KARNATAKA: IDEOLOGY AND POLITICS

Author(s): A.M. RAJASEKHARIAH, P.S. JAYARAMU and HEMALATA JAYRAJ

Source: The Indian Journal of Political Science , Oct. - Dec. 1987, Vol. 48, No. 4, GOLDEN
JUBILEE NUMBER: STATE POLITICS IN INDIA (Oct. - Dec. 1987), pp. 575-596
Published by: Indian Political Science Association

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 KARNATAKA: IDEOLOGY AND POLITICS
A.M. RAJASEKHARIAH
P.S. JAYARAMU
and
HEMALATA JAYRAJ

It is possible to trace the first mention of Karnataka as a

geographical concept to the Kannada literary classic, the Kaviraja
Marga of Nrupatunga belonging to the 10th century. What
has happened in the modern period of Karnataka history has
been a systematic ideological transformation of Karnataka from
a geographical and cultural concept into a political concept.
In this process it is necessary to identify the historical role of
certain political organizations that contributed to the develop-
ment of the Karnataka ideology. We shall provide a historical
background to the development of the political movement based
on the Karnataka ideology and analyse the content and the
components of this ideology.

The problem of Karnataka was a more significant problem

than that of other regions of India, because Karnataka was divi-
ded into 19 different administrative systems in British India.
They were: 1. Bombay, 2. Madras, 3. Goorg, 4. Mysore,
5. Hyderabad, 6. Kolhapur, 7. Sangli, 8. Miraj (Junior).
9. Kurandwad (Senior), 10. Kurandwad, (Junior), 11. Jam-
khandi, 12. Mudhol, 13. Ramdurg, 14. Jat, 15, Akkalkote,
16. Oudh, 17. Savanur, 18. Sondur, and 19. Miraj (Senior).1

As early as 1890 the " Karnataka Vidva Vardhak Sangha " was
started in Dharwad to promote the development of Kannada
language and culture, and it supported the idea of a united
Karnataka. A Bombay High Court lawyer, Shri Kaikini Shya-
mrao, was its first president and Shri Venkat Rango Katti of
The Indian Journal of Political Science, Vol. 48, No. 4, October - December, 1987.

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576 THE INDIAN JOURNAL OF POLITICAL SCIENCE

Dharwad was its first Vice-President. The first annual conven-

tion of " Karnataka Vidya Vardha Sangha " was held on 27-9-1891 in
Dharwad. This Sangha played an important role in public life in
those days, because there were no institutions of this type in Kar-
nataka. The convention of this Sangha again met on 22-11-1896
in Dharwad and discussed the issue of regeneration of Kannada
language. Prior to this organization, there was no scope for
Kannada language in the Kannada primary schools. In fact
there was only teaching of Marathi in the Kannada primary
schools! Because of this, the Sangha demanded that there should
be teaching of Kannada language in Kannada Primary Schools,
as there was no need for teaching the Marathi language. This
demand posed a problem to the then Bombay government. In
response to the demand of the Kannada people, Kannada lan-
guage was introduced in the Kannada primary schools.

Dr. Fleet refers to this situation in his book, " Dynasties of the
Kanarese Districts of the Bombay Presidency ", published in 1891.
The Karnataka Vidya Vardhak Sangha published " Vagbhushana "
in 1896 with the ambition to bring about a regeneration of
Karnataka. In this period, this was the first and the foremost
Monthly in Karnataka. Later in 1907 Alur Venkat Rao wrote
an article in " Vagbhushana " in its February issue, on the subject
of unification of Karnataka and argued that the people of Kar-
nataka could not progress without unification. In 1916 Kannada
Sahitya Parishad" (Conference) was established in Bangalore. This
was only meant for the development of Kannada literature. But
people thought it necessary that all Kannadigas (Kannada-speak-
ing people) should be under one administration. By this time in
1916, Alur Venkat Rao, Kadapa Raghavendra Rao and others
had started the " Karnataka Sabhct' This Sabha was not only
meant for the promotion of Kannada literature but also for the
development of Karnataka in all fields, especially in political and
administrative fields. For this purpose the members of this Sabha
toured all the Kannada areas. Other important members of this
Sabha were Gadigeyya Honnapurmath, Nargundkar, Raj Purohit,
Mudwedkar Venkat Kao, and Mudwedkar Krishna Kao. This
Sabha received the support of Tilak and Mrs. Besant.
In 1921 the first session of the ťť Karnataka Political Con-
ference5 5 was held in Dharwad. Sri Byahatti Subbarao was the
President of the Reception Committee. P.V. Madhav Rao was

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 KARNATAKA : IDEOLOGY AND POLITICS 577

the President of the Conference. This conference demanded that

all the Kannada-speaking regions should be unitéd under one
administration. On 12-2-1928, the question of Karnataka uni-
fication was raised as a central issue at the All-Party Conferenče
convened by the Indian National Congress. This question came
up also before the Nehru Committee on 6th June 1921. Sri R.R.
Diwakar, in his evidence before the Nehru Committee, argued
that it was necessary to create a separate Karnataka province.2

In 1937 the "People's United Party" was established at

Mysore. On 16-10-1937 it also passed a resolution supporting
the creation of a united Karnataka province. Later, this party
merged with the Indian National Congress. In its electoral
appeal of 1945, the Indian National Congress explicity supported
the establishment of linguistic provinces. On 31-8-1946 an "All
Kàrnataka Convetion" was held in Davanagere to discuss and
support Karnataka unification.

A "Karnataka Unification Conference" was held in Bombay

on 19-6-1946. This was the momentous 10th Session of Kar-
nataka Unification Conference. Sardar Vallabhai Patel inagur
ted this conference and assured the people of Karnataka tha
<ťas soon as freedom was attained the Government should imme-
diately take the reintegration of linguistic and cultural groups in
the country. All Kannada speaking people should be under one
united Karnataka".3 The 11th Session of the All Karnataka
Unification Conference was held under the Presidentship of R
Diwakar on 24-12-1947 in Kasargod (South Kanara district)
was inauguarted by H. Siddayya, then Minister for Agricultu
and public works, Government of Mysore. K.R. Karant, an Ex
Revenue Minister of the Madras Government was the Chairman
of the Reception Committee. Attended by more than five hun-
dred delegates from different parts of Karnataka, it passed a
lengthy resolution demanding unification óf Karnataka.

In Karnataka. a more serious development took place at

this time. The Karnataka provincial Congress Committee, the
members of the Karnataka Constituent Assembly, and the mem-
bers of the Legislative Assembly as well, resolved to seek permis-
sion from the Congress Working Committee to withdraw from
Legislatures, Central and Provincial, in the country, if Karnataka
province was not conceded and formed, along with the introduc-
P- 17

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578 THE INDIAN JOURNAL OF POLITICAL SCIENCE

tion of the new Constitution for the country. They also resolved
to send a deputation to wait on the Working Committee of the
Congress. S. Nijalingappa, the President of the Karnataka Provin-
cial Congress Committee was the leader of the high level delega-
tion. K.R. Karant, a former Minister of Madras, M.P. Patii, the
Agricultural Minister of Bombay, R.R. Diwakar, a member of
the Constituent Assembly, were in this delegation. It demanded
the creation of the Karnataka Province as early as possible.

After India got independence in 1947, the people of Mysore

carried on a struggle for responsible government in the Princely
State of Mysore. There was an agreement between the Mysore
Congress and Mysore government, worked out on 11-10-1947, to
end the struggle. On 12-10-1947 the Indian National Congress
accepted this agreement. National leaders like Mahatma Gandhi
and Sardar Vallabhai Patel felt happy at this agreemnt. Asa
result, Mysore-Karnataka got not only responsible government
but also political freedom from the British.

On 6-11-1948, an All Mysore Congress Committee began its

session in Birur. K.C. Reddy, the Chief Minister, said that,
"Mysore did not come in the way of creation of Karnataka
province."4 This session supported the formation of a united
Karnataka, including Mysore. In the same year the Constituent
Assembly of Mysore State passed a resolution on Aims and
Objects. This resolution stated that, "The neighbouring regions
of Mysore should be joined with Mysore according to the wishes
of the people of those regions. There should be a provision for
this in the Constitution."5 All the members of the Mysore Con-
stituent Assembly agreed that this would facilitate the develop-
ment of Karnataka in all fields. Then the Mysore Congress passed
a resolution on 5-11-1949, supporting the creation of a united
Karnataka. But the unification movement involved Kannadigas
outside Kannada areas also.

In response to these pressures, the Indian Government

appointed the Dhar Commission on 17-6-1948 to examine the
organisation, administration and the economic conditions of the
proposed linguistic provinces of Andhra, Karnataka, Kerala and
Maharashtra. The Dhar Commission favoured the formation óf a
united Karnataka. The discussion of its report took place in the
55th Session of Indian National Congress in December 1948 in

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 KARN ATARA : IDEOLOGY AND POLITICS 579

Jaipur. This Session decided to nominate the J.V.P. Commi

to go into the question of linguistic provinces.

In the meanwhile, India's new Constitution came into ef

on 26-1-50. But there was no mention of any new provinc
it. The Congress working Committee said in Aut ust 1951 t
did not differentiate between North and South India regar
the demand for linguistic provinces. In the 1951-52 election
Congress won a majority in the Central and the provincial
slatures. The Karnataka Provincial Congress Committee dem
ed from the leaders of the Congress that Karnataka pro
must be established.

The 59th Session of the Indian National Congress in 1954 in

Kalyani, presided over by Jawaharlal Nehru, welcomed the Cen-
tral Government's appointment of the State Reorganisation Com-
mission. The Karnataka Congress Committee also had welcomed
it earlier on 4-2-1954 at Hubli. Its meeting was inaugurated by
the Chief Minister of Mysore, Sri K. Hanumanthaiah. He had
said, " Mysore supported the formation of united Karnataka, and
there is no difficulty for Mysore regarding the formation of Kar-
nataka province."6 The States Reorganisation Commission tour-
ed all over Karnataka in 1954 for collecting information regard-
ing the formation of Karnataka province.

The States Reorganization Commission published its report

on 10-10-1955. All the parties and important regional leaders
welcomed the report, which received a lot of publicity. The
States were to be reorganised linguistically, but administrative,
economic and cultural reasons should also be taken into account.
The Commission decided in favour of a single united Karnataka
and this was welcomed all over Karnataka. But the people
opposed the decision of the Commission to separate Bellary and
Kasargod from Karnataka, though they were happy because
Belgaum was included in Karnataka. A large public meeting
was held in Bellary on 15-10-1955 to observe the Bellary Day.
In this meeting Sri Alawandi Shivamurty Swamy, the President
of Akhanda Karnataka Rajya Nirmana Parishat (AKARANIPA),
said, "the States Reorganisation Commission has gone against
the decision of the Indian Government on the Bellary problem.
If any obstacle faced us, no M.P., from Karnataka region will be
allowed to continue. All will resign and they will start a move-

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580 THE INDIAN JOURNAL OF POLITICAL SCIENCE

ment all over India. A public meeting was held in Belgaum on

18-10-1955, presided over by Sri P.H. Gunjalkar, a retired district
judge and also a member of Congress Party in Bombay legisla-
ture. This meeting welcomed the States Reorganisation Com-
mission's recommendation favouring the formation of Karnataka
State and inclusion of Belgaum in Karnataka. But the report
produced mixed reactions among North Karnataka leaders like
Gangadhar Rao Deshpande, Belavi Dattatraya, S. Nijalingappa,
T.R. Nesvi, Veeranagouda Patii, Mallappa Kolur, Venkareddy
Hooli, Annu Guruji, S.S. Yalamali, Joachim Aiwa and S.N.
Angadi.

In Mysore, some welcomed the Report while others criticis-

ed it. In particular, the dual Karnataka problem was raised by
some old Mysore leaders on 17-11-1955. The dual Karnataka
idea involed creation of two Kannada States, one centering
around old Mysore, and another consisting of other Kannada
areas. A fullscale discussion took place on the States Reorganisa-
Commission's Report in the Mysore legislature. But the Congress
party did not take any decision because of the postponement of
the meetings of legislature for 9 days. Then on 19-11-1955 a
sub-Committee of 4 members nominated by the Congress Work-
ing Committee criticised the separatist demand of old Mysoreans
and it supported the establishment of a united Karnataka. Then
there was no other way for the Mysore separatists but to welcome
the States Reorganisation Commission's report and the creation
of a single Kannada-speaking State. The Mysore legislature which
met in the last week of November and early December 1955,
accepted the report but with the demand that Bellary should be
in Mysore and that the new State should be called Mysore. With
this, the problem of dual Karnataka was set at rest. The Presi-
dent of India signed the States Reorganisation Bill on 31-8-1956
after a long debate in the Parliament. The new Mysore State
came into existence on 1st November 1956.

Thus, the concept of Karnataka was systematically elabora-

ted by the intellectuals of Karnataka throughout the latter part
of the 19th century and the early part of the present century.
As a result, the political ideology of Karnataka became a signifi-
cant aspect of the political development of the people of Karna-
taka. This ideology was a combination of several theoretical
arguments.

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 KARNATAKA : IDEOLOGY AND POLITICS 581

In the first place, the ideology implied that India was a

nation composed of different linguistic populations, inhabiting
distinctive geographical regions of the country. Secondly, it
maintained that India should have a federal political system in
which the various linguistic regions constituted the units of the
federal system. Thirdly, the people of Karnataka must be given
the right to constitute themselves into a political administrative
system such as the 'province'. The fourth argument was that
unless the Karnataka State was established, the people of Kar-
nataka could not progress economically, culturally or politically.
It was this Karnataka ideology which dominated the politics of
the people speaking Kannada until 1956.
After the famous 'Palace Satyagraha' of September-October
1947 - an agitation launched by the Mysore Congress to wrest
political power from the Royal family after the Indian indepen-
dence - an interim Government consisting of six Congress and
three non-Congress members was formed. Though the composi-
tion of the ministry weighed in favour of the Vokkaligas, the
Chief Minister himself being one, some effort was made to make
the ministry look as representative as possible by drawing mem-
bers from muslim, brahmin and lingayat communities. Mean-
while, a Constituent Assembly was created to draft a constitution
for Mysore.

K.C. Reddy was no great administrator. He neither provi-

ded a dynamic administration to the State, nor kept the Congress
Party free from dissident activity. His staunch opponents were
K. Siddlingaiah, the Party President and K. Hanumanthaiah, a
Congress leader in the Representative Assembly and both belon-
ging to his own Vokkaliga Community. He managed to keep
himself in office by temporarily buying peace with Siddalingaiah.
In November 1949, K.C. Reddy made the dramatic announce-
ment that after the inauguration of the new constitution for India
in January 1950, the Representative Assembly and the Legisla-
tive Council would be abolished and the Constituent Assembly
of Mysore would become the main Legislative body of the State.
Then, in a tactical move, K.C. Reddy saw to it that the Consti-
tuent Assembly elected him afresh as the leader of the Congress
Party. With his reelection over, he made K. Hanumanthaiah as
the Congress President and got some reprieve temporarily. The
Administration of the State however remained stagnant and lack-

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582 THE INDIAN JOURNAL OF POLITICAL SCIENCE

lustre as it was earlier. K.C. Reddy was known for his indecision
and passivity. K. Hanumanthaiah whose objective was to capture
executive power for himself stepped up his dissident activity. As
part of his strategy to dislodge K.C. Reddy from office, Hanu-
manthaiah started cultivating the rural andflocal level workers, a
strategy which eventually paid dividents in March 1952 when he
was voted to the office of Chief Ministership with a massive man-
date.

Hanumanthaiah* s regime

Hanumanthaiah's tenure as Chief Minister of Karnataka was

marked by a distinct effort to strengthen the Party vis-a-vis the
bureaucracy. One of the first things he did after assuming office
was to strengthen the powers of the Assembly members in such
matters as allottment of licences, providing funds for schools,
public health, roads, irrigation work, etc. The bureaucracy was
made to work under the guidance of the political man. Thus,
for the first time, a Chief Minister of the State opened up the
channels for the people to use political power for their advance-
ment. One of the unintended but perhaps the natural outgrowth
of all this was the surfacing of caste-based interest groups. Being
a Gandhian of sorts who abhored Communalism and caste based
favouritism, Hanumanthaiah refused to support groups which
came forward under caste label. That marked the beginnings of
estrangement between Hanumanthaiah and his own community
people.

What added to this process of estrangement was the support

which Hanumanthaiah gave to the move for unification of Mysore,
a movement started by the lingayats, who despised the vokkaliga
dominance in the politics of the state. Being a minority in the
old Mysore area, the lingayats argued in favour of integrating
the Hyderabad-Karnatak regions of the northern parts of the
State, a region which was dominated by lingayats. In terms of
caste politics, the movement meant that the Vokkaligas who had
enjoyed preeminence in the politics of old Mysore from the days
of K.C. Reddy would have to yield their place to the lingayats.
The vokkaligas in the Assembly were understandably opposed to
it and wanted Hanumanthaiah to lead their resistance to it.
Hanumanthaiah's response was totally different. Keen as he wa
to retain his secular, anti-casteist image and probably with the

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 KARNATAKA : IDEOLOGY AND POLITICS 583

hope that he could continue to be the Chief Minister of the

larged state, Hanumanthaiah supported unification. The vok
ligas in the Assembly joined hand with those forces which wo
against Hanumanthaiah and removed him from office in 198

The Ascendency of Lingayats

Hanumanthaiah' s exit from office was followed by an interi

Government. However, in 1956, under the States Reorganisa
Plan, the State of Mysore was enlarged to include the Hyder
Karnatak and Bombay-Karnatak regions. S. Nijalingappa
staunch leader of the unification movement and a banajiga li
yat from the Chitradurga district of old Mysore region, be
the Chief Minister. With him began the era of lingayat asc
dency in the politics of the State, a feature which was reve
only in 1972 by Devaraj Urs.
As Chief Minister Nijalingappa adhered to the practic
appeasing local, parochial interests which had gained him
eminence in the leadership of the State Congress. Rural int
groups, organised often under caste labels, emerged as dom
features of political life quite in contrast to what Hanumant
did. Introduction of the Community Development Progra
which channelled patronage to representatives from the taluk
sub-taluk constituencies, was a feature of Nijalingappa's reg
He also completed the integration of State politics into
national level by drawing the State Congress into factional
rels within the national Congress. This was again in contras
Hanumanthaiah's efforts to preserve for the State level leade
a certain degree of autonomy from the local and national in
ences.

Under Nijalingappa therefore, the Congress

became based upon a structure of patronages which
to taluk development boards and village panch
an environment of one-party dominance, the opp
developed only gradually. They often provided loc
Congress leaders. The most important opposition p
at that time was the Praja Socialist Party (PSP), un
with Congress (R) in 1971. On the whole, the oppo
were extremely weak, raising their head sometimes
districts. For example, the socialists gained some in
Shimoga district.

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584 THE INDIAN JOURNAL OF POLITICAL SCIENCE

It is noteworthy that both Nijalingappa and his successor -

his own protege - Veerendra Patii realised very early in their
office that their continuance in power was possible only by a
carefully structured policy of accommodating some elements of
the Vokkaliga Community in political offices. Thus, the dominant
Communities - politics linkage in Karnataka continued till 1969
by which time the Congress Party at the national level under-
went a transformation. The 1969 split in Congress and the rise
to preeminence of Mrs. Indira Gandhi resulted in a situation
where the ruling elite in Karnataka which was in the opposite
group of the Congress, referred to as the Syndicate, found it
difficult to continue in office. Devraj Urs, who was till then a
light-weight in Karnataka politics, in view of his belonging to the
minority arasu (Kshatriya) community, supported Mrs. Gandhi
and her Congress (R). Thanks to the astute campaigning by
Devraj Urs in addition of course to Mrs. Gandhi's own charisma,
the Congress (R) emerged victorious at the 1972 Assembly elec-
tions. With the elevation of Devraj Urs to the Centre of the stage,
the State of Karnataka came to have, for the first time, a ministry
headed by a person belonging to minority community heralding
thereby an end to the 12 years of long dominance of the Lingayat-
Vokkaliga Communities.
Devaraj Urs and Karnatak Politics
Mrs. Indira Gandhi is said to have thought of Devaraj Urs
to head the State Congress as she was keen on accelerating the
pace of change in the rural areas by dealing strongly with those
groups wh^ch were opposed to the implementation of progressive
measures. On his part, Urs was interested in playing the role of
a catalyst for change as he knew that was the only way he could
break the Lingayat-Vokkaliga hold over the politics of the state.
Also, in order to strengthen his political base, Urs made common
cause with such castes/communities as the Kurubas, Yadavas,
Bedas, Bestas (Washermen), Barbers and Goldsmiths. He also
took care to enlist the support of the scheduled castes and
scheduled tribes and muslims who were the traditional voters of
the Congress Party. Thus, the non-brahmin backward cast e/
communities movement became vocal under Devraj Urs' leader-
ship in the seventies.
Devraj Urs came to power under the slogan of bringing
about radical reforms in the political and social structure of

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 KARNATAKA : IDEOLOGY AND POLITICS 585

the Karnataka society. Among the major changes he ini

ted were: (a) land reforms, (b) a redefinition of the back
castes/communities to be eligible for special treatment
(c) a few legislations aimed at improving the lot of the
poor. We may briefly examine them in order to understand
nature and extent of change brought about by Urs. Un
Devaraj Urs, a substantially new Land Reform Act was p
in 1973 which became operational in 1974. Under the Ac
only persons eligible to own lands were those engaged in per
cultivation with the sole exception of soldiers and sailors. E
widows, minors and disabled persons were barred from hol
lands. The ceiling on land which stood at 27 standard acr
per the 1961 Act was reduced to 10 acres. Dairy farming, p
try farming and the breeding of live stock which were consi
as not agriculture earlier were now to be included in agricul
lands. In addition, for a family exceeding five members,
additional member was allowed only two additional units up
maximum of 20 units in the aggregate,8 while in the or
legislation each additional member was allowed 6 standard a
upto a^tnaximum of 54 standard acres for the entire family
under the 1974 Act, family was taken to mean only the hus
the wife, the unmarried daughters and minor sons; the adult
were excluded from the definition of family.

Land Tribunals were established - some 193 of them came

into being throughout the state with at least one per taluk - to
look into the disputed cases and their decisions were final.9 The
Chairman was an official and the other four members were non-
officials. The districts of Dakshina Kannada and Uttara Kan-
nada became the major benificiaries of the land reforms legisla-
tion earning Devraj Urs particularly in these two districts, wide
appreciation in the process.

The impact of this much lauded piece of legislation on the

problem of landlessness was however meagre.10 It is however
argued by some analysts that Devraj Urs himself acknowledged
this fact and said that what was being done was only the first
step to consolidate the government's base before proceeding to a
marked lowering of ceilings and a final assault on landlessness.11

As the land reforms measures were in progress, Devraj Urs

realised that it was not politically wise to exclude both the major
P- 18

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586 THE INDIAN JOURNAL OF POLITICAL SCIENCE

communities from the political process. To be precise, the Vokk-

aligas were not to be totally isolated. Being a shrewd politi-
cal strategist, Urs sought to achieve his objective through the new
backward classes policy, his government was set to introduce»
The First Karnataka Backward Classes Commission was set up,
headed by his trusted advocate friend L.G. Havanur. The
Havanur Commission, as it later on came to be popularly known
as, while defining backwardness took note of the educational and
social standing of the caste, community, tribe and/group. The
lingayats who were educationally, socially and economically
better off than the Vokkaligas were declared as forward and the
Vokkaligas as backward, thereby suggesting that they also were
to be considered for the benefits of reservation, along with the
other weaker sections of the society.12 This suited Devraj Urs*
political calculations. By accepting the Commission's recommen-
dations, with of course some modifications, Urs was able to con-
fer positions of power and indirect political benefits to those
sections within the Vokkaliga Community who would have other-
wise created problems for him politically.13

Devraj Urs also passed a series of legislations aimed at pro-

moting social welfare among the underprivileged sections of the
society.14 Making use of the internal emergency then in opera-
tion and with a view to implement the 20-point programme of
Mrs. Gandhi, the government passed the Minimum wages Act
and made the employers comply with it. Significant steps were
also taken to put an end to bonded labour in the State. Addi-
tional bank credit was made available for purposes of rehabili-
tation of some 8000 freed bonded labourers. Further a Debt
Relief Act was passed cancelling the debts incurred by thos
whose annual income was less than Rs. 2,400. According to some
estimates, by 1980, debts to the tune of Rs. 4,800 within were
thus liquidated.15

Between 1972-1980, nearly eight lakh families belonging to

weaker sections of the society received house sites. As a follow-
up, a people's Housing Programme was launched to help recepi-
ents build their houses. Some of the other schemes launched
related to old age pension of Rs. 40/-per month to destitutes and
disabled persons above the age group of 65 years, and the Mini-
mum Needs Programme under which the government undertook

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 KARNATAKA : IDEOLOGY AND POLITICS 587

to provide food to 17 out of 43 lakhs undernourished ch

during 1977-78. Thus, on the whole, the Devaraj Urs' Adm
tration brought about such socio-economic changes which
red well for the minority and weaker sections of the societ
it must also not to be forgotten that bringing about such c
were politically expedient for a man who had set himse
task of eliminating the dominance of the lingayat and vok
communities in the politics of Karnataka.

Gundu Rao's dismal innings

Political developments within the Congress Party du

1979 resulted in the break-down of the alliance between D
Urs and Mrs. Indira Gandhi. The January 1980 Assembl
tions brought Gundu Rao to the office of the Chief Minist
Karnataka with the support of Indira Gandhi and more
son Sanjay Gandhi. The struggle between the lingayat
vokkaligas for political power and influence surfaced agai
lingayat political leaders in particular lost no time in tryi
establish close links with Gundu Rao and isolate the vokka
But the unfortunate farmer's agitation in the Ghataprabh
Malaprabha areas in which mostly lingayat farmers were in
and the manner in which the Government used force to handle
the situation resulted in a cooling off of the relations between
Gundu Rao and the lingayats. Taking advantage of the situa-
tion, the vokkaligas started getting closer to Gundu Rao (which
the latter also encouraged) along with other factions of some of
the minority communities. However the fact that Gundu Rao
belonged to the brahmin community, led to a feeling among the
lingayats and the vokkaligas that they should come together to
prevent brahmins from reemerging as a dominant group in the
State.

Gundu Rao's tenure as Chief Minister was marked by the

lack of political vision, unbridled growth of corruption in govern-
ment and the increasing alienation of the ruling class from the
weaker sections of the society.16 His extravagant life style -
use of helicopters for touring the various regions of the State
etc - his penchant for theatrical behaviour and impulsive deci-
sions often made at public gatherings, his pampering of the
bureaucracy, his contempt for journalists - he once asked some
journalists to go and drown in the Arabian sea when they put

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588 THE INDIAN JOURNAL OF POLITICAL SCIENCE

some uncomfortable questions to him at a Press Gonserence -

made him unpopular among the educated classes. It is hard to
point to any decision taken by the Gundu Rao regime in the
direction of improving the lot of the socially deprived sections of
the society. To cap it all, the Congress (I) in the State was
weakened by factional divisions and at times these led to intra-
party violence or threats of violence. With such an image, no
wonder the Congress (I) was thoroughly rejected by the politi-
cally mature voters of Karnataka during the Assembly elections
of January 1983; Gundu Rao and several of his ministerial col-
leagues not only lost their elections but were even subjected to
physical humiliation by the voters in their respective constituen-
cies.

The Dawn of the Janata Era

The January 1983 Assembly Elections in Karnataka consti-
tuted a major watershed in the political development of the
State. For the first time, the electorate in Karnataka voted a
non-Congress party to power ending thereby the dominance of
the Congress hold over the politics of the State. The Janata
Party-Kranti Ranga combine which won a total of 94 seats (much
to their surprise) was however in a difficult position to choose
their candidate for the office of the Chief Minister due largely
because of the inner party fighting between the vokkaliga and
lingayat elements and the insistence of S. Bangarappa of the
Kranti Ranga that he should be made the Chief Minister of
Karnataka because of his contribution to the success of the alli-
ance in the election. Several days of intense political activity
within the Janata Party on caste lines resulted in the compromise
solution of Ramakrishna Hegde, at that time a General Secretary
of the Party at the national level, being chosen as the consensus
candidate for Chief Ministership. Thus Ramakrishna Hegde
not only became the Chief Minister, but his election to the State
Assembly from the vokkaliga dominated Kanakapura constitu-
ency was also arranged within six months, the constitutionally
stipulated period. But as Head of the Government, Hegde faced
considerable pressure from the vokkaliga and lingayat communi-
ties for political spoils.17 The thin majority with which his Party
had won the election and the frequent threat of withdrawal of
support by the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and the commu-
nists, with whose support the Party had formed the Government

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 KARNATAKA : IDEOLOGY AND POLITICS 589

- leave alone the machinations of the Congress (I) to toppl

Government from time to time - resulted in a situation where
Hegde could not take decisive steps to usher in the kihd of socio-
economic reforms he wanted to bring about in Karnataka. To
back up his promise of help to the oppressed castes, Ramakrishna
Hegde however managed to initiate certain reformist measures
largely on the lines of Devraj Urs. Conspicuous among them
were: (a) a programme to aid thirty thousand scheduled caste
families per year; (b) providing financial and hostel facilites to
the SC & ST students; (c) the beginning of the Antyodaya pro-
gramme to assist five poorest families in every village; and (d)
the sinking of borewells in each locality in villages aimed at
solving the drinking water problem in the State.18 The Govern-
ment also created Lok Ayukta (Ombudsman) to look into corrup-
tion changes on the highest political functionaries, including
office of the Chief Minister, Municipal and Corporation elections
were held for the first time over a decade.

1985 ASSEMBLY ELECTIONS IN KARNATAKA

The elections to the Karnataka Legislative Assembly h

in March 1985 were not due in the normal course. In the after-
math of the tragic assassination of Indira Gandhi on October
31, 1984, the Congress (I) and the new Prime Minister Rajiv
Gandhi advanced the elections. In the December 1984 Lok Sabha
elections, the Congress (I) had won 24 out of the 28 seats from
Karnataka. But in the 1985 elections to the Assembly, just after
70 days, the Congress (I) could win only 66 seats out of 224 seats
it contested ! It needs a thorough analysis to explain the reasons
for this electoral surprise which was nothing short of an volte face •

The analysis of the 1985 results alone cannot throw much

light on this phenomenon. There have been 4 elections held bet-
ween 1980-85. Out of these, it would be necessary to have a
look at least 3 elections held in successive years, i.e., of 1983,
1984 and 1985 to understand the voting pattern in Karnataka.
To the demand that the Janata Government should resign
because of its poor show in the parliamentary elections, the Chief
Minister of Karnataka, Ramakrishna Hegde, who had come to
power in 1983 with the support of BJP and Communist Parties,
argued in the beginning that he need not resign. He felt that

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590 THE INDIAN JOURNAL OF POLITICAL SCIENCE

the Lok Sabha elections did not amount to a verdict on the State
Government's performance. Probably, he wanted to provoke
Rajiv Gandhi and get himself dismissed, as he expected Rajiv
Gandhi to function in his mother's style. But Rajiv disappointed
Hegde by not dismissing the government. Then Hegde declared
that he would resign on his own in deference to the people's
wishes and seek a fresh mandate. He advised the dissolution of
the Assembly and holding of elections. He also refused to act as
a caretaker Chief Minister. In this game of political one-upman-
ship, Rajiv Gandhi emerged with a better image by insisting that
Hegde continue as head of the care-taker Ministry. But even
Hegde' s decision to resign and seek fresh mandate from the
Karnataka electorate and his refusal initially to continue as care-
taker Chief Minister was looked upon as an act of political saga-
city, and a rare one at that, in the present day politics in India.

The sympathy factor seems to be the running thread in all

the three elections of 1983, 1984 and 1985. In the 1983 Assembly
elections in Karnataka, the sympathy factor was generated
around Devaraj Urs which led to an antipathy towards Indira
Gandhi, juxtaposed with the Gundu Rao factor. This led to an
anti-Congress vote. In the 1983 elections the Congress (I) could
win only 82 seats, whereas the Janata could win 95 seats.

In the 1984 Lok Sabha elections, the sympathy factor was

generated again by Rajiv Gandhi, who projected in his campaign
the issue of unity and integrity of the nation of Mrs. Gandhi in
the background of the tragic assassination of Mrs. Gandhi, the
Punjab and the Assam problems. People felt and agreed that the
unity and integrity of the nation was threatened and they respon-
ded to it in a big wgy. Behind this emotional upsurge which gave
Rajiv an over-whelming victory, there was also the cool judgement
on the part of the voter. The voter was convinced that Rajiv and
his party were the only alternative, worth voting for. At that time,
Mrs. Gandhi dead seemed to be more powerful than Mrs. Gandhi
alive. One could speculate, in the context of Karnataka, that
Mrs. Gandhi, if alive, might have repeated the 1983 performance-
level at best for Lok Sabha during the 1984 elections. Even
though Janata's performance during the 1983-84 was appreciated
generally by the common voter in Karnataka, it could not effec-
tively offset the sympathy factor. But it helped to check the sweep

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 KARNATAKA : IDEOLOGY AND POLITICS 591

of the Congress (I). It is significant that the Janata, which

won only one Lok Sabha seat in the 1980 elections, could wi
seats in 1984.

In the 1985 Assembly elections the sympathy for Rama-

krishna Hegde was apparent. Hegde's offer to quit office and
this slogan of giving power back to the people turned the people
and evoked their sympathy towards him in abundance.

Hegde's election plank was the performance of his govern-

ment and his 'value-based polities', which has been appreciated
and vindicated by the voters because of its sharp contrast with
the long Congress rule in the State. He also raised the issues such
as poverty, unemployment, corruption, the Centre-State relations
etc. But what actually drew the voters nearer to him was the
issue he raised : 'Do you want to be ruled by Delhi or from
Bangalore?' This was analogous to NTR's 'self-respect of the
Telugus', which had paid rich dividends. Hegde cleverly and
subtly introduced into his campaign essential dichotomy in the
issues relevant to the elections to the Lok Sabha and the Assembly
elections. If, for instance, the issue for the 1984 elections was
the unity and integrity of the nation, the issues in the Assembly
elections were those concerning the nature of government,
administration and development of the State. The Karnataka
voter did not have any doubt as to who should rule in Delhi and
who should rule in Bangalore. An astute Hegde converted the
March 1985 elections virtually into a referendum as to who should
rule in Bangalore. The voters have demonstrated a better capa-
city to judge the fitness of parties and leaders for specific roles.

Finally, the Janata party could get an edge over Congress (I)
at the last minute when it put out its supplementary Manifesto
promising populist measures such as Rs. 2/- a kilo of rice, Janata
Sarees and Dhotis at subsidised rates etc., which swung the
women voters in favour of Hegde. The announcement coming
in less than three days before polling, caught the Congress (I) off
the guard and it could just do nothing to counter it. It was an
astute exercise in political statesmanship. In his speeches, Hegde
asked women as to why they always voted for Congress (I),
though that party had done pretty little for them in 35 years,
even with a woman Prime Minister. He used to high-light the
Janata Party's programme for the welfare of the women, such as

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592 THE INDIAN JOURNAL OF POLITICAL SCIENCE

pregnancy allowance of Rs. 100/- a month for three months,

widows pension of Rs. 50/- a month, the Mangalasutra scheme and
reservatian of seats for women in local bodies. This helped in
getting the women's votes, which was actually the deciding fac-
tor. Thus woman did vote for him and contributed largely to
the success of the Janata Party.

The Congress (I) lost its credibility because of its view that
the performance of the Janata Party was zero and that the people
should put one and the same party in power at the Centre and
States as Well, in the interest of national unity and the speedy
economic development in the States. Incidentally, within 70 days
from the Lok Sabha elections, the Congress (I) hadslided down in
its popularity and support everywhere in the Assembly elections
except in Gujarat. Political différenciation clearly surfaced in
different regions. The contest in 1985 has been far less one-
sided, which is a healthy trend.

In Karnataka the Congress (I) was the only party to contest

all the 224 seats, with Janata following with 207 candidates,
BJP 117, CPI 8, CPI (M) 7, Others 44, Indépendants 1,188. But
the Congress (I) could win only 66 seats, whereas Janata won
139, BJP 2, CPI 4, CPI (M) 2, and the Indépendants 11.

New Experiment at Democratic decentralisation

One of the significant achievements of the Hegde regime

after the 1985 Assembly Elections has been the creation of a
two-tier elected bodies, the Zilla Parishad at the district level
and th£ Mandai Panchayat at the taluka level, as historic steps
undertaken to carry to its culmination the process of democratic
decentralisation. Generally hailed as a model to the rest of the
country - Union Minister Narasimha Rao came to Bangalore as
the Chief guest to participate in the oath taking cermony arran-
ged for the newly elected members of both the bodies - the
Zilla Parishads and Mandai Panchayats, have an elected Presi-
dent and an official Secretary - are virtually what state govern-
ments are in comparison to the Central Government in the
Indian political set-up. They have been given complete auto-
nomy in terms of their functioning and a fairly high degree of
financial stability. The two institutions together are in charge of
the entire developmental activities of the district.

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 KARNATAKA : IDEOLOGY AND POLITICS 593

While inaugurating recently a five-days orientation program

for the newly elected Zilla Parishad Presidents, Vice-Presid
and for the Chief Secretaries, the Chief Minister Ramakris
Hegde said: "We believe that the centre should not un
sarily interfere in the functioning of the State Governmen
we are fighting for it. We will not commit the same mist
our part. We have no such intentions."19 He however a
the Parishad Presidents to accept constructive suggestions o
by district ministers concerned in a friendly spirit inst
viewing them as interferences. The Chief Minister and his
popular Rural Development Minister, Abdul Nazir Sab se
be committed to making a success of the new experiment.
real judgement on the working of these institutions can ho
be made only after observing the functioning of these insti
in the years that follow.

The Hegde Government has also come up with cert

measures aimed at improving the socio-economic condit
the weaker sections, specially rural women. Notable among
are: (a) introduction of the Rural Employment Guarantee Sc
under which persons within the age group of 18-25 years
get work, if he or she sought work in the rural areas; (b) p
ing free Mangala Sutra - under the Taliya Bhagya Sch
promise made by the party in its election manifesto for th
elections - to marriageable women among the weaker se
of the society; (c) free supply of two sarees to women and
to men (once a year) belonging to the weaker sections; (d) s
of rice under the subsidised scheme for the poorer classes
rural and urban areas and (e) the introduction of 'Akshara
programme aimed at providing literacy to the illiterate an
ignorant among the rural people so that they would becom
scious of the dignity of the human being and protect them
against exploitation and utilising the opportunities provid
them for improving their income and living condition
Government has also introduced schemes like free supply o
books and uniforms to school children.

In conclusion, it could perhaps be said that the Janata Party

Government, headed by a Chief Minister with a progressive image
has by and large pursued policies aimed at improving the socio-
economic position of the weaker sections of the society, whose
P- 19

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594 THE INDIAN JOURNAL OF POLITICAL SCIENCE

support it badly needs in order to ensure its continuance in office.

But having said this, it must also be mentioned that in recent
months, the Hegde Government seems to have lost the sympathy
and support of the urban people on account of steep increases in
bus-fares, milk prices and the tariff on electricity. Somewhere
half way through his second term, the Chief Minister Hegde seems
to have lost interest in State politics because of his pronouncedly
increasing interest in national politics. In fact he is even said to
have once said - which of course he denied later on - that he
was getting stale at the state level and wanted the Party to look
for an alternative leader. But factionalism within the Party on
caste lines is so strong, that even if the Party wants to relieve
Hegde of his State level responsibilities, it has not been able to
do so. In this respect, the position of the Janata Party is no
better than tbat of the Congress (I) which constitutes the major
opposition party in the State with very little hopes of coming
back to power.

Another important development which has affected the image

of the Janata Party specially in the eyes of the weaker sections
of the Karnatäka society relates to the Government policy on
reservations. The decision of the Hegde Ministry last year to
reject the recommendations of the second Karnataka Backward
Classes Commission's report (the Commission had suggested dele-
ting vokkaligas from the backward list) and include in its Govern-
ment order both the vokkaligas and lingayats - 1 the lingayats
had threatened a State-wide agitation if they were not also
treated as backward - albeit under different groups with some
income limits for eligiblity to claim concession can perhaps be
seen with some justification as the failure of the Chief Minister
to assert himself against the the pressures of the two dominant
communities. Hegde has of course denied that he has been pre-
ssurised. Be that as it may, if in the coming months the Chief
Minister does not assert himself against the pressures of dominant
communities for further political and economic spoils, the day
may not be very far for a full-scale resurgence of the vokkaliga-
lingayat stronghold on the politics of the State, which would
mean for the politics of the State a back to square one position.

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 KARNATAKA : IDEOLOGY AND POLITICS 595

NOTES

1. Diwakar, R. Ret. al. Karnataka Ekikarananda Kathe> Hubli

Lok Sikshana Trust, 1956, p. 13.
2. Ibid , p. 38.
3. Ibid , p. 71.
4. Ibid , p. 64.
5. Ibid , p. 67.
6. Ibid, p. 117.
7. /¿í¿, p. 139.
8. See Pani, N. "Reforms to preempt Change: Land Legis-
lation in Karnataka" in Rajapurohit, A. R. (ed) Land Reforms in
India , Ashish Publising House, New Delhi, 1984, pp. 43-44,

9. Rajan, M.R.S. The Land Reform Law in Karnataka ,

Government Press, Bangalore, 1979, pp. 139-161. See also his,
"Working of the Land Tribunals of India", in Rajapurohit,
Op. cit. , pp. 139-161.

10. Pani, N. Op. cit., n.8.

11. Manor, J. "Pragmatic Progressives in Regional Polities:
The Case of Devraj Urs." Economic and Political Weekly. Annual
Number 1980.

12. For details see, Report of the Karnataka Backward Classes

{Shri L.G. Havanur) Commission , Bangalore, Government of Kar-
nataka, 1975. 4 Vols. For a detailed analysis of the Report see,
Hebsur, R.K. "The Havanur Commission on Backward Classes:
An Analysis", The Indian Journal of Political Science , Vol. XLII,
no.4. October-December 1981, pp. 14-29. For a particularly
Veerashaiva critique of the report, see Mallaradhya, J.B. Havanur
Report : A Fraud on the Constitution , Government and People , Bangalore,
All India Veerashaiva Mahasabha, 1977.

13. Jayaramu, P.S. "Socio-Political scene in Karnataka",

The Times of India , Bangalore, November 1, 1986, special supple-
ment.

14. Devraj Urs, Socio-Economic Programme for the Poor : So

Policy Imperatives , Office of the Chief Minister, Governm

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596 THE INDIAN JOURNAL OF POLITICAL SCIENCE

Karnataka, April 1978). See also Kohli, A. "Regime Types and

Poverty Reforms in India", Pacific Affairs , Vol. 56. no. 4. Winter
1983-84., pp. 658-663.
15. Epstein, T.S. et al> (eds), Basic Needs: Viewed From Above
and From Below , Paris, OECD, 1980, pp. 4-26.
16. Manor, J. "Blurring the Lines Between Parties and
Social Basis: Gundu Rao and the Emergence of the Janata
Government in Karnataka". Economic and Political Weekly , VoL
19, no. 37, September 15, 1984.
17. For a detailed account of the electoral behaviour etc,
see Mathew, G. (ed). Shift in Indian Politics : 1983 Assembly Elections
xn Andhra Pradesh and Karnataka , Concept Publishing House, New
Delhi, 1981. See specially articles by K. Raghavendra Rao and
Lalita Nataraj and V.K. Nataraj. See also, Srinivas M.N. and
Panini, M.N. "Politics and Society in Karnataka", Economic and
Political Weekly , Vol. 19, no. 2, January 14, 1984.
18. For details, regarding the money spent on these pro-
grammes, see, The Dawn of a New Era , Government of Karnataka,
Bangalore, 1985.
19. Deccan Herald , April 21, 1987.

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