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TWAIL Coordinates English Spanish Portug
TWAIL Coordinates English Spanish Portug
TWAIL Coordinates English Spanish Portug
criticallegalthinking.com/2019/04/02/twail-coordinates/
Luis Eslava
Street in San Juan, Puerto Rico, 1941. FSA-Office of War Information Collection. Library of Congress,
Washington, D.C., USA.
Third World Approaches to International Law, best known by its acronym TWAIL, is a
dynamic, intentionally open-ended and decentralised network of international law
scholars who think about and with the Third World. Within the universe of TWAIL, the
‘Third World’ refers to that expansive and usually subordinated socio-political geography
that, during the mid-twentieth century, came to be seen as ‘non-aligned’ – belonging
neither to the ‘free’ nor to the ‘communist’ world. Today the Third World is more often
referred to, however, as the ‘developing world’, the ‘post-colonial world’, or the (Global)
South. In our intensely unequal, racialised, gendered, environmentally precarious global
order, confronting a proliferation of Souths in the North and Norths in the South, this
socio-political geography can perhaps be better characterised as ‘most of the world’.
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A TWAIL Spring
The rubric of TWAIL was born in spring 1996, when a group of Harvard Law School
graduate students came together to discuss, as James Gathii has written, ‘whether it was
feasible to have a third world approach to international law and what the main concerns
of such an approach might be.’ That initial set of discussions, and the conversations that
quickly followed from them, included students and scholars from various parts of the
Third World and fellow travellers from the North.
The first TWAIL meeting was held in March 1997 at Harvard University. The primary
objective – one that has marked the work of TWAILers since then – was to cross-examine
international law’s assumed neutrality and universality in light of its longstanding
association with imperialism, both historical and ongoing. A parallel purpose was to
delineate new emancipatory agendas – new decolonisation agendas – for a rapidly
globalizing world. As B.S. Chimni later put it in his TWAIL Manifesto, ‘the threat of
recolonisation’ has continued to haunt the Third World. Facing this reality, a new set of
tools had to be developed to ‘address the material and ethical concerns of third world
peoples.’
In their commitment to interrogating the relationship between international law and the
conditions of the Third World, this initial group of TWAILers were clear about the
importance of honouring an already well-established lineage of international lawyers,
political actors, and intellectuals from the South who had long grappled with the
vicissitudes and complexities of the international legal order. In particular, they had in
mind those whose roles during the decolonisation period were critical for bringing about
the end of ‘formal’ imperialism.
To make sense of this long South-oriented international law tradition, Antony Anghie and
Chimni coined the terms ‘TWAIL I’ and ‘TWAIL II’: the former to refer to the scholarship
produced by that first generation of post-colonial international legal actors; the latter to
scholarship that ‘has broadly followed the TWAIL I tradition and elaborated upon it,
while, inevitably, departing from it in significant ways.’
In charting this retrospective chronology, Anghie and Chimni stressed the commitment
to intergenerational training and learning that has been so fundamental to TWAIL. At the
same time, they were able to highlight the pioneering work of contemporary TWAIL (II)
scholars in questioning the conditions of the South from a more global and
intersectional perspective. The job of TWAIL I was to wrestle with formal imperialism at
home. Our struggle – the struggle of TWAILers II, III, IV and beyond – is to deal with the
vestiges of ‘formal’ empire and expanding multi-dimensional forms of ‘informal
imperialism’.2
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In the years since this initial set of conversations, TWAIL scholarship has grown
enormously in terms of both the themes and the geographical and historical scope of
the research conducted by its members.
Revising the general theory of international law and unveiling its global history;
questioning the functioning of the international order and the role of international
lawyers within it; re-theorising the state and revising current discourses of constitutional
order, security and transitional justice; cross-examining the fields of international human
rights law, international economic law, international environmental law, international
humanitarian law and international criminal law; highlighting the importance of social
movements, Indigenous peoples, and migrants in the international order – all these and
many other topics have come to the attention of TWAIL scholars in recent years.3
Attention to the cross-operation of race, gender, and class, as well as studying past and
present forms of decolonisation and resistance have marked this work throughout.4
That first TWAIL meeting in 1997 also inaugurated a line of international conferences that
have served as meeting points at which to share research outcomes, consolidate old and
new friendships, and assess the prospects for reforming international law’s pedagogy
and practice. They have taken place at Osgoode Hall Law School (2001), Albany Law
School (2007), the University of British Columbia (2008), Université Paris 1 Panthéon-
Sorbonne (2010), Oregon Law School (2011), the American University in Cairo (2015), the
University of Colombo (2017), and, most recently, at the National University of Singapore
(2018).
Today, 20+ years after the first TWAIL meeting, TWAIL occupies a central place in debates
about the past and present of the international legal order. Indeed, it is no
overestimation to say that TWAIL’s insights and the work produced under its banner
have altered profoundly settled teleological conceptualisations of international law as
being innately progressive and always on the side of social, economic, and
environmental justice. Most of all, Eurocentric accounts of international law can no
longer run unchecked thanks to the work of TWAILers.
The Bandung volume brought together more than 40 scholars associated with TWAIL and
close colleagues to reflect critically on the 60th anniversary of the Bandung Conference.
Held in 1955 in Bandung, Indonesia with the participation of 29 African and Asian
countries, the Bandung Conference condemned ‘colonialism in all its manifestations’ as
‘an evil which should speedily be brought to an end’. The Bandung collection was cited by
Judge Trindade precisely to stress the continued relevance of this call to our supposedly
post-colonial global legal order. Almost unanimously, the ICJ found that the Chagos
Islands had to be returned to Mauritius ‘as rapidly as possible’ by the United Kingdom,
one of its former colonial masters. According to the ICJ, the 1968 decolonisation of
Mauritius had not been lawfully completed.6
As the Chagos Advisory Opinion demonstrates, and as the Bandung volume insists,
colonialism has not gone away. It is still very much part of the international order, yet
mutating into new forms each day. In this regard, TWAIL’s re-entrance into the chambers
of the ICJ speaks strongly of TWAIL’s ongoing relevance even in the context of the ‘world
court’, international law’s central institution. Given TWAIL’s insights into international
law’s original and ongoing implication in the imperial arrangements that are continually
being redeployed around us, however, clearly its work cannot be confined to the
courtroom. Academic and activist work, interrupting the global legal and institutional
order whenever possible, are always part and parcel of any TWAIL praxis.
1. History Matters
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long ‘war on terror’ are only some of these conjunctures – together with non-European
imperialisms (from the Chinese Empire to the Republic of Liberia) and countless
moments of post-colonial violence by post-colonial states.8
Paying attention to these varied histories has allowed TWAILers to trace the co-
constitution of international law and imperialism, and more generally to challenge
international law’s complacent linearity and unidimensionality by showing the skewed
power dynamics that criss-cross the international legal order. At the same time,
questioning the assumed history of international law has allowed TWAILers to excavate
alternative international normative projects and movements that have had a South
orientation: from Bandung, as mentioned above, to the right of peoples and nations to
permanent sovereignty over their natural wealth and resources, to the Non-Aligned
Movement, to the New International Economic Order, to La Vía Campesina.9
2. Empire Moves
With one eye on the longue dureé of the ‘international community’ and the other on the
impact of its structures and institutions on Southern peoples and environments,
TWAILers have been forced to develop a dynamic account of imperialism. For them, as
for Marxist historians, ‘[m]en make their own history, but they do not make it as they
please; they do not make it under self-selected circumstances, but under circumstances
existing already, given and transmitted from the past.’ 10
Imperialism from a TWAIL perspective is, then, not a ‘historical’ phenomenon that can be
cordoned off somewhere in the past. Imperialism consists, instead, of a multifarious set
of asymmetrical arrangements and forms of conditional integration that have travelled
across time and space, and through many scales and sites of governance – from the
international to the national and the local; from the public to the private; from the
ideological to the material; from the human to the non-human, and beyond. These
constraining and detrimental forms of ordering make and remake our surroundings –
and indeed ourselves – on a daily basis.11
If empire moves, the South moves too. The categories of South and North are used in
TWAIL scholarship not as hard markers of differentiation, but to analyse the evolution –
and the continuities and discontinuities – of global economic, political, and legal
relations. These include the causes and effects of international migration and asylum
patterns; questions of Indigenous sovereignty across the world; and the impact of the
IMF, the World Bank, and other powerful international institutions on poverty and
inequality within and between states as different as Greece and Indonesia.12
In TWAIL-oriented work, the categories of Global South and North are thus understood
not as fixed realities but rather as dynamic frameworks which must be applied and
reconfigured in response to local specificities, regional trends, and larger changes to the
global economic and political system. Today, this is more pertinent than ever as we face
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a deepening of inequality between and within states and regions – an inequality which,
paradoxically, only goes to underscore our interconnected responsibilities as the
inhabitants of this, our anthropocenic planet. ‘Most of the world’ is again a pretty good
description of where the heart of TWAIL lies.
It is, therefore, not only in relation to the imperial character of international law that
TWAIL scholarship has been pioneering and original. Over the last two decades, TWAIL
scholars have argued that human rights law is very limited in what it can achieve to
negate the effects of neoliberalism.13 They have also argued that orthodox
developmental policies and investment frameworks are structurally biased. This
scholarship, which has been always global in its focus, is now proving prophetic as these
same concerns are clearly emerging in Northern locations and mainstream scholarship
is arriving at similar conclusions.
If imperialism is not a matter of the past, and if empire moves just as the South moves,
then it follows that the struggle in which TWAIL is engaged is one fought on multiple
fronts and on a diverse and shifting terrain.
At the most general level, TWAIL’s struggle is about clearing the historical record
concerning the relationship between international law and imperialism past and present.
At a more specific level, it involves identifying those key moments in which imperialism
has become a constitutive element of the international legal order, and those particular
sites in which international law has been the fulcrum of empire. Taken together, TWAIL’s
agenda is directed at examining and altering legal understandings, and redeploying law
in a more progressive way; which means in a way attentive to progressive political and
political economic practices and horizons. As an intellectual project, TWAIL is also
concerned as much as with scholarly innovation as it is with due acknowledgment of the
important scholarship done by TWAIL scholars and others.
Given this broad agenda of research and political action, TWAILers have insisted on the
importance of attending, as feminist scholars have shown us, as much to the personal as
to the political. This is crucial given the agonistic nature of states and citizens in the
Global South. Emblems – often – of independent life after colonial rule, many have
themselves taken on the oppressive, xenophobic characteristics of that from which they
fled. Trapped, whether willingly or unwillingly, in cycles of destructive production and
consumption; complicit in the radical securitisation of everyday life; deaf to the protests
of still-colonised Indigenous groups and minorities, the legacy of imperialism lives on in
an active as much as a passive sense in many Third World states.14 For TWAIL scholars,
therefore, the struggle remains, and must remain, always there, and always here. It is,
and must always be, about present ‘tactics’, and about a longer ‘strategy’.15
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Two lines to conclude. TWAIL is a movement, not a school; a network, not an institution; a
sensibility, not a doctrine. This restlessness and commitment to openness are nourished,
above all, by the diversity of the world to which TWAIL responds and from which its
momentum arises.
———
I must thank Jenifer Evans for her editorial support and Antony Anghie, Rob Knox, Vasuki
Nesiah, Sundhya Pahuja, Rose Parfitt, and John Reynolds for their close reading of early
versions of this blog post. I would also like to thank the blog International Law Under
Construction for their initial invitation to write this overview of TWAIL and for permitting it to
be republished by Critical Legal Thinking.
Luis Eslava is Senior Lecturer in Law & Co-Director Center for Critical International Law (CeCIL)
at the University of Kent
+ Spanish
Coordenadas TWAIL
Luis Eslava
Photo: Calle en San Juan, Puerto Rico, 1941. FSA-Office of War Information Collection,
Biblioteca del Congreso, Washington, D.C., Estados Unidos.[1]
La primera reunión como tal de TWAIL fue realizada en marzo de 1997 en la Universidad
de Harvard. El objetivo principal (uno que ha caracterizado el trabajo de los TWAILers
desde ese entonces) fue el de cuestionar la presunta neutralidad y universalidad del
derecho internacional a la luz de su larga asociación, tanto histórica como actual, con el
imperialismo. Un propósito adicional fue el de delinear nuevas agendas emancipadoras
(nuevas agendas de descolonización) para un mundo en rápida globalización. Así como
B. S. Chimni lo señaló en su Manifiesto TWAIL, ‘la amenaza de la recolonización’ seguía y
sigue rondando al Sur Global. Frente a esta realidad, un nuevo aparato teórico y
conceptual tenía que ser desarrollado para ‘responder a las preocupaciones materiales y
éticas de los pueblos del tercer mundo’.
Para comprender esta larga tradición orientada hacia el Sur en el derecho internacional,
Antony Anghie y Chimni acuñaron los términos ‘TWAIL I’ y ‘TWAIL II’: el primero para
referirse a la investigación realizada por la primera generación de actores jurídicos
internacionales durante el periodo de la descolonización ; y el segundo para identificar la
investigación que ‘ha seguido ampliamente la tradición de TWAIL I y que se ha
consolidado a partir de ella, mientras que inevitablemente se ha apartado esta línea de
trabajo en cuestiones significativas’.
El mundo de TWAIL
8/33
En los años que han pasado desde estas discusiones iniciales, el trabajo de TWAIL ha
crecido enormemente tanto en términos de temas, como en el alcance geográfico e
histórico de la investigación desarrollada por sus miembros.
Revisar la teoría general del derecho internacional y develar su historia global; cuestionar
el funcionamiento del orden internacional y el papel de los abogados internacionales en
él; re-teorizar el Estado y revisar los discursos actuales sobre el orden constitucional, la
seguridad y la justicia transicional; cuestionar los campos del derecho internacional de
los derechos humanos, el derecho internacional económico, el derecho internacional del
medio ambiente, el derecho internacional humanitario y el derecho penal internacional;
resaltar la importancia de los movimientos sociales, los pueblos indígenas y los
migrantes en el orden internacional – estos y muchos otros temas han llamado la
atención de los académicos TWAIL en los últimos años.[3] Atención a la importancia de
los temas raciales, el género y las diferencias de clase, al igual que el estudio de las
formas pasadas y actuales de de(s)colonización y resistencia, han caracterizado
continuamente este trabajo.[4]
Hoy, más de veinte años después de su primera reunión, TWAIL ocupa un lugar central
en las discusiones sobre el pasado y el presente del orden jurídico internacional. En
efecto, no es una sobrestimación decir que las ideas de TWAIL y el trabajo que ha sido
realizado bajo este rótulo han alterado sustancialmente las conceptualizaciones
teleológicas del derecho internacional, las cuales entienden al mismo como innatamente
progresista y siempre del lado de la justicia social, económica y ambiental. Si esto no
fuera poco, las lecturas eurocéntricas del derecho internacional ya no pueden pasar
desapercibidas gracias al trabajo realizado por académicos asociados al movimiento
TWAIL.
Los TWAILers, sus colegas y una nueva generación de estudiantes y practicantes del
derecho internacional ahora cuentan con un cuerpo robusto y creciente de literatura
que puede ser utilizada para cuestionar esas asimetrías globales de poder que siempre
han acompañado (y que no son externas) al derecho internacional. Gracias a TWAIL hoy
también es posible señalar aquellos otros usos del derecho internacional y esos otras
mundos que el Sur y sus amigos han intentado poner en práctica desde hace mucho
tiempo.[5]
TWAIL en la CIJ
9/33
Un hecho que ha confirmado el impacto que TWAIL ha tenido en el derecho
internacional es la referencia que el Juez Cançado Trindade realizó del libro colectivo
Bandung, Global History and International Law (CUP 2017) en su Opinión Separada que
hace parte de la reciente Opinión Consultiva de la Corte Internacional de Justicia (CIJ)
sobre el Archipiélago de Chagos. En esta Opinión Consultiva la CIJ se pronunció sobre el
principio de auto-determinación y el papel que desempeña en el orden jurídico
contemporáneo. El principio de auto-determinación había ya sido, por supuesto, objeto
de análisis detallados y sentencias de juristas del Tercer Mundo (algunas de los cuales
corresponden a las figuras de TWAIL I identificadas por Anghie y Chimni), como
Mohammed Bedjaoui, Christopher Weermantry y Fouad Ammoun.
La libro colectivo sobre Bandung reúne más de cuarenta académicos asociados a TWAIL y
colegas cercanos, los cuales se unieron para reflexionar críticamente sobre la
Conferencia de Bandung en el marco de su sexagésimo aniversario. La Conferencia de
Bandung se llevó a cabo en 1955 en Bandung, Indonesia en donde, con la participación
de 29 países africanos y asiáticos se condenó ‘el colonialismo en todas sus
manifestaciones’ como ‘un mal que se debería terminar rápidamente’. La colección de
Bandung fue citada por el juez Trindade precisamente para destacar la relevancia que
continúa teniendo este llamado a terminar el colonialismo en un orden global que
supuestamente ya es ‘pos-colonial’. Casi de manera unánime la CIJ declaró que el Reino
Unido debe devolver el Archipiélago de Chagos a Mauricio – uno de sus antiguos
colonizadores – ‘lo más pronto posible’. De acuerdo con la CIJ, la descolonización de
Mauricio en 1968 no fue completa y de acuerdo al derecho.[6]
1. La historia importa
2. El Imperio se mueve
3. El Sur se mueve
Si el imperio se mueve, el Sur también. Las categorías de Sur y Norte son usadas en el
trabajo de TWAIL, no como diferenciadores estáticos, sino como categorías que nos
permiten analizar la evolución (y las continuidades y discontinuidades) de las relaciones
económicas, políticas y jurídicas globales. Esto incluye las causas y efectos de la
migración internacional y los patrones de asilo; las preguntas en torno a la soberanía
indígena alrededor del mundo; y el impacto que tienen en la pobreza y la inequidad el
Fondo Monetario Internacional, el Banco Mundial y otras ponderosas instituciones
internacionales entre y al interior de Estados tan diferentes como Grecia e Indonesia.[12]
En el trabajo desarrollado por TWAIL, las categorías del Sur y el Norte Global son
entendidas, de esta manera, no como realidades fijas, sino como marcos dinámicos que
deben ser aplicados y reconfigurados de acuerdo a las especificidades locales, las
tendencias regionales y los grandes cambios del sistema económico y político global. En
la actualidad esto es más importante que nunca debido a la creciente inequidad entre, y
dentro, de los Estados y las regiones (una inequidad que, paradójicamente, sólo destaca
nuestras responsabilidades interconectadas como habitantes de este, nuestro planeta
antropocénico). ‘La mayor parte del mundo’ es de nuevo una muy buena descripción
sobre dónde reside el corazón de TWAIL.
4. La lucha es múltiple
5. La lucha es aquí
Dada la amplitud de esta agenda de investigación y de acción política, los TWAILers han
insistido en la importancia de atender, tal y como las académicas feministas nos han
mostrado, tanto a lo personal como a lo político. Teniendo en cuenta la naturaleza
agonizante de los Estados y los ciudadanos del Sur Global, esto es crucial. Emblemas de
una vida independiente, más allá del dominio colonial, en muchas ocasiones los mismos
Estados del Sur y sus ciudadanos han optado por las mismas características opresivas y
xenofóbicas de las que pudieron escapar en algún momento. Voluntaria o
involuntariamente atrapados en ciclos de producción y consumo destructivos, cómplices
de la securitización de la vida diaria, y sordos a las protestas de los grupos indígenas y las
minorías, el legado del imperialismo aún vive de manera visible e invisible en muchos
Estados del Tercer Mundo.[14] Es por ello que para los académicos de TWAIL, la lucha
continúa y debe continuar, siempre allí, y siempre aquí. La lucha es y siempre debe ser
sobre las ‘tácticas’ actuales y sobre la ‘estrategia’ de largo plazo.[15]
Dos líneas finales para concluir. TWAIL es un movimiento, no una escuela; una red, no
una institución; una sensibilidad, no una doctrina. Esta inquietud y este compromiso a la
apertura se nutren de la diversidad del mundo al que TWAIL responde y donde renueva
constantemente su vitalidad.
Debo agradecer a Jennifer Evans por su apoyo editorial y a Antony Anghie, Rob Knox,
Vasuki Nesiah, Sundhya Pahuja, Rose Parfitt y John Reynolds por su cuidadosa lectura de
las versiones preliminares de este blog. También quisiera agradecer al blog International
Law Under Construction por su invitación inicial a escribir este resumen de TWAIL y por
permitir que fuera publicado de nuevo por Critical Legal Thinking.
[1] Esta fotografía de una calle en San Juan, Puerto Rico fue tomada por Jack Delano en
1941 como parte del famoso programa fotográfico de la pobreza rural de la Farm Security
Administration (FSA) de los Estados Unidos (1935 – 1944). Este programa documentó la
expansión de la pobreza rural que pretendía ser resuelta por la política de privatización
de la tierra de la FSA, a través de su esquema de compra de tierras por parte de
tenedores vía empréstitos. Tanto el programa de fotografía de la FSA como su esquema
de préstamos para la compra de tierras fueron implementado tanto en los Estados
Unidos como en Puerto Rico. Seducido por la cotidianidad de esta calle, repleta de
letreros de Coca-Cola, la foto de Delano habla claramente de la larga relación
(neo)colonial que ya existía entre los Estados Unidos y Puerto Rico, la cual se vino a
expandir aún más con el modelo de privatización de la tierra de la FSA.
[3] La lista de publicaciones que pueden ser citadas es enorme. Aquí sólo ponemos
algunos ejemplos. Sobre la revisión de la teoría y la historia general del derecho
internacional y la operación del orden internacional desde una perspectiva TWAIL:
Anthony Anghie, Imperialism, Sovereignty and the Making of International Law (CUP, 2004);
B.S. Chimni, International Law and World Order (CUP, 2nd ed, 2017); Sundhya Pahuja,
Decolonising International Law: Development, Economic Growth and the Politics of
Universality (CUP, 2011); Luis Eslava, Local Space, Global Life: The Everyday Operation of
International Law and Development (CUP, 2015). Sobre el rol de los abogados
internacionalistas y los académicos del derecho internacional ver: Liliana Obregón,
‘Between Civilisation and Barbarism: Creole Interventions in International Law’ (2006)
27(5) Third World Quarterly 815; Luis Eslava and Sundhya Pahuja, ‘Between Resistance
and Reform: TWAIL and the Universality of International Law’ (2011) 3 Trade Law and
Development 103; Arnulf Becker Lorca, Mestizo International Law: A Global Intellectual
History 1842–1933 (CUP, 2015); Adil Hasan Khan, ‘International Lawyers in the Aftermath
of Disasters: Inheriting from Radhabinod Pal and Upendra Baxi’ (2016) 37(11) Third World
Quarterly 2061. Sobre la reteorización del Estado ver: Rose Parfitt, The Process of
International Legal Reproduction: Inequality, Historiography, Resistance (CUP, 2019). Sobre el
derecho constitucional desde una perspectiva TWAIL: Zoran Oklopcic, ‘The South of
Western Constitutionalism: A Map Ahead of a Journey’ (2016) 37(11) Third World Quarterly
14/33
2080. Sobre justicia transicional y discursos sobre seguridad: James T. Gathii, ‘The Use of
Force, Freedom of Commerce, and Double Standards in Prosecuting Pirates in Kenya’
(2010) 59 American University Law Review 1321; Vasuki Nesiah, ‘Theorizing Transitional
Justice’ in Anne Orford and Florian Hoffman (eds.), Oxford Handbook of International Legal
Theory (OUP, 2016); John Reynolds, Empire, Emergency and International Law (CUP, 2017);
Ntina Tzouvala, ‘TWAIL and the “Unwilling or Unable” Doctrine: Continuities and
Ruptures’ (2015) 109 AJIL Unbound 266. Sobre el derecho internacional de los derechos
humanos: M. Mutua, ‘Savages, Victims, and Saviors: The Metaphor of Human Rights’
(2001) 42(1) Harvard International Law Journal 201. Sobre el derecho internacional
económico: James T. Gathii and Ibironke Odumosu, ‘International Economic Law in the
Third World’ (2009) 11 International Community Law Review 349; Michael Fakhri, Sugar and
the Making of International Trade Law (CUP, 2014). Sobre el derecho internacional del
medio ambiente: Usha Natarajan and Kishan Khoday ‘Locating Nature: Making and
Unmaking International Law’ (2014) 27 Leiden Journal of International Law 573; Julia Dehm,
‘Post Paris Reflections: Fossil Fuels, Human Rights and the Need to Excavate New Ideas
for Climate Justice’ (2017) 8(2) Journal of Human Rights and the Environment 280–300;
Karin Mickelson, ‘International Law as a War against Nature? Reflections on the
Ambivalence of International Environmental Law’ in Barbara Stark (ed.), International Law
and Its Discontents: Confronting Crises (CUP, 2015). Sobre derecho internacional
humanitario: Corri Zoli, ‘Islamic Contributions to International Humanitarian Law:
Recalibrating TWAIL Approaches for Existing Contributions and Legacies’ (2015) 109 AJIL
Unbound 271. Sobre derecho penal internacional: Asad G. Kiyani, ‘Third World
Approaches to International Criminal Law’ (2015) 109 AJIL Unbound 255. Sobre las
aproximaciones TWAIL a los movimientos sociales, los pueblos indígenas y los migrantes:
Balakrishnan Rajagopal, International Law from Below: Development, Social Movements and
Third World Resistance (CUP, 2003); Amar Bhatia, ‘The South of the North: Building on
Critical Approaches to International Law with Lessons from the Fourth World’ (2012) 14
Oregon Review of International Law 131; Adrian A. Smith, ‘Migration, Development and
Security within Racialised Global Capitalism: Refusing the Balance Game’ (2016) 37(11)
Third World Quarterly 2119.
[5] Los historiadores orientados hacia el Sur también han venido haciendo una
contribución importante al proyecto de desenterrar esas otras palabras propuestas por
los intelectuales y actores políticos del Sur. Ver por ejemplo: Gary Wilder, Freedom Time:
15/33
Negritude, Decolonization, and the Future of the World (Duke University Press, 2014); Adom
Getachew, Worldmaking after Empire: The Rise and Fall of Self-Determination (Princeton
University Press, 2019).
[6] Para un análisis desde la perspectiva TWAIL sobre la Opinión Consultiva sobre
Chagos, ver: Miriam Bak McKenna, ‘Chagos Islands: UN ruling calls time on shameful
British colonialism but UK still resisting’ (The Conversation, 28 February 2019).
[7] Con relación al compromiso de TWAIL con la historia y la historiografía ver: Anne
Orford, ‘The Past as Law or History? The Relevance of Imperialism for Modern
International Law’ (IILJ Working Paper, 2012/2). Para una presentación general sobre la
importancia que tiene la historia para el trabajo de TWAIL ver, por ejemplo: George
Rodrigo Bandeira Galindo, ‘Force Field: On History and Theory of International Law’
(2012) 20 Journal of the Max Planck Institute for European Legal History 86.
[9] Ver Michael Fakhri, ‘Rethinking the Right to Food’ (Legal Form, 5 September 2018).
[11] En mi propio trabajo he intentado capturar esta dinámica y la amplia operación del
imperialismo y el derecho internacional. Ver por ejemplo: Luis Eslava, ‘Istanbul Vignettes:
Observing the Everyday Operation of International Law’ (2014) 2(1) London Review of
International Law 3; ‘The Moving Location of Empire: Indirect Rule, International Law, and
the Bantu Educational Kinema Experiment’ (2018) 31 Leiden Journal of International Law
539.
[12] Para un ejemplo reciente de esta comprensión dinámica del Sur y el Norte Global
que refuerza el trabajo de TWAIL ver particularmente: John Linarelli, Margot E. Salomon,
and Muthucumaraswamy Sornarajah, The Misery of International Law: Confrontations with
Injustice in the Global Economy (OUP, 2018).
[13] Ver especialmente el trabajo innovador y crítico sobre los derechos humanos de
Upendra Baxi, The Future of Human Rights (OUP, 2002). Ver también, sobre las
contribuciones actuals de TWAIL a la discusión sobre los derechos humanos: Ratna
Kapur, Gender, Alterity and Human Rights: Freedom in a Fishbowl (Edward Elgar, 2018).
[15] Robert Knox, ‘Strategy and Tactics’ (2010) 21 Finnish Yearbook of International Law 1.
16/33
– Spanish
+ Portuguese
Coordenadas TWAIL
Luis Eslava
Photo: Rua em San Juan, Porto Rico, 1941. Fonte: FSA-Office of War Information Collection.
Biblioteca do Congresso, Washington, EUA.[1]
O primeiro encontro das TWAIL foi realizado em março de 1997 na Harvard University. O
principal objetivo – um dos que tem marcado o trabalho dos(as) TWAILers desde então –
foi interrogar a neutralidade e a universalidade assumidas pelo direito internacional à luz
de sua longa associação com o imperialismo, tanto histórico quanto contínuo. Um
propósito paralelo foi delinear novas agendas emancipatórias – novas agendas de
descolonização – para um mundo rapidamente globalizado. Como B. S. Chimni mais
tarde colocou em seu Manifesto TWAIL, ‘a ameaça de recolonização’ continuava a
17/33
assombrar o Terceiro Mundo. Diante dessa realidade, um novo conjunto de ferramentas
teve de ser desenvolvido para ‘abordar as preocupações materiais e éticas dos povos do
Terceiro Mundo’.
Para dar sentido a essa longa tradição do direito internacional a partir do Sul, Antony
Anghie e Chimni cunharam os termos ‘TWAIL I’ e ‘TWAIL II’: o primeiro termo para se
referir ao conjunto de estudos e pensamentos produzidos por essa primeira geração de
atores jurídicos internacionais pós-coloniais; o segundo, para o conjunto que ‘seguiu
amplamente a tradição de TWAIL I, inspirando-se nela, enquanto, inevitavelmente, se
afastava dela de maneiras significativas’.
O primeiro encontro das TWAIL em 1997 também inaugurou uma linha de conferências
18/33
internacionais que serviram como pontos de encontro para compartilhar resultados de
pesquisa, consolidar antigas e novas amizades e avaliar as perspectivas de reforma da
pedagogia e prática do direito internacional. Os encontros foram realizados na Osgoode
Hall Law School (2001), na Albany Law School (2007), na University of British Columbia
(2008), na Université Paris 1 Panthéon-Sorbonne (2010), na Oregon Law School (2011), na
American University in Cairo (2015), na University of Colombo (2017) e, mais recentemente,
na National University of Singapore (2018).
Hoje, passados vinte anos após a primeira reunião das TWAIL, este conjunto de
abordagens ocupa um lugar central nos debates sobre o passado e o presente da ordem
jurídica internacional. De fato, não é demais dizer que as ideias trazidas pelas TWAIL e o
trabalho produzido sob sua bandeira alteraram conceitos teleológicos profundamente
estabelecidos no direito internacional – e as questionaram como sendo naturalmente
progressistas e sempre do lado da justiça social, econômica e ambiental. Principalmente,
a tônica eurocêntrica do direito internacional perdeu sua invisibilidade graças ao
trabalho dos(as) TWAILers.
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CIJ decidiu que as Ilhas Chagos deveriam ser devolvidas às Ilhas Maurício ‘o mais rápido
possível’ pelo Reino Unido, um de seus antigos senhores coloniais. Segundo o ICJ, a
descolonização de 1968 das Ilhas Maurício não foi legalmente concluída.[6]
1. A história é importante
2. O Império se move
3. O Sul se move
Se o império se move, o Sul também se move. As categorias do Sul e do Norte não são
usadas nos estudos TWAIL como marcadores duros de diferenciação, mas para analisar
a evolução – e as continuidades e descontinuidades – das relações econômicas, políticas
e jurídicas globais. Isso inclui as causas e efeitos da migração internacional; questões de
soberania indígena em todo o mundo; e o impacto do FMI, do Banco Mundial e de outras
instituições internacionais poderosas sobre a pobreza e a desigualdade dentro e entre
Estados tão diferentes quanto a Grécia e a Indonésia.[12]
No trabalho das TWAIL, as categorias de Sul e Norte Globais são entendidas não como
realidades fixas, mas como estruturas dinâmicas que devem ser aplicadas e
reconfiguradas em resposta a especificidades locais, tendências regionais e mudanças
maiores no sistema econômico e político global. Hoje, isso é mais pertinente do que
nunca, pois enfrentamos um aprofundamento da desigualdade entre e dentro dos
Estados e regiões – uma desigualdade que, paradoxalmente, apenas enfatiza nossas
responsabilidades interconectadas como habitantes deste nosso planeta
antropocêntrico. ‘A maior parte do mundo’ é novamente uma boa descrição de onde está
o coração das TWAIL.
4. A luta é múltipla
No geral, a luta das TWAIL é esclarecer o registro histórico sobre a relação entre o direito
internacional e o imperialismo passado e presente. Em termos específicos, envolve
identificar os momentos-chave em que o imperialismo se tornou um elemento
constitutivo da ordem jurídica internacional e os locais específicos em que o direito
internacional tem sido o fulcro do império. Tomados em conjunto, a agenda das TWAIL é
direcionada para examinar e alterar os entendimentos jurídicos e redistribuir o direito de
uma forma mais progressista; o que significa, de certo modo, estar atento às práticas e
horizontes econômicos e políticos. Como um projeto intelectual, as TWAIL também se
preocupam tanto com a inovação acadêmica quanto com o devido reconhecimento dos
importantes estudos feitos pelos estudiosos das TWAIL e de outras abordagens.
Dada essa ampla agenda de pesquisa e ação política, os(as) TWAILers tem insistido na
importância de atentar, como os(as) acadêmicos(as) feministas argumentam, tanto para
o aspecto pessoal quanto para o político dessas discussões. Isso é crucial dada a
natureza agonística dos Estados e cidadãos e cidadãs no Sul Global. São emblemas –
muitas vezes – de uma vida independente após o domínio colonial, e muitas delas têm
assumido as mesmas características opressivas e xenófobas de onde se desprenderam.
Preso, voluntariamente ou não, em ciclos de produção e consumo destrutivo; cúmplice
na securitização radical da vida cotidiana; surdo aos protestos de grupos e minorias
indígenas ainda colonizados, o legado do imperialismo continua vivo em um sentido
ativo e passivo em muitos Estados do Terceiro Mundo.[14] Para estudiosos(as) das
TWAIL, portanto, a luta permanece e deve permanecer sempre ali e sempre aqui. É, e
deve ser sempre, sobre ‘táticas’ presentes e sobre uma ‘estratégia’ mais longa.[15]
Duas linhas para concluir. TWAIL é um movimento, não uma escola; uma rede, não uma
instituição; uma sensibilidade, não uma doutrina. Esta inquietude e compromisso com a
abertura são nutridos, acima de tudo, pela diversidade do mundo ao qual as TWAIL
respondem e da qual o seu ímpeto surge.
—
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Agradeço Jenifer Evans por seu apoio editorial e Antony Anghie, Rob Knox, Vasuki
Nesiah, Sundhya Pahuja, Rose Parfitt e John Reynolds por suas leituras atentas às
versões iniciais deste texto. Eu também gostaria de agradecer ao blog International Law
Under Construction por seu convite inicial para escrever esse panorama sobre TWAIL e
por permitir que o texto fosse republicado pelo Critical Legal Thinking.
Luis Eslava é Professor (Senior Lecturer) de Direito e codiretor do Center for Critical
International Law (CeCIL) na University of Kent.
[1] Essa fotografia de uma rua em San Juan, Porto Rico, foi tirada por Jack Delano em
1941, como parte de um famoso programa de fotografia de pobreza rural coordenado
pela Farm Security Administration (FSA) dos Estados Unidos entre 1935 e 1944. Este
programa documentou a pobreza rural generalizada que a política de privatização de
terras da FSA, de esquemas de empréstimo e compra de terras, foi projetada para
resolver. O programa de fotografia da FSA e seus esquemas de compra de terras foram
aplicados tanto no continente americano quanto em Porto Rico. Seduzida por essa rua
cotidiana, com seus já onipresentes cartazes da Coca-Cola, a imagem de Delano atesta
os detalhes de uma longa relação (neo)colonial entre os EUA e Porto Rico, em que a
unidade de privatização da FSA consolidou ainda mais.
[3] A lista de publicações é enorme – aqui vão apenas alguns exemplos. Sobre
revisitações na teoria geral e na história do direito internacional e a na operação da
ordem internacional por meio de uma perspectiva TWAIL, Anthony Anghie, Imperialism,
Sovereignty and the Making of International Law (CUP, 2004); B.S. Chimni, International
Law and World Order (CUP, 2nd ed, 2017); Sundhya Pahuja, Decolonising International
Law: Development, Economic Growth and the Politics of Universality (CUP, 2011); Luis
Eslava, Local Space, Global Life: The Everyday Operation of International Law and
Development (CUP, 2015). Sobre o papel da academia e de internacionalistas ver, Liliana
Obregón, ‘Between Civilisation and Barbarism: Creole Interventions in International Law’
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(2006) 27(5) Third World Quarterly 815; Luis Eslava and Sundhya Pahuja, ‘Between
Resistance and Reform: TWAIL and the Universality of International Law’ (2011) 3 Trade
Law and Development 103; Arnulf Becker Lorca, Mestizo International Law: A Global
Intellectual History 1842–1933 (CUP, 2015); Adil Hasan Khan, ‘International Lawyers in
the Aftermath of Disasters: Inheriting from Radhabinod Pal and Upendra Baxi’ (2016)
37(11) Third World Quarterly 2061. Sobre novas teorias do Estado, Rose Parfitt, The
Process of International Legal Reproduction: Inequality, Historiography, Resistance (CUP,
2019). Sobre direito constitucional por meio de uma abordagem TWAIL, Zoran Oklopcic,
‘The South of Western Constitutionalism: A Map Ahead of a Journey’ (2016) 37(11) Third
World Quarterly 2080. Sobre justiça de transição e discursos de segurança, James T.
Gathii, ‘The Use of Force, Freedom of Commerce, and Double Standards in Prosecuting
Pirates in Kenya’ (2010) 59 American University Law Review 1321; Vasuki Nesiah,
‘Theorizing Transitional Justice’ in Anne Orford and Florian Hoffman (eds.), Oxford
Handbook of International Legal Theory (OUP, 2016); John Reynolds, Empire, Emergency
and International Law (CUP, 2017); Ntina Tzouvala, ‘TWAIL and the “Unwilling or Unable”
Doctrine: Continuities and Ruptures’ (2015) 109 AJIL Unbound 266. Sobre direitos
humanos, M. Mutua, ‘Savages, Victims, and Saviors: The Metaphor of Human Rights’
(2001) 42(1) Harvard International Law Journal 201. Sobre direito internacional
econômico, James T. Gathii and Ibironke Odumosu, ‘International Economic Law in the
Third World’ (2009) 11 International Community Law Review 349; Michael Fakhri, Sugar
and the Making of International Trade Law (CUP, 2014). Sobre direito internacional
ambiental, Usha Natarajan and Kishan Khoday ‘Locating Nature: Making and Unmaking
International Law’ (2014) 27 Leiden Journal of International Law 573; Julia Dehm, ‘Post
Paris Reflections: Fossil Fuels, Human Rights and the Need to Excavate New Ideas for
Climate Justice’ (2017) 8(2) Journal of Human Rights and the Environment 280–300; Karin
Mickelson, ‘International Law as a War against Nature? Reflections on the Ambivalence of
International Environmental Law’ in Barbara Stark (ed.), International Law and Its
Discontents: Confronting Crises (CUP, 2015). Sobre direito internacional humanitário,
Corri Zoli, ‘Islamic Contributions to International Humanitarian Law: Recalibrating TWAIL
Approaches for Existing Contributions and Legacies’ (2015) 109 AJIL Unbound 271. On
international criminal law, Asad G. Kiyani, ‘Third World Approaches to International
Criminal Law’ (2015) 109 AJIL Unbound 255. Sobre abordagens TWAIL aplicadas aos
movimentos sociais, povos indígenas e migrantes, Balakrishnan Rajagopal, International
Law from Below: Development, Social Movements and Third World Resistance (CUP,
2003); Amar Bhatia, ‘The South of the North: Building on Critical Approaches to
International Law with Lessons from the Fourth World’ (2012) 14 Oregon Review of
International Law 131; Adrian A. Smith, ‘Migration, Development and Security within
Racialised Global Capitalism: Refusing the Balance Game’ (2016) 37(11) Third World
Quarterly 2119.
[5] Historiadores do Sul Global também têm dado uma contribuição extremamente
significativa ao projeto de escavação daqueles outros mundos propostos pelos
intelectuais e atores políticos do Sul. Ver, por exemplo, Gary Wilder, Freedom Time:
Negritude, Decolonization, and the Future of the World (Duke University Press, 2014);
Adom Getachew, Worldmaking after Empire: The Rise and Fall of Self-Determination
(Princeton University Press, 2019).
[6] Para uma análise do caso Chagos a partir de uma perspectiva TWAIL, ver, por
exemplo, Miriam Bak McKenna, ‘Chagos Islands: UN ruling calls time on shameful British
colonialism but UK still resisting’ (The Conversation, 28 February 2019).
[7] Sobre o engajamento das TWAIL com história e historiografia, Anne Orford, ‘The Past
as Law or History? The Relevance of Imperialism for Modern International Law’ (IILJ
Working Paper, 2012/2). Para um panorama da importância da história para TWAIL, ver,
por exemplo, George Rodrigo Bandeira Galindo, ‘Force Field: On History and Theory of
International Law’ (2012) 20 Journal of the Max Planck Institute for European Legal
History 86.
[9] Ver, por exemplo, Michael Fakhri, ‘Rethinking the Right to Food’ (Legal Form, 5
September 2018).
[11] Em meu próprio trabalho, tenho buscado capturar essa dinâmica e a operação em
sentido amplo entre o imperialismo e o direito internacional. Ver, por exemplo, Luis
Eslava, ‘Istanbul Vignettes: Observing the Everyday Operation of International Law’ (2014)
2(1) London Review of International Law 3; ‘The Moving Location of Empire: Indirect Rule,
International Law, and the Bantu Educational Kinema Experiment’ (2018) 31 Leiden
Journal of International Law 539.
[12] Para um exemplo recente dessa compreensão dinâmica do Sul Global e do Norte
Global que sustenta o trabalho das TWAIL, ver especialmente, John Linarelli, Margot E.
Salomon, and Muthucumaraswamy Sornarajah, The Misery of International Law:
Confrontations with Injustice in the Global Economy (OUP, 2018).
[13] Ver especialmente o inovador trabalho sobre direitos humanos de Upendra Baxi,
The Future of Human Rights (OUP, 2002). Para recentes contribuições das TWAIL nos
debates de direitos humanos, ver Ratna Kapur, Gender, Alterity and Human Rights:
Freedom in a Fishbowl (Edward Elgar, 2018).
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[14] Ver, por exemplo, Mohammad Shahabuddin, ‘Postcolonial Boundaries, International
Law, and the Making of the Rohingya Crisis in Myanmar’ (forthcoming, 2019) Asian
Journal of International Law; Luis Eslava, ‘The Developmental State: Dependency and
Independency and the History of the South’ in Philipp Dann and Jochen von Bernstorff
(eds), The Battle for International Law (forthcoming, 2019, OUP).
[15] Robert Knox, ‘Strategy and Tactics’ (2010) 21 Finnish Yearbook of International Law
1.
– Portuguese
+ Arabic
*إﺣﺪاﺛﻴﺎت ﺗﻮاﻳﻞ
ﻟﻮﻳﺲ اﺳﻼﻓﺎ
اﻟﺼﻮرة :ﺷﺎرع ﻓﻲ ﺳﺎن ﺟﻮان ﺑـ ﺑﻮرﺗﻮ رﻳﻜﻮ .1941 ،ﻣﻜﺘﺐ إدارة أﻣﻦ اﻟﻤﺰارع – ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎت
]اﻟﺤﺮب .ﻣﻜﺘﺒﺔ اﻟﻜﻮﻧﺠﺮس ،واﺷﻨﻄﻦ ،اﻟﻮﻻﻳﺎت اﻟﻤﺘﺤﺪة اﻷﻣﺮﻳﻜﻴﺔ1].
Thirdﺑﺎﻟﻠﻐﺔ اﻹﻧﺠﻠﻴﺰﻳﺔ ﻣﻦ TWAILﻧ ُﻬُﺞ اﻟﻌﺎﻟﻢ اﻟﺜﺎﻟﺚ ﻟﻠﻘﺎﻧﻮن اﻟﺪوﻟﻲ )و اﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻌﺮف ﺑﺎﺳﻤﻬﺎ اﻟﻤﺨﺘﺼﺮ
و اﻟﺘﻲ ﺳﻴﺸﺎر اﻟﻴﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺑﻘﻴﺔ اﻟﻤﻘﺎل ﺑـ “ﺗﻮاﻳﻞ”( ،ﻫﻲ World Approaches to International Law،
ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﺔ دﻳﻨﺎﻣﻴﻜﻴﺔ وﻣﻔﺘﻮﺣﺔ ﻣﻦ أﺳﺎﺗﺬة اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮن اﻟﺪوﻟﻲ ،اﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﻳﻔﻜﺮون ﺑﺸﺄن ،و ﻣﻊ اﻟﻌﺎﻟﻢ اﻟﺜﺎﻟﺚ .ﻓﻲ
ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﻫﺬه اﻟﻤﺪرﺳﺔ ،ﻣﺼﻄﻠﺢ “اﻟﻌﺎﻟﻢ اﻟﺜﺎﻟﺚ” ﻳﺸﻴﺮ إﻟﻰ ﺗﻠﻚ اﻟﻤﻨﻄﻘﺔ اﻟﻮاﺳﻌﺔ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻴ ًﺎ-اﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴ ًﺎ واﻟﺘﻲ ﻏﺎﻟﺒﺎ ً
ﻣﺎ ﺗﻌﺘﺒﺮ ﺧﺎﺿﻌﺔ ،واﻟﺘﻲ ﺷﻜﻠﺖ ﻧﻔﺴﻬﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ أﺳﺎس أﻧﻬﺎ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻣﻨﺤﺎزة ﺧﻼل ﻣﻨﺘﺼﻒ اﻟﻘﺮن اﻟﻌﺸﺮﻳﻦ – ﻻ
ﻣﻨﺘﻤﻴﺔ إﻟﻰ اﻟﻌﺎﻟﻢ اﻟﺤﺮ وﻻ إﻟﻰ اﻟﻌﺎﻟﻢ اﻟﺸﻴﻮﻋﻲ .أﻣﺎ اﻟﻴﻮم ،ﻓﺎﻟﻌﺎﻟﻢ اﻟﺜﺎﻟﺚ ﻏﺎﻟﺒ ًﺎ ﻣﺎ ﻳﺘﻢ اﻹﺷﺎرة إﻟﻴﻪ ﻋﻠﻰ
أﻧﻪ اﻟﻌﺎﻟﻢ اﻟﻨﺎﻣﻲ وﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ اﻻﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎر ،أو اﻟﺠﻨﻮب اﻟﻌﺎﻟﻤﻲ .ﻓﻲ ﻋﺎﻟﻤﻨﺎ ﻏﻴﺮ اﻟﻤﺘﺴﺎوي ،اﻟﻤﻘﺴﻢ ﻋﻠﻰ
أﺳﺎس اﻟﻌﺮق واﻟﺠﻨﺲ ،واﻟﻤﻬﺪد ﻣﻨﺎﺧﻴﺎ ،واﻟﺬي ﻳﻮاﺟﻪ اﻧﺘﺸﺎر ﺟﻴﻮب ﻣﻦ اﻟﺠﻨﻮب ﻓﻲ اﻟﺸﻤﺎل وﺟﻴﻮب ﻣﻦ
اﻟﺸﻤﺎل ﻓﻲ اﻟﺠﻨﻮب ،ﻫﺬه اﻟﻤﻨﻄﻘﺔ اﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ-اﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻳﻤﻜﻦ ﻋﻠﻰ اﻷﻏﻠﺐ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺼﻬﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ أﻧﻬﺎ “ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ
“.اﻟﻌﺎﻟﻢ
أﺣﺠﻴﺔ ﺗﻮاﻳﻞ ﺑﺪأت ﻓﻲ رﺑﻴﻊ ،1996ﻋﻨﺪﻣﺎ اﺟﺘﻤﻌﺖ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﺔ ﻣﻦ اﻟﻄﻠﺒﺔ ﻣﻦ ﻛﻠﻴﺔ ﻫﺎرﻓﺎرد ﻟﻠﻘﺎﻧﻮن ﻟﺘﺘﺤﺪث،
ﻛﻤﺎ ﻛﺘﺐ ﺟﺎﻳﻤﺲ ﻏﺎﺛﻲ“ ،ﻋﻦ إﻣﻜﺎﻧﻴﺔ أن ﻳﻜﻮن ﻫﻨﺎك ﻧ ُﻬُﺞ ﻟﺪول اﻟﻌﺎﻟﻢ اﻟﺜﺎﻟﺚ ﻟﻠﻘﺎﻧﻮن اﻟﺪوﻟﻲ وﻣﺎﻫﻴﺔ
اﻟﺸﺆون اﻟﺮﺋﻴﺴﺔ ﻟﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻫﺬا اﻟﻨﻮع” .ﺗﻠﻚ اﻟﻨﻘﺎﺷﺎت اﻷوﻟﻰ ،واﻷﺣﺎدﻳﺚ اﻟﺘﻲ ﻟﺤﻘﺘﻬﺎ ،ﺗﻀﻤﻨﺖ ﻃﻠﺒﺔ
.وأﺳﺎﺗﺬة ﻣﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ ﻣﻦ اﻟﻌﺎﻟﻢ اﻟﺜﺎﻟﺚ وزﻣﻼء ﻣﻦ اﻟﺸﻤﺎل
اﻧﻌﻘﺪ اﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎع اﻷول ﻟﺘﻮاﻳﻞ ﻓﻲ ﻣﺎرس ،1997ﻓﻲ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﻫﺎرﻓﺎرد .اﻟﻬﺪف اﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ – وﻫﻮ اﻟﻬﺪف اﻟﺬي
أﺻﺒﺢ ﻋﻼﻣﺔ ﺷﻐﻞ ﻣﻤﻦ ﻳﺘﻌﺎﻣﻠﻮن ﻣﻊ ﺗﻮاﻳﻞ ﻣﻨﺬ ذاك – ﻛﺎن اﺳﺘﺠﻮاب وﺗﻔﺤﺺ ﻣﺎ ﻳﻔﺘﺮض ﺑﻪ أن ﻳﻜﻮن ﺣﻴﺎد
وﻋﺎﻟﻤﻴﺔ اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮن اﻟﺪوﻟﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺿﻮء ﻋﻼﻗﺘﻪ اﻟﻄﻮﻳﻠﺔ ﻣﻊ اﻻﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎر اﻟﺘﺎرﻳﺨﻲ واﻟﺤﺎﻟﻲ .وﻛﺎن اﻟﻬﺪف اﻟﻤﻮازي
ﻟﻬﺬا اﻟﻬﺪف ﺗﺨﻄﻴﻂ أﺟﻨﺪات ﺗﺤﺮﻳﺮﻳﺔ ﺟﺪﻳﺪة – أﺟﻨﺪات إﻧﻬﺎء اﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎر ﺟﺪﻳﺪة – ﻟﻌﺎﻟﻢ ﻳﺘﺰاﻳﺪ ﻓﻲ اﻟﻌﻮﻟﻤﺔ.
ﻓﻲ ﻛﻠﻤﺎت ب.س .ﺗﺸﻴﻤﻨﻲ ،ﻣﻦ اﻟﺒﻴﺎن اﻟﺮﺳﻤﻲ ﻟﻨ ُﻬﺞ اﻟﻌﺎﻟﻢ اﻟﺜﺎﻟﺚ ﻟﻠﻘﺎﻧﻮن اﻟﺪوﻟﻲ“ ،ﺧﻄﺮ إﻋﺎدة
اﻻﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎر” ﻳﺴﺘﻤﺮ ﻓﻲ ﻣﻄﺎردة اﻟﻌﺎﻟﻢ اﻟﺜﺎﻟﺚ .ﻟﻤﻮاﺟﻬﺔ ﻫﺬا اﻟﻮاﻗﻊ ﺗﻮﺟﺐ ﺗﻄﻮﻳﺮ أدوات ﺟﺪﻳﺪة ﻟﻤﺨﺎﻃﺒﺔ
.ﻫﺬه اﻟﻤﺨﺎوف اﻟﻤﺎدﻳﺔ واﻷﺧﻼﻗﻴﺔ ﻷﺷﺨﺎص اﻟﻌﺎﻟﻢ اﻟﺜﺎﻟﺚ
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ﻓﻲ اﻟﺘﺰاﻣﻬﻢ ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺠﻮاب اﻟﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺑﻴﻦ اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮن اﻟﺪوﻟﻲ وﻇﺮوف اﻟﻌﺎﻟﻢ اﻟﺜﺎﻟﺚ ،رأت ﻫﺬه اﻟﻤﺠﻤﻮﻋﺔ اﻷوﻟﻴﺔ
أﻫﻤﻴﺔ ﺗﻜﺮﻳﻢ ﺳﻼﻟﺔ راﺳﺨﺔ ﻣﻦ اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮﻧﻴﻴﻦ اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﻴﻦ ،واﻟﻼﻋﺒﻴﻦ اﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﻴﻦ ،واﻟﻤﺜﻘﻔﻴﻦ ﻣﻦ اﻟﺠﻨﻮب ،أوﻟﺌﻚ
اﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﺗﺼﺎرﻋﻮا ﻣﻊ ﺗﻌﻘﻴﺪات اﻟﻨﻈﺎم اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ اﻟﺪوﻟﻲ .و ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﺧﺎص ،ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﻓﻲ رأس اﻟﻘﺎﺋﻤﺔ أوﻟﺌﻚ ﻣﻤﻦ
.ﻛﺎن دورﻫﻢ ﺧﻼل ﻓﺘﺮة إﻟﻐﺎء اﻻﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎر ﻣﻬﻤﺎ ً ﻹﻧﻬﺎء اﻻﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎر اﻟﺮﺳﻤﻲ
ﻓﻲ ﺳﺒﻴﻞ ﻓﻬﻢ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﺪ اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮن اﻟﺪوﻟﻲ اﻟﻤﺘﺮﺳﺦ ﻓﻲ اﻟﺘﻮﺟﻪ اﻟﺠﻨﻮﺑﻲ ،أﻃﻠﻖ أﻧﺜﻮﻧﻲ أﻧﻐﻲ وﺗﺸﻴﻤﻨﻲ
اﻷول ﻳﺸﻴﺮ إﻟﻰ (II).و ﻧ ُﻬﺞ اﻟﻌﺎﻟﻢ اﻟﺜﺎﻟﺚ ﻟﻠﻘﺎﻧﻮن اﻟﺪوﻟﻲ (I)،ﻣﺼﻄﻠﺤﻲ ﻧ ُﻬﺞ اﻟﻌﺎﻟﻢ اﻟﺜﺎﻟﺚ ﻟﻠﻘﺎﻧﻮن اﻟﺪوﻟﻲ
اﻟﺒﺤﻮث اﻟﻤﻨﺘﺠﺔ ﻣﻦ ﻗﺒﻞ اﻟﺠﻴﻞ اﻷول ﻣﻦ ﻻﻋﺒﻲ اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮن اﻟﺪوﻟﻲ ﺑﻌﺪ إﻟﻐﺎء اﻻﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎر ،واﻟﺜﺎﻧﻲ ﻳﺸﻴﺮ إﻟﻰ
”.وﺑﻨﺖ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ،وﻓﻲ ذات اﻟﻮﻗﺖ ،ﺑﺎﻟﻀﺮورة ،اﺑﺘﻌﺪت ﻋﻨﻪ ﺑﻄﺮق ﻣﻬﻤﺔ ) (Iاﻟﺒﺤﻮث اﻟﺘﻲ “ﺗﺒﻌﺖ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﺪ ﺗﻮاﻳﻞ
ﺧﻼل رﺳﻢ ﻫﺬا اﻟﺘﺴﻠﺴﻞ اﻟﺰﻣﻨﻲ ﺑﺸﻜﻞ رﺟﻌﻲ ،أﺻﺮ أﻧﻐﻲ وﺗﺸﻴﻤﻨﻲ ﻋﻠﻰ اﻻﻟﺘﺰام ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﺘﺪرﻳﺐ ﺑﻴﻦ
اﻷﺟﻴﺎل واﻟﺘﻌﻠﻢ ﻣﻦ اﻟﻤﺎﺿﻲ ،و اﻟﺬي ﻛﺎن ﺗﺄﺳﻴﺴﻴﺎ وﻣﻬﻤﺎ ﻟﺘﻮاﻳﻞ .ﻓﻲ ذات اﻟﻮﻗﺖ ،ﻛﺎن ﺑﺎﺳﺘﻄﺎﻋﺘﻬﻢ
و اﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﻧﻮا ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻲ ﻣﺴﺎءﻟﺘﻬﻢ ﻷوﺿﺎع (II)،ﺗﺴﻠﻴﻂ اﻟﻀﻮء ﻋﻠﻰ اﻷﻋﻤﺎل اﻟﺘﺄﺳﻴﺴﻴﺔ ﻷﺳﺎﺗﺬة ﺗﻮاﻳﻞ
ﻫﻲ أن ﺗﺘﺼﺎرع ﻣﻊ اﻹﻣﺒﺮﻳﺎﻟﻴﺔ ) (Iاﻟﺠﻨﻮب ﻣﻦ وﺟﻬﺔ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻋﺎﻟﻤﻴﺔ وﻣﺘﻌﺪدة اﻟﺠﻮاﻧﺐ .ﻛﺎﻧﺖ وﻇﻴﻔﺔ ﺗﻮاﻳﻞ
وﻣﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ – ﻫﻮ أن ﻧﺘﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﻊ ﺑﻘﺎﻳﺎ IVو IIIو IIاﻟﺮﺳﻤﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ اﻟﺒﻴﺖ .ﺻﺮاﻋﻨﺎ – ﺻﺮاع ﺗﻮاﻳﻞ ﻓﻲ أﺟﻴﺎﻟﻪ
اﻹﻣﺒﺮاﻃﻮرﻳﺔ “اﻟﺮﺳﻤﻴﺔ” واﻷﺷﻜﺎل ﻣﺘﻌﺪدة اﻟﺠﻮاﻧﺐ ﻣﻦ اﻻﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎر ﻏﻴﺮ اﻟﺮﺳﻤﻲ واﻟﺬي ﻓﻲ ﺗﻮﺳﻊ
]ﻣﺴﺘﻤﺮ2].
ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﺗﻮاﻳﻞ
ﻓﻲ اﻟﺴﻨﻮات اﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻠﺖ ﻫﺬه اﻷﺣﺎدﻳﺚ اﻷوﻟﻴﺔ ،ﻧﻤﺖ اﻟﻤﻌﺮﻓﺔ ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﻛﺒﻴﺮ ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﻳﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﺎﻟﻤﻮاﺿﻴﻊ اﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﺘﻨﺎوﻟﻬﺎ
.ﺗﻮاﻳﻞ واﻟﻨﻄﺎق اﻟﺠﻐﺮاﻓﻲ واﻟﺘﺎرﻳﺨﻲ اﻟﺬي ﺗﻐﻄﻴﻪ ﻓﻲ اﻟﺒﺤﻮث اﻟﺘﻲ ﻳﺠﺮﻳﻬﺎ أﻋﻀﺎؤﻫﺎ
ﻣﺮاﺟﻌﺔ اﻟﻨﻈﺮﻳﺔ اﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ ﻟﻠﻘﺎﻧﻮن اﻟﺪوﻟﻲ واﻟﻜﺸﻒ ﻋﻦ ﺗﺎرﻳﺨﻬﺎ اﻟﻌﺎﻟﻤﻲ؛ ﻣﺴﺎءﻟﺔ ﻃﺮﻳﻘﺔ ﻋﻤﻞ اﻟﺘﻨﻈﻴﻢ
اﻟﺪوﻟﻲ ودور اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮﻧﻴﻴﻦ اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﻴﻦ ﻓﻴﻪ؛ إﻋﺎدة ﺗﻨﻈﻴﺮ اﻟﺪوﻟﺔ وﻣﺮاﺟﻌﺔ اﻟﺤﻮارات ﻓﻲ اﻟﺘﻨﻈﻴﻢ اﻟﺪﺳﺘﻮري و
اﻷﻣﻦ و اﻟﻌﺪل اﻟﻌﺎﺑﺮ ﻟﻠﺤﺪود؛ اﺳﺘﺠﻮاب ﻗﺎﻧﻮن ﺣﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن ،واﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮن اﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎدي اﻟﺪوﻟﻲ ،واﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮن
اﻟﺒﻴﺌﻲ اﻟﺪوﻟﻲ ،واﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮن اﻹﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ اﻟﺪوﻟﻲ ،واﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮن اﻹﺟﺮاﻣﻲ اﻟﺪوﻟﻲ؛ ﺗﺴﻠﻴﻂ اﻟﻀﻮء ﻋﻠﻰ أﻫﻤﻴﺔ اﻟﺤﺮﻛﺎت
اﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ و اﻟﺴﻜﺎن اﻷﺻﻠﻴﻴﻦ واﻟﻤﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻲ اﻟﻨﻈﺎم اﻟﺪوﻟﻲ – ﻛﻞ ﻫﺬه اﻟﻤﻮاﺿﻴﻊ وﻏﻴﺮﻫﺎ ﺣﺎزت ﻋﻠﻰ
اﻧﺘﺒﺎه ﺗﻼﻣﺬة ﺗﻮاﻳﻞ ﻓﻲ اﻟﺴﻨﻮات اﻷﺧﻴﺮة [3].اﻻﻧﺘﺒﺎه إﻟﻰ أﻫﻤﻴﺔ اﻟﻌﺮق واﻟﺠﻨﺲ واﻟﻄﺒﻘﺔ ،ﺑﺎﻹﺿﺎﻓﺔ إﻟﻰ
]دراﺳﺔ أﺷﻜﺎل إﻧﻬﺎء اﻻﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎر واﻟﻤﻘﺎوﻣﺔ ﻫﻢ ﺟﺰء ﻣﻦ ﻫﺬا اﻟﻨﻮع ﻣﻦ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ4].
ذﻟﻚ اﻟﻠﻘﺎء اﻷول ﻓﻲ 1997ﻛﺎن ﺑﺪاﻳﺔ ﺳﻠﺴﻠﺔ ﻣﻦ اﻟﻤﺆﺗﻤﺮات اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ واﻟﺘﻲ ﻟﻌﺒﺖ دور ﻧﻘﻂ اﻟﺘﻘﺎء ﻟﻤﺸﺎرﻛﺔ
ﻧﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﺑﺤﻮث ،و ﺗﻮﻃﻴﺪ ﺻﺪاﻗﺎت ﻗﺪﻳﻤﺔ وﺟﺪﻳﺪة ،وﺗﻘﻴﻴﻢ آﻓﺎق ﻟﻤﺮاﺟﻌﺔ ﺑﻴﺪاﻏﻮﺟﻴﺔ وﻣﻤﺎرﺳﺔ اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮن اﻟﺪوﻟﻲ.
ﺣﺪﺛﺖ ﻫﺬه اﻟﻠﻘﺎءات ﻓﻲ أﻣﺎﻛﻦ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ ﺑﻴﻨﻬﺎ ﻛﻠﻴﺔ ﻗﺎﻧﻮن ﻗﺎﻋﺔ أوﺳﻐﻮد ) ،(2001ﻛﻠﻴﺔ ﻗﺎﻧﻮن أﻟﺒﺎﻧﻲ )،(2007
ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﺑﺮﻳﻄﺎﻧﻴﺎ اﻟﻜﻮﻟﻮﻣﺒﻴﺔ ) ،(2008ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﺑﺎﻧﺜﻴﻮن-ﺳﻮرﺑﻮن ﺑﺎرﻳﺲ ) ،(2010ﻛﻠﻴﺔ ﻗﺎﻧﻮن أورﻳﻐﻮن )،(2011
اﻟﺠﺎﻣﻌﺔ اﻷﻣﺮﻳﻜﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ اﻟﻘﺎﻫﺮة ) ،(2015ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﻛﻮﻟﻮﻣﺒﻮ ) ،(2017و ﻣﺆﺧﺮا ً ،ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﺳﻨﻐﺎﻓﻮرا اﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ
2018)).
اﻟﻴﻮم ،ﺑﻌﺪ أﻛﺜﺮ ﻣﻦ ﻋﺸﺮﻳﻦ ﺳﻨﺔ ﻣﻦ ﻟﻘﺎء ﺗﻮاﻳﻞ اﻷول ،أﺻﺒﺢ ﺗﻮاﻳﻞ ﻳﻠﻌﺐ دورا ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻳﺎ ﻓﻲ ﻧﻘﺎﺷﺎت ﺑﺸﺄن
ﻣﺎﺿﻲ وﺣﺎﺿﺮ اﻟﻨﻈﺎم اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ اﻟﺪوﻟﻲ .ﺣﺘﻰ أﻧﻬﺎ ﻟﻴﺴﺖ ﺑﻤﺒﺎﻟﻐﺔ أن ﻧﻘﻮل ﺑﺄن أﻓﻜﺎر ﺗﻮاﻳﻞ واﻟﻌﻤﻞ اﻟﺬي
أﻧﺘﺞ ﺗﺤﺖ راﻳﺘﻪ ﻗﺪ ﻏﻴ ّﺮ اﻟﺘﻔﻜﻴﺮ ﺑﺸﺄن اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮن اﻟﺪوﻟﻲ اﻟﺬي ﻛﺎن ﻣﻤﺮﻏﺎ ﺑﺎﻷﻓﻜﺎر اﻟﻐﺎﺋﻴﺔ وﻓﻜﺮة أﻧﻪ ﺗﻘﺪﻣﻲ
ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﻓﻄﺮي وأﻧﻪ داﺋﻤﺎ إﻟﻰ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ اﻟﻌﺪل اﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ واﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎدي واﻟﺒﻴﺌﻲ .واﻷﻫﻢ ﻣﻦ ﻛﻞ ﻫﺬا ،ﻫﻮ أن
.اﻻﻋﺘﺒﺎرات أوروﺑﻴﺔ اﻟﺘﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﻻ ﻳﻤﻜﻦ أن ﺗﻈﻞ ﺑﺪون ﻓﺤﺺ ﺑﻌﺪ اﻵن ،وذﻟﻚ ﺑﻔﻀﻞ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺗﻮاﻳﻞ
أوﻟﺌﻚ اﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﻳﺮون أﻧﻔﺴﻬﻢ ﻋﻠﻰ أﻧﻬﻢ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺣﺮﻛﺔ ﺗﻮاﻳﻞ ،واﻟﻤﺴﺎﻓﺮون ،وﺟﻴﻞ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺗﻼﻣﺬة وﻣﻤﺎرﺳﻲ
اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮن اﻟﺪوﻟﻲ ﻟﺪﻳﻬﻢ اﻵن اﻟﻜﺜﻴﺮ ﻣﻦ اﻟﻤﻮاد وراءﻫﻢ واﻟﺘﻲ ﻳﺴﺘﻄﻴﻌﻮن ﺗﻮﻇﻴﻔﻬﺎ ﻟﻤﺴﺎءﻟﺔ اﻟﺘﻔﺎوت ﻓﻲ
اﻟﻘﻮة واﻟﺘﻲ ﻟﻄﺎﻟﻤﺎ ﺻﺎﺣﺒﺖ – و ﻟﻢ ﺗﻜﻦ ﺧﺎرﺟﺔ ﻋﻦ ﻧﻄﺎق – اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮن اﻟﺪوﻟﻲ .ﺑﻔﻀﻞ ﺗﻮاﻳﻞ ،ﺑﺈﻣﻜﺎﻧﻬﻢ اﻵن
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أﻳﻀﺎ ً اﻹﺷﺎرة إﻟﻰ ﻫﺬه اﻻﺳﺘﺨﺪاﻣﺎت اﻟﻤﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ ﻟﻠﻘﺎﻧﻮن اﻟﺪوﻟﻲ وﺗﻠﻚ اﻟﻌﻮاﻟﻢ اﻟﻤﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ اﻟﺘﻲ آﻣﻞ اﻟﺠﻨﻮب
]وأﺻﺪﻗﺎؤه أن ﻳﻀﻌﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ إﻃﺎر اﻟﻤﻤﺎرﺳﺔ ﻣﻨﺬ اﻟﺒﺪاﻳﺔ5].
ﺟﺎء ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺎﺳﺘﻤﺮارﻳﺔ أﻫﻤﻴﺔ ﺗﻮاﻳﻞ ﻓﻲ ﺷﻜﻞ إﺷﺎرة اﻟﻘﺎﺿﻲ ﻛﺎﻧﻜﺎدو ﺗﺮﻳﻨﺪادي ﻟﻠﻤﺠﻠﺪ اﻟﻤﺤﺮر “ﺑﺎﻧﺪوﻧﺞ،
اﻟﺘﺎرﻳﺦ اﻟﻌﺎﻟﻤﻲ واﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮن اﻟﺪوﻟﻲ” )ﻣﻦ ﻧﺸﺮ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﻛﺎﻣﺒﺮﻳﺪج (2017ﻓﻲ رأﻳﻪ اﻟﻤﻨﻔﺼﻞ إﻟﻰ ﻣﺤﻜﻤﺔ اﻟﻌﺪل
اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ اﻟﺤﻜﻢ اﻻﺳﺘﺸﺎري ﺑﺸﺄن ﺟﺰر ﺷﺎﻏﻮس اﻷﺧﻴﺮ .ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﻣﻮاﺿﻴﻊ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺣﻖ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺮ اﻟﻤﺼﻴﺮ ودوره
ﻓﻲ اﻟﻨﻈﺎم اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ اﻟﺪوﻟﻲ اﻟﺤﺪﻳﺚ ﻗﺪ ﺗﻢ ﺗﻨﺎوﻟﻬﺎ ﺑﻄﺒﻴﻌﺔ اﻟﺤﺎل ﻓﻲ أﺣﻜﺎم ﻣﻔﺼﻠﺔ وﺛﺎﻗﺒﺔ ﻣﻦ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻋﺪد ﻣﻦ
اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮﻧﻴﻴﻦ ﻣﻦ اﻟﻌﺎﻟﻢ اﻟﺜﺎﻟﺚ – ﺑﻌﺾ ﻫﺆﻻء اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮﻧﻴﻴﻦ ﻣﻦ ﺟﻴﻞ ﺗﻮاﻳﻞ ) (1واﻟﺬﻳﻦ أﺷﺎر إﻟﻴﻬﻢ أﻧﻐﻲ وﺗﺸﻴﻤﻨﻲ –
.ﻣﺜﻞ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺑﺠﺎوي ،ﻛﺮﻳﺴﺘﻮﻓﺮ وﻳﻴﺮاﻣﺎﻧﺘﺮي وﻓﺆاد ﻋﻤﻮن
ﻣﺠﻠﺪ ﺑﺎﻧﺪوﻧﺞ ﺟﻤﻊ أﻛﺜﺮ ﻣﻦ 40ﺑﺎﺣﺜﺎ ﻟﻪ ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﺑﺘﻮاﻳﻞ وزﻣﻼء ﻣﻬﺘﻤﻮن ،ﻟﻴﻔﻜﺮوا ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﻧﻘﺪي ﺑﻤﻨﺎﺳﺒﺔ
اﻟﺬﻛﺮى اﻟﺴﻨﻮﻳﺔ اﻟـ 60ﻟﻤﺆﺗﻤﺮ ﺑﺎﻧﺪوﻧﺞ .ﻣﺆﺗﻤﺮ ﺑﺎﻧﺪوﻧﺞ اﻟﺬي اﻧﻌﻘﺪ ﺳﻨﺔ 1955ﻓﻲ ﺑﺎﻧﺪوﻧﺞ اﻧﺪوﻧﻴﺴﻴﺎ،
ﺑﻤﺸﺎرﻛﺔ 29دوﻟﺔ أﻓﺮﻳﻘﻴﺔ وآﺳﻴﻮﻳﺔ ،ﻗﺎم ﺑﺈداﻧﺔ “اﻻﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎر ﻓﻲ ﻛﻞ أﺷﻜﺎﻟﻪ” ،ووﺻﻔﻪ ﻋﻠﻰ أﻧﻪ “ﺷﺮ ﻳﺠﺐ
اﻟﺘﺨﻠﺺ ﻣﻨﻪ ﺑﺴﺮﻋﺔ” .ﻗﺎم اﻟﻘﺎﺿﻲ ﺗﺮﻳﻨﺎدادي ﺑﺎﻹﺷﺎرة إﻟﻰ ﻣﺠﻠﺪ ﺑﺎﻧﺪوﻧﺞ ﻟﻠﺘﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﻋﻠﻰ اﻷﻫﻤﻴﺔ اﻟﻤﺘﻮاﺻﻠﺔ
ﻟﻠﺪﻋﻮة إﻟﻰ اﻟﺘﻔﻜﻴﺮ ﻓﻲ اﻟﻨﻈﺎم اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ اﻟﺪوﻟﻲ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ اﻻﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎري ﻫﺬا .وﺟﺪت ﻣﺤﻜﻤﺔ اﻟﻌﺪل اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ
ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ً ﺑﺎﻹﺟﻤﺎع ﺑﺄن ﺟﺰر ﺷﺎﻏﻮس ﺗﻮﺟﺐ ردﻫﺎ إﻟﻰ دوﻟﺔ ﻣﻮرﻳﺸﻴﻮس “ﺑﺄﺳﺮع ﺻﻮرة ﻣﻤﻜﻨﺔ” ﻣﻦ ﻗﺒﻞ
ﻘﺎ ﻟﻤﺤﻜﻤﺔ اﻟﻌﺪل اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ ،ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ إﻧﻬﺎء اﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎر ﻣﻮرﻳﺸﻴﻮس ﻟﻢ ﺑﺮﻳﻄﺎﻧﻴﺎ ،إﺣﺪى ﻣﺴﺘﻌﻤﺮﻳﻬﺎ اﻟﺴﺎﺑﻘﻴﻦ .ﻃﺒ ً
]ﻳﺘﻢ اﺳﺘﻜﻤﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ6].
ﻒ اﻻﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎر ،ﺑﻞ ﻻ زال ﺟﺰءا ﻛﻤﺎ ﻳﻮﺿﺢ اﻟﺮأي اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﻟﺠﺰﻳﺮة ﺷﺎﻏﻮس ،وﻛﻤﺎ ﻳﺼﺮ ﻣﺠﻠﺪ ﺑﺎﻧﺪوﻧﺞ ،ﻟﻢ ﻳﺨﺘ ِ
ﻣﻦ اﻟﻨﻈﺎم اﻟﺪوﻟﻲ ،وﻟﻜﻨﻪ ﻳﺘﺤﻮل وﻳﻈﻬﺮ ﻓﻲ أﺷﻜﺎل ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﻳﻮﻣﻲ .ﻓﻲ ﻫﺬا اﻟﺴﻴﺎق ،إﻋﺎدة اﻗﺘﺤﺎم
ﻋﻤﻞ ﺗﻮاﻳﻞ ﻟﻘﺎﻋﺔ ﻣﺤﻜﻤﺔ اﻟﻌﺪل اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ ﻟﻬﻮ دﻟﻴﻞ ﻗﻮي ﻋﻠﻰ اﻷﻫﻤﻴﺔ اﻟﻤﺴﺘﻤﺮة ﻟﻨ ُﻬُﺞ دول اﻟﻌﺎﻟﻢ اﻟﺜﺎﻟﺚ
ﻟﻠﻘﺎﻧﻮن اﻟﺪوﻟﻲ ،ﺣﺘﻰ ﻓﻲ ﺳﻴﺎق “ﻣﺤﻜﻤﺔ اﻟﻌﺎﻟﻢ” ،اﻟﻤﺆﺳﺴﺔ اﻟﻤﺮﻛﺰﻳﺔ ﻟﻠﻘﺎﻧﻮن اﻟﺪوﻟﻲ .وﻟﻜﻦ ﺣﺴﺐ ﻣﺒﺎدئ
ﺗﻮاﻳﻞ ،واﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻘﻮل ﺑﺄن ﻋﻼﻗﺔ اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮن اﻟﺪوﻟﻲ ﺑﺎﻟﺘﺮﺗﻴﺒﺎت اﻻﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎرﻳﺔ اﻟﻤﺴﺘﻤﺮة ﺣﻮﻟﻨﺎ ،ﻻ ﻳﺠﺐ أن ﺗﺒﻘﻰ
ﻫﺬه اﻷﻓﻜﺎر ﺣﺒﻴﺴﺔ ﻗﺎﻋﺔ اﻟﻤﺤﻜﻤﺔ .اﻟﻌﻤﻞ اﻷﻛﺎدﻳﻤﻲ واﻟﻨﺸﺎﻃﻲ ،واﻟﺬي ﻳﻘﺎﻃﻊ اﻟﻨﻈﺎم اﻟﺪوﻟﻲ اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ
ﻤﺎ ﺟﺰء ﻻ ﻳﺘﺠﺰأ ﻣﻦ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺗﻮاﻳﻞ .واﻟﻤﺆﺳﺴﺎﺗﻲ ﻓﻲ ﻛﻞ ﻓﺮﺻﺔ ﻣﻤﻜﻨﺔ ،ﻫﻤﺎ داﺋ ً
ﻓﻲ ﻫﺬا اﻟﺠﺰء اﻷﺧﻴﺮ ﻣﻦ اﻟﺠﻮﻟﺔ اﻟﺴﺮﻳﻌﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻧ ُﻬُﺞ اﻟﻌﺎﻟﻢ اﻟﺜﺎﻟﺚ ﻟﻠﻘﺎﻧﻮن اﻟﺪوﻟﻲ ،دﻋﻮﻧﻲ أﻟﺨﺺ ﺧﻤﺲ
“إﺣﺪاﺛﻴﺎت” ﺗﻤﻴﺰ ﻫﺬا اﻟﻌﻤﻞ اﻟﻤﺸﺘﺮك ﻣﻦ اﻷﻓﻜﺎر واﻟﻤﻤﺎرﺳﺔ .ﻫﻨﺎ أﻧﺎ أﺳﺘﺨﺪم اﻟﻌﺒﺎرة “إﺣﺪاﺛﻴﺎت” ﺑﺪﻻ ﻣﻦ
“ﻣﺒﺎدئ” ﻷن ﺗﻼﻣﺬة ﺗﻮاﻳﻞ ﻣﺘﺤﻔﻈﻮن ﺑﺸﺄن وﺻﻒ ﻋﻤﻠﻬﻢ ﻃﺒﻘﺎ ً ﻟﻤﺠﻤﻮﻋﺔ ﻣﻦ اﻟﻤﻼﻣﺢ اﻟﺠﺎﻣﺪة أو اﻟﺠﺎﻫﺰة،
أو اﻟﺘﻜﺘﻞ ﺣﻮل ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺔ ﺣﺎزﻣﺔ أو ﺑﻨﻴﺔ ﻣﺆﺳﺴﺎﺗﻴﺔ .ﺑﺪﻻ ﻣﻦ ذﻟﻚ ،ﺗﻮﺟﻬﺖ اﻟﻄﺎﻗﺎت ﻧﺤﻮ إﺑﻘﺎء ﺗﻮاﻳﻞ ﻣﻔﺘﻮﺣﺎ
ﻷﺟﻴﺎل ﺟﺪﻳﺪة ﻣﻦ اﻟﺘﻼﻣﺬة واﻟﻨﺸﻄﺎء؛ ﻟﺘﻄﻮرات ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺔ وﻣﻨﻬﺠﻴﺔ ﺟﺪﻳﺪة ،و ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﺧﺎص ،إﻟﻰ اﺳﺘﻜﺸﺎف
.ﻃﺮق ﺟﺪﻳﺪة ﻟﺨﻠﻖ اﻟﺘﻀﺎﻣﻦ ﻓﻲ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻨﺎ اﻟﺪوﻟﻲ اﻟﺼﻌﺐ
إﺣﺪى اﻟﻨﻘﺎط اﻟﻤﺸﺘﺮﻛﺔ واﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﺠﻤﻊ اﻟﻤﻬﺘﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﺘﻮاﻳﻞ ﻫﻮ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﺮ ﻟﻠﺘﺎرﻳﺦ واﻟﺘﺄرﻳﺦ [7].ﻋﻤﻞ ﺗﻮاﻳﻞ ﻳﺄﺧﺬ ﻓﻲ
اﻟﻌﺎدة ﻋﺪة ﺧﻄﻮات إﻟﻰ اﻟﺨﻠﻒ ﻣﻦ اﻟﺤﺎﺿﺮ ﻟﻜﻲ ﻳﻔﻬﻢ اﻟﻄﺮﻳﻘﺔ اﻟﺘﻲ ﻧﺸﺄت ﻣﻨﻬﺎ اﻟﻤﻌﺎﻳﻴﺮ اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ
واﻟﻤﻤﺎرﺳﺎت اﻟﻤﺆﺳﺴﺎﺗﻴﺔ ،واﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻄﻮرت ﻣﻦ أﺣﺪاث ﻣﻌﻴﻨﺔ“ .اﻛﺘﺸﺎف” اﻟـ”أﻣﺮﻳﻜﺘﻴﻦ” ،واﻣﺘﺪاد اﻻﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎر
اﻷوروﺑﻲ ﻧﺤﻮ آﺳﻴﺎ وأﻓﺮﻳﻘﻴﺎ ،واﻟﺤﺮﺑﻴﻦ اﻟﻌﺎﻟﻤﻴﺘﻴﻦ ،وﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ اﻟﺘﻔﻮﻳﺾ واﻟﻮﺻﺎﻳﺔ ،ﺣﺮﻛﺔ إﻟﻐﺎء اﻻﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎر،
واﻟﻨﻔﻂ وأزﻣﺔ اﻟﺪﻳﻮن ﻓﻲ ﺳﺒﻌﻴﻨﻴﺎت اﻟﻘﺮن اﻟﻤﺎﺿﻲ ،واﻧﺪﻻع اﻟﻨﻴﻮﻟﻴﺒﺮاﻟﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺛﻤﺎﻧﻴﻨﻴﺎت وﺗﺴﻌﻴﻨﻴﺎت اﻟﻘﺮن
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اﻟﻤﺎﺿﻲ ،واﻟﺤﺮب اﻟﻄﻮﻳﻠﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ اﻹرﻫﺎب ،ﻛﻞ ﻫﺬه ﻫﻲ أﻣﺜﻠﺔ ﺑﺴﻴﻄﺔ ﻟﻬﺬه اﻟﺘﻄﻮرات – ﺑﺎﻹﺿﺎﻓﺔ إﻟﻰ
اﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎرات ﻏﻴﺮ أوروﺑﻴﺔ )ﻣﻦ اﻹﻣﺒﺮاﻃﻮرﻳﺔ اﻟﺼﻴﻨﻴﺔ إﻟﻰ اﻟﺠﻤﻬﻮرﻳﺔ اﻟﻠﻴﺒﻴﺮﻳﺔ( وﻋﺪد ﻻ ﻳﺤﺼﻰ ﻣﻦ ﻟﺤﻈﺎت ﻣﺎ
]ﺑﻌﺪ اﻻﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎر اﻟﻌﻨﻴﻔﺔ ﻣﻦ ﻗﺒﻞ اﻟﺪول ﻣﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ اﻻﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎرﻳﺔ8].
اﻻﻧﺘﺒﺎه إﻟﻰ ﻫﺬه اﻟﺘﻮارﻳﺦ اﻟﻤﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ ﻣﻜ ّﻨﺖ ﺗﻼﻣﺬة ﺗﻮاﻳﻞ ﺗﺘﺒﻊ أﺛﺮ ﻋﻼﻗﺔ اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮن اﻟﺪوﻟﻲ ﺑﺎﻻﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎر ،وﺑﺸﻜﻞ
ﻋﺎم ﻟﺘﺤﺪي اﻟﻨﻈﺮة أﺣﺎدﻳﺔ اﻟﺒﻌﺪ واﻟﺨﻄﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﻘﺎﻧﻮن اﻟﺪوﻟﻲ وذﻟﻚ ﻋﺒﺮ اﻟﻜﺸﻒ ﻋﻦ دﻳﻨﺎﻣﻴﻜﻴﺎت اﻟﻘﻮى اﻟﻤﺎﺋﻠﺔ
اﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﺘﻘﺎﻃﻊ ﻣﻊ اﻟﻨﻈﺎم اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ اﻟﺪوﻟﻲ .ﻓﻲ ذات اﻟﻮﻗﺖ ،ﻣﺴﺎءﻟﺔ اﻟﺘﺎرﻳﺦ اﻟـ”ﻣﻔﺘﺮض” ﻟﻠﻘﺎﻧﻮن اﻟﺪوﻟﻲ
ﻣﻜ ّﻦ دارﺳﻲ ﺗﻮاﻳﻞ اﺳﺘﺨﺮاج ﻣﺸﺎرﻳﻊ ﻣﻌﻴﺎرﻳﺔ )أﺧﻼﻗﻴﺔ( دوﻟﻴﺔ ﻣﻐﺎﻳﺮة وﺣﺮﻛﺎت ذات اﺗﺠﺎه ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ :ﻣﻦ
اﻟﺒﺎﻧﺪوﻧﺞ ،ﻛﻤﺎ ذﻛﺮت ﺑﺎﻷﻋﻠﻰ ،إﻟﻰ ﺣﻖ اﻟﻨﺎس واﻟﺪول ﻓﻲ اﻟﺴﻴﺎدة اﻟﺪاﺋﻤﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺛﺮواﺗﻬﻢ وﻣﻮاردﻫﻢ
اﻟﻄﺒﻴﻌﻴﺔ ،إﻟﻰ ﺣﺮﻛﺔ ﻋﺪم-اﻻﻧﺤﻴﺎز ،إﻟﻰ اﻟﻨﻈﺎم اﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎدي اﻟﺠﺪﻳﺪ ،إﻟﻰ ﺣﺮﻛﺔ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ اﻟﻔﻼﺣﻴﻦ )ﻓﻴﺎ
]ﻛﺎﻣﺒﺎﺳﻴﻨﺎ(9].
ﻋﻴﻦ واﺣﺪة ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﻤﺪى اﻟﻄﻮﻳﻞ ﻟﻠﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ اﻟﺪوﻟﻲ وﻋﻴﻦ أﺧﺮى ﻋﻠﻰ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﻫﻴﺎﻛﻠﻬﺎ وﻣﺆﺳﺴﺎﺗﻬﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ أﺷﺨﺎص
وﺑﻴﺌﺎت اﻟﺠﻨﻮب ،أرﻏﻢ ﺗﻼﻣﺬة ﺗﻮاﻳﻞ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺗﻄﻮﻳﺮ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺔ دﻳﻨﺎﻣﻴﻜﻴﺔ ﻟﻼﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎرﻳﺔ .ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻟﻬﻢ ،ﻛﻤﺎ ﻫﻮ اﻷﻣﺮ
ﻟﺪى اﻟﻤﺆرﺧﻴﻦ اﻟﻤﺎرﻛﺴﻴﻴﻦ“ ،اﻟﺮﺟﺎل ﻳﺼﻨﻌﻮن ﺗﺎرﻳﺨﻬﻢ ،وﻟﻜﻨﻬﻢ ﻻ ﻳﺼﻨﻌﻮﻧﻪ ﻛﻤﺎ ﻳﺮﻳﺪون؛ ﻻ ﻳﺼﻨﻌﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﺤﺖ
]ﻇﺮوف اﺧﺘﺎروﻫﺎ ،و إﻧﻤﺎ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻇﺮوف ﻣﻮﺟﻮدة ﻣﺴﺒﻘﺎ ً ،ﻣﺤﺪدة وﻣﻮروﺛﺔ ﻣﻦ اﻟﻤﺎﺿﻲ”10].
إذا ً اﻻﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎرﻳﺔ ﻣﻦ وﺟﻬﺔ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺗﻮاﻳﻞ ﻟﻴﺴﺖ ﻇﺎﻫﺮة ﺗﺎرﻳﺨﻴﺔ ﻣﻦ اﻟﻤﻤﻜﻦ ﺣﺼﺮﻫﺎ ﻓﻲ اﻟﻤﺎﺿﻲ .ﺑﻞ ﻫﻲ
ﺗﺘﻤﺜﻞ ﻓﻲ أﻧﻮاع ﻣﺘﻌﺪدة ﻣﻦ اﻟﺘﺮﺗﻴﺒﺎت ﻏﻴﺮ اﻟﻤﻮازﻳﺔ وأﺷﻜﺎل ﻣﻦ اﻟﺪﻣﺞ اﻟﻤﺸﺮوط اﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻨﻘﻠﺖ ﻋﺒﺮ اﻟﻮﻗﺖ
واﻟﻤﻜﺎن ،وﻋﺒﺮت ﺧﻼل ﻧﻄﺎﻗﺎت وﻣﻮاﻗﻊ ﻣﺘﻌﺪدة ﻣﻦ اﻟﺤﻜﻢ – ﻣﻦ اﻟﺪوﻟﻲ إﻟﻰ اﻟﻮﻃﻨﻲ إﻟﻰ اﻟﻤﺤﻠﻲ؛ ﻣﻦ
اﻟﻌﺎم إﻟﻰ اﻟﺨﺎص؛ ﻣﻦ اﻷﻳﺪوﻟﻮﺟﻲ إﻟﻰ اﻟﻤﺎدي؛ ﻣﻦ اﻹﻧﺴﺎن إﻟﻰ اﻟﻼإﻧﺴﺎن ،وﻣﺎ وراء ذﻟﻚ .ﻫﺬه اﻷﺷﻜﺎل
]اﻟﻤﻘﻴﺪة واﻟﻀﺎرة ﻣﻦ اﻟﺘﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺗﺸﻜﻞ وﺗﻌﻴﺪ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻣﺤﻴﻄﻨﺎ ،وﻛﺬﻟﻚ ﺑﺎﻟﻄﺒﻊ ﺗﻌﻴﺪ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻠﻨﺎ ،ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﻳﻮﻣﻲ11].
ﻟﻮ أن اﻹﻣﺒﺮاﻃﻮرﻳﺔ ﺗﺘﺤﺮك ،ﻓﺎﻟﺠﻨﻮب ﻳﺘﺤﺮك أﻳﻀﺎ ً .ﻓﺌﺘﺎ اﻟﺠﻨﻮب و اﻟﺸﻤﺎل ﺗﺴﺘﺨﺪﻣﺎن ﻓﻲ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﺎت ﺗﻮاﻳﻞ ﻻ
ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﻼﻣﺎت ﺗﻤﻴﻴﺰ ﺛﺎﺑﺘﺔ ،وإﻧﻤﺎ ﻟﺘﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺗﻄﻮر – واﺳﺘﻤﺮارﻳﺔ واﻧﻘﻄﺎﻋﺎت – اﻟﻌﻼﻗﺎت اﻟﻌﺎﻟﻤﻴﺔ اﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎدﻳﺔ
واﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ واﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮﻧﻴﺔ ،وﻫﻲ ﺗﺘﻀﻤﻦ أﺳﺒﺎب وآﺛﺎر أﻧﻤﺎط اﻟﻬﺠﺮة واﻟﻠﺠﻮء اﻟﻌﺎﻟﻤﻴﺔ ،وأﺳﺌﻠﺔ ﺳﻴﺎدة اﻟﺴﻜﺎن
اﻷﺻﻠﻴﻴﻦ ﺣﻮل اﻟﻌﺎﻟﻢ ،وﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﺻﻨﺪوق اﻟﻨﻘﺪ اﻟﺪوﻟﻲ ،واﻟﺒﻨﻚ اﻟﻌﺎﻟﻤﻲ ،وﻣﺆﺳﺴﺎت ﻋﺎﻟﻤﻴﺔ ﻗﻮﻳﺔ أﺧﺮى ﻋﻠﻰ
]اﻟﻔﻘﺮ وﻋﺪم اﻟﻤﺴﺎواة ﺿﻤﻦ وﺑﻴﻦ اﻟﺪول ﺑﺎﺧﺘﻼﻓﻬﺎ ،ﻛﺎﻟﻴﻮﻧﺎن و اﻧﺪوﻧﻴﺴﻴﺎ12].
ﻓﻲ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ اﻟﻤﺘﺠﻪ ﺗﺠﺎه دول اﻟﻌﺎﻟﻢ اﻟﺜﺎﻟﺚ ،ﻓﺌﺘﺎ اﻟﺠﻨﻮب اﻟﻌﺎﻟﻤﻲ واﻟﺸﻤﺎل اﻟﻌﺎﻟﻤﻲ ﺗ ُﻔﻬﻤﺎن ﻻ ﻋﻠﻰ واﻗﻊ
ﺛﺎﺑﺖ وإﻧﻤﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ أﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﻴﺎﻛﻞ دﻳﻨﺎﻣﻴﻜﻴﺔ واﻟﺘﻲ ﻳﺠﺐ أن ﻳﺘﻢ إﻋﺎدة ﺗﻄﺒﻴﻘﻬﺎ وﺗﻜﻮﻳﻨﻬﺎ اﺳﺘﺠﺎﺑﺔ ﻟﻠﻈﺮوف اﻟﻤﺤﻠﻴﺔ،
ﺣﺎ ﻣﻤﺎ
واﻻﺗﺠﺎﻫﺎت اﻹﻗﻠﻴﻤﻴﺔ ،واﻟﺘﻐﻴﻴﺮات اﻷﻛﺒﺮ ﻟﻠﻨﻈﺎم اﻟﻌﺎﻟﻤﻲ اﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎدي واﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ .اﻟﻴﻮم ،ﻫﺬا أﻛﺜﺮ وﺿﻮ ً
ﻛﺎن ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻋﻠﻰ اﻹﻃﻼق ﻋﻨﺪﻣﺎ ﻧﻮاﺟﻪ ﺗﻌﻤﻘﺎ ﻓﻲ ﻋﺪم اﻟﻤﺴﺎواة ﺑﻴﻦ وداﺧﻞ اﻟﺪول واﻷﻗﺎﻟﻴﻢ – ﻋﺪم ﻣﺴﺎواة
ﺗﻮﺿﺢ ﻣﺴﺆوﻟﻴﺎﺗﻨﺎ اﻟﻤﺘﺮاﺑﻄﺔ ﻛﺴﻜ ّﺎن ﻫﺬا اﻟﻜﻮﻛﺐ اﻟﺒﺸﺮي اﻟﺘﻤﺮﻛﺰ“ .ﻣﻌﻈﻢ اﻟﻌﺎﻟﻢ” ﻫﻮ ﺑﺎﻟﺘﺎﻟﻲ وﺻﻒ دﻗﻴﻖ
.ﻟﻠﻤﻜﺎن اﻟﺬي ﻳﻘﻊ ﻓﻴﻪ ﻗﻠﺐ ﺗﻮاﻳﻞ
وﻟﻬﺬا ﻓﺪور ﺗﻮاﻳﻞ اﻟﺮاﺋﺪ واﻷﺻﻠﻲ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻣﺤﺼﻮر ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﻛﺘﺐ وﻗﻴﻞ ﻋﻦ اﻟﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ اﻻﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎرﻳﺔ ﻟﻠﻘﺎﻧﻮن اﻟﺪوﻟﻲ.
ﻋﺒﺮ اﻟﻌﻘﺪﻳﻦ اﻟﻤﺎﺿﻴﻴﻦ ،ﺟﺎدل ﺗﻼﻣﺬة ﺗﻮاﻳﻞ ﺑﺄن ﻗﺎﻧﻮن ﺣﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن ﻣﺤﺪود ﻟﻠﻐﺎﻳﺔ ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﻳﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻤﺎ ﻳﻤﻜﻦ
ﻀﺎ ﺑﺄن اﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺎت اﻟﺘﻨﻤﻮﻳﺔ وﻫﻴﺎﻛﻞ اﻻﺳﺘﺜﻤﺎر اﻟﺘﻘﻠﻴﺪﻳﺔأن ﻳﺤﻘﻘﻪ ﻟﻴﺘﻔﺎدى آﺛﺎر اﻟﻨﻴﻮ ﻟﻴﺒﺮاﻟﻴﺔ [13].ﺟﺎدﻟﻮا أﻳ ً
ﻫﻲ ﻣﻨﺤﺎزة ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﻫﻴﻜﻠﻲ .ﻫﺬه اﻟﺪراﺳﺎت ،واﻟﺘﻲ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ دوﻣﺎ ﻋﺎﻟﻤﻴﺔ اﻟﺘﻮﺟﻪ ،ﺗﺜﺒﺖ اﻵن ﺑﺄﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﻨﺒﺆﻳﺔ ،ﻓﻬﺬه
.اﻟﻤﺨﺎوف ﺑﺪأت ﺗﻨﺸﺄ ﺑﺸﻜﻞ واﺿﺢ ﻓﻲ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺷﻤﺎﻟﻴﺔ واﻟﺪراﺳﺎت اﻟﺴﺎﺋﺪة ﺗﺼﻞ ﻻﺳﺘﻨﺘﺎﺟﺎت ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻬﺔ
ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﻋﺎم ،ﺻﺮاع ﺗﻮاﻳﻞ ﻳﺘﻤﺜﻞ ﻓﻲ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ اﻟﺴﺠﻞ اﻟﺘﺎرﻳﺨﻲ ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﻳﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﺎﻟﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺑﻴﻦ اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮن اﻟﺪوﻟﻲ و
ﻣﺎ ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﻣﺤﺪد ،ﻓﻬﻮ ﻳﺘﻀﻤﻦ اﻟﺘﻌﺮف ﻋﻠﻰ ﺗﻠﻚ اﻟﻠﺤﻈﺎت اﻟﺨﺎﺻﻴﺔ اﻻﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎرﻳﺔ اﻟﻤﺎﺿﻴﺔ واﻟﺤﺎﺿﺮة .أ ّ
اﻟﻤﻬﻤﺔ اﻟﺘﻲ أﺻﺒﺤﺖ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻟﻬﺎ اﻻﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎرﻳﺔ ﻋﻨﺼﺮا ﺗﻜﻮﻳﻨﻴﺎ ﻣﻦ اﻟﻨﻈﺎم اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ اﻟﺪوﻟﻲ ،وﺗﻠﻚ اﻟﻤﻮاﻗﻊ
اﻟﻤﺤﺪدة واﻟﺘﻲ أﺻﺒﺢ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮن اﻟﺪوﻟﻲ ﻧﻘﻄﺔ ارﺗﻜﺎز اﻹﻣﺒﺮاﻃﻮرﻳﺔ .ﻟﻮ أﺧﺬت ﻣﻌﺎ ً ،أﺟﻨﺪة ﺗﻮاﻳﻞ ﻫﻲ
ﻣﻮﺟﻬﺔ ﺗﺠﺎه ﻓﺤﺺ وﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ اﻟﻤﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮﻧﻴﺔ ،وإﻋﺎدة ﻧﺸﺮ اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮن ﺑﻄﺮﻳﻘﺔ أﻛﺜﺮ ﺗﻘﺪﻣﻴﺔ؛ ﻣﻤﺎ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺑﺄن
ﺗﻜﻮن ﻣﻬﺘﻤﺔ ﻟﻠﻤﻤﺎرﺳﺎت واﻵﻓﺎق اﻟﺘﻘﺪﻣﻴﺔ اﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ و اﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎدﻳﺔ اﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ .أﻣﺎ ﻛﻤﺸﺮوع ﻓﻜﺮي ،ﻓﺎﻟﺘﻮﺟﻪ
ﻣﻬﺘﻢ ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﻣﺴﺎو ﺑﺎﻻﺑﺘﻜﺎر اﻟﻌﻠﻤﻲ ﻣﺜﻠﻤﺎ ﻫﻮ ﻣﻬﺘﻢ ﺑﺎﻻﻋﺘﺮاف ﺑﺄﻫﻤﻴﺔ اﻟﻜﺘﺎﺑﺎت اﻟﺘﻲ ﻗﺎم ﺑﻬﺎ ﻛﺘ ّﺎب ﺗﻮاﻳﻞ
.وﻏﻴﺮﻫﻢ
ﻧﻈًﺮا ﻟﻮﺳﻊ أﺟﻨﺪة اﻟﺒﺤﺚ واﻟﻨﺸﺎط اﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ،ﺗﻼﻣﺬة ﺗﻮاﻳﻞ ﻳﺼﺮون ﻋﻠﻰ أﻫﻤﻴﺔ اﻻﻧﺘﺒﺎه – ﻣﺜﻠﻤﺎ وﺿﺤﺖ
ﺣﺮﻛﺔ اﻟﻨﺴﻮﻳﺔ – إﻟﻰ اﻟﺼﻌﻴﺪ اﻟﺸﺨﺼﻲ ﺑﺎﻹﺿﺎﻓﺔ إﻟﻰ اﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ .ﻫﺬا أﻣﺮ ﺣﺎﺳﻢ ﻧﻈﺮا إﻟﻰ اﻟﻄﺒﻴﻌﺔ ﻏﻴﺮ
اﻟﻤﺤﺪدة ﻟﻠﺪول واﻟﻤﻮاﻃﻨﻴﻦ ﻓﻲ اﻟﺠﻨﻮب اﻟﻌﺎﻟﻤﻲ .ﻓﻲ اﻷﻏﻠﺐ ،اﻟﻌﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ رﻣﻮز اﻟﺤﻴﺎة اﻟﻤﺴﺘﻘﻠﺔ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ
ﺣﻜﻢ اﻻﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎر ﻗﺪ أﺧﺬت أﺷﻜﺎل ﻇﺎﻟﻤﺔ وﻣﻌﺎدﻳﺔ ﻟﻸﺟﺎﻧﺐ ،وﻫﻲ ﺻﻔﺎت ﺣﺎوﻟﻮا اﻟﻬﺮوب ﻣﻨﻬﺎ .ﻋﺎﻟﻘﻴﻦ ،ﺳﻮاء
ﻃﻮﻋﺎ أو ﻗﺴﺮا ،ﻓﻲ دواﺋﺮ ﻣﻦ اﻹﻧﺘﺎج واﻻﺳﺘﻬﻼك اﻟﻤﺪﻣﺮة؛ ﻣﺘﻮاﻃﺌﻮن ﻓﻲ اﻟﺘﺄﻣﻴﻦ اﻟﻤﺘﻄﺮف ﻟﻠﺤﻴﺎة
اﻟﻴﻮﻣﻴﺔ؛ ﻣﺘﺠﺎﻫﻠﻴﻦ اﺣﺘﺠﺎﺟﺎت ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﺎت اﻟﺴﻜﺎن اﻷﺻﻠﻴﻴﻦ واﻷﻗﻠﻴﺎت… وﻟﻬﺬا ،ﻓﻤﻴﺮاث اﻻﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎرﻳﺔ ﻳﺤﻴﺎ
ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﻧﺸﻂ وﺳﻠﺒﻲ ﻓﻲ اﻟﻌﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ دول اﻟﻌﺎﻟﻢ اﻟﺜﺎﻟﺚ [14].وﻟﻬﺬا اﻟﺴﺒﺐ ،ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻟﺘﻼﻣﺬة ﺗﻮاﻳﻞ ،اﻟﺼﺮاع
ﻤﺎ ﻋﻦ اﻟـ”ﺗﻜﺘﻴﻜﺎت” اﻟﺤﺎﺿﺮة،ﻳﺴﺘﻤﺮ ،وﻳﺠﺐ أن ﻳﺴﺘﻤﺮ ،داﺋﻤﺎ ﻫﻨﺎك وداﺋﻤﺎ ﻫﻨﺎ .ﻫﻮ ﻋﻦ ،وﻳﺠﺐ أن ﻳﻈﻞ داﺋ ً
]وﻋﻦ اﻟـ”اﻻﺳﺘﺮاﺗﻴﺠﻴﺔ” ﻃﻮﻳﻠﺔ اﻟﻤﺪى15].
ﺳﻄﺮان ﻓﻲ اﻟﺨﺘﺎم .ﺗﻮاﻳﻞ ﻫﻮ ﺣﺮﻛﺔ ،ﻻ ﻣﺪرﺳﺔ؛ ﻫﻮ ﺷﺒﻜﺔ ،ﻻ ﻣﺆﺳﺴﺔ؛ ﻫﻮ وﻋﻲ ،ﻻ ﻣﺬﻫﺐ .ﻫﺬا اﻷرق
.واﻻﻟﺘﺰام ﻟﻼﻧﻔﺘﺎح ﻳﻘﺘﺎت ﻋﻠﻰ ﺗﻨﻮع اﻟﻌﺎﻟﻢ اﻟﺬي ﻳﺴﺘﺠﻴﺐ ﻟﻪ ﺗﻮاﻳﻞ ،و ﻫﻮ ﻣﺼﺪر ﻧﺸﺎﻃﻪ
—
ﻳﺠﺐ أن أﺷﻜﺮ ﺟﻴﻨﻴﻔﺮ إﻳﻔﺎﻧﺰ ﻋﻠﻰ دﻋﻤﻬﺎ اﻟﺘﺤﺮﻳﺮي وأﻧﻄﻮﻧﻲ أﻧﻐﻲ وروب ﻧﻮﻛﺲ وﻓﺎﺳﻮﻛﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﻴﺎ
وﺳﻮﻧﺪﻫﺎﻳﺎ ﺑﺎﻫﻮﺟﺎ وروز ﺑﺎرﻓﻴﺖ وﺟﻮن رﻳﻨﻮﻟﺪز ﻟﻘﺮاءﺗﻬﻢ ﻟﻺﺻﺪارات اﻟﻤﺒﻜﺮة ﻣﻦ ﻣﻨﺸﻮر اﻟﻤﺪوﻧﺔ ﻫﺬا .أود
ﻀﺎ أن أﺷﻜﺮ ﻣﺪوﻧﺔ “اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮن اﻟﺪوﻟﻲ ﻗﻴﺪ اﻹﻧﺸﺎء” ﻋﻠﻰ دﻋﻮﺗﻬﻢ اﻷوﻟﻴﺔ ﻟﻜﺘﺎﺑﺔ ﻫﺬه اﻟﻨﻈﺮة اﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ إﻟﻰ
أﻳ ً
”.ﺗﻮاﻳﻞ واﻟﺴﻤﺎح ﺑﺈﻋﺎدة ﻧﺸﺮﻫﺎ ﻫﻨﺎ ،ﻓﻲ ﻣﺪوﻧﺔ “اﻟﺘﻔﻜﻴﺮ اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ اﻟﻨﺎﻗﺪ
ﻟﻮﻳﺲ إﺳﻼﻓﺎ ﻫﻮ أﺳﺘﺎذ ﻓﻲ اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮن وﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻣﺸﺎرك ﻟﻤﺮﻛﺰ اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮن اﻟﺪوﻟﻲ اﻟﻨﺎﻗﺪ ﻓﻲ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﻛﻨﺖ .اﻟﺘﺮﺟﻤﺔ
اﻟﻰ اﻟﻠﻐﺔ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﻣﻦ ﻓﺮح اﻟﻬﻮﻧﻲ ،و ﻫﻲ ﺑﺎﺣﺜﺔ ﻟﻴﺒﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮن ،و ﺗﺤﻤﻞ ﻣﺎﺟﺴﺘﻴﺮ ﻓﻲ اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮن اﻟﺪوﻟﻲ
اﻟﻌﺎم و ﻟﻴﺴﺎﻧﺲ ﻓﻲ اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮن و اﻟﻌﻠﻮم اﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﻣﺎﻧﺸﺴﺘﺮ ،ﺗ ُﺮﺟﻢ أﺛﻨﺎء ﻓﺘﺮة ﺗﺪرﻳﺒﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻣﻌﻬﺪ
.ﻣﺎﻛﺲ ﺑﻼﻧﻚ ﻟﻠﻘﺎﻧﻮن اﻟﻌﺎم اﻟﻤﻘﺎرن واﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮن اﻟﺪوﻟﻲ
—
:ﻣﻼﺣﻈﺔ اﻟﻤﺘﺮﺟﻢ*
ﻓﻲ ﻣﺤﺎوﻟﺘﻲ إﺑﻘﺎء اﻟﺘﺮﺟﻤﺔ وﻓﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﻨﺺ اﻷﺻﻠﻲ ،وﺟﺪت ﻧﻔﺴﻲ أﺣﺎول ﺑﺠﻬﺪ أن أوﻓﻖ ﺑﻴﻦ اﻟﻤﺼﻄﻠﺤﺎت
اﻹﻧﺠﻠﻴﺰﻳﺔ و ﻣﺎ أﺛﻘﻠﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮادﻓﺎﺗﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﻟﻠﻐﺔ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ .ﻋﻠﻰ وﺟﻪ اﻟﺨﺼﻮص ،وﺟﺪت ﺻﻌﻮﺑﺔ ﻓﻲ اﺳﺘﺨﺪام
اﻟﻤﺼﻄﻠﺢ “اﻣﺒﺮﻳﺎﻟﻲ” .إن ﻓﻜﺮة اﺳﺘﺨﺪام ﻟﻔﻆ “اﻣﺒﺮﻳﺎﻟﻴﺔ” ﻟﻮﺻﻒ دوﻟﺔ أو ﻗﻮى ﻫﻲ أﻛﺜﺮ ﺛﻘﻼ ً ﻓﻲ اﻟﻌﺎﻟﻢ
اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻲ ﻧﻈﺮا ً ﻟﺘﺎرﻳﺦ ﻣﻦ ﺗﻮﻇﻴﻒ ﻫﺬا اﻟﻤﺼﻄﻠﺢ ﻓﻲ ﺧﺪﻣﺔ أﺟﻨﺪات ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺎت رأت ﻣﻦ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺘﻬﺎ اﺳﺘﺨﺪاﻣﻪ و
30/33
ﻋﻠﻰ ﻫﺬا. ﺑﻐﺾ اﻟﻨﻈﺮ ﻋﻦ اﺳﺘﺨﺪاﻣﻬﺎ ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﻣﺒﺮر او ﻻ،ﻏﻴﺮه ﻛﺸﻌﺎرات رﻧﺎﻧﺔ ﺗﺜﻴﺮ ﺑﻬﺎ ﻋﺎﻃﻔﺔ اﻟﺸﻌﻮب
أﺧﺬت ﻗﺮار اﺳﺘﺨﺪام، و ﻓﻲ ﻣﺤﺎوﻟﺔ ﺗﻔﺎدي ﺗﻬﻤﺔ اﻟﺘﺤﻴﺰ ﻟﺤﺮﻛﺔ ﺗﻮاﻳﻞ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺣﺴﺎب اﻟﺴﻴﺎق اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻲ،اﻷﺳﺎس
أو، ﻫﺬا ﻻ ﻳﻨﻔﻲ اﻟﻔﺮوﻗﺎت اﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻮﺟﺪ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻫﺬه اﻟﻤﺼﻄﻠﺤﺎت.”ﻣﺼﻄﻠﺢ “اﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎري” ﺑﺪل ﻣﻦ “اﻣﺒﺮﻳﺎﻟﻲ
ﺑﻞ اﻻﻫﺘﻤﺎم اﻟﻰ اﻟﻤﻌﺎﻧﻲ اﻟﻤﺘﻌﺪدة ﻟﻺﻣﺒﺮﻳﺎﻟﻴﺔ أو اﻟﻰ “اﻟﻌﺎﻟﻢ اﻟﺜﺎﻟﺚ” و.أﻫﻤﻴﺔ اﻟﻜﺸﻒ ﻋﻦ ﻣﻌﺎﻧﻴﻬﺎ اﻟﻤﺘﻌﺪدة
أﺗﻤﻨﻰ أن ﻳﻜﻮن ﻗﺮار ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﻣﺼﻄﻠﺤﻲ. ﻫﻲ ﻓﻲ اﻟﻮاﻗﻊ ﺟﺰء ﻣﻦ أﺟﻨﺪة ﺗﻮاﻳﻞ اﻟﻔﻜﺮﻳﺔ،ﻏﻴﺮ ذﻟﻚ
و ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﺘﻬﻢ ﻋﻠﻰ أﺳﺎس أﻧﻬﻢ ﻣﺘﺮادﻓﻴﻦ )ﺑﺎﻋﺘﺒﺎرﻫﻢ وﺻﻒ ﻟﺘﺮﺗﻴﺒﺎت ﻗﻮى،”“اﻻﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎري” و “اﻻﻣﺒﺮﻳﺎﻟﻲ
اﻟﺬي ﻳﻬﺪف أن ﻳﻜﻮن ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺔ اﻟﻰ،ﺺ ّ ﻳﺼﻮن ﻫﺪف ﻫﺬا اﻟﻨ،( ﺑﻴﻦ اﻟﻤﺎﺿﻲ و اﻟﺤﺎﺿﺮ،ﻋﺎﻟﻤﻴﺔ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻣﺘﺴﺎوﻳﺔ
ﻫﺬه اﻟﻤﺮة اﻟﻰ اﻟﻘﺎرئ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻲ،ﻧ ُﻬُﺞ اﻟﻌﺎﻟﻢ اﻟﺜﺎﻟﺚ ﻟﻠﻘﺎﻧﻮن اﻟﺪوﻟﻲ.
ﻣﺎ ﺧﻴﺎر ﺗﺮﺟﻤﺔ اﻟﺤﺮﻛﺔ اﻟﻰ “ﻧ ُﻬُﺞ اﻟﻌﺎﻟﻢ اﻟﺜﺎﻟﺚ” ﻳﻌﻮد اﻟﻰ اﺳﺘﺨﺪام ﻫﺬا اﻟﻤﺼﻄﻠﺢ ﻓﻲ اﻟﺘﺮﺟﻤﺔ اﻟﺮﺳﻤﻴﺔّ أ
اﻟﺼﻌﻮﺑﺎت اﻟﻨﺎﺷﺌﺔ ﻋﻦ ﺗﻨﻮع اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮن اﻟﺪوﻟﻲ:ﻟﻮﺛﻴﻘﺔ ﻟﻠﺠﻨﺔ اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮن اﻟﺪوﻟﻲ ﺑﻌﻨﻮان “ﺗﺠّﺰؤ اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮن اﻟﺪوﻟﻲ
و ﻫﻮ اﺧﺘﺼﺎر اﻻﺳﻢ اﻟﻤﻄﻮل ﻟﻠﺤﺮﻛﺔ “ﻧ ُﻬُﺞ اﻟﻌﺎﻟﻢ اﻟﺜﺎﻟﺚ ﻟﻠﻘﺎﻧﻮن،” ﺧﻴﺎر اﺳﺘﺨﺪام اﻟﻠﻔﻆ “ﺗﻮاﻳﻞ.“ﺳﻌﻪ
ّ وﺗﻮ
ً ً
أﻣﻞ اذا أن. ﻧﻈﺮا ﻻرﺗﺒﺎط ﻛﺘﺎﺑﺎت اﻟﺤﺮﻛﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻠﻔﻆ، ﻫﻮ أﻳﻀﺎ ﺧﻴﺎر أﺧﺬ ﻋﻦ وﻋﻲ،اﻟﺪوﻟﻲ” ﻓﻲ اﻟﻠﻐﺔ اﻹﻧﺠﻠﻴﺰﻳﺔ
ﻤﻜ ِﻦ
َ ُ و ﺗ،ﺗﺨﻠﻖ ﻫﺬه اﻟﺘﺮﺟﻤﺔ اﻟﺤﺮﻓﻴﺔ اﻧﺴﺠﺎم و اﺗﺴﺎق ﻓﻲ اﻟﺘﺮﺟﻤﺎت اﻟﻤﺴﺘﻘﺒﻠﻴﺔ ﻟﻨﺼﻮص ﻫﺬه اﻟﺤﺮﻛﺔ
اﻟﻘﺎرئ ﻣﻦ اﻟﺒﺤﺚ ﺑﺴﻬﻮﻟﺔ ﻋﻦ ﻧﺼﻮص أﺧﺮى ﻋﻦ ﺗﻮاﻳﻞ.
ﺺ اﻷﺻﻠﻲ ﻟﻤﻼﺣﻈﺎﺗﻪ و ﻋﻠﻰ ّ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ اﻟﻨ، و ﻟﻮﻳﺲ إﺳﻼﻓﺎ،أود أن أﺷﻜﺮ إﺳﺮاء اﻟﺸﺎﻋﺮي ﻟﺘﺪﻗﻴﻘﻬﺎ اﻟﻠﻐﻮي
ﺗﺮﺣﻴﺒﻪ ﺑﺘﺮﺟﻤﺔ ﻫﺬا اﻟﻤﻘﺎل اﻟﻰ اﻟﻠﻐﺔ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ.
*Translator’s Note:
In my attempt to keep the translation faithful to the original text, I found myself trying
hard to reconcile the English terminology with the baggage carried by some of its
equivalents in the Arabic language. In particular, I found difficult to use the term
“imperialist” in the translation. The idea of a country or a power being ‘imperialist’ is
more loaded than usual in the Arab world due to a history of employing this term in the
service of government agendas that arouse the passion of people, regardless of whether
it was warranted or not. On this basis, and attempting to avoid a charge of unrecognised
bias to the TWAIL movement, I took the decision to use the term “colonialism” instead of
“imperialism”. This does not negate the differences that exist between these terms, or
the necessity of revealing their multiple meanings. An attention to the plurality of
meanings of concepts like imperialism or the ‘Third World’ is, in fact, part of TWAIL’s
intellectual agenda. I hope my decision to use as synonymous “colonialism” and
“imperialism” (as asymmetrical, past and present, international power arrangements)
ensures the purpose behind this text, which is to serve as an introduction to TWAIL, this
time to the Arabic speaking world.
The option to translate the movement as “third world approaches” (i.e. the literal
translation) is due to the use of this term in the official translation of the International
Law Commission’s report: “The Fragmentation of International Law: Difficulties Arising
from the Diversity and Expansion of International Law”. The choice to use the acronym
“TWAIL” throughout, written in Arabic form, is also a conscious choice, relating to its
established use in the literature. I hope then that this use of the literal translation and
the acronym creates harmony and consistency in future translations and enables the
reader to easily track down other English writings on TWAIL.
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I would like to thank Isra Al-Shairi for her language proofreading, and Luis Eslava, the
author of this text, for his useful notes and for welcoming this adaptation into Arabic.
– ][1 ﻫﺬه اﻟﺼﻮرة ﻫﻲ ﻟﺸﺎرع ﻓﻲ ﺳﺎن ﺟﻮان ،ﺑﻮرﺗﻮ رﻳﻜﻮ ،اﻟﺘﻘﻄﺖ ﻣﻦ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺟﺎك دﻳﻼﻧﻮ ﺳﻨﺔ ،1941
ﻛﺠﺰء ﻣﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﺞ اﻟﺘﺼﻮﻳﺮ اﻷﻣﺮﻳﻜﻲ اﻟﺸﻬﻴﺮ ﻹدارة أﻣﻦ اﻟﻤﺰارع ،ﻟﻠﻔﻘﺮ ﻓﻲ اﻟﻤﻨﺎﻃﻖ اﻟﺮﻳﻔﻴﺔ ).(44-1935
ﻗﺎم ﻫﺬا اﻟﺒﺮﻧﺎﻣﺞ ﺑﺘﻮﺛﻴﻖ اﻟﻔﻘﺮ اﻟﺮﻳﻔﻲ اﻟﻤﻨﺘﺸﺮ واﻟﺬي ﻛﺎن ﻫﺪف إدارة أﻣﻦ اﻟﻤﺰارع ﻣﻌﺎﻟﺠﺘﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼل
ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺔ ﺧﺼﺨﺼﺔ اﻷراﺿﻲ ،ﻋﺒﺮ ﺧﻄﻂ إﻗﺮاض اﻟﻤﺴﺘﺄﺟﺮ .ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﺞ اﻟﺘﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﻫﺬا وﺧﻄﻂ اﻹﻗﺮاض ﻛﺎن ﻗﺪ ﺗﻢ
ﺗﻄﺒﻴﻘﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ اﻟﻮﻻﻳﺎت اﻟﻤﺘﺤﺪة اﻷﻣﺮﻳﻜﻴﺔ وﻓﻲ ﺑﻮرﺗﻮ رﻳﻜﻮ .ﻣﻔﺘﻮن ﺑﻬﺬا اﻟﺸﺎرع اﻟﺬي ﻳﻌﺒﺮ ﻋﻦ اﻟﺤﻴﺎة
اﻟﻴﻮﻣﻴﺔ ،اﻟﻤﻤﺘﻠﺊ ﺑﻌﻼﻣﺎت ﻛﻮﻛﺎﻛﻮﻻ ،ﺻﻮرة دﻳﻼﻧﻮ ﺗﺸﻬﺪ ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﻌﻼﻣﺎت اﻟﺪﻗﻴﻘﺔ ﻟﻠﻌﻼﻗﺔ اﻟﻨﻴﻮﻛﻮﻟﻮﻧﻴﺔ ﺑﻴﻦ
.اﻟﻮﻻﻳﺎت اﻟﻤﺘﺤﺪة وﺑﻮرﺗﻮرﻳﻜﻮ ،واﻟﺬي ﻗﺎﻣﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺎت إدارة أﻣﻦ اﻟﻤﺰارع ﺑﺰﻳﺎدة ﺗﺮﺳﻴﺨﻬﺎ
ﻟﻠﻤﺰﻳﺪ ﺣﻮل اﻹﻣﺒﺮﻳﺎﻟﻴﺔ\اﻻﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎر ﻏﻴﺮ اﻟﺮﺳﻤﻲ ،ﻗﺒﻞ وﺧﻼل وﺑﻌﺪ ﻓﺘﺮة إزاﻟﺔ اﻻﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎر ،اﻧﻈﺮ إﻟﻰ ﺟﻮن ][2
).ﻏﺎﻻﻏﺮ وروﻧﺎﻟﺪ روﺑﻨﺴﻮن“ ،إﻣﺒﺮﻳﺎﻟﻴﺔ اﻟﺘﺠﺎرة اﻟﺤﺮة” )1953
ﻗﺎﺋﻤﺔ اﻟﻤﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎت اﻟﺘﻲ ﻳﻤﻜﻦ اﻹﺷﺎرة إﻟﻴﻬﺎ ﻋﻤﻼﻗﺔ – ﻫﺬه ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﻌﺾ اﻷﻣﺜﻠﺔ .ﻟﻠﻘﺮاءة ﺑﺸﺄن ﻣﺮاﺟﻌﺎت ][3
اﻟﻨﻈﺮﻳﺔ اﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ وﺗﺎرﻳﺦ اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮن اﻟﺪوﻟﻲ واﺳﺘﺨﺪام اﻟﻨﻈﺎم اﻟﺪوﻟﻲ ﻣﻦ وﺟﻬﺔ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺗﻮاﻳﻞ ،اﻧﻈﺮ إﻟﻰ :أﻧﺜﻮﻧﻲ
أﻧﻐﻲ ،اﻹﻣﺒﺮﻳﺎﻟﻴﺔ ،اﻟﺴﻴﺎدة وﺻﻨﺎﻋﺔ اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮن اﻟﺪوﻟﻲ )(2004؛ ب.س .ﺗﺸﻴﻤﻨﻲ ،اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮن اﻟﺪوﻟﻲ واﻟﻨﻈﺎم
اﻟﻌﺎﻟﻤﻲ )اﻟﻄﺒﻌﺔ اﻟﺜﺎﻧﻴﺔ(2017 ،؛ ﺳﺎﻧﺪﻫﻴﺎ ﺑﺎﻫﻮﺟﺎ ،إزاﻟﺔ إﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎر اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮن اﻟﺪوﻟﻲ :اﻟﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ،اﻟﻨﻤﻮ اﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎدي
وﺳﻴﺎﺳﺔ اﻟﻌﻤﻮم )(2011؛ ﻟﻮﻳﺲ إﺳﻼﻓﺎ ،اﻟﻔﻀﺎء اﻟﻤﺤﻠﻲ ،اﻟﺤﻴﺎة اﻟﻌﺎﻟﻤﻴﺔ :اﻟﻌﻤﻠﻴﺔ اﻟﻴﻮﻣﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﻘﺎﻧﻮن اﻟﺪوﻟﻲ
واﻟﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ) .(2015ﻟﻠﻤﺰﻳﺪ ﻋﻦ دور اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮﻧﻴﻴﻦ اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﻴﻦ واﻟﺒﺎﺣﺜﻴﻦ اﻧﻈﺮ إﻟﻰ ﻟﻴﻠﻴﺎﻧﺎ أوﺑﺮﻳﻐﻮن“ ،ﺑﻴﻦ اﻟﺤﻀﺎرة
واﻟﻬﻤﺠﻴﺔ :ﺗﺪﺧﻼت ﻛﺮﻳﻮﻟﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮن اﻟﺪوﻟﻲ )(2006؛ ﻟﻮﻳﺲ إﺳﻼﻓﺎ وﺳﺎﻧﺪﻫﻴﺎ ﺑﺎﻫﻮﺟﺎ“ ،ﺑﻴﻦ اﻟﻤﻘﺎوﻣﺔ
واﻹﺻﻼح :ﻧ ُﻬُﺞ اﻟﻌﺎﻟﻢ اﻟﺜﺎﻟﺚ ﻟﻠﻘﺎﻧﻮن اﻟﺪوﻟﻲ وﻋﻤﻮﻣﻴﺔ اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮن اﻟﺪوﻟﻲ” )(2011؛ أرﻧﻮﻟﻒ ﺑﻴﻜﺎر ﻟﻮرﻛﺎ،
ﻣﻴﺴﺘﻴﺰو اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮن اﻟﺪوﻟﻲ :ﺗﺎرﻳﺦ ﻓﻜﺮي ﻋﺎﻟﻤﻲ (2015) 1933-1842؛ ﻋﺎدل ﺣﺴﻦ ﺧﺎن“ ،ﻣﺤﺎﻣﻮن دوﻟﻴﻮن
ﻓﻲ أﻋﻘﺎب اﻟﻜﻮارث :وراﺛﺔ ﻣﻦ راداﺑﻴﻨﻮد ﺑﺎل وأوﺑﻨﺪرا ﺑﺎﻛﺴﻲ” ) .(2016ﻋﻦ إﻋﺎدة ﺗﻨﻈﻴﺮ اﻟﺪوﻟﺔ ،اﻧﻈﺮ إﻟﻰ
روزا ﺑﺎرﻓﻴﺖ ،ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ اﻻﺳﺘﻨﺴﺎخ اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ اﻟﺪوﻟﻲ :ﻋﺪم اﻟﻤﺴﺎواة ،اﻟﺘﺄرﻳﺦ ،اﻟﻤﻘﺎوﻣﺔ ) .(2019ﻋﻦ اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮن
اﻟﺪﺳﺘﻮري ﻣﻦ وﺟﻬﺔ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺗﻮاﻳﻞ ،اﻧﻈﺮ إﻟﻰ زوران أوﻛﻠﻮﺑﻜﻴﻚ“ ،ﺟﻨﻮب اﻟﺪﺳﺘﻮرﻳﺔ اﻟﻐﺮﺑﻴﺔ :ﺧﺮﻳﻄﺔ ﻗﺒﻞ
اﻟﺮﺣﻠﺔ” ) .(2016ﻋﻦ اﻟﻌﺪاﻟﺔ اﻻﻧﺘﻘﺎﻟﻴﺔ واﻟﺨﻄﺎﺑﺎت اﻷﻣﻨﻴﺔ ،اﻧﻈﺮ إﻟﻰ ﺟﺎﻳﻤﺲ ﻏﺎﺛﻲ“ ،اﺳﺘﺨﺪام اﻟﻘﻮة ،ﺣﺮﻳﺔ
اﻟﺘﺠﺎرة ،واﻟﻤﻌﺎﻳﻴﺮ اﻟﻤﺰدوﺟﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﺔ اﻟﻘﺮاﺻﻨﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻛﻴﻨﻴﺎ ) ،(2010ﻓﺎﺳﻮﻛﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺎﻳﺎ“ ،ﺗﻨﻈﻴﺮ اﻟﻌﺪاﻟﺔ
اﻻﻧﺘﻘﺎﻟﻴﺔ” ) (2016ﺟﻮن رﻳﻨﻮﻟﺪز ،اﻹﻣﺒﺮاﻃﻮرﻳﺔ واﻟﻄﻮارئ واﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮن اﻟﺪوﻟﻲ )(2017؛ ﻧﺘﻴﻨﺎ ﺗﺰوﻓﺎﻻ“ ،ﻧ ُﻬُﺞ
اﻟﻌﺎﻟﻢ اﻟﺜﺎﻟﺚ ﻟﻠﻘﺎﻧﻮن اﻟﺪوﻟﻲ وﻗﺎﻋﺪة ﻏﻴﺮ راﻏﺒﺔ وﻏﻴﺮ ﻗﺎدرة :اﻻﺳﺘﻤﺮارﻳﺔ واﻟﺘﻤﺰق ) .(2015ﻟﻠﻤﺰﻳﺪ ﺣﻮل
ﻗﺎﻧﻮن ﺣﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن ،اﻧﻈﺮ م .ﻣﻮﺗﻮا“ ،اﻟﻬﻤﺞ ،اﻟﻀﺤﺎﻳﺎ ،واﻟﻤﻨﻘﺬون :اﺳﺘﻌﺎرة ﺣﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن ) .(2001ﻋﻦ
اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮن اﻟﺪوﻟﻲ اﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎدي ،اﻧﻈﺮ ﺟﺎﻳﻤﺰ ﻏﺎﺛﻲ واﺑﻴﺮوﻧﻜﺎ أودوﻣﻮﺳﻮ“ ،اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮن اﻟﺪوﻟﻲ اﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎدي ﻓﻲ اﻟﻌﺎﻟﻢ
اﻟﺜﺎﻟﺚ” )(2009؛ ﻣﺎﻳﻜﺎل ﻓﺨﺮي ،اﻟﺴﻜﺮ وﺻﻨﺎﻋﺔ اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮن اﻟﺘﺠﺎري اﻟﺪوﻟﻲ ) .(2014ﻋﻦ اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮن اﻟﺒﻴﺌﻲ
اﻟﺪوﻟﻲ ،اﻧﻈﺮ أوﺷﺎ ﻧﺎﺗﺎراﺟﺎن وﻛﺎﺷﺎن ﺧﻮداي “ﺗﺤﺪﻳﺪ اﻟﻄﺒﻴﻌﺔ :ﺻﻨﺎﻋﺔ وإﺑﻄﺎل اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮن اﻟﺪوﻟﻲ” )،(2014
ﺟﻮﻟﻴﺎ دﻳﻬﻢ”“ ،ﺗﺄﻣﻼت ﻣﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﺎرﻳﺲ :اﻟﻮﻗﻮد اﻷﺣﻔﻮري وﺣﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن واﻟﺤﺎﺟﺔ إﻟﻰ اﺳﺘﺨﺮاج أﻓﻜﺎر ﺟﺪﻳﺪة
ﻟﺘﺤﻘﻴﻖ اﻟﻌﺪاﻟﺔ اﻟﻤﻨﺎﺧﻴﺔ” )(2017؛ ﻛﺎرن ﻣﻴﻜﻠﺴﻮن“ ،اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮن اﻟﺪوﻟﻲ ﻛﺤﺮب ﺿﺪ اﻟﻄﺒﻴﻌﺔ؟ ﺗﺄﻣﻼت ﻓﻲ
ازدواﺟﻴﺔ اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮن اﻟﺒﻴﺌﻲ اﻟﺪوﻟﻲ” ) .(2015ﻋﻦ اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮن اﻹﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ اﻟﺪوﻟﻲ ،اﻧﻈﺮ ﻛﺎري زوﻟﻲ“ ،اﻟﻤﺴﺎﻫﻤﺎت
اﻹﺳﻼﻣﻴﺔ إﻟﻰ اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮن اﻹﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ اﻟﺪوﻟﻲ :إﻋﺎدة ﺿﺒﻂ ﻣﻨﺎﻫﺞ ﻧ ُﻬُﺞ اﻟﻌﺎﻟﻢ اﻟﺜﺎﻟﺚ ﻟﻠﻘﺎﻧﻮن اﻟﺪوﻟﻲ ﻟﻠﻤﺴﺎﻫﻤﺎت
واﻟﻤﻮروﺛﺎت اﻟﻘﺎﺋﻤﺔ” ) .(2015ﻋﻦ اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮن اﻟﺠﻨﺎﺋﻲ اﻟﺪوﻟﻲ ،اﻧﻈﺮ أﺳﺪ ﻛﻴﺎﻧﻲ“ ،ﻣﻘﺎرﺑﺎت اﻟﻌﺎﻟﻢ اﻟﺜﺎﻟﺚ
ﻟﻠﻘﺎﻧﻮن اﻟﺠﻨﺎﺋﻲ اﻟﺪوﻟﻲ” ) .(2015ﻟﻠﻤﺰﻳﺪ ﺣﻮل أﺳﺎﻟﻴﺐ ﺗﻮاﻳﻞ ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﻳﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﺎﻟﺤﺮﻛﺎت اﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ،و
ﺴﻜﺎن اﻷﺻﻠﻴﻴﻦ واﻟﻤﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ ،اﻧﻈﺮ :ﺑﺎﻻﻛﺮﻳﺸﻨﺎن راﺟﺎﻛﻮﺑﺎل“ ،اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮن اﻟﺪوﻟﻲ ﻣﻦ أﺳﻔﻞ: ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﺎت اﻟ ّ
ﻤﺎر ﺑﺎﺗﻴﺎ“ ،ﺟﻨﻮب اﻟﺸﻤﺎل :اﻟﺒﻨﺎء ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ،اﻟﺤﺮﻛﺎت اﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ وﻣﻘﺎوﻣﺔ اﻟﻌﺎﻟﻢ اﻟﺜﺎﻟﺚ )(2003؛ ﻋ ّ
اﻟﻤﻘﺎرﺑﺎت اﻟﻨﻘﺪﻳﺔ ﻟﻠﻘﺎﻧﻮن اﻟﺪوﻟﻲ ﻣﻊ دروس ﻣﻦ اﻟﻌﺎﻟﻢ اﻟﺮاﺑﻊ” )(2012؛ أدرﻳﺎن ﺳﻤﻴﺚ“ ،اﻟﻬﺠﺮة ،اﻟﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ
).واﻷﻣﻦ ﻓﻲ رأﺳﻤﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﻋﺎﻟﻤﻴﺔ ﻋﻨﺼﺮﻳﺔ :رﻓﺾ ﻟﻌﺒﺔ اﻟﻤﻮازﻧﺔ” )2016
32/33
ﻟﻘﺮاءة اﻟﻤﺰﻳﺪ ﻋﻦ اﻟﺘﺰاﻣﺎت ﺗﻮاﻳﻞ اﻷوﻟﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﺒﺤﺚ ﻓﻲ ﺷﺆون اﻟﺘﻘﺎﻃﻊ اﻟﻌﺎﻟﻤﻲ ،اﻻﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎر ،وإﻟﻐﺎء ][4
اﻻﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎر ،اﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﺧﺎص إﻟﻰ أﻧﺜﻮﻧﻲ أﻧﻐﻲ ،ب .ﺗﺸﻴﻤﻨﻲ ،ﻛﺎرﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﻜﻴﻠﺴﻮن وأوﺑﻴﻮرا أوﻛﺎﻓﻮر“ ،اﻟﻌﺎﻟﻢ
اﻟﺜﺎﻟﺚ واﻟﻨﻈﺎم اﻟﻌﺎﻟﻤﻲ” .ﻟﻠﻤﺰﻳﺪ ﺣﻮل اﻫﺘﻤﺎم ﺗﻮاﻳﻞ اﻟﻤﺴﺘﻤﺮ ﺑﺎﻟـﻌﺮق ﻣﻦ وﺟﻬﺔ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺆﺳﺴﺎﺗﻲ دوﻟﻲ،
).اﻧﻈﺮ إﻟﻰ “روب ﻧﻮﻛﺲ“ ،اﻟﻌﺮق ،اﻟﻌﻨﺼﺮﻳﺔ واﻟﺘﻨﺎﻓﺲ ﻓﻲ اﻟﻨﻈﺎم اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ اﻟﺪوﻟﻲ” )2015
ﻗﺎم ﻣﺆرﺧﻮن ذو ﺗﻮﺟﻬﺎت ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻴﺔ ﺑﺘﻘﺪﻳﻢ ﻣﺴﺎﻫﻤﺔ ﻣﻬﻤﺔ ﻟﻠﻐﺎﻳﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻣﺸﺮوع اﻟﺘﻨﻘﻴﺐ ﻋﻦ ﺗﻠﻚ اﻟﻌﻮاﻟﻢ ][5
اﻷﺧﺮى اﻟﺘﻲ اﻗﺘﺮﺣﻬﺎ ﻣﺜﻘﻔﻮ اﻟﺠﻨﻮب واﻟﻨﺎﺷﻄﻮن اﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﻮن .اﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺜﻼ إﻟﻰ ﻏﺎري واﻳﻠﺪر“ ،وﻗﺖ اﻟﺤﺮﻳﺔ:
اﻟﺰﻧﻮﺟﺔ ،إﻟﻐﺎء اﻻﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎر ،وﻣﺴﺘﻘﺒﻞ اﻟﻌﺎﻟﻢ ) ،(2014أدوم ﻏﻴﺘﺎﺷﻮ“ ،ﺻﻨﺎﻋﺔ اﻟﻌﺎﻟﻢ ﺑﻌﺪ اﻹﻣﺒﺮاﻃﻮرﻳﺔ :ﺻﻌﻮد
).وﺳﻘﻮط ﻣﺒﺪأ ﺣﻖ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺮ اﻟﻤﺼﻴﺮ )2019
ﻟﺘﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻣﻦ وﺟﻬﺔ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻧ ُﻬُﺞ اﻟﻌﺎﻟﻢ اﻟﺜﺎﻟﺚ ﻟﻠﻘﺎﻧﻮن اﻟﺪوﻟﻲ ﻓﻲ رأي ﻣﺤﻜﻤﺔ اﻟﻌﺪل اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ اﻻﺳﺘﺸﺎري ][6
ﻋﻦ أرﺧﺒﻴﻞ ﺗﺸﺎﻏﻮس ،اﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺜﻼ إﻟﻰ ﻣﻴﺮﻳﺎم ﺑﺎك ﻣﺎﻛﻴﻨﺎ“ ،ﺟﺰر ﺗﺸﺎﻏﻮس :ﻗﺮار اﻷﻣﻢ اﻟﻤﺘﺤﺪة ﻳﺪﻋﻮ ﺑﺄوان
).اﻟﻮﻗﺖ إﻟﻰ اﻻﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎر اﻟﺒﺮﻳﻄﺎﻧﻲ اﻟﻤﺨﺰي ﻟﻜﻦ اﻟﻤﻤﻠﻜﺔ اﻟﻤﺘﺤﺪة ﻣﺎ زاﻟﺖ ﺗﻘﺎوم” )2019
ﻟﻘﺮاءة اﻟﻤﺰﻳﺪ ﺣﻮل اﻧﺨﺮاط ﺗﻮاﻳﻞ ﻓﻲ اﻟﺘﺤﻠﻴﻞ اﻟﺘﺎرﻳﺨﻲ وﻋﻠﻢ اﻟﺘﺄرﻳﺦ ،اﻧﻈﺮ إﻟﻰ آن أورﻓﻮرد“ ،اﻟﻤﺎﺿﻲ ][7
ﺑﺎﻋﺘﺒﺎره ﻗﺎﻧﻮن أم ﺗﺎرﻳﺦ؟ أﻫﻤﻴﺔ اﻹﻣﺒﺮﻳﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮن دوﻟﻲ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ” ) .(2012ﻟﻨﺒﺬة ﻋﻦ أﻫﻤﻴﺔ اﻟﺘﺎرﻳﺦ ﻓﻲ
ﻛﺘﺎﺑﺎت ﺗﻮاﻳﻞ ،اﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺜﻼ إﻟﻰ ﺟﻮرج رودرﻳﻐﻮ ﺑﺎﻧﺪﻳﺮا ﻏﺎﻟﻴﻨﺪو“ ،ﻣﻴﺪان ﻗﻮة :ﻋﻦ اﻟﺘﺎرﻳﺦ وﻧﻈﺮﻳﺔ اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮن
).اﻟﺪوﻟﻲ” )2012
ﻟﻠﻤﺰﻳﺪ ﻋﻦ اﻹﻣﺒﺮﻳﺎﻟﻴﺔ اﻷوروﺑﻴﺔ وﻏﻴﺮ اﻷوروﺑﻴﺔ ،واﻟﻌﻨﻒ اﻟﺬي ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﻧﺸﻮء ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ اﻟﺪول ﺣﻮل اﻟﻌﺎﻟﻢ[8] ،
).اﻧﻈﺮ إﻟﻰ روز ﺑﺎرﻓﻴﺖ ،ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ اﻻﺳﺘﻨﺴﺎخ اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ اﻟﺪوﻟﻲ :ﻋﺪم اﻟﻤﺴﺎواة ،اﻟﺘﺄرﻳﺦ ،اﻟﻤﻘﺎوﻣﺔ )2019
).اﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺜﻼ ً ،ﻣﺎﻳﻜﻞ ﻓﺨﺮي“ ،إﻋﺎدة اﻟﺘﻔﻜﻴﺮ ﻓﻲ اﻟﺤﻖ إﻟﻰ اﻟﻄﻌﺎم” )[9] 2018
ﻓﻲ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲ ،ﺣﺎوﻟﺖ اﻟﺘﻘﺎط ﻫﺬه اﻟﻌﻤﻠﻴﺔ اﻟﺪﻳﻨﺎﻣﻴﻜﻴﺔ اﻟﻮاﺳﻌﺔ ﻟﻺﻣﺒﺮﻳﺎﻟﻴﺔ واﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮن اﻟﺪوﻟﻲ .اﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺜﻼ[11] ،
ﻟﻮﻳﺲ إﺳﻼﻓﺎ“ ،ﻣﻘﺎﻻت ﻗﺼﻴﺮة ﻓﻲ إﺳﻄﻨﺒﻮل :رﺻﺪ اﻟﺘﻄﺒﻴﻖ اﻟﻴﻮﻣﻲ ﻟﻠﻘﺎﻧﻮن اﻟﺪوﻟﻲ” )(2014؛ “اﻟﻤﻮﻗﻊ
).اﻟﻤﺘﺤﺮك ﻟﻺﻣﺒﺮاﻃﻮرﻳﺔ :اﻟﺤﻜﻢ ﻏﻴﺮ اﻟﻤﺒﺎﺷﺮ ،اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮن اﻟﺪوﻟﻲ ،وﺗﺠﺮﺑﺔ ﺑﺎﻧﺘﻮ ﻛﻴﻨﻤﺎ اﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻤﻴﺔ” )2018
ﻟﻤﺜﺎل ﺣﺪﻳﺚ ﻟﻬﺬا اﻟﻔﻬﻢ اﻟﺪﻳﻨﺎﻣﻴﻜﻲ ﻟﻠﺠﻨﻮب اﻟﻌﺎﻟﻤﻲ واﻟﺸﻤﺎل اﻟﺬي ﻳﺪﻋﻢ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻧ ُﻬُﺞ اﻟﻌﺎﻟﻢ اﻟﺜﺎﻟﺚ ][12
ﻟﻠﻘﺎﻧﻮن اﻟﺪوﻟﻲ ،اﻧﻈﺮ ،ﺟﻮن ﻟﻴﻨﺎرﻳﻠﻲ ،ﻣﺎرﻏﻮت ﺳﺎﻟﻮﻣﻮن ،وﻣﻮﺛﻮﻛﻮﻣﺎراﺳﻮاﻣﻲ ﺳﻮﻧﺎراﺟﺎه ،ﺑﺆس اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮن
).اﻟﺪوﻟﻲ :اﻟﻤﻮاﺟﻬﺎت ﻣﻊ اﻟﻈﻠﻢ ﻓﻲ اﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎد اﻟﻌﺎﻟﻤﻲ )2018
اﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﺎﻷﺧﺺ إﻟﻰ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ اﻟﻨﻘﺪي اﻟﻤﻬﻢ ﻓﻲ ﺣﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن ﻟـ أوﺑﻴﻨﺪرا ﺑﺎﻛﺴﻲ“ ،ﻣﺴﺘﻘﺒﻞ ﺣﻘﻮق ][13
اﻹﻧﺴﺎن” ) .(2002ﻟﻠﻤﺰﻳﺪ ﺣﻮل اﻟﻤﺴﺎﻫﻤﺎت اﻟﻤﺴﺘﻤﺮة إﻟﻰ ﻧﻘﺎﺷﺎت ﺣﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن ،اﻧﻈﺮ راﺗﻨﺎ ﻛﺎﺑﻮر،
“).اﻟﺠﻨﺲ ،اﻟﻐﻴﺮﻳﺔ وﺣﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن :ﺣﺮﻳﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺣﻮض أﺳﻤﺎك” )2018
اﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺜﻼ إﻟﻰ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺷﻬﺎب اﻟﺪﻳﻦ“ ،ﺣﺪود ﻣﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ اﻻﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎر ،اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮن اﻟﺪوﻟﻲ ،وﺻﻨﺎﻋﺔ أزﻣﺔ اﻟﺮوﻫﻴﻨﺠﺎ ][14
).ﻓﻲ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻤﺎر” )(2019؛ ﻟﻮﻳﺲ إﺳﻼﻓﺎ“ ،اﻟﺪوﻟﺔ اﻟﺘﻨﻤﻮﻳﺔ :اﻟﺘﺒﻌﻴﺔ واﻻﺳﺘﻘﻼل وﺗﺎرﻳﺦ اﻟﺠﻨﻮب” )2019
– Arabic
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