CHAPTER TWO

DYNAMICS OF ARMED CONFLICT ON MALES AND THE IMPACT ON AFRICA’S

DEVELOPMENT AS WELL AS PROFILE OF LIBERIA

TABLE OF CONTENTS

2.0 Introduction……………………………………………………………………………….…..2

2.1 Dynamics of armed conflict on Males……………...……………………………………….3

2.1.1 Men and the dynamics of conflict………………………………………………..…3

2.1.2 Gender-based violence (GBV) on Men……………………………………..………5

2.2 Dimensions of conflict in Africa

2.2.1 Socio-economic Impacts of conflicts in Africa………………………..…………....8

2.2.2 Socio-economic impacts of conflicts on Gender in Africa ……………………......15

Africa………………………....15

2.2.3 Political impact of conflict in Africa………..….……………………………….…17

2.2.4 Political impact of conflict on Gender in Africa………..……………………….....18

2.2.5 Cultural and Ideological Impact of Conflict in Africa……………………………..20

2.2.6 Cultural and Ideological Impact of Conflict on Gender in Africa………..………..21

2.3 Profile of the Republic of Liberia……………………………...…………………………….22

2.3.1 The Foundation of Liberia…………………….…………………………………...25

2.3.2 Liberia Civil War……………...…………………………………………………...27

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2.4 Conclusion…………………………………………………………………………………...30

2.0 INTRODUCTION

Conflict and war have long been accepted as significant constraints to development. Despite

decades of conflict, death and tragedy, coverage of issues in Africa have often ignored,

oversimplified or excessively focused on limited aspects. Deeper analysis and background

context has often been lacking., Aalso, despite what seems like constant images of starving

children duringin famines, news of billions in aid to Africa from generous donor countries, the

background context and analysis is often missing.1

Conflicts, especially civil war, is a development issue which has a far reaching consequences

extending beyond those killed or wounded at the time of the conflict. In addition to battlefield

casualties, armed conflict leads to forced migration and the destruction of a society‟s
2
infrastructure. Social, political, and economic institutions are indelibly harmed. The

consequences of war on Africa‟s development are profound. Africa faces considerable risk of

conflict., especially iInterstate and internationalized civil wars havehas ripped apart many

countries in Africa. Conflicts have a lingering effect on growth; they conflict both push es a

country off its growth path and slows it down long after the conflict has ended. Gender is an

important variable in this research, whose aim is to that highlights particular conflict-triggered

vulnerabilities, such as infant girls „nutritionalgirls‟ nutritional statestatus, boys‟ schooling

deficits and widows‟ burdens, and shapes specific resilient responses to inform the design of

these policies. 3

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This chapter explores the impact of armed conflicts on Africa‟s development, by evaluating the

effect of the factors that contribute to male vulnerability on development with respect to socio-

economic growth and political impacts as well as profiling Liberia.

2.1 Dynamics of armed conflict, the gender perspective

2.1.1 Men and the dynamics of conflict

Men and women experience violence differently during and after conflict, with respect to their,

in their capacities as both „victims‟ and „perpetrators‟4. Sexual violence is largely inflicted on

women;, but men and boys are also raped during armed conflicts in a form of violence designed

to shatter male

powerpower. Yet, even though when there has been documentation of men‟s experiences as

victims of abuse on the battlefield, men are stillcontinue to be described as „masculine heroes‟5.

Zarkov (2001)

argues that in the case of the former Yugoslavia, the refusal to identify men as victims of sexual

violence during armed conflict was rationalized in terms of power relations during the war as

well as in the subsequent nation-building process, which dictated who could be labelled victims

of sexual abuse. In other words, a woman can be a victim, but a man is never a victim. This ,

which is a denial of one of the gendered realities of armed conflict.6

It must be noted that men do not only experience sexual violence, but they also experience

human rights abuses that are different from but are equally as unjust asto those experienced

byafflicting women; , whether as prisoners of war, as soldiers or as people who diverge from

gender norms (e.g. homosexuals, male pacifists). Men are also directly targeted in armed

conflicts and they make up the majority of casualties caused by Small Arms and Light Weapons

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(SALW). The increasing number of households headed by women in conflict zones is an

illustration of men‟s specific vulnerability (El Jack 2002). 7

Men have always been combatants in armed conflicts in the region. is ubiquitous, Vvarious

literature estimates around 300,000 child soldiers worldwide, the majority of these in Africa, and

the majority of whom are boys (Verhey, 2001)8. The numerous reports on child soldiers, when

they mention gender, frequently report on the smaller percentage of combatants who are girls, or

comment on sexual violence used against girls. These issues need urgent attention to be sure. But

we also see in many accounts of gender in conflict settings that the fact that the incidence of

majority ofvast majority of child soldiers being are boys is seen to be asso so normal or

commonplace that it needs no comment at all. 9

There have been some documented records of sexual violence against men during wars and

conflicts. Johnson et al. (553 – 562 2010)10 reported that about 23.6% of men and boys were

sexually abused in Eastern DRC;, and in Bosnia, about 5000 inmates were reported to have been

raped during the war ( Stemple, 2009: 613).11

Johnson , et al. (2008) likewise reported that approximately one third of the ex-combatant men

experienced sexual violence in Liberia, with other similar cases been reported in Columbia , El

Salvador , Afghanistan, Sudan and Syria ( UN, 2015)12

The extent of suffering generated by sexual violence against men in conflict zones is increasingly

recognized by the international community and especially by the UNHCR, which issued

guidelines in julyJuly, 2012 on how to identify and support male victims of rape and other forms

of sexual violence in conflict settings and displacement situations ( UNHCR 2012).

The challenges in dealing with that suffering are significant and varied, and pertain mostly to the

medical, psychological , legal and social consequence for the survivors.

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But because the suffering induced by wartime sexual violence against men has been long ignored

and silenced at the international and national levels, its alleviation has not been an issue worth

addressing. up to very recently not even been an issue considered worth addressing.

Until It was only recently that the UN Security Council Report (UN, 2015) recognized the

existence of sexual and gender-based violence against men and boys in detention settings (6.p.2).

In spite of these documented cases, most measures from the international to the national levels

do not directly target males but are often geared towards the prosecution of perpetrators of sexual

violence, rather than supporting the survivors.

“The UN has been providing technical support to affectedrelevant countries through the training

of envoys, mediators, and mediation experts whose main task is to ensure that provisions on

sexual violence are included in peace and ceasefire agreements.” ( 89.p 26)” “ The Secretary

General Report includes only one paragraph addressing the issue of support to survivors , stating

the importance of ensuring “ differentiated and appropriate services” for male survivors;, but it

remains very vague :, stating responsibilities without guidelines for practical implementation. -

“( I encourage Member States, donors and regional organizations: (a) To support the delivery of

multisectoral assistance for survivors of sexual violence including the full range of sexual and

reproductive health services: : HIV awareness and response measures; : and psychosocial , legal

and livelihood support;, ensuring differentiated and appropriate response for children and male

survivors” ( 100 . p. 29)13

2.1.2 Gender-based violence (GBV) on Men

GGender- based violence hasdiscussions has recently emerged as an important salient issue in

the conflict discussions, but has been framed with respect mostly to sexual violence against girls

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and women., Iit is worth nothing that gender based violence affects both females and males

(especially civilians) and female as men also sufferundergoes sexual violence , sex selective

massacre, forced conscription, to mention a few. This therefore needs equal attention and

condemnation from all protection agencies and proponents of human security in international

relations.

The protection of war-affected civilians is front and center on the new human security agenda

within international institutions (Golberg & Hubert, 2001).1415 As part of this agenda to address

the human security issues within the international institutions, organizations engaged in the

protection of civilians have begun to address gender-based violence, both in times of war and in

post-conflict situations. In theory, gender-based violence is “„violence that is targeted at women

or men because of their sex and/or their socially constructed gender roles‟.” 16 Meaning, both

men and women can be victims and perpetrators, and the violence is gender-based owing to

configurations of gender ideas that justify or naturalize it. In recent years, gender-based violence

in armed conflict has increasingly been recognized broadly as a human security issuee broadly,

as manifest in UN Security Council Resolution 1325, which called “„on all parties to armed

conflict to take special measures to protect women and girls from gender-based violence”‟.

Resolution 1325 refers to earlier activities within the international women‟s movement that

sought to redefine violence against women as a human rights issue and link it to the emerging

„human security‟ discourse (Joachim, 2003).17

Gender-based violence refers to violence aimed at a person because of their gender, or that which

affects them because of their special gender-defined roles or responsibilities in the society. which

are related to gender.

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The description „gender-based violence‟ clarifies that reference is made to violence rooted in

prescribed behaviors, norms and attitudes based upon gender (Lang, 2002). 1819

Gender-based violence is violence directed at an individual, male or female, based on his or her

specific gender role in society (Human Rights Watch, 2002a).20 With definitions such as these,

most of the gender-related harms men and boys face in conflict situations qualify as gender-

based violence and should be addressed as part of efforts by human security practitioners to

eradicate such violence.

Gender based violence against males isare often recorded asin sex selective massacres, where

military age men and adolescent boys are assumed to be potential combatants and therefore

forcibly engaged on the battle field or low intensity conflict. Theyre are also recorded under

forced recruitment, where males are recruited even against their religious beliefs on killing each

other, and finally sexual violence where males undergo almost same magnitude of sexual assault

like rape and sexual mutilation.

“They considered me like their woman...I had to wash their clothes, take care of their children

and I was raped everyday. . . . I was like a wife to the people in the forest. I did everything that a

wife does” (Christian, et al., 2012).21

Another dehumanizing Dehumanizing enough is the situation is where males are forced to rape

their own family members., Instances of tthis high level of incest are recorded during armed

conflict situations, but are seldomlyseldom recognized as gender based violence.

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It may be argued that it is incongruous to claim that men forced to rape family members are

victims rather than perpetrators of rape, suggesting that only the „passive‟ partner in a sexual

assault can be conceptualized as a victim, regardless of elements of coercion involved. If rape is

understood as the exercise of power, however, we cannot ignore the way in which sexual assault

is used against men as well as women to undermine and invert gendered constructions of

protector/protected roles, with the aim of terrorizing entire societies.22

The phenomenon of secondary victimization where women are raped in the presence of their

male family members is a direct attribute of gender- based violence against males, though most

of the perpetrators are males. This act results in psychological torture of the men involved. Iit is

therefore critical to address the psycho-social torture men go through from these acts.

Certain harmful gender norms give social permission tofor some men to commit extreme forms

of violence against women and make it difficult for men who are survivors or witnesses of

violence to come forward, either to report the violence or to seek help, whether during times of

war or peace.both in war and peace. These norms reinforce the notions that being to be a man

requires having power, being in control, not submitting to the power of another man, and being

able to handle whatever life throws one‟s men‟s way. For a man to admit to having been

assaulted or having to been toobeing powerless to stop an assault against those he lovesd is

perceived as emasculating. is experienced as emasculating or It is the equivalent of saying, “I am

not a man.”23

2.2.1 SOCIO-ECONOMIC IMPACTS OF CONFLICTS IN AFRICA

There is an abundance ofa large literature on the socio-economic impact of conflict, which posits

that underdevelopment is both a cause and a consequence of conflict. That is, economic

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underdevelopment increases the likelihood of conflict, and conflict exacerbates economic

underdevelopment.24

A Mmultiplicity of factors, including ethnicity, age, and occupational group and indeed gender,

may affect how people experience conflict, particularly between men and women. . Conflict has

multiple, long -and short-term impacts on development, environment and human well-being. The

effects, even of internal conflicts, are felt at various spatial levels, within the immediate area of

conflict, and often in neighboring countries. Conflict undercuts or destroys environmental,

physical, human and social capital, diminishing available opportunities for sustainable

development.25Conflict has an impacts on human well-being., It rreducesing quality of life, and

diminishes the capabilities of people to live the kinds of lives they value, and limits the real

choices they have. It results in the loss of lives, livelihoods and opportunitiesy, as well as of

human dignity and fundamental human rights. Livelihoods are directly affected through

restricteddecreased access to land, and inadequate access and to natural resources, as a result of

exclusion, displacement and the loss of biodiversity. Conflict can set in motion a cycle of

degradation and human vulnerability. The increase in social and economic vulnerability, as a

result of conflict, may in the face of environmental and land degradation, trigger new tensions

and conflict over critical resources, such as water or food 26 The problemincidence of poverty

may worsenincrease, not only through the loss of livelihoods but also as a result of a growing

inability of people to cope with change. This loss of resilience is also directly linked to

diminished access to public services, resulting in, for example, an increasing incidence of ill

health, a contraction in formal employment opportunities, the destruction of subsistence

livelihoods, and other entitlements failures which affect consumption and nutrition, as well as the

weakening of social cohesion and heightening insecurity. 27 Conflict is estimated to result, on

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average, in production losses of 12 per cent and to undercuts growth in the agricultural sector by

3 per cent everyper year. War, therefore, by increasing the gap between food production and

need, aggravates poverty and hunger, and consequently promotes continued dependence on food

aid. 28

According to the Internal Displacement Monitoring Centre, in 2014, armed conflicts and

Violence led to the internal displacement of 38 million people resulted in 38 million internally

displaced persons alone (IDMC 2014). The Office

of Tthe United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR, 2014) estimated that in the

same year an average of 32,200 persons each per day were forced to leave their homes and seek

protection, either within the borders of their countries or in other countries due to conflict and

persecution. Therefore, forced displacement has become a central feature, rather than a

collateral consequence, of conflict (Jacques 2012:50).29

Displacement is often viewed as a temporary or transitory phenomenon. However, experiences in

countries such as Peru, Sri Lanka, Somalia and Sudan show that s it is actually a prolonged

process.

Globally, many generations have been displaced as a result of armed conflict, with a significant

number of those affected having being displaced more than once and for significant periods of

time (Indra 1999).30

Displacement does not necessarily mean that people leave or are forcibly removed to

destinations that are far from their homes during and after armed conflict. Armed conflict in the

1990s saw millions of people internally displaced, or still living within the borders of their

country. The UN Refugee Convention of 1951 protects refugees outside of native borders, but

does not cover IDPs(iInternally dDisplaced pPersons (IPSs)). The international community has

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limited powersoptions to protect people displaced within their own borders, if their home country

is not willing to cooperate. The legal status of IDPs continues to be of a serious concern

(Adapted from World Health OrganisationOrganization 2001: 23).31

Clearly the responsibility for protecting IDPs, as well as meeting their basic needs, lies with the

Sstate, or, in an armed conflict, the authorities that control the territory where the displaced are

located.

Displacement often leads to shifts in gendered roles and responsibilities for both women and men.

Demographic change due to conflict has led to more women becoming heads of households. This

has contributed to changes in the division of labour, and has that have created new opportunities

for women; but has in some respects further marginalisedmarginalized them their place in

society.

Despite experiences of vulnerability and trauma during the process of displacement, some

women benefit from displacement. They may be given priority for training and development

programmes in health and education, as well as in income-generating activities. The skills

women gain enable them to assume new roles within their households, becoming the main

breadwinners wheren men have been killed or have problems finding employment after removal

from their homes and communities. This shift in responsibilities represents a move away from

stereotypically „masculine‟ and „feminine‟ roles. Men however may react to these changes with

depression, alcoholism and an escalation of violence against women in public and private (de

Alwis and Hyndman 2002).32

The destruction of infrastructure not only affects the provision of essential services such as

electricity, water, and health care, but leads to a breakdown in communication, through the loss

of roads and telecommunications infrastructure. This may increase the extent of isolation already

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experienced by rural communities; it may further diminish their sense of citizenship and

contribute to a shrinking of civil society. Local, national and international issues are all

significant in generating and perpetuating conflict, and interact in different and changing ways.

At the local level, controversies over access to resources access can be a factor in the formation

of armed groups, which are often linked to larger national or international “political” conflicts or

economic interests. This may result in the militarization of the local socio-economic space,

including increasingly bloody competition over economic infrastructure and resources, extraction

systems and trade networks. In some cases, this may manifest in rent-seeking behavior by those

with access to military power, or even direct appropriation and transfer of assets. This limits

access to markets for local people, pushing up transaction costs and effectively driving up the

cost of living.33 The displacement of people is a major social and economic cost of conflict, in

the short term as well as in post-conflict periods. Mostly, the casualties of armed conflicts are

people without military training. Most conflicts in Africa often takes on ethnic undertones, which

may involve militias and guerrillas rather than regular troops; and civilians are targeted because

of their ethnic or cultural ties. Children are a major target of conflict and violence. In a

significant number of conflicts, in countries such as Liberia, Uganda, Rwanda, Sierra Leone,

Angola and Mozambique, there havehas been forced recruitment of child soldiers among other

things. In 2001, there were estimated to be 250, 000 child soldiers in Africa. Children may be

killed or maimed by one group in order to undermine the morale of the other side. As a result of

violent conflict, there has also been an increase in the number of street children. 34 Displacements

impact directly on neighboring countries, as refugees flee across international boundaries.

However, impacts on neighboring countries are not limited to these population movements, and

there may be multiple effects on social cohesion and economic opportunities. The phenomenon

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of displacements of people during armed conflicts also hashave direct impacts on receiving

communities and countries with much burden placed on local infrastructure such as health and

educational systems as well as national security. There are often complex cross-border links at

different levels and between different actors;, this includes cross-border operations of armed

opposition groups. An For example is, the operations of Boko Haram on the Nigeria – Cameroon

Nigeria and Cameroon boarder, where militantsthey engage in arms trade, sale of natural

resources, narcotics, and other commodities, a situation which is fueling instability across the

border. International border zones are especially conflict-affected., oOften, these zones are

politically and economically marginalized with weak state administrative and security structures.

Conflict also has macro-level impacts. These include a decline in state capacity, which is

associated with a shrinking revenue base and reduced public spending, and economic stagnation

as a result of a fall in exports, hyper-inflation, exchange rate depreciation, disinvestment, and

capital flight (Luckham et al, 2001).35 The economic impacts, however, are not confined to the

country of conflict alone. , cCountries bordering conflict zones may need to increase security

expenditure in military and non-military sectors to be able to cope with refugee situations as well

as their own internal security. Another further feature of conflict is the collapse of public

institutions or the inability of these institutions to cope with the displacement of people either

internally or externally. Conflict can lead to large areas coming under the control of non-state

actors. There may be a weakening of environmental institutions and governance systems,

36
resulting in lower managerial capacity. Low levels of monitoring and evaluation may

contribute to biodiversity loss, and encourage illegal and unsustainable trade in natural resources.

Natural resources in these zones may be exploited at unsustainable rates in order to purchase

weapons, or simply to enrich members of the controlling forces. The report of the UN High-

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level Panel on Threats, Challenges and Change – A More Secure World: Our Shared

Responsibility– states:

“… we know all too well that the biggest security threats we face now, and in the decades ahead,

go far beyond states waging aggressive war. They extend to poverty, infectious disease and

environmental degradation …” 37

2.2.2 SOCIO-ECONOMIC IMPACTS OF CONFLICTS ON GENDER IN AFRICA

Gender inequality is a part of broader structural inequalities and norms of discrimination and

violence that contribute to mobilisingmobilizing groups and legitimizinglegitimizing violence.38

Qualitatively, cross-country research in conflict- related countries suggests that, patriarchal

gender relations intersect with economic and ethno-national power relations, fueling a tendency

toward armed conflict39

The impact of armed conflict on the economy of the affected country cannot be over Formatted: Justified

emphasized. , tThere is a strong negative association between conflict and economic

development inof any country, and this which directly impacts its citizenry both male and female.

The citizenry of Aany country which experiences armed conflict suffers undergoes a devastating

economic hardship. on its citizenry, tThe conflict in Liberia affected caused the GDP to fall by

over 90% in less than two decades, one of the largest economic collapses in the world since

World War II40

The economy of Liberia completely collapsed during the conflict. Liberia‟s GDP peaked in 1979,

began to decline after the 1980 coup, and collapsed outright after the beginning of the war in

1989 (Figure 1). GDP fell by a stunning 90% between 1987 and 1995. The economy initially

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began to rebound after violence subsided in 1996, and elections were held in 1997. But the war

was soon re-ignited, and the violence reached extreme levels in 2002 and 2003 until the

peacekeepers arrived in mid-2003. By the time of the elections in 2005, average income in

Liberia was just one-quarter of what it had been in 1987, and just one- sixth of its level in 1979.

Int nominal terms, GDP per capita was $160 in 2005.41

It is widely posited that, conflict alters women‟s economic roles in the household and the broader

society. While rigorous evidence is limited, some recent comparative studies illustrate that armed

conflict can increase women‟s economic activity, primarily through participation in labor

markets and engagement in other economic activities to support and cater for their families. , iIn

some cases, this is associated with betterment ofincreases in overall household and community

welfare. .In general, however, female employment often involves low-paid, low-skilled jobs,

self-employment in the informal sector, or unpaid family labour. 42 The effects of conflict on

women‟s economic activity differ by age and life status. Statistical data from Rwanda document

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shows how conflict economically empowered widows, probably by necessity. In contrast,

married women continued to conform to traditional notions of women‟s roles, engaging in

domestic tasks and subsistence farming43. In general, the economic opportunities open to women

are shaped mostly by culture and tradition, education, and access to land and resources44. There

is some country-specific evidence (Colombia, East Timor and more weakly, Nepal) that supports

the argument that, greater economic participation of women contributes to women‟s

empowerment within households, and is measured by the share of women‟s contribution to

household income. Various case studies in conflict- pronerelated countries (Sudan, Uganda,

Angola, Mali, Liberia and Somalia), have found that women in some instances gain decision-

making power within the family, once they become the main breadwinners. 45 Overall, there is

insufficient longitudinal research to ascertain whether temporary adjustments to gender roles

through periods of conflict have had lasting impacts. Justino et al. (2012) argue that, social,

economic and political gains that women may have achieved during the conflict tend to

disappear in the post-conflict period, . 46 largely due to the fact that once the men return from

combat and exile, they tend to take over their roles sometimes forcefully, which then pushes the

women take up their roles which they used to playoccupy hither to.

2.2.3 POLITICAL IMPACT OF CONFLICT IN AFRICA

Armed conflict is defined as the organized use of violence over political issues;, and one should

therefore, expect the political consequences of conflict to be significant. The most immediate

political consequence of armed conflict is that, large parts of society become securitized. Policies

usually deemed unacceptable by the public can be implemented with reference to the security of

the state. Freedom of speech can be effectively limited through associating certain political

stances with the terrorists.47

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Securitization can lead to political exclusion during conflict, which in turn is highly destabilizing.

Several countries in Africa have attempted to combine authoritarian rule with democratic rule

while maintaining an open and inclusive political strategy. When this inclusive strategy fails, the

only way to voice opposition is through riots and violence. Suppressing popular revolts is very

costly, and further securitizesd the political climate. In the end, these half-way attempts at

opening up have often led to further suppression or return to armed conflicts.

Collier et al (2003), indicate that, once a country has experienced armed conflict, it is likely to

experience conflict again., tThis is evident in all the conflicts across Africa, with Liberia not

being an exception. War is shown to be accompanied by exhibit extremely high social and

economic costs. Conflict significantly reduces the economic opportunities available to young

males. Civil conflict worsens the very conditions that existedassociated beforewith the onset of

the conflict in the first place.48

2.2.4 POLITICAL IMPACT OF CONFLICT ON GENDER IN AFRICA

Conflict creates opportunities for women to play more an increased roles in political decision-

making. 49 Such roles include as taking up political appointments in both the executive and

political arms of government. Hughes (2009) finds that longer, larger scale wars that contest the

political system and/or change the composition of government have produced the best

opportunitiesoutcomes for women to gain parliamentary representation. Studies from the United

Nations security show evidence that, from Rwanda, Mozambique, Ugandaand Uganda, to

Tajikistan, structural and cultural mechanisms combined with political openings have resulted in

post-conflict gains in women‟s parliamentary representation50. Similar to the case of gendered

economic impacts, however, women in most (but not all) post-conflict contexts have been unable

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to formaliseformalize and translate political gains made during conflict into post-conflict

political representation (Hughes, 2009)51. Although there are examples of women having taken

political roles at community and national levels (in Sudan and Uganda), the evidence is

inconsistent. In many other examples women have not made as much inroads into power

structures at the community level or at higher political levels as compared to their male

counterparts.52 There is still a huge gap between men and women in the political arena when it

comes to post-conflict political representation in Africa., tThis mostly can be largely be

attributed to the cultural influences and norms in most African communities which still relegate

the plight of conceptualize the woman as inferior to the maen, thus preventing the women

themselves fromto takinge up political positions even in a stable political climate. Men on the

other hand are mostly dominant in all decision- making processes, thereby dictating the pace and

direction in most post- conflict resolution attempts.

2.2.5 CULTURAL AND IDEOLOGICAL IMPACT OF CONFLICT IN AFRICA

The causes of conflicts in Africa cannot be understood without an appreciating the role culture

plays, and the struggle between African and European culture. Prior to colonization, Africans

had their own set of beliefs and ways of life through their it ethnic groupings. Ethnicity is

regarded as a form of social identification which is specific to local history, culture and location.

African ethnicity is a modern construction originating from the colonial experience.

African ethnicity can be seen as an accident of history, formed by both global influences and

specific local conditions. 53 which occurred mainly during the colonial period, when access to

power and political representation waswere altered, and the creationing of artificial territorial

boundaries drawn up around perceived „cultural units‟ and socioal-political units became the

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order of the day.54 Culture refers to a system of behaviors and attitudes embodied in the total way

of life of a group of people including their diet, norms and traditions, music and dancing,

language, art, religion, and distinctive behaviors that make the group of people unique and

distinguishes them from other people. 55 Armed conflict disrupts the support provided by the

family systems, exacerbates divisions between groups, increases intra-group insecurity and

hostility, disrupts inter-group economic relations, and promotes disease.56 During conflict, most

leaders resort to the use of ethnic cleavages as a tool to gain or consolidate power which tends

turns to favour one ethic group over the others. tThis in turns weakens traditional authority

control which leads to problems in promoting peace and protecting human rights after the

conflict. This phenomenon greatly affects social cohesion and control in the affected

communities, thereby prolonging the span of the conflict and affecting impacting on the

development of the country and the continent.

2.2.6 CULTURAL AND IDEOLOGICAL IMPACTS OF CONFLICT ON GENDER IN

AFRICA

A variety of factors including ethnicity, race and occupational groupings affect how individuals

(whether male or female) experience conflict. whether male or female, tThis inequality

experienced during and after armed conflict in all cultures and societies stemsderives from

dominant understandings of gender roles. In the context of armed conflict, the perception

persists of women as wives, mothers and nurturers still exists; , whereas men are seencast as

aggressors and soldiers. Although women and men do often assume these traditional parts, there

is a tendency in the mainstream literature to exaggerate the extent to which they play

stereotypical gender roles in armed conflict. 57

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Stereotypes surrounding male and female and a Cculturally permissive approaches to resolving

gender issues are often skewed, because of the stereotypes surrounding males and females. to

their issues are always skewed. In certain cultural set- ups women are relegated to the

background irrespective of the contribution and impact they make in the society. The Grebo

culture in south-eastern Liberia is an example of how the cultures and ideologiesy impact

conflict in Africa.58 Their culture is divided into uncivilized and civilized groups, with the latter

controlling greater land, money and having greater involvement in political activities; while “the

uncivilized” have less money and fewer opportunitiesy; with their women expected to work to

carter for their families. In spite of the contribution women make as breadwinners, they are still

acknowledged as inferiorsubordinate to their male counterparts, and are expected to contribute to

household wealth. OIn the “civilized” societies, the men are the bread winners and the women

are regarded are home owners or child caregiverssupport. Men are t therefore men are expected

to do whatever it takes to cater for their families so as to at all cost to upholdmaintain the respect

and dignity of their family name.

2.3 PROFILE OF THE REPUBLIC OF LIBERIA

The Republic of Liberia is a country in West Africa which was founded, established, colonized,

and controlled by citizens of the United States, and ex-Caribbean slaves as a colony for former

African- American slaves and their free black descendants. Liberia was created in the July 16,

1847 declaration by the freed slaves from America. , There are 15 counties in Liberia, and it has

a land area of 111,370 square kilometers (km2), and shares boarders with Guinea to the north,

Cote d'Ivoire to the east, Sierra Leone to the west and the Atlantic Ocean to the south, giving the

country a coastline of approximately 579 kilometers. Liberia can be located on geographical

Page 20 of 35
coordinates 6 30 N, 9 30 W, , on the world map. Climatically, the country has a dry season

(between November and April) and a wet season that runs from April to October. The area is in Formatted: Not Highlight

the tropical region, and is characterized by Tropical; hot ,weather; humid; dry winters with hot Formatted: Not Highlight

days and cold nights; andcool to through a cold night; wet, cloudy summers with frequent heavy Formatted: Not Highlight
Formatted: Not Highlight
showers. With an annual rainfall of 4650mm, Liberia is among the rainiest countries in the

world59. It is endowed with natural resources like ; gold, diamond and iron ore, and a vast land of

rain forest, timber, water resources and a diverse collection of wildlife. It has been noted that

Liberia possesses approximately 40 percent of West Africa‟s rainforest. 60 This ranks the country

among the most endowed countries in Africa. In spite of its natural wealth, Liberia is also one of

the poorest countries in the world with at least two-thirds of the population reportedly living on

less than a dollar a day. The 2011 UNDP Human Development Index places Liberia at 182 out of

187 countries and sixth on the list of African countries with the lowest human development. 61

Recent population estimates put tthe total population of Liberia at 4,299,944 with an average

household size of 5.1 people. 62 Americo-Liberians constitute about 5 percent of this population;

- the remaining 95 percent are Indigenous Liberians:. Kpelle 20.3%, Bassa 13.4%, Grebo 10%,

Gio 8%, Mano 7.9%, Kru 6%, Lorma 5.1%, Kissi 4.8%, Gola 4.4%, other 20.1% (2008 Census).

Liberia has a high fertility rate of nearly 5 children per woman and large youth cohort – more

than 60% of the population is under the age of 25. The indigenous people account for between 16

and 20 indigenous languages., Many Liberians, however, speaks their local derivative of the

English language known as “Liberia English” or “Liberia pidgin”63.The population is divided

into various religious groupings, namely, Christian: 85.6%, Muslim: 12.2%, Traditional: 0.6%,

other: 0.2%, none: 1.4% (2008 Census). Liberia has a mixed legal system of common law (based

on Anglo-American law) and customary law, and operates a constitutional republic made up of a

Page 21 of 35
thirty-seat Senate and a 73- seat house of representatives. The country is divided into 15 counties

namely Montserrado, Nimba, Bong, Lofa, Grand Bassa, Margibi, Grand Kru, Grand Gedeh,

Grand Cape Mount, Sinoe, Maryland, River Gee, Rivercess, Gbarpolu, and Bomi. The capital

city is Monrovia, located in the Montserrado county.

Fig.2.0 MAP OF THE REPUBLIC OF LIBERIA

Source:64 Mapsoftheworld.com

Page 22 of 35
2.3.1 THE FOUNDATION OF LIBERIA

Liberia was founded in 1822 to cater for returning freed slaves from the Americas and the

CaribbeansCaribbean. It grew into a colony and eventually became a commonwealth, and

achieved independence in 1847. Liberia proclaimed its independence from the American

Colonization Society (ACS). Descendants of the freed slaves, generally known as Americo-

Liberians, with the objective of settling freed slaves outside of the US and particularly in Africa,

remained in social and political control of the country until 1980.

At the center of the conflict is the The unequal distribution of power and wealth as a result

ofresulting from Liberia‟s social structure. is

largely at the center of the conflict. Abayomi Karnga, a scholar and politician, noted that the

status divisions among the Liberians eventually evolved into a hierarchical caste system with

four distinct orders. At the top were the Americo- Liberian officials, consisting largely of light-

complexioned people of mixed Black and White ancestry [also known as “Mulattos”]. They were

followed by darker skinned Americo- Liberians, consisting mostly of laborers and small farmers.

Then came the recaptives [also known as “Congos”1], the Africans who had been rescued by the

U.S. Navy while aboard U.S.-bound slave ships and brought to Liberia. At the bottom of the

hierarchy were the indigenous African Liberians. 65 With time, the separation between the

Mulattos and other freed slaves became less pronounced, and all became known as “Congos” or

“Americo-Liberians.” This group of individuals, comprising less than 3 percent of the population,

maintained economic, social, and political control of the country at the expense of the other

tribes until they were over thrown in a coup d‟etatd‟état in 1980.66

2.3.2 LIBERIA CIVIL WARS 1989-2003

Page 23 of 35
In the late 1980s opposition from abroad to Doe‟s regime led to economic collapse. Doe had

already been repressing and crushing internal opposition for some time, when in November 1985,

another coup attempt against him failed. Doe retaliated against tribes such as the Gio (or Dan)

and Mano in the north, where most of the coup plotters had come from. Doe‟s Krahn tribe began

attacking other tribes, particularly in Nimba County in the northeast of Liberia, bordering on

Côte d‟Ivoire (Ivory Coast) and andon Guinea. Some Liberian northerners fled brutal treatment

from the Liberian army into the Ivory Coast.67

On December 24, 1989, Charles Taylor and a small group of Libyan-trained rebels

entered Nimba County from neighboring Côte d‟Ivoire. This group, the National Patriotic

Front of Liberia (NPFL), initially encountered enjoyed plenty of support within Nimba County,
68
which endured the majority of Samuel Doe‟s wrath after the 1985 attempted coup. The Formatted: Space After: 0 pt, Don't
adjust space between Latin and Asian text,
Liberian Armed Forces of Liberia (AFL) counterattacked, and retaliated against the whole Don't adjust space between Asian text and
numbers
population of the region. By the mid 1990‟s, a war was raging between Krahn on one side, and

Gio and Mano on the other. On both sides, thousands of civilians were massacred. In August

1990, The Economic Community of West African States Monitoring Group (ECOMOG), a

military intervention force which was created by the Economic Community of West African

States (ECOWAS), was were called to restore order under the premise of a cease-fire and peace

deal, albeit without the NPFL. The NPFL continued to make gains on the capital, Monrovia, and

widespread atrocities were reported in the Krahn and Mandingo areas. The Mandingoes were

still largely victims of the NPFL onslaughts until 1991, since they were seen as supporting the
69
Doe government. Prince Johnson split from Taylor and formed the Independent National

Patriotic Front of Liberia (INPFL). The INPFL and NPFL continued their their siege on

Page 24 of 35
Monrovia, which the AFL defended. In September 1990, Doe visited the ECOMOG

headquarters in Monrovia, where officials urged him to accept exile outside of Liberia.

At the time, ECOMOG was barely established in the Free Port of Monrovia. At the port, Doe

was captured and taken to the INPFL‟s Caldwell base. The circumstances that led to Doe‟s visit

to the Free Port are still unclear; however, after Doe arrived, Prince Johnson‟s INPFL attacked

the headquarters and captured, tortured, and killed him. Johnson‟s INPFL and Taylor‟s NPFL

continued to struggle for control of Monrovia in the months that followed.

In November 1990, ECOWAS negotiated a settlement and established the Interim Government

of National Unity (IGNU), led by Dr. Amos Sawyer, a former dean of political science at the

University of Liberia. However, Charles Taylor did not recognize the IGNU, and the fighting

continued. The Krahn and Mandingo groups, , often target of NPFL, formed ULIMO in 1991. In

1994 ULIMO split into two factions, ULIMO-J (mostly Krahn, led by Roosevelt Johnson) and

ULIMO-K (mostly Mandingo, led by Alhaji Kromah).

In September 1995, in accordance with the Abuja Peace Accords, the seven factions joined to

form the Liberian Council of State. Despite this agreement, fighting continued and 1996 saw

some of the war‟s deadliest battles. However, in accordance with the timetable laid out in a

supplement to the accords (the “Abuja Supplement”), elections were conducted in July 1997 and

Charles Taylor was declared winner, garnering nearly 75.33 percent of the vote. Some have

speculated that, Taylor won because many citizens believed that electing him was the only way

to end the war. 70 Peace in Liberia was short- lived as the citizenry accused the Taylor‟s

government of corruption and abuse coupled with serious human security issues, further

widening the divisions and deepening popular resentments caused by civil war. State power was

Page 25 of 35
regularly used for the personal enrichment of government officials with little or no accountability

to the Liberian citizenry.

By the late 1990s it was clear from reports that Taylor was supporting the Revolutionary United

Front (RUF) in the civil war in neighboring Sierra Leone. As a result, the UN imposed sanctions

on the Liberian government, including arms-importation ban on arms importation, ban on foreign

travel by high-ranking members of the government and their immediate families, and A ban on

trading “blood diamonds”. With both domestic and international pressures mounting, it was just

a matter of time before that Taylor‟s government would be was going to be oveoverthrown.

Operating under the banner of Liberians United for Reconciliation and Democracy (LURD), the

rebels, akin to Taylor‟s NPFL of 1989, drew significant support from deprived and marginalized

communities within the north of the country. Subsequently, other rebel groups such as the

Movement for Democracy in Liberia (MODEL) all joined the fray in a final push to oust Charles

Taylor. With fighting intensifying, Charles Taylor agreed to participate in an ECOWAS-

sponsored peace summit in Ghana where a bench warrant was issued for his arrest but was not

executed. 71

Taylor went into exile on 11th August 2003 in Nigeria and was replaced by Vice President

Moses Blah. Later that month, the various rebel factions signed the Accra Accord that

formerlyformally brought hostilities to an end and committed the country to elections in 2005.

The Accord also resulted in an Interim Government of National Unity (IGNU) as well as the

introduction of a United National Mission in Liberia – a multidimensional peacekeeping mission.

Subsequently, the 2005 elections saw Ellen Johnson-Sirleaf‟s election as President of Liberia.

2.4 CONCLUSION

Page 26 of 35
Armed conflict has become one of the most important causes of poverty in Africa. It , leadsing to

displacement of people, and the destruction of communities‟ livelihoods.72 The effects of armed

conflicts cuts across all levels of the economy with immediate economic impact through physical

disruption, thereby denying the populace access to their lands, , markets and other key resources.

These have also lead to insecurity across the countries and have consequently which has affected

investor confidence in the development of the wider region, as the relatively stable countries are

having a fair share of the effects of the conflicts from their neighboring countries.

The World Bank estimates that conflict in Africa is causing a loss of 2% to annual economic

growth across the continent. Conflict in Africa has also created a substantial loss of opportunity.

Lost either through the inability of states to invest in their own populations or through high

military spending which has squeezed out effective investment fromin the economy. The

continent as a whole is seen as a high risk location by potential external investors because of

armed conflicts.73

Most economies in Africa are experiencing direct impacts of armed conflict on production and

household livelihoods. Farmers have been denied access to their land for farming farmlands,

thereby increasing the costs of agricultural inputs, disrupting markets and restricting the sales of

produce. A study undertaken by the International Food Policy Research Institute7 determined

that African countries had suffered production losses of up to 45% (in Angola). Average

production losses through conflict were estimated to be 12%. War also seriously affected growth

in the agricultural sector by 3% per annum.74 The increasing gap in food production and demand

in Africa has therefore been attributed to the number of conflicts onin the continent, and which

Page 27 of 35
has directly impacted on thenecessitated the need to increase importation of food from other Formatted: Font: (Default) +Headings CS
(Times New Roman), 12 pt, Complex Script
countries. Font: +Headings CS (Times New Roman),
12 pt
Furthermore, the under development ofin infrastructure such us rail, road, sea, ports, airports, Formatted: Centered
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impact of armed conflicts which have hads negatively impactsed on international trade and have 12 pt
Formatted: Line spacing: Double
increased the cost of doing business across African countries. the counties in Africa.
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The social, economic, political and cultural impacts of conflict on both men and women cannot Font: +Headings CS (Times New Roman),
12 pt
be overemphasized, as there isare consistent evidence that both genders experiences conflict Formatted ...
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differently, and makehave different contributions toand impact on their development of their
Formatted ...
families as well as that of their countries. In order to findhave a lasting solution to the various Formatted ...
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armed conflicts in Africa, it is imperative to have „respective for human rights‟ as part of the
Formatted ...
major agendaa in all dialogue, with focused sensitivity to the right of religionto religious rights, Formatted ...
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ethnic identity and racial minorities., weWe mustshould also not lose sight of good governance
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issues, and must strengthen civil society organizations in addressing the root causes of conflict Formatted ...
Formatted ...
such as social injustices, political suppression and economic despair. Formatted ...
Formatted ...
Formatted ...
Formatted ...
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END NOTES Formatted ...
1 Formatted ...
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2
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