David Rosenberg English 1012 EMW6B Prof.

Nora Fussner
Race, Riots, and a City Changed Forever: The Story of Crown Heights

4/13/11

Race, and its prevalence in society, is not an issue that many people like to discuss. In todays culture of political correctness, many feel that the issue can and should becompletely avoided. However, issues of race have always, and continue to shape th e frame of our society. If we want to fix the problem of social injustice, we need to first acknowledge it as sucha problem. We must look at the events of the past and figure out what we can learn from them. This paper will set out to outline some of these issues, and what we have learned from them.

Brooklyn, New York is often referred to as the worlds science experiment for global peace. Looking around, you cant help but notice the diverse blend of cultures found in such a small area. Every neighborhood is populated with a different groupthe Russians of Brighton Beach, the Muslims of Bay Ridge, the hipsters of Williamsburg, and the Puerto Ricans of Sunset Parkto name a few. When you think of it, it is truly remarkable how well these cultures get along.Crown Heights, a neighborhood comprising Lubavitcher Hasidic Jews, and AfroCaribbean immigrants, has particular significance to me. Four generations of my family have lived or worked there, many of whom had a lasting impact on that communitys development. Walking those streets in 2011 can be an interesting experience. On one side of the street you see the Lubavitcher Hasidim1still clinging to many of the same customs that have lasted them thousands of years. Yet on the other you see the stark contrast against the blending cultures of Jamaica, Guyana, and the other Caribbean isles. You can hear the steel-pan drums with music all too reminiscent of Bob Marley. As you can expect, these two cultures never mixdue to the by-laws of the Jewish community preventing excessive dealings with non-Jewish groups,

Plural for Hasid

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coupled with generations of racial tension bar harmony from being a possibility. But none the

David Rosenberg less, there seems to be an understood sense of peace, almost like a policy of benign neglect. No one bothers each other, and the communities seem to thrive. Of course, anyone who has lived in New York for some time knows that this was not always the case. In August 1991, the tensions between the two groups simmered to a boil in what Edward Shapiro calls the most serious anti-Semitic event in American history.(Shapiro xi) The fallout of these events would forever change New Yorks politics, protocol, and perspective on racial issues, even if it would not be realized in a tangible manner. At face value it seems ridiculous how a few misunderstandings between cultures, a car accident and subsequent deaths can cause so much destruction. But if we look at the bigger picture we can see how everything fell into place. In 1960, Crown Heights was a predominantly white neighborhood comprising 71% whites (Hispanics made up 2% with the blacks filling the rest). But like most of the country, the sixties and seventies saw the white middle-class migrate to the suburbs, and the colored lowerclass packing the projects. By 1980 Crown Heights was 81% black, and only 7% white (mostly Lubavitch Hasidic Jews). Population decline, as shown by the U.S. Census, was far greater in Crown Heights than in Brooklyn or the City as a whole.(Sanchez 28) Despite their dwindling numbers, the Hasidic community amassed significant political power throughout this time. In 1976, they were able to place enough pressure on Mayor Beame to change the Community Board lines in their favor, to the dismay of many in the black community2(Daughtry 48). People like Rev. Herbert Daughtry (who was no Lubavitch lover) blamed this on the black community for not being as well organized as they shouldve
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Comment [D.J.R.1]: Clarification needed (criteria)

This will become of significance when talking about the death of Arthur Miller in 1978.

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David Rosenberg been(Daughtry 50). When the other Jewish sects of Crown Heights left, the Lubavitchers came together and built a powerful voting bloc, something the black community has yet to accomplish. As one could expect, these small victories and menial power-struggles did nothing but to deepen the racial tension and anger of the black community. Many activists such as Herbert Daughtry, Heron Sam, and others3 began to turn up the rhetoric against the Hasidic usurpers(Daughtry). In response to remarks like these, as well as crime in the community, the Hasidic community formed what would become the Crown Heights Community Patrol(Purnick)(Thomas). This organization was seen as blatantly racist, targeting only blacks and Hispanics. Rabbi Yisroel Rosenfeld4, a member of the Jewish Community Council responded to these allegations by saying Street crime is not a Jewish thingeverybody knows that. So whos doing it? Everybody knows and everybodys afraid to say [emphasis added](Purnick 9) Then there was the ChevraMachzikeiHashechunah (loosely translated as a coalition of neighborhood builders), an organization with the goal of providing adequate housing for the growing Jewish community. They were accused of hiking rent to gentrify the buildings, further aggravating the black and Hispanic communities. In the summer of 1978, the battle in Crown Heights started getting bloody. On June 14th Arthur Miller, a prominent member of the black community, died in very murky circumstances. There are no verifiable accounts as to what happened, though many attributed the murder to

3 4

Al Sharpton did not enter the scene until the riots in 1991 Unfortunately my Great-uncle s brother, but thankfully not blood-related.

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David Rosenberg thepolice5, who were, in some way or another under [the Hasidic communitys] considerable influence(Thomas). Making matters worse, fifteen year-old Victor Rhodes was savagely beaten (so savage as to be called professional by the victims mother (Jordan 152)) into a coma by a mob of Hasidic Jews (many of whom were members of CHCP) after allegedly assaulting an elderly Hasid. No serious criminal action was taken against any of the perpetrators, as only two were arrested out of a mob of thirty to fifty. Here again it is very hard to get a clear picture of what happened. Spokesmen from both communities changed their version of events many times(Jordan 155160), and from what I can gather, none of them add up. When initially questioned about both of these events, Rabbi Rosenfeld (who had given many interviews on the subject) dismissed it as not being his issue, as they technically occurred in Bed-Stuy, not Crown Heights. But as June Jordan points out, it was only not a Crown Heights issue because the lines were gerrymandered by the Hasidim two years prior (see above6)(Jordan 154). From all of the events of the seventies, none had an impact as great as the Rhodes beating. Until the Bloody Summer of 78 (as it later became known), the grievances of the black community were aimed at the Hasidic communitys disproportionate influence on government officials. After the beating, the direct actions of the community came under scrutiny. The Lubavitchers went from being seen as usurpers to violent bigots and racists. Conversely, the blacks were seen, and treated, as vicious thugs and sub-human creatures. Cries of heil
Hitler and dirty nigger would be commonplace in the streets.
He did, after all, die in police custody. The lines for Community Boards 8 and 9 were rearranged to isolate the black community and diminish their influence in formal Crown Heights
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Comment [D.J.R.2]: Citation page

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David Rosenberg By 1979, tempers began to cool, and the necessary groundwork was laid to build bridges between the two communities. Rabbis and church leaders were beginning to create a dialogue, even Rev. Heron Sam began to call the situation hopeful(Purnick 9). However, it would be foolish for anyone to claim that people were getting along. As Joyce Purnick, in New York
Magazine wrote:

Simply put, many blacks in Crown Heights are convinced that the Jews want them out and are doing what they can to push them outincluding buying up buildings, renovating them, and blacks charge, renting mostly to Jews And it doesnt help matters that the Lubavitcher Hasidim are an insular, cohesive people who appear unfriendly and want nothing as much as to be left alone.(Purnick 9) In fact, many of the customs of the Hasidic community can be seen as deeply racist, and even more so sexist but in truth it stems from their interpretation of Jewish law. For example, Hasidic interpretation of Jewish law forbids a man from greeting, let alone touching a woman (other than his wife). Even stricter interpretations prohibit men and women from walking on the same side of the street7. The insular and cohesive nature of Hasidic communities does not allow for much interaction with their non-Jewish neighbors. Hasidic teachings discourage business dealings with them wherever possible, preferring Jewish businesses, even at a higher cost. These same tensions and heated rhetoric continued through the 1980s, which for the most part were uneventful for the Crown Heights community. It was almost like the calm before the storm, except not all that calm. As Edward Hightower, the first black chairman of Community
Comment [D.J.R.3]: Example

You can actually still see this in many communities in Israel, and even in Upstate New York.

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David Rosenberg Board no. 98, said (in 79), I describe Crown Heights as a volcano thats sleeping On any day, depending on what arises, the volcano can erupt again.(Purnick 8) Later in the decade, leading into the early 90s, the rhetoric began to heat up once more. These years were sort of the Golden Age of the Lubavitch dynasty, their community was flourishing, and the blacks were suffering the consequences. The Lubavitcher Rebbe, since 1966, had traveled with a police escort, at the expense of the city. 770 Eastern Parkway, Lubavitch World Headquarters, also shared the same protection as well as its own ambulance9. This was not taken well by the black community, many of them, including Reverends Daughtry and Sam, were quite vocal about it. The pressure was enough for the mayor to order its removal, but he was contradicted by his police commissioner, at least until another plan was devised. It never was. One of the problems brought up in response to the detail, was that the Rebbes motorcade traveled in excess of seventy miles per hour on local streets. Many in the black community felt that the Lubavitchers were enjoying preferential treatments not afforded to their leaders. Many feared that one day this would lead to disaster, and in August of 1991 it did. On the evening of the 19th, the Rebbes motorcade was traveling down Utica Avenue towards President Street. One of the cars following reached the intersection(reports vary whether it was a red or yellow light) and hit a car crossing Utica. The vehicle then veered onto the sidewalk, killing seven-year old Gavin Cato and injuring his cousin Angela, both children of Guyanese immigrants. Eyewitness reports of the scene greatly vary, as one could expect with

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One of the highly contested districts mentioned before. From a community-run Volunteer Ambulance Company. The current ambulance was dedicated in memory of my Great-Grandfather.

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David Rosenberg what turned out to be such an impactful event. Many blacks at the scene said the driver, Yosef Lifsh, had to have been drunk as he was driving at least sixty-five miles per hour and had run the light. Some reports even say that Lifsh deliberately rammed Cato. Tensions in the neighborhood were already high, as three weeks earlier; Professor Leonard Jeffries of City College gave a lecture that highly aggravated the Jewish community. He claimed that the Jews were using their influence, especially that in the media to oppress the black man 10. On top of that, hundreds of black youth were simultaneously (with the accident) leaving a BB King concert in the area, riled up by cries of lets get the Jews!(Shapiro 4-5) For the Black community, this was more about white supremacy and black oppression than a dead child. Anger that had spent decades simmering had finally reached a boil. Even before the ambulances arrived, a mob of blacks, Jews, and anyone else in the area had already convened at the scene. Many were trying to remove the six-hundred pound pillar that had fallen on top of Cato, while others went straight for Lifsh and his passengers. Hatzalah Volunteer Ambulance Corps, the private EMS service of the Jewish community was first on the scene. They immediately proceeded to remove Lifsh from the scene and get him to a hospital, as he had already sustained a considerable beating. The Police, fearing for Lifshs safety, ordered Hatzalah to get him out, and let the City ambulances take care of the children. Shortly after the incident, rumors surfaced that the Jewish ambulance refused to take care of the children (who should have had priority in standard triage), and instead took the Jew and ran, leaving Cato to die.

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This speech actually caused him to lose his position as Chair of the African Studies Department.

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David Rosenberg For the black community, this incident was symbolic of so much more than a simple car accident. It was the figurehead for decades of oppression suffered at the hands of the Jews, and the police were their occupying army. Three hours after the accident, Yankel Rosenbaum, a non-Lubavitch Hasidic student from Australia was stabbed by a group of black teens. Sixteen year old Lemrick Nelson Jr. was identified and arrested. Rosenbaum died around 2:00 a.m. and the rioting began before dawn. For two days, the black youth rioted on the streets of Crown Heights, looting stores, tipping police vehicles, and beating innocent bystanders(Kifner &Lee). David Dinkins, the Mayor of New York City at the time, did not do anything to immediately silence the riots. He was seen as relatively powerless and frozen in the face of pressure11. On September 5, a Brooklyn Grand Jury refuses to indict Yosef Lifsh for any crimes committed (Smith I), highly aggravating the black community. By this time, Lifsh had already fled the country to Israel, in fear of his life. Within days of the no bill verdict, a civil suit was filed against Lifsh. Reverend Sharpton flew to Israel to serve the U.S. Embassy there, on the day that happened to be Yom Kippur, the holiest day of the Jewish calendar. As you can imagine, the Lubavitcher community was not happy about that, as the timing was perceived as highly insensitive. They accused Sharpton and Al Maddox, another activist, of media grandstandingtrying to make the Lubavitchers look heartless. In response, Sharpton said I had to serve him by Tuesday, which was Yom Kippurthat was the judges decision, not mine.(Smith 113)

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Many political analysts felt that Dinkins s inaction cost him re-election, with Giuliani showing a much stronger character.

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David Rosenberg On October 29th, Lemrick Nelson Jr., despite mounds of evidence is acquitted of the murder of Yankel Rosenbaum. Within hours the Lubavitcher community was out rioting in front of Lubavitch World Headquarters, only one arrest ensued.(Smith II) Nelson later admitted to the crime12. There is a lot more to say about the immediate aftermath of the riots, but that would go beyond the scope of this paper. In order to understand how the riots changed the city, we must understand what caused them. Most scholarly works about the Crown Heights riots begin with the events of August 19th. However, I feel that is inadequate. To say that a fatal car accident and a brutal murder set off days of rioting is beyond reason. Although I do not claim to be able to pinpoint a specific beginning, my best guess would be in 1966, when the Lubavitcher Rebbe received a police escort. After that happened, there was just a cascade of lapses in judgmentpeople on both sides were simply overlooking the other. When the Lubavitch community leveraged the Mayor in 1976, they failed to realize how this would be perceived by their black neighbors. When Herbert Daughtry said we will get the Jews and those people in long black coats, (Abramovitch& Galvin 218) he did not anticipate how that would be taken, not only by the Jewish community, but by the city at large. These are just some examples, and it is scary to think that a lot of the damage could have been avoided if people would have just opened their eyes and seen what was going on around them. As I mentioned earlier, the informal policy in Crown Heights today is one of benign neglect. The blacks and Jews do not really get along but they manage to coexist. In recent

12

There is actually a nice story of old-fashioned biblical justice with this, but it is beyond the scope of this paper.

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years, they were able to form a political alliance, giving the joint community unprecedented

David Rosenberg power in city politics. The NYPD now has a very active and well equipped Hate Crimes Task Force, as well as a division for Community Affairs, specially designed to work with communities, and racial sensitivities. Many Crown Heights residents that I have spoken with have all said the same thing. They admit that there is a new awareness of racial issues, but there is no real difference in how the community does anything. The awareness of the issues is there, but unfortunately thats where the progress has stopped. The city still has serious issues of racial inequality, whether it is housing, schooling, air, and water quality. Since the riots, many initiatives were started in Crown Heights to forge lasting bonds between Jews and blacks, but none had any real success. If the city wants to prevent incidents like this from happening again, we must deal with the root of the problem, not the symptoms. It is almost twenty years since the deaths of Cato and Rosenbaum, and it is time that we do something about it.

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Works Cited
Abramovitch, Ilana, and Sen Galvin. Jews of Brooklyn. Hanover, NH: University of New England [for] Brandeis UP, 2002. Print. Conason, Thomas. "Crown Heights; Who Controls the Streets?"The Village Voice [New York City] 3 July 1978. Print. Daughtry, Herbert. No Monopoly on Suffering: Blacks and Jews in Crown Heights (and
Elsewhere). Trenton, NJ: Africa World, 1997. Print.

Golden, Howard. Crown Heights: a Strategy for the Future. Brooklyn, NY: Office of Brooklyn Borough President, 1992. Print. Goldschmidt, Henry. Race and Religion among the Chosen Peoples of Crown Heights. New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers UP, 2006. Print. Jordan, June. Civil Wars. New York: Simon & Schuster, 1995. Print. Purnick, Joyce. "The City Politic: Crown Heights, One Year Later." New York Magazine 2 July 1979: 8-11. Web. Sanchez, Toby. Crown Heights Neighborhood Profile. New York: Brooklyn in Touch Information Center, 1987. Print. Shapiro, Edward S. Crown Heights: Blacks, Jews, and the 1991 Brooklyn Riot . Waltham, MA: Brandeis UP, 2006. Print. Smith, Anna Deavere. Fires in the Mirror: Crown Heights, Brooklyn, and Other Identities . New York: Anchor /Doubleday, 1993. Print.

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