 1 18- 57
Magna Carta 119 Poor Law (Elizah ·th,m) 255- 6
Man (Isl c of) 28 Poor Law Am cndmcnt /\ et 25G-7
Manufacturing 6 popular musi - 378-~)
m ed ia ( attitudcs to) 344-6 populati on m o vcm cnts in lJK 80- 2
m edia and frccdom of expression) 340-4 ports and shipping 51-2
Members of Parliament (MPs) 18, 19 Post Ofticc (the) 53
Mct hodists ·102 pr ' paratory schools 298-9
ministerial res ponsibility 151 primary schools 289, 29 1, 293-(i
rninisters (govcrnmcnt) 150-3 Prime Minister (th e) 150- 1
mixe<l economy 120 print m edia 322
monarchy (th c) 4, 7, 20, 120, 135- 7 private m edicin e 270
mortgage 2 77 private m ember's bill , 142
museums 379-80 private sector 225-(-;
Muslims 106-7 privatization !)
 ln d ex

Privy Coun cil ·137 Sovercign grant 136

Protestanti sm 7 Sp akcr (thc) 141-2
publi c houses (pubs) 358-GO 'spccial rclationship ' 1O, 164- 5
publi c school s 298-9 spo rt 362- 9
public sector 225 sportin g institution. 3 71 - 2
state schools 293-8
Qu ccn's Counsel 213 st atute law 19 1
Questi on Time 154 Stock Exchangc 239- 42
strikcs 2 44- 5
racc rclati ons 72-~) structural change 12- 5
radio 332, 335 stud ent fin an ee 308- 1O
railways 50-1 sunshin c 40
ra infall 39-40 Suprem e C ourt, th e 11 8, 19 1
rcadin g 357
reccssion 9, 17, 20, 22, 229-31 te l 'vision (rol e and influcnceJ
refcrendum 11, 14, 20, 24 n , 33 8- 40
Reformati on (the) 92-3 t emperature 39-40
Reform Acts ] 23 - 4 Thatch r, M. 7, 9, 18
rcgions and regionalism 29-30 th catrc 374- 5
rcli gion (attitudcs to) 90, l 11 - 4
trade <l cfi cit 232
rcli gion (coope ration) 108-9
trade unions 243 - 5
rcligion (hist ory) 91
Trade Uni on C ongress (TUC) 244
r ligion (idcntitication) 1] 0-11
transport 48-53
religion (school ) 109- l O
Trident missilc I G9
roads 48-9
two-party systcm 146
Roman Catholi c Church 100- 2
Royal asscnt 142- 3
Royal Mail 53- 4 un mploym cnt 23 8
Rugby (sport) 368 Un ionists 127 -8
Rugby (educati on) 291 Universal Credit 263-4
univ crsitics 305-8
Salvation Army 103 Unitcd Kin gdom (UK) 3, 4, 7, 62
satdlite tcle vi ion 337 lJnitcd Kin gdom Independcncc Party
school examinations 300- 4 (UKIP) 8
school organization 300-4 United Nations (UN) ·1GG
school history 289- ~) 1 United Rcform cd Chur h (URC) 103
Scotland 4, 15, 37-8, 62
Scottish law 192 Vi ctoria, Quecn, 6
Scottish Natio nal Party 8 voluntary schools 290
select committces 154 voluntary scrvi ces 269
servicc sector 232 votin g ri ghts 123-4
settlem ent (of Britain) G3-G7
shale (gas and oil) 229 Wal es 4, 15, 36, 62
Sikhs 107 Walpol , R. 122
soda! class 233-5 Whips 150
social ecurity 261 - 4 Whitby 664 (Synod ot) 9 1
social serv.i ccs ( attitudes to) 281-4 William (the Conqucror) 3
social servi ccs (personal) 271-3 workforce (thc) 235- 9
social services (history) 255- 7 workhouses 256
solicitors 201, 211
source. of Briti sh law ] 91 Youth Courts 193
' British Civilization provides the most profound introduction to contemporary Britain ... Oakland
presents the most recent information in a very concise and easily accessible writing style. Dueto the
additional resources, exercises and essay questíons the book is perfect for teaching and leaming .'
Isabe l! Groís e, Leipzig University, Ge rmany

' British Civilization: An lntroduction is an excellent overview of a number of elements which students
will need to know in order to understand Brítish society. lt is well-written, concise, and has attractive
full-colour pictures and illustrations. lt is especially strong on recent developments in British culture.'
Mark Ma rston Norris, Gra ce Colleg e, USA

Thoroughly updated and revised, the ninth edition of the highly regarded British Civilization: An
lntroduction continues to be the ideal textbook on Britain, its country and people, re ligion , politics and
government, international relations, legal system, economy, education, media and culture fo r students of
British studies.

Examining central structural features of British society, the book provides an introduction t o British
civilization that highlights its history of cultural, geographical and human diversity. The book includes :

• expanded discussion of Britain's current política! climate and international relations through an
examination of the 2016 Brexit referendum , the subsequent general election and Brexit
negotiations up to April 2019
• discussion of the ever-shifting economy from a global perspective
• opinion polls and surveys that provide an insight into the attitudes of British people to the conditions
in which they live and operate today
• exercises, questions, and suggestions for further reading and useful websites that stimulate class
discussion and provide a springboard upan which students can develop their own independent study.

Supported by a companion website (www.routledge.com/cw/oakland), a long-ranging chronology,

full-colour illustrations, useful figures, exercises and discussion questions, and suggestions far further
reading, it is the perfect introduction to the crucial and complex nature of British civilization, culture and
society, past and present.

John Oakland is former Senior Lecturer in English at the Norwegian University of Science and
Technology and the author (with David Mauk) of American Civilization (2017, now in its seventh edition),
lrish Civilization (2012, with Arthur Aughey), British Civilization: A Student's Dictionary (2003, in its
second edition), and Contemporary Britain (2001 ).

BRITISH STUDIES ANO HISTORY

Cover im ages: M anchester sky line showing Media City at Sa lford Quays, with BBC st udios on the rig ht. A new tech nological, educational, media and
broadca sti ng business centre, attempting t o m ove such faciliti es to no rthern Eng la nd and away from the traditional London co ncentration . !f' Pu repix / A la my
Stock Photo; Th eresa May (PM) and Dona ldTusk (Presiden! of t he European Union Council) outside No 10 Downing Street, Londo n. M arch 2018,
where discussio ns o n Britain's pla nned w ithdrawal from the EU were held . © Tommy Lo ndo n / Al am y Stock Photo

~PA/1¡.I'.

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