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Corumination, diet culture, intuitive eating, and body dissatisfaction among

young adult women

Article  in  Personal Relationships · December 2020

DOI: 10.1111/pere.12364

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DOI: 10.1111/pere.12364

ARTICLE

Corumination, diet culture, intuitive eating, and

body dissatisfaction among young adult women

Meara H. Faw | Kenzie Davidson | Laura Hogan |

Kayla Thomas

Colorado State University, Fort Collins,

Colorado Abstract
Body dissatisfaction is pervasive among women in the
Correspondence
United States. As a result, women feel pressured to partic-
Meara H. Faw, Colorado State University,
Campus Box 1783, Fort Collins, CO ipate in body-related corumination. In response to evi-
80523. dence suggesting that diet culture and body-related
Email: meara.faw@colostate.edu
corumination can produce significant harm, scholars
have increasingly proposed intuitive eating as a body-
positive alternative. This study explores the relationships
between body-specific corumination, body dissatisfaction,
friendship quality, and intuitive eating. Results from this
study's mixed-methods investigation suggest that increased
body-related corumination is associated with increased
body dissatisfaction and decreased intuitive eating. Rela-
tionship quality is associated with intuitive eating, and
intuitive eating is negatively associated with body dissatis-
faction. Results from this study's qualitative data indicate
that women experience body-related conversations in spe-
cific ways that can enforce unhealthy patterns of behavior
and conversation.

KEYWORDS
body dissatisfaction, corumination, diet culture, female
friendships, intuitive eating, mixed-methods research

1 | INTRODUCTION

Body dissatisfaction is a pervasive problem in the United States, with evidence suggesting that
as much as 84% of women in the United States feel unhappy with their current physical state
and desire to change their body (Runfola et al., 2013). Body dissatisfaction is, in turn, associated
Pers Relationship. 2020;1–21. wileyonlinelibrary.com/journal/pere © 2020 IARR 1
2 FAW ET AL.

with a host of negative health outcomes, including an increased risk of depression (Brechan &
Kvalem, 2015) and anxiety (Duchesne et al., 2017), as well as lower levels of self-esteem
(Brechan & Kvalem, 2015). Although men can experience body dissatisfaction, women's experi-
ences of body dissatisfaction are often more common and severe, and they are more closely
associated with their feelings of self-worth (Neagu & Rainier, 2015).
Several factors can influence the way people feel about their body. In the United States, per-
vasive cultural norms that emphasize thinness, control and restriction around eating and exer-
cise behaviors, and the moralization of food play a significant role in contributing to body
dissatisfaction, particularly among young, White women (Harrison, 2017). These norms, termed
diet culture (Fiske et al., 2014; Harrison, 2017), are also influenced by individuals' interpersonal
interactions that either reinforce or contradict diet culture norms. Indeed, a growing body of
evidence indicates that women's perceptions of and satisfaction with their bodies are influenced
by their social networks and the way that women talk with others about their bodies (Mills &
Fuller-Tyszkiewicz, 2017). This literature emphasizes the role of two interrelated behaviors: fat
talk (Arroyo & Harwood, 2012) and body-related corumination (Rose, 2002; Rudiger &
Winstead, 2013). Although fat talk and corumination are both associated with increased levels
of body dissatisfaction and negative self-esteem (Arroyo & Harwood, 2012; Rudiger &
Winstead, 2013), women can experience significant relational benefits from engaging in these
behaviors (Britton et al., 2006; Nichter, 2000; Rudiger & Winstead, 2013). This, combined with
pressures stemming from dominant cultural narratives rooted in diet culture (Harrison, 2017),
can make it difficult for women to disengage from these conversations (Arroyo &
Harwood, 2012; Martz et al., 2009). However, a growing emphasis on intuitive eating (Tribole &
Resch, 2012) as a different approach to people's relationships with their body is one alternative
for women who desire strong relationships without the downsides associated with fat talking
and corumination.
This article features mixed-methods analyses to explore the complex relationships between
body-related corumination, body dissatisfaction, intuitive eating, and relationship quality. First,
we will outline the literature regarding corumination and fat talk, how cultural norms associ-
ated with diet culture encourage these behaviors, and how intuitive eating might represent one
approach to offset the negative effects of these conversations. Next, we will detail the study's
procedures and results. Our mixed-methods results will outline a statistical model examining
the relationships between body-specific corumination, relationship quality, intuitive eating, and
body dissatisfaction. We will also explore qualitative evidence from open-ended survey
responses where participants describe their experiences of corumination and tension around
their body beliefs and behaviors. Finally, this article concludes with a discussion of the theoreti-
cal and practical implications of these findings.

1.1 | Diet culture and its impact on communication

To understand body dissatisfaction and its relationship with negative health outcomes,
researchers have increasingly attended to the impact of social pressure on individual body per-
ceptions and how this pressure influences the way people relate to one another. This growing
focus on die culture, defined as ‘[…] a system of beliefs that equates thinness to health and
moral virtue, that promotes weight loss as a means of attaining higher status, and that demon-
izes certain ways of eating while elevating others’ (Harrison, 2017), highlights the ubiquitous
cultural focus on food and body image in the United States and other western countries (Fiske
FAW ET AL. 3

et al., 2014). One important component of diet culture is the belief that health can be equated
directly with weight despite scientific evidence to the contrary (see Bacon, 2010; Chrisler &
Barney, 2017). A second facet of diet culture is the idea that weight loss improves social status
(Harrison, 2017), and indeed, research does suggest that people in larger bodies experience
stigma and prejudice (Hunger et al., 2015). A third component of diet culture emphasizes the
moralization of food and bodies (Harrison, 2017). For example, people are more likely to ascribe
positive adjectives to others who consume foods considered to be ‘good’ (e.g., salad, fruits) and
more likely to use negative adjectives to describe individuals who choose a ‘bad’ food (e.g., ice
cream) (Rozin et al., 1996). Ultimately, diet culture's emphasis on food moralization impacts
how individuals view themselves and others and the ways that individuals relate to one
another.
Although diet culture is pervasive in the United States, it more directly affects women as
women are typically subjected to more stringent appearance ideals and objectification (Sáez
et al., 2019). In addition, although most women in the United States experience the effects of
diet culture, women from different racial or ethnic backgrounds may experience diet culture
pressures differently (Striegel-Moore & Smolak, 2000). Diet culture's emphasis on impossible
body standards contributes to the body dissatisfaction that has become the norm for American
women and that is associated with an increased risk of depression and suicide (Fiske
et al., 2014). In addition, women are more likely to experience diet culture pressures during
times of significant change, like the transition to adulthood. Evidence indicates that dieting and
disordered eating increase during the first year of college for women (Darling et al., 2017), and
this pattern is partly the result of college-aged women endorsing diet culture ideals during their
transition to adulthood (Dakanalis et al., 2016).
At the same time that women experience increasing body-related pressures due to diet cul-
ture, they also often rely on friends and peers as key sources of socialization and support (Barry
et al., 2016). During emerging adulthood, individuals tend to view their friendships as impor-
tant resources during their identity exploration, and evidence indicates that emerging adults
with stronger personal relationships experience greater self-esteem and reduced risks of depres-
sion and anxiety (Collins & van Dulmen, 2006; Montgomery, 2005). At the same time, evidence
indicates that the ways female friends communicate with each other around body-specific
issues can play a crucial role in their identity development and their mental and social health
(Mills & Fuller-Tyszkiewicz, 2017; Paxton et al., 1999; Wasylkiw & Butler, 2014). In fact, friend-
ships have been identified as a key source of body beliefs and dieting norms, either emphasizing
diet culture or providing young women with other ways to understand and relate to their bodies
(Paxton, 1996). It is important to understand how the conversations that young women have
with each other influence their relationships, as well as their body dissatisfaction.

1.2 | Interpersonal relationships, fat talk, and corumination

A growing body of research suggests that negative body talk discussions are highly prevalent among
women across all ages and body types in the United States (Arroyo et al., 2017; Arroyo &
Harwood, 2012; Engeln & Salk, 2016). These conversations, termed fat talk, involve making disparag-
ing comments about an individual's own body or discussing dissatisfaction around dieting or exercis-
ing in order to limit body image concerns largely stemming from diet culture (Arroyo &
Harwood, 2012). Recent research examining women's experiences of fat talk found that the relation-
ship between fat talk and negative health outcomes was complex, with fat talk both resulting from
4 FAW ET AL.

and intensifying body dissatisfaction (Mills & Fuller-Tyszkiewicz, 2017) and leading to higher levels of
depression and perceived pressure to be thin (Arroyo & Harwood, 2012). Even though fat talk results
in negative outcomes, women reported social pressure to participate in fat talk with friends (Martz
et al., 2009), with as much as 93% of young adult women reporting that they have engaged in fat talk
with other women. Results from an experimental study found that women evaluated others more pos-
itively when they engaged in fat talk that upheld group norms even when that fat talk was self-
deprecating and disparaging, further evidencing the social pressure often present around these conver-
sations (Cruwys et al., 2016). When social pressure compels women to repeatedly engage in fat talk,
women might find themselves experiencing corumination (Arroyo et al., 2017; Rudiger &
Winstead, 2013).
Corumination occurs when close relationship partners engage in repeated, detailed problem
discussions with an emphasis on the negative emotions inherent in the problem (Rose, 2002).
Just as with fat talk, corumination is more common among women (Arroyo et al., 2017;
Rose, 2002; Rudiger & Winstead, 2013) and results in paradoxical outcomes. On the one hand,
research suggests that corumination is associated with increased stress and anxiety (Afifi
et al., 2013), depressive symptoms (Starr & Davila, 2009), and disordered eating (Arroyo
et al., 2017), as well as decreased physiological health (Boren & Veksler, 2018). In adolescents,
corumination has been linked to decreased mood (White & Shih, 2012) and serves as a modera-
tor for depression and anxiety (Rose, 2002; Schwartz-Mette & Rose, 2012). On the other hand,
individuals who engage in corumination often report enhanced relationship outcomes, includ-
ing increased friendships quality (Rose, 2002), closeness (Rose et al., 2007), relationship satisfac-
tion (Calmes & Roberts, 2008), and perceptions of social support (Boren, 2013, 2014). Indeed,
women report engaging in fat talk and corumination for relationship-building purposes, such
as to ‘fit in’ and communicate solidarity with their peers (Britton et al., 2006; Nichter, 2000).
Research consistently highlights complicated tradeoffs present in co-rumination. One study
found that co-rumination between female friends was associated both with increased friendship
satisfaction and increased depressive symptoms (Calmes & Roberts, 2008). Arroyo et al. (2017)
found that body-specific corumination increased disordered eating behaviors. Similarly, Rudiger
and Winstead (2013) found that body-specific corumination among female friends was related
to an increased risk of disordered eating, as well as higher ratings of friendship quality. These
findings, although paradoxical, make sense when considered through the lens of social penetra-
tion theory (Altman & Taylor, 1973) and its associated norm of reciprocity regarding self-
disclosures (Dindia, 2000). According to social penetration theory, when an individual engages
in self-disclosure with another person, there is an implicit expectation that that person will
reciprocate the initial disclosure with one at approximately the same level of intimacy as the
original disclosure (Altman & Taylor, 1973; Carpenter & Greene, 2015). Evidence examining
self-disclosure highlights that reciprocity is associated with increased liking (Sprecher
et al., 2013; Sprecher & Treger, 2015) and that disclosures, more broadly, are associated with
increased closeness and trust among friends (Parks & Floyd, 1996). The norm of self-disclosure
reciprocity may explain why individuals continue to engage in fat talk and corumination
despite the negative health outcomes associated with these behaviors.
Given previous research findings related to corumination and enhanced relationship quality
(Calmes & Roberts, 2008; Rose, 2002; Rose et al., 2007; Rudiger & Winstead, 2013), as well as
the evidence supporting the relationship between negative body talk (corumination or fat talk)
and enhanced body dissatisfaction and disordered eating (Arroyo et al., 2017; Rudiger &
Winstead, 2013), we hypothesize that co-rumination will be positively associated with relationship
quality (H1) and body dissatisfaction (H2).
FAW ET AL. 5

1.3 | Intuitive eating as an alternative to diet culture

Although diet culture and communication behaviors like fat talk and corumination emphasize
conversations that promote body dissatisfaction, there are other approaches to diet and exercise
and body-specific communication that might result in healthier outcomes. Intuitive eating is
one alternative approach that involves developing a connection with one's own internal cues of
hunger, fullness, and satisfaction and using those cues to guide food and exercise choices
(Bruce & Ricciardelli, 2016; Tribole & Resch, 2012). Prioritizing one's internal cues is the foun-
dation of intuitive eating, which is further illuminated by 10 principles, such as reject the diet
mentality, make peace with food, honor your feelings without using food, respect your body, and
honor your health, among others (Tribole & Resch, 2012). Intuitive eating recognizes that indi-
viduals experience unique needs around food, arguing that people connected with their internal
hunger cues will naturally make food and exercise choices that promote health (Tribole &
Resch, 2012). Importantly, an intuitive eating approach argues that, when people are able to
release diet culture beliefs, they become free to make choices according to their bodies' needs,
ultimately resulting in health improvements and more peaceful relationships with their bodies
(Bruce & Ricciardelli, 2016; Van Dyke & Drinkwater, 2014).
Limited research has examined the specific associations between intuitive eating
approaches and experiences of corumination in interpersonal relationships. The evidence
about body-specific corumination highlights how these conversations focus on the negative
aspects of one's body and unhappiness about one's current state (Arroyo et al., 2017; Rudiger &
Winstead, 2013), whereas intuitive eating highlights an opposite approach (Tribole & Resche,
2012). Given corumination's emphasis on negativity (Rose, 2002) and intuitive eating's
emphasis on a more neutral approach to the body (Tribole & Resch, 2012), we hypothesize
that corumination will be negatively associated with intuitive eating (H2). In addition, as evi-
dence examining intuitive eating grows, several studies highlight its capacity to produce a
positive relationship with one's body, as well as enhanced health outcomes (Bacon et al.,
2005; Chen et al., 2020). As such, we predict that intuitive eating will be negatively associated
with body dissatisfaction (H3).
Although research connecting relationship experiences with intuitive eating is sparse, one
study examining Chinese adolescent boys and girls found that relationship quality was posi-
tively associated with facets of intuitive eating (Chen et al., 2020). In addition, evidence from
other studies suggests that social support from friends, family, and romantic partners is an
essential element of body acceptance (Arroyo et al., 2017; Parham, 1999; Paxton, 1996), a key
component of intuitive eating. In fact, it is possible that positive relationships, such as those
characterized by acceptance, social support, and closeness, are an important precursor to
adopting intuitive eating principles (Chen et al., 2020; Gerner & Wilson, 2005). Given the evi-
dence that relationship factors significantly influence body dissatisfaction (Gerner &
Wilson, 2005), we hypothesize that relationship quality will positively predict intuitive eating
(H4a) and negatively predict body dissatisfaction (H4b). The model represented in Figure 1 out-
lines all hypothesized relationships.
Finally, in addition to examining these relationships from a quantitative standpoint, we
believe that qualitative data can help illuminate some of the complexities around corumination
and body dissatisfaction more broadly. The vast majority of research examining corumination
focuses on quantitative data that might miss some nuance regarding these conversations.
Scholars have called for additional triangulation through the analysis of qualitative data specific
to the nature and form of these conversations (see Boren, 2013). Given the lack of research
6 FAW ET AL.

FIGURE 1 Hypothesized model

around specific features of body-related corumination and its impact on interpersonal relation-
ships, we explore the following research question: How do participants' experiences of diet cul-
ture influence their interpersonal relationships and body-specific corumination (RQ1)?

2 | METHODS

2.1 | Procedures

Data were collected using a cross-sectional survey during the fall of 2018. All procedures were
approved by a university institutional review board. After obtaining consent, participants
responded to several open-ended questions about their body perceptions, as well as the conver-
sations that they typically have around food and dieting with close relationship partners (for
exact question wording, please see Table 1). Next, participants were directed to complete several
scales around perceptions of their body and dieting. Finally, participants were prompted to
think about a close, same-sex friend with whom they had previously discussed food- or body-
related topics. After providing information about this person, participants completed several
scales measuring the quality of their relationship with their friend, as well as their experiences
of body-related corumination within the friendship.

2.2 | Participants

Participants (n = 309) were recruited from a large university in the western United States. All
participants were enrolled in a large introductory course and offered course credit for their par-
ticipation. All participants identified as female, and all participants identified the sex of the
friend they considered when completing the survey as female. Participants were an average of
18.89 years old (SD = 1.96); 70.4% of participants identified as White, and the remaining partici-
pants identified as Black/African American (1.8%), Native American/American Indian (0.6%),
FAW ET AL. 7

T A B L E 1 Exact question wording for the open-ended survey items

1. What are some important beliefs you have about food and bodies? Try to list as many as come to mind.
For each belief, please explain how you came to hold that belief?
2. What are some important factors you consider when you make choices about what foods to eat? Please try
to list different factors that you consider. If possible, try to indicate which factors are most important and
how you learned to value these factors.
3. Who or what do you rely on for nutrition/health advice?
4. Which part of your body (if any) do you find most difficult to accept? Describe the first time you
remember feeling negatively about this body part.
5. Who are the people you most often talk to about dieting, food, exercise, or your body? What are the types
of conversations you most frequently have?

Note: Questions are listed in the order in which they appeared in the survey.

Asian/Asian American (5.0%), Native Hawaiian/Pacific Islander (0.6%), Hispanic/Latinx

(10.7%), or other (2.1%). On average, participants reported knowing their friend for 7.00 years
(SD = 4.97), and a majority (82.6%) reported talking to their friend at least once a week. A post-
hoc power analysis indicates that a sample size of 309 is sufficient to detect effect sizes as small
as 0.17 with 0.8 power using structural equation modeling (Soper, 2020).

2.3 | Measures

For descriptive statistics related to all quantitative measures, see Table 2.

2.3.1 | Relationship quality

A latent variable was constructed by combining several scale indicators of relationship quality,
including closeness (Aron et al., 1992), perceived social support (Xu & Burleson, 2001), and
relationship satisfaction (Hendrick, 1988). Aron et al. (1992) inclusion of the other in the self
scale is designed to assess perceptions of closeness within interpersonal relationships. The scale
consists of a single item showing two overlapping circles. One circle is labeled ‘the self’,
whereas the other circle is labeled ‘the other’. The circles overlap to differing degrees, with the
circles labeled ‘1’ indicating no overlap and the circles labeled ‘7’ indicate considerable overlap
(M = 4.91, SD = 1.46).
Perceived social support was measuring using Xu and Burleson's (2001) Desired and Experi-
enced Social Support scale (DESS). This scale asked participants to indicate how much support
they received from their friend on a ‘do not receive at all’ (1) to ‘receive a great deal’ (5) scale.
Items include ‘Expressing sorrow or regret when you feel bad’ and ‘Expressing willingness to
help you when you are in need of help’ (M = 4.34, SD = 0.60, α = .91).
Relationship satisfaction was measured using Hendrick's (1988) Relationship Assessment
Scale, which consists of seven items measured on a ‘strongly disagree’ (1) to ‘strongly agree’
(5) scale. Sample items include ‘My friend meets my needs’ and ‘Our friendship is better than
most’ (M = 4.51, SD = 0.56, α = .86).
8 FAW ET AL.

T A B L E 2 Descriptive statistics for

Variable M SD Range Reliability
quantitative survey scales
1. Corumination 2.40 0.77 1–5 0.96
2. Satisfaction 4.51 0.56 1–5 0.86
3. Closeness 4.91 1.46 1–7 N/A
4. Support 4.34 0.60 1–5 0.91
5. Intuitive eating 3.33 0.56 1–5 0.87
6. Weight worth 3.63 0.74 1–7 0.86
7. Body beliefs 2.97 0.68 1–5 0.90
8. Disordered eating 2.63 0.72 1–5 0.83

Note: Reliability presented is Cronbach's α.

2.3.2 | Corumination

Co-rumination was measured using a modified version of Rose's (2002) corumination scale.
Scale items were adjusted to reflect the discussion of body, diet, or image-related issues. For
example, an original scale item was changed from ‘We talk about our problems over and over’
to ‘We talk about our body issues over and over’. Participants responded to the 27 items using a
‘strongly disagree’ (1) to ‘strongly agree’ (5) Likert scale. The modified scale showed consistent
internal reliability (M = 2.40, SD = 0.77, α = .96).

2.3.3 | Intuitive eating

Intuitive eating was measured using Tylka and Kroon's (2013) Intuitive Eating Scale-2 (IES-2).
This scale consisted of 23 items measured on a ‘strongly disagree’ (1) to ‘strongly agree’
(5) Likert scale. The IES-2 asked participants to indicate the degree to which they rely on hun-
ger and satiety cues to direct eating behaviors, give themselves unconditional permission to eat,
and eat for physical rather than emotional reasons. Sample items include ‘I trust my body to tell
me what to eat’ and ‘I find other ways to cope with stress and anxiety than by eating’. Items
displayed acceptable reliability (M = 3.33, SD = 0.56, α = .87).

2.3.4 | Body dissatisfaction

A latent variable was computed using three scales: Body Weight Contingency of Self-Worth
Scale (BWCSW; Clabaugh et al., 2008), Disordered Eating Behaviors Scale (DEBS; Breines
et al., 2014), and Sociocultural Attitudes Towards Appearance Questionnaire-4 (SATAQ-4;
Schaefer et al., 2015). The BWCSW scale included eight items with ‘strongly disagree’ (1) to
‘strongly agree’ (7) anchors. Sample items include ‘My self-esteem would suffer if my body
weight was not ideal’ (M = 3.63, SD = 0.74, α = .86).
The DEBS asked participants to report how often they engage in various disordered behav-
iors using a scale ranging from ‘never’ (1) to ‘always’ (5). Sample items include ‘How often
have you avoided eating when you were hungry’ and ‘How often have you intentionally
vomited after eating’ (M = 2.63, SD = 0.72, α = .83).
FAW ET AL. 9

The SATAQ-4 measured participants' attitudes and experiences of appearance-related pres-

sure. It included 22 questions rated on a ‘definitely disagree’ (1) and ‘definitely agree’ (5) scale
and specified a variety of sources of pressure, including the self, family, peers, and the media.
Sample items include ‘I think a lot about having very little body fat’ and ‘I feel pressure from
the media to improve my appearance’ (M = 2.97, SD = 0.68, α = .90).

2.4 | Qualitative data coding

Results from open-ended survey responses were analyzed using a phronetic iterative approach
(Tracy, 2018). In a phronetic iterative approach, researchers are encouraged to use previous research
findings and theorizing to inform their coding and interpretation of qualitative data (Tracy, 2018).
This is distinct from a ground theory approach (Glaser & Strauss, 2017), which encourages
researchers to treat the data as separate from previous theoretical and evidence-based observations.
Our analysis procedure was also guided by Braun and Clarke's (2006) thematic analysis approach.
This approach breaks down an analysis into six steps: data familiarization, initial coding, identifica-
tion of themes, review of themes, definition and naming of themes, and final report production.
Members of the research familiarized themselves with the data by reading through open-ended
responses in their entirety. They then completed initial coding by identifying relevant statements
related to the overall focus on the article. Throughout this identification stage, members of the
research team met to discuss relevant observations, outline important thoughts regarding specific
codes, and resolve any disputes about coding language. After completing the first round of initial
codes, the research team met and discussed prevalent themes, completing the third step of thematic
analysis (Braun & Clarke, 2006). They then went back to the data and recoded all observations using
the agreed-upon themes. Upon completion, the research team met again to share their observations,
identify key exemplars that reflected each theme, and decide on a final definition for each theme
(steps four and five of thematic analysis; Braun & Clarke, 2006). Overall, the research team generated
more than 150 initial codes that they then thematized and collated related to the specific research
question of the study. They also met several times to discuss the coding process, themes, and ques-
tions around the data and thematizing. They spent approximately 55 h each completing the review of
the data, initial coding, theme identification, theme review, and theme defining and naming.

3 | DATA ANALY S I S

3.1 | Quantitative preliminary analyses

Before testing our hypothesized mode (Figure 1), we computed a correlation matrix for all vari-
ables of interest (see Table 3). Several statistically significant correlations emerged, including
correlations ranging from 0.64 to 0.68 among the three variables included in the latent relation-
ship quality variable. All correlations were in expected directions.

3.2 | Quantitative substantive analyses

To test our hypotheses, we performed a maximum likelihood structural equation model (SEM)
using AMOS version 26. The goal of SEM is to examine whether a specific dataset fits a
10 FAW ET AL.

T A B L E 3 Correlation matrix for study variables of interest

1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8.
1. Corumination —
2. Satisfaction −0.088 —
3. Closeness 0.082 0.446** —
4. Support 0.038 0.688** 0.387** —
5. Intuitive eating −0.311** 0.149** 0.049 0.168 —
6. Weight worth 0.223** −0.049 −0.057 0.008 −0.305** —
7. Body beliefs 0.306** −0.088 −0.039 0.037 −0.369** 0.510** —
8. Disordered eating 0.314** −0.144* −0.102 −0.039 −0.496** 0.513** 0.561** —

*p < .05; **p < .01.

hypothesized model to an appropriate degree. For our purposes, we used the following criteria
model fit statistics to determine an appropriate model: The ratio of chi-square to the degrees of
freedom is less than 3; the comparative fit index (CFI) is greater than 0.95; the standardized root
mean square residual (SRMR) is 0.06 or lower; and the root mean square error of approxima-
tion (RMSEA) is 0.06 or lower (Allison, 2018; Kline, 2015).

4 | QUANTITATIVE RESULTS

Analyses revealed that the hypothesized model fit the data well: χ 2 = 32.45, p = .01; χ 2/
df = 2.03; CFI = 0.98; SRMR = 0.04; RMSEA = 0.06. The final model included several statisti-
cally significant pathways (see Figure 2). We hypothesized that corumination would be posi-
tively associated with relationship quality (H1a) and body dissatisfaction (H1b). Results
indicated no significant relationship between corumination and relationship quality (β = −.03,

F I G U R E 2 Final model. Note: Model shows strong fit (chi-square/df = 2.03; CFI = 0.98; SRMR = 0.04;
RMSEA = 0.06). Only statistically significant pathways are included in the final model. All pathways are
statistically significant at the p < .001 level
FAW ET AL. 11

ns), suggesting no support for H1a. However, corumination was significantly associated with
body dissatisfaction (ß = .24, p < .001), supporting H1b. Thus, the results suggest that body-
specific corumination is positively associated with body dissatisfaction but not relationship
quality.
Hypothesis 2 stated that corumination would be negatively associated with intuitive eat-
ing. Results confirmed this hypothesis (ß = −.30, p < .001). Taken together with the results
from Hypothesis 1, these results suggest that corumination is positively associated with
body dissatisfaction (a negative outcome) and negatively associated with intuitive eating
(a potential mechanism that might promote healthy outcomes with regard to body
dissatisfaction).
Hypothesis 3 stated that intuitive eating would be negatively associated with body dissatis-
faction (H3). Results from the SEM confirmed this hypothesis (ß = −.48, p < .001). Hypothesis
4 stated that relationship quality will be positively associated with intuitive eating (H4a) and
negatively associated with body dissatisfaction (H4b). Results partially confirmed this hypothe-
sis. Evidence from the model confirmed that relational quality was positively associated with
intuitive eating (ß = .17, p < .001), supporting hypothesis H4a. However, there was no signifi-
cant relationship between relationship quality and body dissatisfaction (ß = .01, ns), dis-
confirming H4b.

4.1 | Post-hoc analyses

Given that relationship quality did not have a direct relationship with body dissatisfaction as
hypothesized, we ran a post-hoc analysis to examine whether relationship quality had a signifi-
cant, indirect effect on body dissatisfaction via intuitive eating. We analyzed the mediation
model using nonparametric bootstrapping and calculated 2000 bootstrapped samples. Results
indicated that the association between relationship quality and body dissatisfaction was medi-
ated by intuitive eating (standardized indirect effect = −0.10; 95% CI [−0.20, −0.01]; p < .01),
such that as relationship quality increased, it resulted in an indirect, negative effect on body dis-
satisfaction via intuitive eating.
In addition, because corumination had both a significant relationship with body dissatisfac-
tion and intuitive eating, we also examined whether intuitive eating partially mediated the rela-
tionship between corumination and body dissatisfaction. We used the same nonparametric
bootstrapping procedure, and results indicated that intuitive eating partially mediated the rela-
tionship between corumination and body dissatisfaction (standardized indirect effect = 0.16;
95% CI [0.09, 0.22]; p < .01). This evidence suggests that corumination directly affects body dis-
satisfaction and that its relationship is also partially mediated by intuitive eating.

5 | Q U A L I T A T I V E RE S U L T S

In addition to our quantitative analyses, we wanted to understand how participants experienced

diet culture in their own beliefs and behaviors and how these experiences influenced their rela-
tionships with others (RQ1). Analysis of qualitative survey responses revealed two key themes:
cognitive/behavioral dissonance underlying interactions and the relational impact of food, exercise,
and body beliefs and behaviors.
12 FAW ET AL.

5.1 | Cognitive/behavioral dissonance underlying interactions

Across participants' responses, it became clear that participants often experienced and expressed
contradictory beliefs and behaviors when it came to food and bodies. This cognitive/behavioral
dissonance served as a key foundation for participants' interactions around food and diet-related
behaviors. For some participants, this dissonance became apparent as contradictions between
beliefs and self-judgment. As one participant explained,

All bodies are beautiful, everyone has different genetic structures and different
preferences. There shouldn't be a stigma of beauty… when I catch myself off guard,
such as slouching, I start to notice the extra skin/fat and compare [myself] to
models. It is a little unsettling.

Although the participant expressed a belief that argued against idealized depictions of beauty,
she recognized how she continued to judge her own body by these standards. Similarly, another
participant expressed contradictory sentiments, ‘I believe in body positivity. Everyone is made
[of] different shapes and sizes and are beautiful in their own way’. Later in the questionnaire, the
same participant shared, ‘I have felt negative[ly] towards my body most of my life. The most diffi-
cult part of my body to accept is my legs’. Clearly, this participant's beliefs about body positivity
are countered by her own negative feelings and difficulty accepting her body as it is.
Another way that participants communicated their underlying dissonance was through
their creation and endorsement of contradictory rules. It was common for participants to articu-
late that they had no rules for their own bodies and food-related behaviors, at the same time
talking about specific rules they followed. For example, one participant expressed:

I try to eat whole grains with bread at least, not consume much added sugar
throughout the day, and keep processed foods to a minimum or not eat them at all
if I can avoid them… Overall though, I don't have any specific rules.

It is evident that this participant articulates a set of rules about what foods she should eat or
avoid; however, she also explicitly rejects the idea of holding specific rules. Another participant
exemplified a similar contradiction. At the same time she declared that she did not diet, she
then explained that she does the exact behaviors inherent in dieting: ‘While I don't diet myself,
I do limit my intake of certain foods, and I watch what types of food I consume’. In this way,
many participants completed a complicated dance where they outwardly rejected the idea of
‘rules’ or restrictions, simultaneously acknowledging and even endorsing rule-governed behav-
iors for themselves.
A final manifestation of participants' cognitive/behavioral dissonance can be seen in their
discussion of conditional rights. In many situations, participants expressed statements of belief
about bodies or food only to tack on conditions for those beliefs. For example, one participant
explained her relationship with food and immediately followed it with caveats: ‘You can enjoy
food, but need to be willing to work out if you want to eat freely. If you're not exercising
enough, your diet should be very controlled’. Another participant expressed a similar perspec-
tive, explaining, ‘[…] You can eat almost anything as long as you are not getting overweight and
doing healthy things to counterbalance’. In this way, participants outwardly rejected several
diet culture behaviors (such as food rules or unrealistic body images), simultaneously
expressing ideas in direct alignment with diet culture beliefs.
FAW ET AL. 13

5.2 | Relational impact on food, exercise, and body beliefs and

behaviors

As participants discussed their contradictory beliefs and behaviors, these ideas bled into their
relationships and interactions with close others. Many participants discussed various ways in
which their relationships impact their beliefs and behaviors around food, exercise, and bodies.
When it came to conversations about their bodies, many participants indicated that they turned
to female friends or relatives in order to share their experiences. As one participant explained,
‘I talk to my friends about dieting and exercise most because I am comfortable with them and
many of them have seen me in a swimsuit or know my hardest struggles’.
Indeed, several participants talked about their experiences of body-specific corumination.
These conversations, as expected, were characterized by individuals' negative feelings about
themselves and their choices, as well as feelings of frustration with the lack of change stemming
from these conversations. As one participant explained, ‘I usually talk to my friends [about my
body], and our conversations are normally negative and focus around things we want to change
about our own bodies’. Another participant explained how the corumination she experienced
with her friends could result in cruel assessments of their own bodies:

My friends are the ones I most frequently talk to about these things. The conversa-
tions we have are usually things we want to change about our body, diet, or exer-
cise habits and sometimes making cruel jokes about ourselves in regards to our
body image.

Some participants recognized the negative tendencies inherent in these coruminations. For
example, when talking about her corumination, one participant expressed how these conversa-
tions would make her feel better about her choices, simultaneously expressing a desire for rela-
tionships that would promote change rather than continued acceptance of behaviors she
identified as unhealthy:

My close friends and I talk about how out of shape we are and how we should start
working out regularly, but [we] never do. We also talk about how bad we eat. It
makes me feel better about my choices, but I sometimes wished that I had a close
friend who encouraged healthier habits.

Similarly, one participant expressed her efforts to direct coruminations with her friends to a
more positive place rather than dwelling on the negative:

Right now, I talk about dieting, food, exercise, and our bodies most with my room-
mate and hallmates. Most of these conversations revolve around us feeling guilty
about what we have eaten or complaining about how we should exercise more. I
try to turn this conversations though into positive self-talks and into inspiration to
lead a healthy lifestyle rather than negative and draining as they so often can be.

In these ways, participants demonstrated some of the complexities embedded in

corumination. These conversations were often negative and resulted in little to no changes in
their dissatisfaction, but at the same time, they helped some participants feel better about
14 FAW ET AL.

themselves and connect with others. In addition, participants recognized that these negative
corumination conversations could be incredibly hard to escape, as one participant shared:

The way society focuses on body image, dieting, and exercise makes everyone feel
as though they need to fix something about themselves. It is bad to compare your-
self to others, but it is also hard to ignore it, and this is a problem.

In addition to describing corumination, many participants recalled specific memorable messages

about food or their bodies they had received from important others in their lives. These
unsolicited memorable messages often included commentary about body size and shape. Partici-
pants recognized that these messages impacted their self-image, and it was not uncommon for
these messages to serve as the topic of corumination conversations. One participant explained
how a conversation with her grandmother significantly shaped her self-image:

My thighs are just one of the big insecurities that I face daily. The first time I
remember feeling negative about them is when I was around ten or eleven. I was
wearing shorts around my grandmother, and she said: ‘You need to start watching
what you eat – your thighs are getting kind of pudgy’. And from that day on, not a
day passed that I didn't hate the way my thighs looked and how I felt about them.

Another participant talked about an experience where someone intended to compliment a

part of her body. This well-intentioned message caused her anxiety and continued to fuel part
of her body dissatisfaction even several years later:

Someone else had pointed out how I was slim, but had a sizable butt. She then said,
‘I wish I had your body’. I knew she was complimenting me, but it made me feel
negative about that part of my body.

In these ways, participants experience communication and their relationships differently as a

result of their sensemaking about their bodies and food beliefs.

6 | DISCUSSION

This study examined the relationships between body-specific corumination, body dissatisfac-
tion, relationship quality, and intuitive eating using a mixed-methods analysis. Body dissatisfac-
tion is pervasive among women in the United States, and this dissatisfaction is influenced by
the way that women communicate about their bodies with other women (Arroyo &
Harwood, 2012; Martz et al., 2009; Rudiger & Winstead, 2013). In response to the mounting evi-
dence suggesting that diet culture and body-specific corumination can produce significant
harm, scholars and practitioners have increasingly proposed intuitive eating as a body-positive
alternative (Tribole & Resch, 2012). However, little research has examined how intuitive eating
might be associated with body-specific corumination and, as a result, body dissatisfaction.
Results from this study indicate that body-specific corumination is positively associated with
body dissatisfaction (H1b). This is in keeping with research that consistently finds positive asso-
ciations between corumination and negative health outcomes, including an increased risk of
disordered eating behaviors (Arroyo et al., 2017) and body image distortions (Rudiger &
FAW ET AL. 15

Winstead, 2013). Contrary to previous research, however, we found no relationship between

body-specific corumination and relationship quality (H1a). This finding is interesting as it sug-
gests that the potential upsides of body-specific corumination might be limited among young
adult women, with coruminators in this study reporting greater body dissatisfaction without
also reporting the benefit of increased relationship quality.
In considering this finding, it is possible that the normative discontent women experience
toward their bodies (Rodin et al., 1984) results in corumination and body-related conversations
that are of poorer quality compared to other types of corumination. For example, if the norma-
tive pressures to participate in body-specific corumination lead to the enactment of generic
scripts around fat talk, women may not perceive themselves or others as sharing intimate infor-
mation (Arroyo & Harwood, 2014). As personal disclosures are more likely to be perceived posi-
tively and build relationships among female friends (Hall, 2015), routine body-related
corumination may not meet the criteria necessary for promoting relationship quality. Indeed,
results from the qualitative portion of our study indicate that participants engaged in body-
specific corumination in routine or patterned ways. This would suggest that body-specific
corumination, in particular, may not rise to the level of personal disclosure needed to facilitate
relationship closeness and bonding among female friends (Altman & Taylor, 1973).
When examining the widely used survey measure of corumination developed by Rose (2002),
this scale focuses chiefly on the frequency and negative emotions present in corumination con-
versations. Our qualitative data underscores that considerations of negativity are important
when examining corumination as participants went so far as to describe their corumination-
induced evaluations of their body as ‘cruel’, ‘draining’, and ‘negative’. However, questions
regarding the perceived quality of corumination remains, and it is possible that our quantitative
findings combined with our qualitative results illustrate a unique situation where quantity of
corumination does not align with perceptions of its quality for building relationships, creating a
disconnect between corumination and enhanced relationship quality. Several of our partici-
pants expressed a desire to change their communicative behaviors in more positive, health-
promoting conversations, indicating that even they recognized that their body-specific
corumination was dissatisfying. Future research should investigate the role of corumination
quality in shaping participants' experiences, as well as relational and health outcomes.
As anticipated, we found a positive relationship between corumination and body dissatisfac-
tion (H1b). The relationship between corumination and body dissatisfaction may be due in part
to the lack of resolution characterized by corumination (Rose, 2002; Rose et al., 2007). For
example, if a woman is concerned with her body size, it makes sense that she might initiate
more conversations about this topic given the normative expectation for fat talk (Martz
et al., 2009). In addition, these conversations often circle around the same challenges without
identifying potential solutions or even promoting body acceptance (Harrison, 2017). Spending
time participating in body-related coruminating reinforces the message that it is important to
solve the ‘problem’ of their body. It opposes the idea that a person is acceptable as they are,
which is a key component of improving body image and experiencing sustained mental and
physical health improvements (Arroyo et al., 2017; Bacon et al., 2005; Tribole & Resch, 2012).
Again, our qualitative results underscored some of the challenges inherent in body-specific
corumination and these body beliefs. For many of our participants, they expressed body beliefs,
behavior, and corumination that were then contradicted in later statements, highlighting a
complicated relational challenge. Many participants recognized and even espoused some beliefs
in direct alignment with intuitive eating approaches (i.e., body acceptance for all; rejecting strict
rules; encouraging others to strive for health, not size; Tribole, & Resch, 2012) without
16 FAW ET AL.

practicing these beliefs. This would indicate that some intuitive eating principles are filtering
into common scripts about food and bodies that women then share with each other (Arroyo &
Andersen, 2016), but these scripts are not translating into behavior, creating another challenge
around perceived resolvability. If participants express beliefs that they do not then enact, they
might find themselves managing feelings of failure along with cognitive dissonance about their
bodies, belief, and behaviors (Festinger, 1957). This may then drive them to engage in body-
specific o-rumination or fat talk as a form of reassurance for their situation, perpetuating these
negative conversations, harmful conversational norms, and negative health outcomes
(Festinger, 1957; Kirscht, 1974). Future research should explore how issue resolvability affects
corumination and whether an acceptable resolution can be found for long-term ‘problems’ such
as those related to body image.
Given the positive relationship found between body-specific corumination and body dissatis-
faction, it makes sense that corumination was negatively associated with intuitive eating
(H2) and that intuitive eating was negatively associated with body dissatisfaction (H3). The
chief aim of intuitive eating is to present an alternative perspective regarding bodies and food
(Tribole & Resch, 2012). As intuitive eating emphasizes abandoning the moralization of food
and promoting body acceptance (Avalos & Tylka, 2006), our findings related to intuitive eating
and body dissatisfaction mirror previous findings (Bacon et al., 2005). Although the finding that
corumination's negative association with intuitive eating was expected, it highlights a potential
challenge inherent in adopting an intuitive eating approach. Given the pressures to participate
in fat talk and corumination, individuals who adopt intuitive eating may receive social sanc-
tions for refusing to engage in these conversations (Nichter, 2000).
Indeed, evidence suggests that women evaluate other women positively when they adhere
to the group norms around body conversations (Cruwys et al., 2016). If a woman finds herself
in a social circle where the norm emphasizes fat talk and body-specific corumination, she runs
the risk of being evaluated negatively by her friends if she speaks out or enacts a more body-
positive approach in these conversations (Cruwys et al., 2016). At the same time, for individ-
uals who participate in social groups where body positivity and acceptance are the norms, evi-
dence suggests that they will be evaluated positively for adhering to those norms as well
(Cruwys et al., 2016). These findings suggest that individuals who desire a more positive expe-
rience when discussing their bodies may find the need to shift their social network or accept
the potential challenges inherent in bucking the social norms around these conversations in
existing networks (Cruwys et al., 2016; Mills & Fuller-Tyszkiewicz, 2017). Future research
should examine how these norms can be transitioned from a diet culture approach to
corumination and fat talk to one more aligned with intuitive eating's emphasis on self-love
and acceptance.
Our final hypotheses explored the associations between relationship quality, intuitive eating
(H4a) and body dissatisfaction (H4b). The results showed a significant relationship between
relationship quality and intuitive eating. However, we found no significant relationship
between relationship quality and body dissatisfaction. Results from a post-hoc mediation analy-
sis did indicate that the association between relationship quality and body dissatisfaction was
wholly mediated by intuitive eating. Previous investigations of intuitive eating have evidenced a
positive relationship between perceived body acceptance from others and engagement in intui-
tive eating (Avalos & Tylka, 2006), and research illustrates that greater levels of body accep-
tance are associated with fewer disordered eating behaviors (Arroyo et al., 2017). In addition,
evidence from one study found a positive association between relationship quality and intuitive
eating among Chinese adolescents (Chen et al., 2020).
FAW ET AL. 17

Although distinct from social support, body acceptance may be more prevalent in gener-
ally supportive relationships (Arroyo et al., 2017; MacGeorge et al., 2011). The results of this
study confirm that positive relationships are positively associated with intuitive eating. This
suggests that high-quality relationships and intuitive eating depend on one another, and it is
likely that strong, interpersonal relationships may be a necessary precursor to adopting intui-
tive eating and a healthier relationship with one's body (Chen et al., 2020). Given the cross-
sectional nature of our data, it is impossible to say that relationship quality directly influ-
ences or causes intuitive eating; however, future research should investigate how positive
relationship dynamics might facilitate intuitive eating and the positive health outcomes asso-
ciated with it.
Although this study makes inroads in explicating the complex relationships between body-
specific corumination, body dissatisfaction, relationship quality, and intuitive eating, it is not
without limitations. The study sample was fairly homogenous and collected using a cross-
sectional design. This limits our ability to talk about the long-term effects of corumination on
body dissatisfaction and intuitive eating. In addition, given that we know diet culture and body-
related beliefs and experiences differ for women from different racial and ethnic backgrounds
(Striegel-Moore & Smolak, 2000), the results of our study should be understood as speaking in a
limited fashion about the experiences of our largely young, White sample. Future research
should seek to examine these relationships among a more diverse sample, including women of
various age ranges and racial backgrounds. Despite its limitations, this study provides interest-
ing evidence to suggest that body-specific corumination may be limited in its social benefits
and, instead, largely promotes negative health outcomes and the perpetuation of unhealthy
food-related behaviors among college-aged women. In addition, it raises questions regarding
the role that friendships play in promoting intuitive eating as one potential approach to the
challenges posed by diet culture in promoting long-term positive health outcomes among
women.

A C K N O WL E D G M E N T S
We thank the anonymous reviewers for their feedback. Portions of this article were presented
at the National Communication Association's annual convention in Baltimore, Maryland. In
addition, we acknowledge the equal contributions of Davidson, Hogan, and Thomas to this
manuscript. They share second authorship.

CONFLICT OF INTEREST
The authors declare no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship,
and/or publication of this article.

DATA AVAILABILITY STATEMENT

The mixed-methods results from this study demonstrate how body-specific co-rumination (or
excessive, negative body talk) is positively associated with negative health outcomes. At the
same time, relationship quality is positively associated with intuitive eating, and intuitive eat-
ing mediates the relationship between relationship quality and body dissatisfaction. These
findings contradict some previous research, in that co-rumination was not positively associ-
ated with relationship quality. They also suggest a new mechanism whereby personal rela-
tionships can promote body satisfaction (i.e., intuitive eating) and provide further evidence
for the limited upside of body-specific co-rumination.
18 FAW ET AL.

ORCID
Meara H. Faw https://orcid.org/0000-0001-5671-4035

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How to cite this article: Faw MH, Davidson K, Hogan L, Thomas K. Corumination,
diet culture, intuitive eating, and body dissatisfaction among young adult women. Pers
Relationship. 2020;1–21. https://doi.org/10.1111/pere.12364

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