“EVER A CRUSADER”: NELLIE McCLUNG, FIRST-WAVE FEMINIST t+ VERONICA STRONG-BOAG As it involved the lic t, the the. fe det er en ree phy efi Beroines, campaigns and overcoming the prejudies th yw otros Penh fo bso bower br dias papi ‘asa npefcial reform based on an analysis of the economic and social order, sw lenient and early teti-encury nffagis ax models refermer aking devon wi tipo wal omer cg epee in rng Ta a cut that these frst toace feminists tended to set their maternal rele as the justification for ther empowerment, not questioning women's “natural” reponsbiliy for bome mainte erotic Boog’s atce third stage of scbolerbip om this topic. Ske, senile represents @ m long at ee iter, pero women's domed oe se pial rede arg as it did the wnconcerional prospec of wemen ieking a dre connection withthe State reer than allowing mae femaly members tact ax mediators for them. Given tir poe eae Fp dl lee ee time govet men in the marital relatonsbip as well a in be pub phere. Tir demands served x an indemens of patrarcbal abort as it wat exerci ‘Strong Boag mainaains tbat much of the dynamic ‘Be feminist movement of at ger vere orl turing change in proate life. Whether Woman’ Crisian iprena Union «of exciton, ot pe prea! woking cd for ‘female fcory operatives, cist women start from an atoarenes, sometimes prnonally xpi, fee of wren in be endl Lt Nai Mer ‘ay ave ee the sponsibility for cildren and all ing things a be matog- {ng for bein thir reform ea, but that didnot make them respec of mal autborty Gonzmporary feminists dif fom fst-aase feninis in many rape, inching a ear te eres ee is, Neots, are - Seer ee “Never retract, never explain, never apologize — get the thing done and letthem howl Such were the Bing words et Nek Letitia Mooney McClung (1873~ 1951) who captured the imagination of her contemporaries and who in many ‘ways embodied Canadian feminism in the first quarter of the twentieth century. Nae ‘was an activist: a prominent crusader in the successful drives for female enfranchisement in Manitoba and Alberta, a nationally known feminist This as ot ben previuy published. My thanks to Anis lai Fellnan whe generous asiance tnd ownconsderbl nowledge of he sulage generation hpedimmeasbly wih the wring of is side Twould ao like thank BebaraTesmen of Copp Clark Pama for her though adie, 178 RETHINKING CANADA and social reformer, an MLA in Alberta. An unpaid contributor to a host of ‘g00d causes, she belonged to the frst generation of female volunteers to have its ‘expertise offically acknowledged and rewarded. As a representative of her sex, she was invited to the Ci ‘War Conference of 1918, and to the World Ecumenical Conference in 1921. Fifteen years later she took her seat asthe first female member of the Canadian Broadcasting Corporation's Board of Gover- nors and, in 1938, as a Canadian to the League of Nations. Working {he Canadian Women's Press Cub andthe Canadian Author) Asoca ion, she also commanded attention as a onent of cultura nationalism, Sincen books and numerous articles made her one of Canada's beschncwa authors. Her fourth book, Jn Tirmes Like Tes (1915), with its faith in women’s er for good, survives 28 a dassic formulation of the feminist position of her day. Indeed i tent mixture of wit, satire, good humour, and down-to-earth ‘common sense is hard to match »pular appeals from firs-wave feminists word . smyeer inthe English speaking ‘Nellie McClung was bom Nelie Letiin Mooney in 1873 in Grey County, Ontario, and in 1880 with her family joined the great rush to Manitoba's ‘wheatfelds. i sues toe wl eee mathe by ber Seon mothers strong sense of personal duty, by her Irish father's storytelling abilities, and fer fndyscomatmct oe pstne vos of ras sed rd work Dat her lifetime Canada was experiencing major unheavals, to which McClung, like ‘many of her contemporaries, both as a citizen and as a concerned woman, The of the commercial and industrial sec- tors exacerbated problems of labour relations and transformed the conditions for ‘camming a livelihood, On the land the idealized family farm confronted new mar- keting and capitalization requirements that challenged its very survival, Rural ‘emigration combined with immigration, increasingly from nations new to the Canadian ethnic mix, crowded the cities, creating a host of problems to which there were no cay anaves. _ i. ese changes engulfed women as well as men. With the gradual but steady decline in importance of domestic production, many moze women had to labour outside the home. The emergence of new employments in factories, offices, and shops offered both opportunities to aid shaky family finances and the prospect of independence from oppressive authority within the family. The ultimate artrac- tion, of course, for young women seeking work, whether in the new occupa tions or in traditional domestic service, was a living wage. Yet their limited range of options and their marginally skilled starus increased the vulnerability of such worker ina labour maser tte etd them a a ready cxplowble source! ‘Too often, uncertain and inadequate salaries had to be supplemented by support and occasionally, by prostitution. Middle-class wives whosc busbands ‘eamed enough to maintain the entire family did not have to face the same bleak [Prospects but they too were struggling to define their place in a modern commu- nity, As the economic order shifted in favour of white collar employments and heightened levels of consumption, many middle-class women sought to find in ‘enhanced standards of childcare, h ing, and domestic management the authority and status that previously might have been theirs by virtue of their reponshiis for household producton, The sian of such vansformasons‘was deepened by the instability of male income, subject to all the vicissitudes of . maturing labour market.” In response to such fores, relationships among kin inevitably began to shift as well. psc Hy Te coneyeons br ones pana ae ae - ces for women appeared most visibly in deser- fio, oboliay,appropeicton of fanale wage ind propeeyy domestic violence. Yet solutions for women facing bad | were far from obvious. Not only did they face social opprobrium for 45 wives, but when, or deserted they had little hope of getting a far share of their husbands’ cesare or any reasonable support for the of the marriage. Even their Fight wo child cud in 10 a delinquent father could not be taken for famed. Ax the same time they and their en wereroutoely exuded “much of the training and schooling that to the beter-paying craft and whitecolar jobs and profesion offefng some prospect of ingnee dence. Confronted with the threats to their domestic position and with limited alternatives outside the household, many women became intensely conscious of their vulnerability and the need to do something about it. Right from the beginning, the campaign to berter the postion of their sex was led by middle-class Women. Their perspective and views on proper behaviout ‘and standards infused the feminist movement, making it at times intolerant of ‘ethnic and class diversity and often unwilling to confront profound inequities in capitalise sociery:* Imperfect as it was, however, their vision of a more equit future challenged some fundamental sructures in a society where male author- ity was largely unquestioned. Lacking their wealthier sister’ resources, working- omen concentaed ingead on the demands of day-to-day. survival Ocesionally howeve the intransigence of employes ike Toronin's Bal Tee phone Company in 1907 and the inspiration of radical arguments from organi- Easons ike the Knight of Labour ud the Soclit Pury of Canaderooeeed ‘working-class women to feminism’s stindard.’ Even then alliances with middle- class feminists remained problematic, involving, as they so frequently did, a choice ‘between the loyalties of class and gender. ‘Woren whose temperament and circumstances permitted a feminist analysis soon tumed to political solutions. This was hardly surprising. The inc complexity of the Canadian economy with markets, corporations, and ali taking on regional or national dimensions appeared to demand political solu- ‘ons on a sir se, More than eve before, ekizens ofthe le nineteenth century looked to legisiative means rather than custom or individual action to regulate the activities of many sectors, public and private, of Canadian life. This ‘meant that those who wanted some say in changing the terms on which life was conducted had to have access to elector bodies, municipal, provincial, or national, both as voters and as clected officials. The absence of such power had meant litle when most people's lives went relavely untouched by governments In the last half of the nineteenth century this sruation was. . The achievement of voting rights by the vast majority of males during the course ofthese decades also leat eae eae ee their sense of group identity As a result, soon after Confedera- 180 RETHINKING CANADA ‘ton, women began to focus their energies on enfranchisement as the enabling ‘means to correct the many abuses and injustices they saw around them. ‘Feminists demanded the vote on two grounds. The first was special interest. ‘Women themselves, like virtually everyone in Canadian society, identified their sex with a matemal role. A reinvigorated motherhood, the natural occuption for virally all women, could serve as a buttress against all the destabilizing clements in Canada, Just as the rich and the regions were to be represented and Sivan cileey pamiaseunay eae stinctive concerns anc granted direct input into the legislat ' Vote in hand, they would be able to maximize ir infoccs x good’ Font ists also claimed the franchise on the basis of natural justice. Every human being, regardless of sex, had the right to participate in 10 the falles Se ee ee eam a Sane fi nw rights beyond the domenic ‘The implications of this daim tj i were enor- ‘mous, Female enfranchisement, in particular by ging “the male monop- oly on che public arena,”” and in making women's dim to full citizenship, ‘nto question the appropriateness of women’s subordinate position within the psttarchal farly iwi. Wik cer demand forthe vee, weboen wee ry gesting that they should have a direct relationship to the state as indivi ‘Tather than one mediated through fae tates abe WAT ocean gained the potential to use the state to alter the balance of power between the ‘sexes in the home and the world at large. Behind a politcal agenda that included demands for better married omens Po fc women's ight 10 ther own ‘wages, equal guardianship of children and equal divorce, better paying jobs wit improved working conditions, access to institutions of higher learning, and pro- tection of women from alcohol abuse among men lay a powerful chest to male supremacy, ‘At first women were largely alone in their insistence on the vote and in their ‘sense of their sex's urgent need for reforms. Their first assaults on an email: ‘brought few active male allies. In 1876 Dr. Emily Howard Stowe founded tke fine Catatin sue organ, the Toroara Womens Literary Club, bbut not uml 1883 were its members sure enough of their ability to withstand the deeply ingrained misogyny of their society to “come out” as the Toronto ‘Women's Si Club.* By organizing parades and scudy ous by flooding the Ontario legislature with suffrage petitions, this band of middleclass women csublshed the pattem for other feminist campaigns across the country? ‘Only in the 1890s did feminists begin to find general support from liberally- minded men and non-feminist women who rallied to them not so much because of any enthusiasm for women’s rights but more out of a general interest in com. ‘munity betterment. The emergence of a major middle-class progressive move- ‘ment in the last years of the nineteenth century created an environment in which the fing ‘campaign could flourish, and forced reluctant governments to pay heed to their female citizens. Like the feminists who preceded them, the new reformers concentrated on transforming the sate in order to bring its full weight against the abuses of private power, whether it be in unregulated industry, in an{unmanageable urban environment, or in the nation's homes. In the course of cit investigations they repeatedly encountered women's special plight. The identifi Sedargee eee ular victims of social ty hei ime the older feminist analysis and cement a feminis-reform alliance. The scecp tance of women as allie in public reform movements, and in public life generally, in this ped was based more onthe bel in women's higher morality than on any eer tain of june, but he er aol ev com disappeared 1m the feminist Nellie Met of women meter et each pen a ers omen ‘was in the mainstream of turn-ofthecentury feminism, Canada's reform and feminist communities were close-knit. An intense net work of friendships and alliances maintained energy and enthusiasm, ‘Winnipeg was one centre of reform agitation and women like Nellie MeCh Francis , and Cora Hind were enthusiastic apostes of a fairer world The crundes of such progresive women an ce, urban renewal, social welfare, social purity, female suffrage — were un while the Social Gos- pel of the Protestant churches was prompting the entire society to selfexamina- tion.!" When Nellie McClung pitched in to help the Methott minister lee leader of the Cooperative Commonwealth Federation, JS. Woodsworth, in Win- nipeg+ Al Pople» Mision, the enboded afepas nies ievangeli palowie crusade pug Canaan sce of ia immo and make ita beacon to the rest of the world. Like many other feminists, McClung drew on a deep religious faith to help sustain her optimistic liberalism, Women's special capacity for nurture was also central to McClung's femi- ism. In some nor disimay to anrfeminias such a Sephen Laxeck, ‘Andrew MacPhail, Golwin Smith and Flea Bowrnsa dhe regarded success: fal motherhood as the fulfilment of her sex. Like other feminists, however, she took the logic of women’s particular nature further than conservatives could tolerare. Women must emerge from the home to use the state to protect their interests and thus serve and save humanity. McClung again parted company ‘with conservatives in laying claim to the fall inheritance of liberal democracy, ‘Feminism was as she put it, the demand for “plain, common justice” or equal rights." The distinction between maternal and egalitarian arguments was hot always spelled out in MeClung’s thinking or in that of many of her contempo- ries, For this ‘generation, ‘was a pragmatic exercise: the niceties of theory dissolved before the need to win supporters. Defends of mae : iated, , that feminism, empowered by such belief, Eeebncd shed tee gs patriarchal author Tn the forays for equal rights the ebullient. -was in her element. Well known asthe author ofthe best seller Sowing Seis in Danny (1908), and sre active in the Woman's Christian Temperance Union, the thirty-eight year old gravitated towards progressive circles when her husband, a pharmacist turned ‘insurance agent, was transferred to Winnipeg in 1911. By this time British and ‘American were making fequent lecture tours actos the concn, and the visit of England’s militant sufiragette Sylvia Pankhurst to Winnipeg in 1912 strengthened McClung’s long-felt resolve to do something for her sex: 4182. RETHINKING Cawana ‘That same year she joined the Winnipeg Political e, an associa- agen is ee ng oe Ey Lp we sans the Dominion” An lento womens economic ality, the League had taken up the cause of female wage eamers in the 4 demons cup ned br sat per Nese eae, Premier Redmond Roblin through chy swesahon omy ing large numbers of Women, His procrastination in acting on conditions hastened McClung’s polit- cal quickening. Roblin’s asertion that ‘nice women” did not want the franchise brought a characteristic retore from nthe woman who would be the mor ener ic stump speaker against him in the next election: "By nice women . .. you probally cts aif women who tase ee thought forthe undexpe Fg overworked women tans pusycat n'a nny nado Gee, Jten in the street. Now in that sense Iam not a nice woman for I do care." Rodmond Roblin’s resistance to polite female insruction spurred the suffrage forces. Unfortunately for him McClung had dimensions unforeseen by the gov emment apologist, the Winnipeg Telagram, when it dismissed her as a pesk ‘mosquito. Showing better judgement, the provincial Liberals endorsed women's itis tn outzandingcampger To publicize their ce the Winnipeg suffrgsts presented “The Women’s Parliament” in January 1914. This tactic, in which women replaced male legislators and men petitioned women for the vote, was an old feminist manocuvre, previously employed in Toronto and Vancouver. Manitoba feminiss had been rebuffed in another suffrage peti- tion just before they restaged this farce in Winnipeg; the premier had suggested ‘that female sensibilities would be offended by the sordidness of politics. Like ‘many anti ents this stance was, st best, peradaxical. If women we ely facet ariel ty nih eae aah oes Vietims of the elecoral system. Nellie McClung had listened particularly intently to Premier Roblin. To the great enteraiament ofl she nicked an eae his presentation for three performances of the “The Women's Parl mem.” The implications of feminiss’ claim to public power were dramatically revealed as vpsetting the “normal” order in which women petitioned and men stood in authority. One of Nellc's novels, Purple Springs (1921), which drama- ‘izes the incident of "The Women's Parliament”, leaves readers with litle doubt that women’s direct acces to the state would better their situation and the nation's in general. During the provincial election of June 1914 McClung addressed at least « hundred meetings for the Liberals. The Conservative party retained power with a reduced majority, but it had not lost its nemesis: in the summer of 1913 McClung 1 from her new home in Edmonton to help topple Roblin's scandal-ridden Tories, In Edmonton she joined forees with another prominent feminist, Emily Mur- phy or “Janey Canuck” as her pen name identified her." Murphy had been snstrumental in the passage of the province's Married Women's Relief Act of 1910 assuring wives of certain, albeit limited, inheritance rights, and she remained in the forefront of the crusade to better women’s legal postion until her death in 1933. Her friendship provided Nellie with the basis of a feminist support net- ‘work much lie the one McClung had known in Winnipeg. The shift westward‘was all the more auspicious since the suffrage campaign in Alberta never met the same kind of bitter opposition it faced in Manitoba. The Liberal government ‘was sympathetic to many reform causes and, as an ally of the most powerful eae the province the United Farmer of Alber (UPA), s legislators was cordial. Pay eect peter ae thin em tri, Mag favoured ending the pay eaten, Long years of obstruction from goverment ofall persuasions had made her cynical about the cronyism and favourtrading of politcal partes. Nevertheless ike most westem feminiss, McClung also opposed the creation of a purely Woman's Party.” Instead she envisioned a great body of i ; intelligent women who would j issues solely on the basis ofthe public interest. Standing virtuous) ‘but holding the belane of poll power women would be Gecave in shaping the police of every party. Unlike many suffragists in central Canada, the heart of 'separat- ist” politics, prairie activists like McClung were optimistic about the potential for influencing male politicians, especially those in the organized farm move- ‘ment, This role depended heavily, however, on women maintaining their repu- tation for superior moral judgement. Without this they could easily become but cone more interest group striving for political favours. ‘McClung's activities were not confined to the West. She was on call to femi- nist forees anywhere. If the movement had a national voice, it was hers. One observer wrote, “No Canadian woman has spoken to both pars of the Domin- jon as she has spoken. Women from Great Britain have come to Canada to advocate the cause of suffrage, but their words have not exacly fired the case on. this side of the water. The need was forthe awakening of consciousness of reform. from within, and not so much for advice from without’"!* McClung herself, hhowever, was also intensely aware of feminism’s international character. She frequently cited feminists in the United States and Great Britain. On her visits to ‘these countries she shared in the friendships that made feminism broader than any national community. She also felt considerable sympathy for British mili- tants like Emmeline Pankhurst, but she retained her faith inthe efficacy of more peaceful tactics in the New World, Her comic sense, acerbie wit, and close rela- tionships with other women armed her wel for dealing with her Canadian oppo- nents. Confident of mass support in her own region, she was never tempted for too long Beyond the impulse to use her umbrela onthe obdurate Roba, ‘The First World War was important in broadening the appeal of woman suf- frage. Manpower shortages highlighted the extent of female employment, mak- ing the image ofthe shekered female sill more obviously inapplicable to Canadian ‘cumstances. The Union government, indebted for the support of the female relatives of military personnel after the Wartime Elections Act of 1917, and anxious to increase its popularity, was ly vulnerable to feminist demands. Acthe same time women's patriotic work gave governments a ready justification for reversing their position. Manitoba became the first full sufrage province in January 1916, closely followed by Alberta, Saskatchewan, and British Columbia in the same year. Ontario joined them in 1917 and by 1918 Nova Scotia and the Dominion goverment had espoused the widened franchise, New Brunswick's 184 RETHINKING CANADA ‘women had to wait for the provincial vote until 1919, Prince Edward Island's until 1922, and Quebec's until 1940. While she campaigned for the franchise, McClung, the mother of a young son serving overseas, also worked for the Canadian Red Cross and the Patriotic Fund. Armistice and enfranchisement freed her to test the results of such labours. In 1921 she ran for the Alberta legislature as a Liberal, adopting that label more out of a sense of gratitude for the conferral of suffrage than any strong sense of partisanship. The entry of eight female candidates was a noteworthy feature of the campaign. They covered the politcal spectrum, including ane Conservative, ‘two United Farmers of Alberta members, one Independent, one Socialist, one Laboor candidate, and two Liberals. One of the latter was Edmonton's Nellie ‘McClung, Like the other women she campaigned for the retention of prohibi- ton as one sure way of protecting women and their children from male abuse. Her defence of the Liberal record brought her success but elsewhere the tide ran scrongly against the government. When the count was in the UFA held 29 seats, the Liberals 14, Labour 4, ents 3 and Conservatives 1 ‘Unlike Agnes Macphail, the federal parliamentarian elected forthe Unt Famer of Onin {921 McClung ws nox the am ful woman candidate in Alberta. She was not even the most powerful. This title fell wo Irene Marryat Pariby, the former president of the United Farm Women of ‘Alberta (UFWA) who swept her rural constituency! The results of the 1921 lection set the character of McClung’s five-year term in the provincial legisla- ture. As a parliamentary novice she could not easly overcome the disadvantages facing herself and her party. Disprited by their losses, the Liberals lost the initia- tive. The party's difficulties were all the greater when members like McClung insisted on their freedom to break party lines, She could be an uncomfortable colleague and her “best” friend in the Legislarure was undoubtedly Irene Parby. ‘As Nellie was the firs to admit: “I was not good party woman... . [could not vote against some of the government measures which seemed to me right and proper, and I tried to persuade my fellow members that this was the right course te pursue, belived that we were the ecutive of the people und should bring our ito bear on every question, irrespective of party ties"? ie rissa ae par a be beaut op haan open ‘member her opporunty to press for women's rights was limied. In 1922, for instance, Pariby introduced a bill for “An Act to Provide a Minimum Wage for Women” despite McClung’s greater familiarity, although sell limited, with the issue. In the same year, another prominent government member brought forth bill for “An Act Respecting the Rights and Property of Married Women.” A later, Paiby ushered in a bill for “An Act for the Children of Unmarried 2” and another UFAer produced a bill to amend the Mathers’ Allowance ‘Act. Not until April 1924 did McClung get a real opporrunity to lead the House in the matter of women's rights. Then she moved, seconded by Parlby: ‘That in the opinion ofthis House the Parliament of Canada should amend the doe lsof this Domiion now in fli the provi of Alber in such a way a to grant equal rights and privileges to hus wives, wipe foe eo ach ene to remedy by way of divorce: Neve McCune, FIRstwave FEMINIST 185°‘Nellie was a longtime supporter of equitable divorce laws, arguing in one of her inimitable comparisons: “Why are pencils equipped with erasers if not to cor rex misaked”"* Here was «clear instance where women could use their new publi to rectify abuses in the private sphere. “Azoter intervention ftom McClung about the same time also recalled trad- tional feminist concems. With the unanimous agreement of the House she moved that naturalization laws put the two sexes on an equal footing and no longer disen- franchise a British woman marrying an alien. Since these reforms were the eee ees nc, bah ne foward Prine Mer Jiam Lyon Mackenzie King, to the Throne Speech in 1924, however, deel en aro provid pin nUagthc Ula rors the Married Women's Property Act, she spoke forceflly of “the women of the ‘country... . looking to this to do something to remove the last relic of barbarism which sulies our laws." For all the symbolic significance of such inv ncthe they nor tote inrodoed by F iby and the UFA matched the great hopes of che suffrage campaigners, Nellie discovered, as did other femi- nist office holders, that women co lok i pei «pi they remained «tiny minority and where their taining and tad ‘odds with the male majority. ‘The provincial defeat of prohibition heralded the crude poli Prospects for a dry Alberta were shattered in 1924 when the UFA, responding to pressure for laws, became a convert to the idea of ent sole, ‘McClung and the temperance cause failed to rally the voters. Nor could Nellie rum where 1921. A move to Calgary and a new inuency political difculties. Whereas Edmonton had offered the advantages of a familiar and sympathetic reform milieu, Calgary’s was not nearly so Yet even there the 1925 election was close and for a time blamed anti-temperance forces for her defeat but she also expressed lusionment with femal yor, concluding” ‘Some of us thought emancipated women would do this the ond we hour love of ony lve faayenof child welfare, would spur them on to finer things. But women hada’t the nerve; hadnt the courage. They were too afraid of being considered “queer” if they failed to fallin line with cuntom.?# Her Joss could be interpreted as enfranchised women's failure to redeem the reform pledge that the feminists had made on their behalf. Certainly such was one way McClung explained the unfulfilled ions of the 1920s. Some years later Prime Minister King asked elie wo take tothe Calguy hhusdings against R.B. Bennett but never aguin would she tet voters’ gratitude or dalam, Forcunacel the cvs voce continued o be heard in es forums. In 1927 she joined her old Edmonton friend, now Mag , the Hon- curable Irene Parity, the ex MLA Louise McKinney anda rnepecion of the National Council of Women, Henrietta Edwards, in petitioning Parliament for an interpretation of the clause in the BNA Act with senators. Although the question of elighilty to the Senate was ly at issue, the judgement 186 RETHINKING CANADA. had much wider implications. It would determine whether women were “per- sons” within the whole context of the British North America Act. The Supreme Court Gea dered aint in 1928 bt the ae was aed bcfore the Judicial Committe of the British Privy Council where, in October 1929, a favourtble decision was received.” This victory really capped MeClung’s career a a feminicand, in a symbole way, chat of Canada's re wave of feminiss as well. The decision asserted once again that women's right to equal in che public sphere was the comerstone of any strategy for remedy Inj in pia relationships, The continuing significance of such public rights was ed many years later in 1981 when a powerful feminist lobby secured Section 28 of the new Charter of Rights and Freedoms of Canada's Constitution. This read that “Norwithstanding anything in this Charter, the rights and freedoms referred to in it are guaranteed equally to male and female persons.”"* McClung would have ‘understood the importance of that guarantee. . Nelle McClung's activism did not end in 1929. Church work, for instance, remained an important part of her life. Her old dreams of an invigorated and seivit Cran took root in the new United Church of Canada. Such hopes did not predude criticism. ‘The absence of women ministers was the ou ‘grievance. “There was,” she reminded listeners, ‘no bar in reason or religion against the ordination of women.” Obstacles were man-made since “ho belogial difrence can hinder the soul relationship to God”? MeClung’s active espousal of their cause helped United Church women gain the right to serve as ministers in 1936.50 Ecumenicalism was basic to many of her hopes for the Dominion; it was also a partial tion for her internationalism berween the wars. Blaming tradi- tional and masculine diplomacy for the errors of World War I and its aftermath, she looked to the League of Nations for idealistic inspiration and practical guid- ance in preserving the peace. Despite her disillusionment with the initial results cof women’s enfranchisement, the western feminist maintained her faith that ‘‘it is easiee for women to see to the heart of the peace issue than for men.””! The rominence of women and their organizations in the Dominion's League of lations Society, lke the work of the Women’s Intemational League for Peace and Freedom, identified the post-war peace movement as one heir of feminist ‘Here was an issue that attracted both the older generation of feminists like McClung and many of their suecessors as well? Tn the years after her electoral defeat McClung also remained in demand across the country as a well-established novelist and lecturer. Books such as All We Like ‘Sheep (1926), Flowers for the Living (1931), Leaves from Lantern Lane (1936), and the two autobiographical volumes, Clearing in the West (1935) and The Stream Runs Fast (1945), reiterated her commitment to feminism and social reform and her hoilty to apathy and corruption. Responding to critics who claimed that her “didactic enthusiasm” had “marred” her “art” she asserted: hope Ihave been a crusader... Ihave never worried about my art. [have rena cen 1 cou never ily or dhonely, wd fsomeof my stories are. , sermons in disguise, my earnest hope s that not obscure the semmon. a aeSuch sentiments did not lack sympathizers between the wars but feminism, while it survived 25 an individual creed, faltered as an organized move- ah Te ee ee oe oa cE ST TE failure to deliver on overly sanguine suffragist hopes and of the influence of Freudian inspired undermined matemalism asa justtication and expla- ston for publi sewice. Female biology no longer implied so much special ta cents that were readily transferable to a broad range of employments within the community but 2 fundamental irrationality that was best within the nursery and the bedroom. Yer for all its shortcomings, only the matemal ideol- ogy had the power to give women confidence in the wider applicability of their erence and to direct women's attention as a group beyond the home. “Tess nth nest ued anh on mae pou inthe public sphere after the suffrage campaign had serious repercussions. Rampant Prejudies against women in education and employment were among many dis- couriging signs. One observer sounded the common note of despair when she the University of Toronto. Although the institution was ostensibly iucational, “Practically, there seems to be a strong crose-current of prejudice ‘which prevents free intercourse between men and women students" Nor were "universes the only offenders, The phrase "Girls No Longer Wanted” seemed to keynote the postwar years. In the Great Depression of the 1930s married women found themselves hard-pressed to assert even their right to gainful employment. ‘Many feriniss fought these trends but it was tempting for women to concentrate their energies and talents on the homefront where their place was unquestioned even whea their rights were not always protected. = ze ‘Nalie’s success as an agitator and a politician depended in large part on. fe belt highly conscious Ret warteesid ‘women’s movement. fri the 1920 fein coo not mobilize ts ympatizen under any sage benz Unie capitals on proud tions of poner work is eeges were dispersed a multitude of eauses and often los. Individuals lke ‘McClung, Violet McNaughton of the Prairie Producer, Agnes il, MP, Emily Carr, artist and author, Dorothy Steeves, politician, and Livesey ‘writer and social worker, remained committed to feminist ideals but few could find « comfortable home in the years, either as feminists or progres- sives!” All their courage could not make up for the absence of an ‘emiaist community to interpret and support their initiatives. Yet, in time, their vision of a world in which women both shared public power and experi ty in private relationships would constitute an essential legacy for Cana- da's second wave of feminists. Notes 1. Vero Song Boag, Introduction ton Tim Lik Ther (Toronto wd Bufo: Univer of “Teooto Pres 1972) For the use ofthe adjective “fst wae se Cara Lee Bah, "Fst Wave Finis nor’ Jugement in Ausalon Women: mint Ppa, edied by Norma Greve nd Pacicia (Geishew (Mboure: Oxford Univenicy Pres, 1981. 188 Reremvcine CANADA 2. Fora very whl dacusin of the dfizukies fring ferale workers ee Marg Hob, * ‘Dead ores snd ‘MufledVoiew' Potecive Lejideton, Education and te Minimum Wage for Women ia nario" (MA. thesis, University of Tron, 1985). 3 Focone overview of this petiod see Rumany Cook and RC Brown, Canad, 1896-1921; A Nation ‘Tranjirmel (Toronto: University of Toromo Pres, 1974). 4, For acral dustion of the a bie of he uli soe Carol Le Bacchi, ition Died The ‘as ofthe Engle Conan Sua, 1877-1918 (Toronto: Univer of Toronto Pres, 1982). 5. Joan Sanger, “The 1907 Bel Telephone Sake: Orpizing Women Workers,” Labour/Le ‘rail 11 (1978 109-40 an hs vole and Lind Keley, "Canaan Socal nd the Women Querion, 1900-1914" Labur/Le Teal (Spring 1984-77-10, 6. SecJohn Gamer, Te Francis and Pls x Bri Neth Amei (Toronto: Univer of Toroato Pres, 1969), 1, Hen Das, “The Raicaium of he Woman Suffrage Movement: Notes Toward he contruction of Ninety Century Fis, Pint Sue 3, 1/2 Gal 1975): 65. DuBois easement his encouraged me to reconier my ear views ofthe Canadian sage campaign. 8, Sex Joanne Thompson, “The lnfuene of Dr. Eady Howard Stowe onthe Woman Sufage ‘Movement in Cana,” Onto Hiry 54,4 (December 1962) 253-66." 29. The ber treasment ofthe fag campaign in Canada remains Catherine Lye leverdon, Tbe Wieman Suge Movement in Canad. nrocucion by Rarsny Cook Torme Univertyof Toronto Pres, 1970, 10, Fora god intron ro Winnpe reform community x his time see Ramsty Cook, “Francis ‘Marin Beynon and the Crs of Chrisian Reforms" in The Wat end th Nation, ed by C. Beye and IR. Gook (Toronto: MeClelund and Seewan, 1976. 11, See Richard Allen, Th Seca Pain, apo and Sac air n Gnade 1914-1928 (Toone. Univeniy of Toronto Pre, 1971), 12, Unformmly we are el wang for nexended exe ofstfeinnm aan neler force inthe period. The fine ape in this dreion ae fund a Suan Mann Trofimenkof, “Hen Bourasa and "the Woman Question’, journal ef Gnade Sua 10, (November 197) ¥11. Se els Serphen Leacock, Bat end Lirry Se (New Yt: Joa Lane, 1916) Andrw MacPh, Eaysin Fall (New ‘York: Longmans, Green and Co, 1910), and Gown Smith, Enon be Quetons ft ay (New York ‘Macnila, 189), 13, McClung, In Tit Lil Tew, 59. 14. Cleverdon, The Women Sufnge Mennent, $5. ‘McClung The Sem Ran Fe Toronto: Thomas Alles, 1945), 109. $. Foran ely biography ofthe power Murphy seeByme Hope Sander, Emily Mp Cade (Torco: Macmila, 1945, ). See Bacchi, Liberation Defer, 128-1 for an itroduction to this fining ference of opinion Norman Lambert, 'A Joan ofthe Wet’ Canadian Magesine XLVI Ganuaty 1916, 266 19. Fora dicusion focusing on MeCluns carer inthe 1920. Song Bovg, "Canadian Feminism in the 19205 the Cae of Nee L McClung’, Jura of Conan Sas Simmer 1977). 5868 20. Foran ely bogephy of his emporan woman see Margaret tewar and Doi French, Ask No Quaren A Bieraply of Agr: Mapbll Toronto. Longmans, Geen, 1959). 21, Foran etl biography sx Barbara ily Cormack, Prem end Politi Be Lift Say ft Hom {ne Parby Sherwood Park, Alu: Pofesionl Printing, 1960, 22, McClung, The Soaom Rens Fe, 17, 23. Alera, furab of te Leite Attend, 1 Apri 1924, 100. 24, Maret K Zieman, "Nei war «Lady Teor” Madn's, 1 Ocber 1953 2. 25, Provincial Archives of Bitch Clumtin, Nelle L MeCing Paper» 25, folder 8, “Address Gives by Nelle Leia McClang in the Reply Deb January the Thirty Fir, 1924," 4 26, McChng, Mon Lae from Lanter lane (Trent, Thomas Allen, 1937, 19, 27, See Rudy G. Marchdon, "The Peas’ Cntrvesy"The Legal Apc ofthe Fight for Women Senators", Aden 6 Spring 1981) 99-11) 28, Penney Kome,“Anacmny of Lobby", Sadey Nig 8 Qa. 1983), 9 s¢ lo Kome, Tbe Tabing of 28 Coron Women's Pre, 1984).29. McClung, Ramon Journal, 30 January 1929. 30, Se Mary. Hal, "Nelie McClung an he Fig forthe Orfnaton of Women in the Usted (Chur of Cama," Asem 4 (Spring 1979) 2-16, 31, McClung, Lr fom Lane Lane (Toronto: Thomas Alle: 1946), 134. 53, McClung, The Sonam Runs Fat, 69 14. "MGT, "A Pe for Co-Ednenion,” The Rib (Noverber 1619), 121, 34, PC. Bechex, “Gils No Longe: Wane," Canadian Home Jour 18 (March 1922), 12,25, 36, Sex, fr instance, theese pu on bel af mared women workrshy Emly Murphy," Mattinany andthe Mazer of Money", Wate Home Moy, Apel 1932, 1-13, $4, 58 37. Sex, intr ala, Dorothy Liven, Right Hand eft Hand (rn, Oo; Pres Pocepic Lid, 1977 and Susan Wai, "The Peazock sn the Gunes He, Poel ProGe of Dory Gretchen Serves end Grace ‘Maclani in Net Ju in Maney Seed ys nthe Hisry of Women's Workin ri Colebi, eed by ‘Basta K. Latham and Robera J. Padre (Vieosa. Camarin Coleg, 1986).