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Divine Command and Human Initiative A L
Divine Command and Human Initiative A L
Divine Command and Human Initiative A L
Interpretation
Biblical Interpretation 15 (2007) 54-79 www.brill.nl/bi
Jonathan Grossman
Bar-Ilan University
Abstract
Numbers 25-31 is a literary unit that has puzzled many scholars. Between the divine
command to go to war against the Midianites and its fulillment appear stories and laws
that interfere with the logical expected narrative. his article suggests dealing with this
issue by looking into the ‘Deep Structure’ of these chapters. Opening this segment is
the story of God’s command to Moses. he command once fulilled is to pacify the di-
vine wrath now being inlicted on Israel. Immediately following this divine speech Phine-
has slays the sinners Zimri and Cozbi on his own initiative, and thus the divine wrath is
quieted. his episode raises the issue of divine command verses human initiative. he
chapters following Phinehas’ act, chs. 25-31, deal with this matter. hey do so through a
unique structure comprised of three pairs of stories or laws. hese pairs maintain a per-
manent interaction between divine command and voluntary human initiative relating
to that command. he unit expands on this interaction while focusing on three aspects
that have surfaced in the story of Phinehas’ zeal: the undermining of Moses’ authority,
women’s place in religious rituals, and the bringing of sacriice to God. Positioning this
unit between the command to attack the Midianites and its fulillment focuses the read-
er’s attention on the tension raised by the story of Phinehas, tension that unravels as the
unit advances.
Scholars have already noted how the process of redaction plays a criti-
cal role in conveying various messages and meanings in scriptural texts.
Smaller literary units, apparently divorced from each another in subject
matter, combine to create a larger, holistic message and outlook. his as-
sumption is found not only among those critics that are counted among
the “Redaction-Critical” approach,1 but also among those that tend to-
wards a literary, close reading of the text. hey note that the act of ed-
iting moves beyond the technical placement of literary units alongside
1)
his approach is found predominantly among New Testament commentators, yet it has
made inroads among Old Testament commentators as well. See N. Perrin (1969); Stein
(1969:45-56); March (1977:87-101).
2)
For general discussions regarding this see Greenberg (1969:1-8); Fokkelman (1975);
Rosenberg (1975:67-94); Alter (1981:131-154); Polzin (1980:1-24); Berlin (1983:111-
134); Amit (1992:15-18).
3)
Most commentators perceive the intention of this section as limiting the woman’s
56 J. Grossman / Biblical Interpretation 15 (2007) 54-79
hus that section, at the end of ch. 25, serves as the introduction to our unit. We
must then ask why do chs. 26-30 interrupt between the opening of our unit and its
content…In the chapters separating between the halves of the story (i.e., 26-30), I
have found nothing that justiies their location here.4
his section was probably placed here because vows (“votive oferings”) were men-
tioned in the last verse of the previous chapter (29:39), a connection that is further
strengthened by the fact that the payment of vows generally took the form of a sac-
riice.5
power to make a vow (rather than a discussion of the vows and oaths themselves). his is
clear in the references to this unit: Milgrom, for example, calls this section “he Annul-
ment of Vows and Oaths Made by Women” (1990:250); others have called it “A Wom-
an’s Vows” (Budd 1984:320; Ashley 1993:572) or “he Vows and Oaths of Women”
(Levine 2000:427). It would seem that the conclusion of the section—“hese are the
statutes that God commanded Moses between man and his wife, between father and
daughter in her youth, in her father’s house” (30:17)—conirms that this is the central
subject of the section.
4)
Licht (1985:112-3).
5)
Milgrom (1990:250). he irst commentator to point this out, to my knowl-
edge, was Rabbi Shlomo ben Meir (Rashbam): “First it is written, ‘hese you shall make
for God at their appointed times, aside from your vows and your free-will oferings’—
which must be brought on one of the three pilgrim festivals, in keeping with the rule ‘you
shall not withhold,’ as explained in tractate ‘Rosh Ha-Shana’. So Moses went and spoke to
the heads of the tribes—i.e., the judges—to instruct Israel as to the laws of vows.” (Rash-
bam on 30:2, and Nachmanides ad loc.).
J. Grossman / Biblical Interpretation 15 (2007) 54-79 57
sion that is addressed, even if not explicitly, in all of the laws and stories
that comprise our troubling unit. In other words, the sections between
the act of Midian in Baal Peor (ch. 25) and its military response on the
part of the Israelites (ch. 31) serve to illuminate one of the fundamental
elements that arises from Phinehas’ deed.
Let us turn our attention to the way in which the narrator describes
the sin of Baal Peor and Phinehas’ zeal. Ater “Israel joined themselves to
Baal Peor” (25:3), God orders Moses: “Take all the heads of the nation
and hang them up before God against the sun, so that God’s burning an-
ger may be turned away from Israel” (25:4). here is some ambiguity as to
the identity of the people to whom the narrator refers in the word “them.”
A simple reading of the text would appear to indicate that it is the chiefs
of the nation who must be hanged—i.e., the leaders of the nation must be
publicly executed.6 hus Davies understands the verse:
Indignant at such a lagrant act of apostasy, Yahweh instructs Moses to take all the
chiefs of the people, and hang them in the sun before the LORD. Why the chiefs
of the people, rather than the ofenders, should be punished is not clear…But it is
preferable to leave the text as it stands, and to assume that the chiefs are here
singled out for punishment as representatives of the people, or because they had
neglected their duty of vigilance in permitting the Israelites to act in such a
fashion.7
6)
Compare II Samuel 21, also dealing with the royal family (house of Saul).
7)
Davies (1995:286). Noth interprets similarly: “Yahweh’s anger at the apostasy leads irst
to a divine command to Moses to punish ‘all the chiefs of the people’, of whom it is not
said whether they themselves participated in the apostasy or only neglected their duty of
vigilance” (1968:197).
8)
Keil (1869:204-5). Compare with Cook and Espin (1871). See also Levine: “his
statement is probably to be taken loosely, because it is unlikely that all of the Israelite
leaders were to be slain. he sense is that all involved with pagan worship were to be put
to death…Here, however, the ‘heads, leaders’ are among the sinful, whereas the ‘magis-
trates’ presumably remained untarnished” (2000:285).
58 J. Grossman / Biblical Interpretation 15 (2007) 54-79
is less intuitive than the irst,9 most of the commentators accept it, since it
is this scenario that immediately comes to pass. Moses gathers the “judg-
es of the nation” (who, apparently, constitute the “heads of the nation” re-
ferred to in God’s command) and instructs them: “Let each one kill his
men who joined themselves to Baal Peor” (25:5).10 Even so, Phinehas’ act
apparently remained outside of the purview of the divine command.
According to Davies’ reading, Moses did not fulill God’s command
to the utmost, but the divine command is fulilled in the form of Phine-
has’ act.11 Phinehas slays the prince of the tribe of Shimon together with
the daughter of the chief of a tribe of Midian (25:14-15), thereby “turn-
ing God’s burning anger from the children of Israel”.12 In other words,
through his own initiative, Phinehas, without foreknowledge, fulills
God’s expressed will. Human initiative comes in response to the divine
command.
To further clarify this aspect, we must compare our narrative to the sto-
ry that occurred almost forty years previously, that of the Golden Calf.13
9)
Ashley (1993:517).
10)
About this theme, see also Seebass (2003:40-46). We can assume that this was the main
reason for BHS who conjectures that the root [r, “wicked,” may be intended rather
than ar, “head.” Ashley suggests: “he best solution seems to be that Moses here, per-
haps under the pressure of practicality, saw no way to accomplish Yahweh’s command
and so decided that only the guilty would be slain” (519).
11)
From our perspective of discussion it is of no consequence if there are two diferent
sources in this story, as many commentators thought. See Dillman (1886:167-9), Ba-
con (1894:237-8), Holzinger (1903:380-3), Gressman (1913:334 n. 2), and Simpson
(1948:270).
12)
he link between God’s command and Phinehas’ act is emphasized according to Doug-
las’s structure (2002:192):
A. Israel sacriices to Baal. A1. Ofence of Zimri and Cozbi.
B. Leaders to be punished B1. Execution of ofenders by
(God’s command). Phinehas.
C. Moses gives the order of execution. C1. Plague.
D. he people weeping. D1. Covenant of peace.
13)
From a historical perspective, creating a connection between the two stories forms a
tragic literary cycle in the Israelites’ journey from Sinai to the Plains of Moab. At Sinai,
the high hopes for the nation (as expressed by the fact of the Revelation) shatter in the
face of the nation’s actual condition. In the plains of Moab, ater nearly forty years of
wandering, the high hopes (expressed this time by Balaam; cf. Ashley [1993:515];
Levine [2000:292]) are once again destroyed when confronted with the reality of the
nation’s deeds (cf. Olson [1997:233-4]).
J. Grossman / Biblical Interpretation 15 (2007) 54-79 59
14)
Wenham (1981:184); Olson (1997:229-240). Douglas claims there is link between
this story and Gen. 19:30-38: “he daughters of Lot seduce their father, and so con-
ceive Ammon and Moab. he daughters of Moab seduce the men of Israel into apos-
tasy” (2002:100). For connections to the story of Miriam (Numbers 12), see Douglas
2002:199-203.
15)
Immorality and idolatry were especially intertwined in the Baal culture; see Kapelrud
(1952), Habel (1964), Margalit (1980), Smith (1986:313-39), Day (1993:545-9).
60 J. Grossman / Biblical Interpretation 15 (2007) 54-79
16)
In addition, Wenham adds: “Israel clearly did not know what was going on at Sinai
(Exod. 32:1), and it is highly unlikely that they were aware of Balaam’s blessings” (1981:
84).
17)
his direction is emphasized by Rav in his description of the dialogue that takes place
between Phinehas and Moses, before Phinehas takes up his spear: “It is written, ‘Phine-
has the son of Elazar saw…’—what did he see? Rav taught: He saw the act and remem-
bered the [relevant] law. He said to [Moses]: ‘Brother of my father’s father: did you not
teach me when you descended from Sinai that one who cohabits with a gentile woman is
to be struck by zealots?’” (Babylon Talmud, Sanhedrin 82a).
J. Grossman / Biblical Interpretation 15 (2007) 54-79 61
will be killed. In this story, it is Phinehas who fulills Moses’ role; he steps
into his shoes and, without any explicit command, kills “the prince” of a
tribe of Israel.
hree Pairs
Phinehas’ act gives rise to the question of the relationship between divine
command and human initiative. I believe that this dialectic is one of the
most fundamental elements of the story, part of its “deep structure,” such
that it extends outwards to the laws that appear immediately ater the sto-
ry of Phinehas, severing it from its continuation—the story of the war
against Midian.
I must emphasize that not every individual sub-section necessarily ex-
presses the tension between divine command and human initiative, but
the general relationship between the laws listed in this unit represents an
extension of the concept, even if only covertly.
he six short sections may be divided into three pairs:
18)
Budd (1984:293); Licht (1985:61); Milgrom (1990:250); Ashley (1993:541); Levine
(2000:321-2).
19)
he connection between these two sections is so tight that some commentators make
no distinction between them and treat them as a single unit. For example, see Moskowitz
(1998:339), who calls the entire unit (vv. 12-23), “the appointment of Joshua,” or Ash-
ley (1993:546), who calls it “Joshua named as Moses’ successor (Num. 27:12-23).” Ac-
cording to this approach, God’s command to Moses to ascend “Har ha-Avarim” and to
view the land are brought here only as a preface to the crux of the story—the appoint-
ment of Joshua.
20)
See especially Lev. 7:16, and Milgrom’s commentary ad. loc. (1991:419).
21)
“Vows were oten made in connection with sacriices, and both share the same generic
name qorbān, ‘ofering’. his is probably the rather thin thread that links this chapter to
the preceding two” (Sturdy 1976:209). Douglas includes those two sections in the same
unit (2002:103, 108-9,170).
J. Grossman / Biblical Interpretation 15 (2007) 54-79 63
22)
Milgrom claims that only four cases were legislated this way (beside the cases written
above, he adds the case of the penalty for violating the Sabbath in Numbers 15). Wein-
green (1966:518-522) claims that it is preferable to see these laws as an example, and
there are more laws that were legislated in this way.
23)
About this way of writing laws, see Roth 1995.
64 J. Grossman / Biblical Interpretation 15 (2007) 54-79
In fact, the use of the same verb in the women’s approach to Moses (“he
daughters of Zelophehad drew close…and stood before Moses” [vv. 1-
2]) and in Moses’ appeal to God (“Moses brought close their case be-
fore God” [v. 5]) creates a sense that Moses is merely the go-between. He
merely continues the direction of Zelophehad’s daughters, and is a sec-
ondary character in relation to the women.
Is there any textual support for my hypothesis that the women’s initia-
tive here is connected to the initiative of Phinehas faced with the sin of
Baal Peor? I believe that the answer is airmative, although the connec-
tion is veiled rather than explicit.
As mentioned, the verb brq (“coming close” or “bringing close”27)
plays an important role in the story of Zelophehad’s daughters, insofar
as it introduces the story (they “came close”) and concludes the narra-
24)
Ben-Barak (2004:54).
25)
Actually, they asked: “Why should the name of our father be done away from among
his family”, so in return the narrator emphasizes their names. On the signiicance of the
father’s name in this story, see Davies (1981:141-2), Bird (1991:97-108), and Idem
(1997:56).
26)
Ben-Barak (2004:36).
27)
BDB (898).
J. Grossman / Biblical Interpretation 15 (2007) 54-79 65
tive section (Moses “brings close”). his verb is associated with the act
of Zimri, described as “bringing close before his brethren the Midianite
woman…” (25:6). his associative reading rests not only upon the verb
which is common to both stories, but also upon the social platform de-
scribed in both cases. Zimri “brings close” the Midianite woman before
his brethren, “before the eyes of Moses and before the eyes of all the con-
gregation of the people of Israel” (25:6). he daughters of Zelophehad
act before a similar audience: “hey stood before Moses…and before the
princes and all of the congregation” (27:2). In addition, both stories take
place in the same location. Phinehas arises from among the congregation
against the background of “they were weeping at the entrance to the tab-
ernacle of the congregation” (25:6), while the daughters of Zelophehad
head for the same address: “the entrance to the tabernacle of the congre-
gation” (27:2).28
he fact that both scenarios take place publicly and openly, in the pre-
cincts of the tabernacle of the congregation, is signiicant. By describing
the public nature of Zimri’s action, the text changes it from an individual
being overwhelmed by his desires to a deliberate act of rebellion. Corre-
spondingly, in his own act, Phinehas slays the sinner “against the sun”—
i.e., in the open. he claim by the daughters of Zelophehad must also be
presented openly and publicly—if only for the sake of avoiding com-
plaints in the future by those whose personal and family interests may be
harmed by the amendment to the law.29
In any event, the linguistic and thematic elements common to both
stories lead us to read one against the background of the other, and with-
in the general context of human endeavor coming to the fore alongside
divine command.30
28)
Regarding the fact that the sin of Baal Peor was also profoundly connected to women,
and that the narrative concerns women, see below.
29)
In addition, as Ashley claims, “his was the place where Yahweh met his people for judg-
ment” (1993:545).
30)
From this perspective, my discussion combines with McKay (1997:115-128).
66 J. Grossman / Biblical Interpretation 15 (2007) 54-79
31)
Levine (2000:352).
J. Grossman / Biblical Interpretation 15 (2007) 54-79 67
32)
See Assis in this regard (2004:25-42).
33)
Appearing approximately a hundred times!
34)
here is a similar reference in Exod. 6:12 (“Moses spoke before God saying”) and again
in the parallel section in v. 30 (“Moses said before God”).
35)
In the words of the medieval commentator Bachya ben Asher: “[he text presents it
thus] because of Moses’ greatness; in order to compare the student to his Teacher. As
we learn in the Midrash: ‘I spoke with you using the expressions “speech” (dibbur) and
“saying” (amira)’: And God spoke to Moses saying; ‘you, too, will speak before Me with
the expressions “speech” and “saying” ’. Moses spoke to God saying…’” (commentary on
Num. 27:15).
36)
Perhaps the way of appointment was also inluenced by this discussion. Regarding this
special appointment, see Coats (1977:34-44) and Mattingly (2001:191-208).
68 J. Grossman / Biblical Interpretation 15 (2007) 54-79
In Moses’ words to God, he asks for a leader “who will go out before
them and who will come in before them; who will take them out and
bring them in” (27:17). hese expressions refer irst and foremost to the
military function of the king (going out to war), as we read, for example,
concerning David: “Saul removed him from his presence and appointed
him a captain over a thousand, and he went out and came in before the
people…And all of Israel and Judah loved David, because he would go out
and come in before them” (I Samuel 18:13-16).37
When God accedes to Moses’ request and describes the procedure for
Joshua’s appointment, the same expression appears once again:
He shall stand before Elazar the priest and shall ask him for judgment by the urim
before God; by his word they shall go out and by his word they shall come in, he
and all of the people of Israel with him, and all the congregation (27:21).
37)
Sturdy (1996:197); Ashley (1993:551). See, also for example, Alter’s translation of I
Sam. 18:16: “But all Israel and Judah loved David, for he led them into the fray.”
38)
For a similarly misleading case compare II Samuel 11:13: “and at evening he went out to
lie on his bed with the servants of his lord, but went not down to his house.” In the irst
reading the reader may think that Uriah went to “his bed” (in his house), but this is an
intentional misleading, meant to emphasize the gap between David’s plan and Uriah’s ac-
tion (See Sternberg 1985:200-1).
39)
Margaliot comments on the expression “a man of spirit”: “One may have thought—
J. Grossman / Biblical Interpretation 15 (2007) 54-79 69
he reason for, … “Command the people of Israel and say to them, my sacriices,
the bread of my oferings…” is because ater he said, “To these shall the land be
divided,” he commanded that the teaching concerning the sacriices be completed,
that they may perform it in the land, for the additional sacriices were not ofered
in the desert…And although it is not stated here explicitly, “When you come to the
land,” it was already mentioned in the law of the libation oferings, and it is hinted
at in the irst section of the festivals.41
‘God’s spirit’, but that is not the case; ‘a man of spirit’ (lit.: with spirit in him)—specii-
cally not God’s spirit! For concerning Joshua we have not been told even once that
God’s spirit was upon him…Likewise in the book of Joshua there is no hint that God’s
spirit ever rested upon him, and God never calls him a ‘prophet’” (Margaliot 1991:115;
cf. Noth 1968:214. For an opposite commentary see Rozenson 2004:360-1).
40)
his tension is hinted at in Bamidbar Rabba: “To what can this be compared? To a
king who married a woman, and he had an attendant. Whenever the king would become
angry with his wife, the attendant would appease him, and the king was reconciled with
his wife. When the time came for the attendant to die, he asked of the king: ‘Please, pay
favorable attention to your wife.’ he king said to him: ‘If you’re telling me to consider
my wife, you should tell her the same thing concerning myself—that she should be care-
ful concerning my honor.’ his, as it were, is what God told Moses: ‘since you’re asking
me, “Let God appoint…”, command them that they should take care concerning my hon-
or’. hus it is written, ‘Command the people of Israel: my sacriices, the bread of my of-
fering…’ ”. In other words, he irst set forth the sacriices that they are to ofer (Bamidbar
Rabbah, 21, 2).
41)
Commentary on 28:2.
70 J. Grossman / Biblical Interpretation 15 (2007) 54-79
42)
See Milgrom (1991:237).
43)
Lev. 23:9; Num. 15:2.
44)
Douglas suggests a surprising connection between those two sections: “he law of a
woman’s vows is located in the series of laws about the main feast days and the calendar
of sacriices, because in the Bible the Lord deals with his people as a husband, or a father”
(2002:170).
J. Grossman / Biblical Interpretation 15 (2007) 54-79 71
establish their relationship with that realm with adjustments for their free
will. Here, the system of ixed sacriices does not stand in contradiction
to human initiative; on the contrary, these two elements complement one
another.
Does the text encourage such a reading, so that the section on wom-
en’s vows raises the subject of voluntarism (in contrast with the obligato-
ry sacriices)? I believe that the answer to this question is airmative.
Again, the introduction to the section surprises: “Moses spoke to the
heads of the tribes of the people of Israel, saying, ‘his is what God com-
mands…’ ” (30:2). Several commentators note the introduction’s con-
voluted phrasing: “God spoke to Moses saying….”, Ashley, for example,
comments:
45)
Ashley (1993:576-7).
46)
his, apparently, is a shortened form whose meaning is “the heads of the fathers of the
tribes” (Milgrom 1991:250).
47)
“I was asked…concerning the literal text, where we ind any other unit that begins thus, with-
out our irst being told ‘God spoke to Moses, saying: If a man makes a vow…’ How is it that this law
begins as though it is Moses who is saying this, without any explicit instruction from God?” (Rab-
bi Samuel ben Meir, comment on Num. 30:2-3).
72 J. Grossman / Biblical Interpretation 15 (2007) 54-79
I suggest that here too, the basis for the diference is an attempt to al-
low human initiative and response to the divine command. As humanity’s
free will provides the entire basis for making vows or oaths, the narra-
tor opens the laws by ‘concealing’—at least at the beginning—the divine
command.48 hough the limitations of religious motivation and human
initiative are mentioned immediately and are included in God’s words,
the heading of the unit minimizes them.
Overall Structure
Summarizing the introductions to the sections discussed so far, we emerge
with an orderly structure that emphasizes at every stage the dialectic be-
tween the divine command and the human intervention that follows.
his tension resolves with a new divine command that regulates the hu-
man initiative within an orderly procedure:
1&2:
a. Divine Command: census of the Israelites—“God said to Moses
and to Elazar the son of Aaron the priest, saying” (26:1)
b. Human Intervention: the daughters of Zelophehad—“he daugh-
ters of Zelophehad came close…and stood before Moses” (27:1)
c. Divine Acceptance: “God spoke to Moses saying, ‘he daughters of
Zelophehad have spoken correctly’ ” (27:6-7)
3&4:
a. Divine Command: Moses’ ascent to mount Abarim—“God spoke
to Moses” (27:12)
b. Human Intervention: appointment of Joshua—“Moses spoke to
God, saying” (27:15)
c. Divine Acceptance: “God said to Moses: ‘Take Joshua the son of
Nun’ ” (27:17)
5&6:
a. Divine Command: Time-bound sacriices—“God spoke to Moses
saying, ‘Command the children of Israel’ ” (28:1)
b. Human Intervention: Vows and oaths—“Moses spoke to the heads
of the tribes of the Israelites, saying” (30:2)
48)
Compare Rozenson (2004:374-5).
J. Grossman / Biblical Interpretation 15 (2007) 54-79 73
We must still determine why speciically these sections were chosen to ex-
press the religious tension between obeying a given command and the at-
tempt to introduce a new dimension into it. I believe that here, too, we
must go back to the sin of Baal Peor and the act of Phinehas, and in light
of that episode examine the choice of these particular sections.
Since ater this there are no more stories of complaints by the people of
Israel in the desert, nor stories of sins punished by God’s anger, it is most
appropriate that immediately ater the last “death story,” the text deals
with those who are to inherit the land. In other words, all the Israelites
who survived the last plague at Baal Peor will merit to be among those
who inherit the land, and therefore it is itting that the census of the heirs
to the land be conducted here.49
Moreover, the sin of Baal Peor and Phinehas’ act rest upon three cen-
tral motifs:
49)
See Sturdy (1976:189), Ashley (1993:531), and Olson (1997:232, 235). Budd sug-
gested that the (second) purpose of the author here is: “To make it crystal clear that
Moses, not Joshua, was the original recipient of the command to divide the land”
(1984:292).
50)
“To begin with the Moabite god is not named, and then, without any earning, the name
‘Baal of Peor’ appears in the context of a quite unusual igure of speech” Noth (1968:195).
See also Ashley (1993:516-7) and Rozenson (2004:330).
51)
Although v. 1 seeks to place the responsibility upon the shoulders of the sinful
74 J. Grossman / Biblical Interpretation 15 (2007) 54-79
Israelites: “Israel dwelled by their tribes, and the nation began to stray ater the daugh-
ters of Moab.”
52)
Compare Levine (2000:434). As Sivan points out: “he last chapters of the book of
Numbers (XXV-XXXI) appear to bristle with women. From a mass of alluring Moabites
to an aristocratic Midianite (Num. xxv), through the daughters of Zelophehad (Num.
xxxvii, xxxvi), to vow-taking Israelite daughters and wives (Num. xxx 4-17) and to Midi-
anite virgins (Num. xxxi)” (2001:69).
J. Grossman / Biblical Interpretation 15 (2007) 54-79 75
tion of the booty among the people of Israel, and following God’s com-
mand (“God spoke to Moses saying,” 31:25), regulating the portion that
the ighters must contribute from their takings to the priests and the por-
tion that the nation must give from their booty to the Levites, we sudden-
ly ind the senior military personnel (“those over thousands in the army”)
presenting themselves before Moses with a request to donate from the
spoils to the sanctuary, as a thanksgiving ofering for the fact that not a
single Israelite ighter was killed in battle. Moses accedes to their request,
accepts their donation and places it in the sanctuary, “a memorial to the
people of Israel before God” (31:48-54).53
he text emphasizes this voluntary contribution coming ater the do-
nation anchored in Divine command by describing Moses twice using
the same verb. At irst, “Moses took from the half of the people of Isra-
el one portion out of ity, of both man and beast, and gave them to the
Levites who kept the charge of God’s sanctuary, as God had commanded
Moses” (31:47); while following the oicers’ donation: “Moses and Ela-
zar took the gold from the oicers of the thousands and the hundreds and
brought it to the sanctuary as a memorial to the people of Israel before
God” (31:54).54 Moses “took” the contribution from the booty twice, but
while the irst taking is by God’s command, the second is a voluntary of-
fering from the oicers.55
he text’s presentation of the oicers’ initiative is reminiscent of the
irst human initiative that we encountered in the section of the laws—
that of the daughters of Zelophehad. he same expressions are used in
both cases:
53)
he obvious diference between those donations is: “Vv. 25-47 dealt only with the liv-
ing booty captured in the war…vv. 48-54 deals with booty, which had not been counted
in the previous section,” Ashley (1993:598).
54)
Noth claims that vv. 48-54 “conclude without having any connection whatsoever with
what has gone before” (1968:232). As we can see, they it the whole structure.
55)
Perhaps this also establishes the text’s preference: while the contribution that is given by
command is given to the Levites, the donation given voluntarily is brought into the sanc-
tuary, where it remains as a memorial before God.
76 J. Grossman / Biblical Interpretation 15 (2007) 54-79
Conclusion
Any textual discussion that focuses on juxtaposition of units by deini-
tion walks a ine line. Sometimes the juxtaposition in and of itself does
not convey any sort of message, and the editor simply places them in their
chronological order.57 However, when the order of the units is most sur-
prising, and their position alongside one another has no obvious expla-
nation, there is sometimes a general approach that serves to illuminate
all the units concerned, and it explains why one appears adjacent to the
next.58
56)
he diference is equally striking: the daughters of Zelophehad want to receive an
inheritance, so that the place of their father will not be missing from among his family,
while the oicers of the army want to give of their spoils, in thanks for the divine protec-
tion of their forces during battle. hus in the story of the women, Moses “brings close
their case,” while ater the war against Midian Moses “brings near their sacriice.”
57)
For example, this is Noth’s opinion on the location of the women’s vows: “Both from the
literary point of view and from the point of view of content, this passage stands on its
own. Without having any connection with what precedes or with what follows, it has
been included in the series of inal instructions which Moses, at Yahweh’s command,
gives to the Israelites” (1968:224).
58)
For similar discussions see Zakovitch (1995:509-24), Nel (1998:115-127), Olson
(2003:201-13).
J. Grossman / Biblical Interpretation 15 (2007) 54-79 77
In our example above, the laws and the stories are arranged in such a
way as to express the profound tension between God’s command and hu-
man involvement. In some of the pairs that I discussed, the tension be-
tween these two ideas is obvious, while in others the ideas complement
one another.
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