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Aspect of state formation processes in relation to economical (and cultural

changes) in Hellenistic Bactria

Word Count: 4,519

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I. Introduction
Between 329 and 327 BCE, Alexander the Great adapted himself to Persian modes of rule and
introduced the settlement of Greek and Macedonian soldiers into the population with a strong military
presence. After Alexander, Seleucid I led a campaign (ca. 305 BCE) into Centra Asia (Morris, 2020),
which he appointed his son Antiochos I to co-regent with particular attention to Bactria due to
Antiocho’s own family ties as well as Bactria’s regional significance. As a result, there were new
spread of Greek language, monetisation through establishment of royal mints (55, Morris, 2020) that
appeal to the Attic standard throughout the Hellenistic East. Bactria was then shared by two
kingdoms: the Greek Kingdoms and the Kushan Empire at the same time. In Graeco-Bactria
(256BC-10CE), according to Morris (2020), the Kingdom began after Demetrios I, the heir of
Alexander, who has created a unique civilisation that touched upon a diverse cultural aspect that
shares interregional and multi-ethnic connections that have taken place there between Persians,
Iranians, Tajiks, Greeks, Indians and Yuezhis. The special geographical location of Bactria were lived
by both sedentary populations practicing agriculture and also the mobile pastoralist (nomads) living in
the desert-steppe area and mountains (Morris, 2020).

Hellenistic Bactria’s history of outside domination and colonisation is very visible reflected in its
material culture. It is an interesting subject for the history of ancient globalisations to explore what
was the role of greek settlement in the Central Asia. Since the nineteenth century scholars have seen
Bactria as a prime example of Alexander’s benevolent economic policies (Holt, 1999) and it has also
been as an empire by a range of authorities over time without explicit reasons (Morris, 2020). It used
the wealth of Persian kings to monetise with greek currency the stagnant economy of Bactria and
neighbouring regions. As a result it has united two contrasting economic systems into a single
ideology. Mikhail Rostovtzeff’s views that the Hellenistic unified trading system has made an
important shift in economic history, especially with its wide use of coinage in trade, marking the
significance for later developments of Silk Road exchange patterns. The Hellenization process
(Morales & Reghin, 2019), as „adoption of Greek cultural features by local, non-Greek communities“
or „collective construction of a Greek identity“.The term is often referred for cultural change as „the
Far East“.

In the aspect of state formation, which certain regions such as Paropamisadai, Arachosia, and
Gandhāra were also the core of Bactria. Archaeologist Pierre Leriche states that the establishment of
Bactrian independence under Diodotus I during this period causes no major changes which might be
detected archaeologically (Holt, 1999). Under Diodutous I, it was a relaxation of defensive concerns
among the Greek inhabitants of Ai Khanoum. In ca.225 B.C., according to the excavation team,
burning and sapping operations were carried out against the city’s walls, the rise of Euthydemus I and
the overthrow of Diodotus II (Holt, 1999, p.54). In the later phase, Ai Khanoum started with another
phase of building activity along its walls, including the palestra. Leriche (cited by Holt, 1999) detects a
fundamental change in the defensive urbanism across Central Asia, both in its architectural
innovations and extended military force employed from native recruits and mercenaries. As such,
there were no traces of warfare left or other cultural disruption at Ai Khanoum under Diodotids I’s
ruling in Bactria but the start of skilled elaboration of the city began with Seleucid (Holt, 1999).

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The research thus, would give a review on the state-of-the-art research of Bactria in the Hellenistic
history and archaeology. How could the state formation processes relate to the economic changes in
terms of economic policies and application of numismatic method? Although it is the historical interest
which Greek Kingdoms and Kushan Empire have trajectory relationship, this short research essay
would not consider due to the high complexities and limited space. Since the economical changes
would be inseparable from theme of cultural diversity, cultural changes would also be briefly
discussed. I would examine Hellenistic Bactria’s state formation in relation to its economic change
from a range of scholars’ perspectives with references also to the views generated by the ancient
literary texts. I would also refer to the architecture, administrative system, military, urban scheme and
material culture of archaeological evidences in the region (mainly Aï Khanoum, Takht-i Sangin, Oxus
sites), also in search for its structure and hierarchy in the settlement pattern. In my research paper, I
would rely to a relative extent of the framework of the most recent work of Lauren Morris (2020). It
has given a very comprehensive overview of relevant evidences although brief, of the administration,
military and urbanism processes. Her research also consists critical reflections of different
methodologies and categories of evidence on Hellenistic Bactria and the Kushan Empire.

The nature of my paper is limited as I am not expertise in history, I have attempted to include some of
the prominent scholars’ reviews on the collection of archaeological data and their proposed theories.
And I would add some in-depth discussion as an observation of my literature review study in the end.

II. Conceptual Framework

(Morris, 2020)

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First of all, we need to define „Hellenistic Bactria“, which also referred as the „Graeco-Batria
Kingdom“. Some scholars maintain that literary sources distinguish between Bactria and Sogdiana at
the Oxus River (61, Morris, 2020), while other scholars like Strabo differentiates with an ethno-
linguistic perspective that Central Asia as an eastern Iranian space, which should also include part of
Persia and Media, also Bactrians and Sogdians who speak the same language (Morris, 2020).

Secondly, to analyse on different forms of evidence, it is important that we critically reflect on the
nature and shortcomings of different methodologies. We have to acknowledge that available sources
of Hellenistic Bactria is famously poor. The main methodological challenge in academic literature is
due to the academic literature cannot be coherently put together as they are often written from the
perspectives of outsiders who had little access to direct information (Morris). However, they could be
utilised to indicate urbanization, resource exploitation, trade and the interregional interaction (383,
Morris, 2020). Also, the Greek ruling in Central Asia are only represented by fragmented sources of
Bactrian history before the French excavations (Niebuhr, cited by Morales & Reghin, 2019), as they
only survived through citations from archaeological sources of early Hellenistic period. It is thus
crucial, to reinterpret the older evidences as well as collecting new evidences that could potentially
change the historical narratives (Morris, 2020). Specifically, the Central Asia literary sources are
uneven, representing a diversity of cultural and intellectual perspectives (Morris,2020). Therefore,
Lauren Morris (2020) has laid out four main metacategories of data for studying economic history:
translated texts, coinage, archaeological data and excavated texts (381).

The coinage sources, examined by scanning electron microscope, in order to study their weights,
standards, and the content of coins. Traditionally they were interpreted for the political history, only
recently they have evolved to relate with economic perspective together with the context of
transmitted texts. Most of the Bactrian-focused coins were collected from Tajikistan and from
museum collections in Uzbekistan (Morris, 2020). The weakness of numismatic data is that it is
loosely documented found as a results of erosion or bioturbation, excepts for findings from the
nineteenth century onwards with archival and collections research (398, Morris, 2020). For example,
Tehophilus Siegfried Bayer, had only a silver tetradramchum of Eukratides and a copper coin of
Menander for interpretation. One of the longstanding hypothesis is the „Bactrian nickel theory“ which
those of Euthydemos II, Pantaleon and Agathokles had similar alloy to Chinese baitong(⽩白铜),
indicating the probability of importation from southwest China. Scholars hold different opinions on
interpretations of numismatic data in relation to its economic history: Zeimal (as cited by Morris, 2020)
posited that as the intrinsic metal value of coins increase, they would have a wider circulation outside
their monetary system. A copper coin, for example, would be more probable to be circulated locally
with a strong presence of a nearby authority and thus political control. Holt (1981), as an exception,
argued that coins hoards are collected or safekeeping purpose, which means that they could also
reflect periods of time where those were unclaimed.

The category of archaeological data could provide sometimes important interregional connectivities
of geographic-political contexts. Originated in the colonialist locus of Russian Turkestan starting in
nineteenth century, in Ai Khanum site (1964-1978) (402, Morris, 2020) and the surroundings of east
Bactria (1974-1978), the research teams have only found the over-excavated sites of Graeco-
Bactrian with urban sites and the irrigation patterns over time. One exception is the Oxus Temple

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(Takht-i Sangin) (1976-1979) with rich inter-ethnic image evidences (404, Morris, 2020). Besides the
minimal archaeological evidence found, the biases in its methodology also exist. There is currently
still unequal coverage of the material culture, particularly the knowledge of urbanism and the process
of settlement.

Lastly, excavated text is the material form of evidence yet been transmitted. Primarily written in
Greek, it varies from official inscriptions to private ephemeral documents written on leather or incised
on ceramic storage (Morris, 2020). The category of excavated texts could provide important evidence
on financial administration hierarchy particularly and they are grouped linguistically and
chronologically.

III. Analysis

Natural resources/ archaeological sites

Bactria is situated with rivers which support the growth of rich flora and fauna, especially in the arid
regions the rivers continued to flourish after installation of artificial irrigation systems throughout
Hellenistic and Kushan periods (Morris, 2020). The productivity of agriculture, meat and secondary
animal product is obtained through hunting and pastorialism. The natural resource is Bactria region
are the rich metal deposits, silver, gold, tine, copper and lead, although a supporting evidence is still
lacking, the mining activities were likely controlled by imperial monopoly. For example at Ai-Khanum
site, it was discovered 75kg of unworked lapis downstream of Kokcha valley, suggesting the rich
containments in the Kokcha valley and Sar-i Sang (Morris, 2020). In Bactria, rare gems were
discovered, including the best of twelve varieties of smaragdus, a green stone and eumeces.

In translated textual evidence, the particular emphasis for the economy of the Hellenistic period are
the agricultural productivity of Bactria which contributed to the growth of Greek power and also
promoted the regional mobilisation of labour and organisational management in continuity (Morris,
2020). Scholars like Pliny and Curtius commented in their texts on the enormous size of corns, the
pastures for the flocks and the rich fertile lands produce fruits whereas other parts of drylands are
uninhabited. Theophrastos reported further, drawn upon also by Pliny of the production of bdellium, a
strange gum that is also present in Arabia, India, Media, and Babylone (387, Morris).

The prosperity of agricultural and stone production had made high population density in Helleistic
Bactria. Found in Greek and Roman literature, they commented on Bactria’s „thousand cities“, which
indicate the population density. However, the spatial locations are now difficult to identity from the
names of region (Morris, 2020).

Another important archaeological evidence, frequently mentioned by scholars, is the Oxus Temple.
The Oxus river, which located in present day Tajikistan, is the main water source for irrigation which
has prospered a great extent of population over time supported with written evidence (Mairs, 2013).
In economic texts written on jars from the Treasury at Ai Khanoum, one could find the names
Oxeboakes and Oxybazos (Canali De Rossi, 2004, cited by Mairs, 2003). The river was worshipped
as God, supported from the votive objects from the temple images from both Greeks and non-

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Greeks. Therefore, we could observe a significant example of how the presence of a river had
effected the formation of a diverse ethnic community from evidences of temple images.

Architecture/urbanism
The Ai Khanoum site could be a representative of Hellenistic Bactria. There is typically Greek semi-
circular threatre built into the hillside and the city’s major temples were built in a form from a
Mesopotamian prototype (Mairs, 2008). We could not deny that there is a strong commercial and
cultural contacts with the Mediterranean world. The site also discovered a gymnasium, which is the
symbolic Hellenistic representation for cultural, scientific and athletic pursuits (Mairs, 2008).

At the same time, there is also an evidence to see a distinctive Hellenistic Bactrian way of
architecture which would not be identified as typical „Greek“. Although there are presence of bath
installations with mosaics and the reception rooms have an open porch supported by two columns,
the structure of their houses are determined at an extent of environmental factor. The houses face
away from the windy conditions brought from the South, and in Bernard view (cited by Mairs, 13,
2013), it is constructed like a Russian doll, one room enclosed by another unit by corridors and the
seemingly purpose is to isolate. In Maris’ view (2013), it could be a form of segregation of household
along the gender or other social lines.

In the summer time, the weather would get hotter and communications also enhanced than in winter.
The Hellenistic Bactria must make itself ready from attack in the North (Mairs, 2013). In Ai Khanoum
site, which remains the only extensively excavated Graeco-Bactrian city (Morris, 2020), the city has
strong fortifications and an arsenal. In other regions of all major urban centers, including Kurganzol in
the northern Bactria, Oxus and Marakanda-Afrasiab, the fortifications were added. It is thus
considered as a colonial Hellenistic-period foundation (Morris, 2020) where the city was home to only
a small settler population, particularly at the strategic crossing point on the Oxus, incorporating a
compact residential area (Morris, 2020).

Identity/Ethnicities

The specific ethnicities of the Bactrian region is mentioned in Chinese texts, which Morris (2020)
states that are intrinsically different from the Greek and Roman literature.

„Shiji史记 123 thus includes a summary of his report with entries on Dayuan (centered in the
Ferghana valley?), the Da Yuezhi (a nomadic group, later sedentary, centered in northern Bactria),
Daxia ⼤大夏(Bactria-Tokharistan), and Kangju 康居(a nomadic group controlling Chach and much of
Sogdiana). Indirectly obtained information on adjacent states was also provided, including the Wusun
烏孫(a nomadic group located in Semirechye), Yancai 奄蔡(a nomadic group then located at the lower

Syr Darya/Aral Sea?), Anxi 安息(the Arsakid Empire), Tiaozhi 条⽀支(the Seleukid Empire, later
Charakene), and Shendu 身毒(northwest India).“ (Hill, 2015 as quoted by 390, Morris, 2020).

As seen above, the Chinese texts address the ethnicities with their original names, Shiji inarguably
has provided a systematic series of entries of the accounts. The weaknesses are that they are loose

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in structures (Hulsewé) in inter-contextual based texts, for example, Houhanshu后汉书 had made

heavy referred to Hanshu汉书. Nonetheless, we could still refer to the Chinese texts for its
providence on geographical positions, primary economic modes, and also customs and regional
products in Hellenistic Bactria. One should be aware that the Chinese literature only coincides with
the Han officials’ potential interests and some of its geographical information are not anywhere
referred in Greek or Latin texts (Morris, 2020).

(cited by Mairs, 2008)

The identity of Hellenistic Bactria, none of its kings actually applied to any ethnic adjective to an
individual group (Mairs, 2013) in excavated texts. In Polubios’ account of negotiation with the
Seleukid king Antiochos III in 206 CE (as cited by Mairs, 2013) for example, Euthydemos appeals to
their common Greek regional identity as both men are Magnesians. It could suggest the identity of
local hometowns evolving over time and also had become important and continuously been used by
the locally-born Greeks (Mairs, 2013). At the same time, another Greek inscription evidence of how
Greeks identify local indigenous „Bactrian“ is through „a relief figure of a Hyrkanian dog on a plinth,
the dedication of Hyspainsines [sic!] the Bactrian. (153/152 BCE)“ (I. Délos, as cited by Mairs, 8,
2013). It was a cultural practice that the dead or sick people were to be thrown and fed to the dogs.
The unique dedication of cultural value given to a dog suggests how people of Delos perceived
„Bactrian“ identity to be savage and barbaric, although their presence had grown to be recognised

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and acknowledged. It also implies that although there was assimilation over times, but the cultural
integration was not so closely affiliated and mingled in Hellenistic Bactria.

Scholars hold different opinions on how the ethnic integration would have affected Greek economical
strength, one of the prominent figures was ethicist Reinhold Niebuhr, who stated that the mixed
marriages resulted in generations of non-pure Greek citizens, as quoted by Morales and Reghin (132,
2019), „ They are active, lively, and stirring, but they generally cannot be trusted at all on account of
their Asiatic education…Such towns, with a degenerate Greek language and the forms of a republic,
which often had no real existence, were the resorts not only of Greeks and Macedonians, but in a
great measure of Asiatics which leaded to insubordination during the war.“ In Niebuhr’s opinion, the
Greek intellectual is much superior and the diffusion and integration of the Greek culture degenerates
the economical strength of Hellenisation. Although Niebuhr recognizes the role of diffusion of Greek
culture in Bactria but emphasising on the concept that the political unity and economical strength
depends on the racial unity.

Numismatics and Iconography

The majority of the Greek kings in Hellenistic Bactria is known only from their coinage, It was
estimated roughly 45 kings ruled the region known from the coins and only 8 were mentioned in
transmitted texts (Mairs, 2011). Numismatic data could provide us evidence on relative chronology
and territorial possessions (Maris, 2011). The Graeco-Bactrian coinage was struck in gold, silver,
copper and rarely cupronickel since the beginning with Diodotos I. It also conforms with other
Hellenistic (Attic) coinage weight standard (a tetradrachum of 16.80g) (394, Morris, 2020). The
Hellenistic Bactrian coinage besides weight standard, the characteristics of gold and silver coins
normally featured with royal portraits and Greek deities with Greek legends on their reverse.

To examine the Hellenistic Bactrian coinage, one of the most recent „numismatic history“ of the
Hellenistic Far East is that of Widemann (2009) (as cited by Simonin, 2012), the superiority by the
kinds are those who take the title Theos as they were always the ones who made monolingual coins
and ruled in Bactria, meanwhile the others, called Sôter ("Saviour") or Dikaios ("The Just"), are
always issuing bilingual coins.

Holt (1981) refers to the archaeological evidence found by Mrs. Wanger at Al Khanoum site that the
presence of Euthydemus I coins greatly outnumbered those of other kinds. Specifically, Holt also
observes that of Euthydemus’ coins with „ |<„ mark distinguished in Set B also outnumbered the
other mark in Set A. The findings of large hoards of coins also indicate the wealthy belonging saved
by the resident in Ai-Khanoum and that simply because there was a wide circulation of Euthydemus’
coins as a result of social stability and societal maturity. Holt (1981) explains that the ephemeral
nature of short-lived kings related to the unsettling society with open warfares, as such, other kings
are not well-represented, especially in large hoards, whose portraits rarely are mature or old. Other
archaeological hoards of coins from Sogdiana, composed of barbaric imitations of Euthydemus Set B
coins, and the Oxus and Qunduz hoards also indicate that Euthydemus’ coins were common in these
northern areas near Ai Khanoum (Holt, 1981). As such, we could conclude that Euthydemus I had
ruled and dominated a wide spectrum of landscapes and demography, from the mountain to the
desert lowlands.

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(Holt, 1981)

We could relate the prominence of certain numismatic portraits with the social stability. On one hand,
we could connect the social stability with military management and presence of royal families into
local communities with the state formation processes, especially through inter-marriage. Since one
must rely on loyal commanders to defend barbarians’ attacks with strategic fortresses at the major
passes (Holt, 1984), the safest and simplest way is to place the control of men from the royal family,
related directly or by marriage.On the other hand, we could relate the prominence of certain material
with mint (stone resources) at or near Ai-Khanoum site. As the French postulate, it seems only to
have bronze or nickel (as cited by Holt, 1984). The dominant presence of „ |<„ mark in Set B coins
could explain the period in which Euthydemus was consolidating his control over his newly-won
kingdom.

Additionally, we could relate the nature of iconography on coinage to the populace of certain kings,
the strong limitations are that the depiction of figures are idealised with extensive use of generalised
stylistic features which made hard to distinguish the characters of certain rulers(Sheedy, 2007).
Examples could be seen in Antimachus (c.174-165BC) struck coins with the obverse portrait of an
earlier king, Diodotus (the figure of „thundering Zeus“). He moved the name of the earlier king to the
obverse and placed his own name on the reverse (Sheedy, 2007). On top, the practice of
Euthydemus, as opposed to „thundering Zeus“, instituted his Set A coinage to the Herakles type (Holt,
1981). As such, we could see the persuasive role of coin portraits in promoting an acceptance of
continuity between successive rulers through gradual transformations (Sheey, 2007).

What role did Greek minority allow others to play in the administration in Bactria? One of the
prominent example from the Bactrian coinages, especially the bronze series, has revealed the
dimensions of the economic and cultural integration of Greeks and non-Greeks (Holt, 1999). The

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Greek goddess Artemis were integrated to the Iranian goddess Anahita, which associated to the
Moon, the wildlife and childbirth. This co-habitation was observed in the Diodotid numismatic
iconography with the dynastic god Zeus (Morales & Reghin, 2019). Holt even hypothesised that
Artemis/Anahita was the city goddess of Ai Khanoum (as cited by Morales & Reghin, 2019).

Administration
One of the main evidences found is the tax payment receipt from 171 BCE relating to sacred affairs
(263, Rea et.al, 1994):

„'In the reign of God Antimachus and Eumenes and Antimachus .... year 4, month of Ol?us, in
Asangorna(?), when NN was guardian of the law. Menodotus, tax-gatherer, in the presence of NN,
who was sent out likewise by Demonax the former ..., and of Simus(?), who was ... by agency of Diodorus,
controller of revenues, acknowledges receipt from (?) NN the son(?) of Dataes(?),... of the payments due
in respect of the purchase …“

This Asangorna parchment reveals a hierarchy of officials that the tax-gatherer acted in the presence
of an official sent out by two further officials under the agency of Diodoros, the controller of revenues,
as the law prescribes the presence when payments are made with full power of action, without
incurring any penalty by so doing (Grenfell, cited by Rea et al., 1994). Although the division of
administration unis in Hellenistic Bactria is unknown, such hierarchy could also be the continuation of
Seleukid administrative practice in Bactria.This financial administration is also parallel to other
eastern Hellenistic kingdoms, demonstrating a shared bureaucratic modus operandi (Morris, 2020).

Iv. Summary—Interconnections

Bactria naturally shares rich stone and agricultural productions, the Hellenistic political control has
drawn from its resources to contribute further to the growth of Greek power in that period of time.
Under the Greek imperial control from Achaemenids, Alexander and the Seleukids, new fortifications
were built and there were tighter military control. Inter-marriages, multi-cultural integration and a
systematic administration process were parallel in all other parts of far-east Hellenisation, not only
Bactria regions. The main literature we have discussed above are in Greek, the monetary policy and
its city construction also largely followed the intellectual culture of the Greeks. The permanence of
Greek cultural practices continues to exist throughout the history in Central Asia but we could also
see other diverse forms of behaviours could suggest that the Greek identity was partially neutralised,
perhaps due to its local social norms or weather conditions. While some scholars hold the opinion
that the Greek culture is invariably superior than the Central Asian, arguing that the integration
eventually had led to degeneration of the Hellenistic Kingdoms. The question then is, the Hellenistic
Bactrian eventually is a promotion of the Hellenization of the Asian peoples, or were they inversely
Asianized them?How do we approach the issue of superiority in political history?

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References:
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L, Morris. (2020). Handbook of Afro-Eurasian economies. Chapter 2: Central Asian Empires. De
Gruyter, 53-94. Accessed on 29 February, 2020.

F, Holt(1999). Thundering Zeus: The Making of Hellenistic Bactria. https://books.google.de/books?

id=RZGi_RRZ6EIC&pg=PA55&hl=zh-CN&source=gbs_toc_r&cad=3#v=onepage&q&f=false. Last
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Justin. Epitome of Pompeius Trogus (1886). pp. 271-296. Books 41-44. http://www.tertullian.org/
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J, Rea., R.C. Senior., A.S. Hollis. (1994). A Tax Receipt from Hellenistic Bactria. Zeitschrift für
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K.A. Sheedy. (2007). Magically back to life: some thoughts on ancient coins and the study of
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Mair, V.H., Hickman, J. (2014). Reconfiguring the Silk Road: New Research on East-West Exchange
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R, Maris (2013). THE HELLENISTIC FAR EAST: FROM THE OIKOUMENE TO THE COMMUNITY. In
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R, Mairs. (2008). Greek identity and the settler community in Hellenistic Bactria and Arachosia.
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Simonin, A. (2012, January 18). Some new hypotheses on the problems of the Indo-Greek
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