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Background of 5th Amendment
Background of 5th Amendment
Department of law
Assignment: what was impact of 5th amendment on the constitution of Pakistan 1973, on
Roll no LLB-F19-A-40
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Background of 5th amendment
Though NAP had seen a split in 1967 when Maulana Bhashani and Wali Khan formed their own
factions after the separation of East Pakistan, the Bhashani faction had become irrelevant in the
rump Pakistan. Now again in the 1970s, against Bhutto’s repression and violations of
fundamental rights, NAP -- led by Wali Khan -- was the only progressive force in the Pakistan
Being himself from a smaller province, Sindh, ZA Bhutto could and should have understood the
aspirations of other smaller provinces i.e. Balochistan and the NWFP (now KP). Instead, Bhutto
stood by the Big Brother and tried to draw his strength from the army and from his own creation
of 15,000-strong Federal Security Force (FSF). In addition to Balochistan and the NWFP, Wali
Khan was also popular among the progressive forces in Punjab and Sindh, and Bhutto did see
Benefit to Bhutto
With NAP banned and all its properties and funds forfeited to the federal government, the true
meanings of the amendments came to the fore. While drafting the amendments, Bhutto had
carefully selected every word to support his future actions. He was bent upon destroying
democratic forces that could stand him in good stead against anti-democratic forces that
When the case was heard in the Supreme Court of Pakistan, the then Chief Justice Hamoodur
Rahman -- who had earned a respectable name in his judicial career and as head of the
Hamoodur Rahman Commission -- for some mysterious reasons overruled Wali Khan’s
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objections against two judges on the bench who were well-known for their proximity with ZA
Bhutto.
It is surprising that a judge of Rahman’s caliber -- who himself hailed from East Pakistan and
had closely observed the consequences of declaring political leaders as traitors -- was unable to
see the ruse in Bhutto’s machinations. It is even more startling that -- even if Wali Khan and
some of his colleagues were deemed to be sentenced -- the entire political party that had had an
illustrious background in the struggle for the restoration of democracy against military
dictatorships when Bhutto had been in collusion with both Generals Ayub Khan and Yahya Khan
was terminated with ruthless force and Chief Justice Hamoodur Rahman upheld these actions.
Whereas the Supreme Court’s acceptance of press reports and intelligence officers’ statements as
admissible remains questionable, the court’s observation that Pakistan comprised just one nation
and did not have any nationalities was purely a statist and centrist prejudice, especially when
Chief Justice Hamoodur Rahman himself had investigated the fallout of such assertions in East
Pakistan. He tarnished his own image with this last major judgement of his otherwise impressive
career.
There was not even a single note of dissent. All judges were unanimous that NAP was indeed a
threat to this country. One wonders how Wali Khan could be released within weeks after ZA
Just two days after this verdict, Justice Hamoodur Rahman retired and Justice Yaqub Ali was
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Bhutto’s evil mind and introduction of 4th amendment
As if all this was not enough, ZA Bhutto introduced the Fourth Amendment to the constitution
further curtailing the writ jurisdiction of the High Courts under Article 199 in cases of preventive
detention. Now the courts were not allowed to grant bail to a person or to prohibit such
detention. A presidential ordinance was promulgated that disqualified NAP office-bearers from
membership of national and provincial assemblies. With a parallel ordinance special courts were
After these changes, no high court had the jurisdiction to come to the aid of political victims and
could not grant such people bail during detention. The whole process of the Fourth Amendment
was so cunningly handled that the other two elements of the amendment were projected to dilute
the more destructive ones: six special seats to the minorities were allocated in the National
Assembly; and in Punjab Assembly minority seats were increased from three to five.
Bhutto himself mutilated his own constitution as much as he could and as a result
The opposition members who wanted a discussion on the Fourth Amendment -- especially
regarding the curtailment of high court jurisdiction -- were physically removed and almost
defenestrated by the security staff. The opposition leaders who had this distinction included big
names such as Maulana Mufti Mahmood, Prof Ghafoor Ahmed, and Mahmood Ali Kasuri. After
their defenestration, the Fourth Amendment was passed without any opposition. Interestingly,
the PPP majority could have passed the amendment even without such mean tactics, but
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Impact of 5th amendment
The Fifth Amendment was introduced in September 1976, amending 16 articles and the First
Schedule of the Constitution. This amendment further restricted the powers of the high courts
under Article 199. Now for the first time the judges themselves were affected by these changes
in several ways: the term of the chief justices of supreme and high courts were to be determined
not solely by age but also by a fixed period as an alternative. Now it was evident that ZA Bhutto
Another provision of this amendment was that now the government had the power to transfer a
judge -- without his consent -- from one high court to another and no reason had to be given and
no consultations in this matter were required even with the chief justice.
Again, this amendment bill was also sugar-coated with the establishment of separate high courts
for Sindh and Baluchistan, and that was projected more prominently than the restriction on the
high court jurisdiction to grant interim bails. Abdul Hafeez Pirzada was federal education
minister in ZA Bhutto’s cabinet. He vociferously attacked judiciary for encroaching upon the
legislative and executive functions. He was of the opinion that if the judiciary deviated from the
constitution it would be subversion and high treason. Even ZA Bhutto himself announced on the
assembly floor that an independent judiciary did not entail its supremacy over other organs of
state.
Impact on judiciary
With this amendment in place, the judges were constantly under threat of transfer if they did not
oblige the government functionaries. Now even the chief justices of high courts could not refuse
elevation to Supreme Court for fear of compulsory retirement. Though it was the only
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amendment passed in 1976, the Fifth Amendment totally subdued and tamed the superior
judiciary. The chief justices of Lahore and Peshawar High Courts -- Sardar Iqbal (father-in-law
of Ayaz Sadiq) and Ghulam Safdar Shah -- were forced to quit after completing their four-year
term even when they had not reached the age of superannuation.
After Justice Sardar Iqbal’s retirement, Justice Maulvi Mushtaq was the most senior judge of the
Lahore High Court but ZA Bhutto bypassed him to appoint his favourite Justice Aslam Riaz
Hussain as the Chief Justice. This favouritism cost Bhutto dearly when Justice Mushtaq used
insufficient evidence to sentence Bhutto to death after his removal from power by General
Taxes on the sales and purchases of goods imported, exported, produced, manufactured or
consumed.
On 1 July 1976 third programme of nationalization was started, when approximately 2,000
cotton, ginning and rice husking units came under the nationalisation programme. This
programme met with administrative nightmare and widespread public resentment. The third
programme eliminated the role of middle men, and it was rumoured that the producer as well as
consumers of cotton, rice and wheat had been at the mercy of middle men trading in the milling
of these commodities, with the result that producers were deprived of due share and consumer
got poor quality and adulterated commodities at much higher prices. By 1977, the people’s
party's government had built a strong and sizeable public sector with priority on cement, steel
1
(Dr Naazir Mahmood, 2015)
2
(“Nationalization under Bhutto - History Pak,” 2012)
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References
https://www.thenews.com.pk/tns/detail/559672-history-constitutional-amendments
Nationalization under Bhutto - History Pak. (2012, March 21). Retrieved February 13, 2023,
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