Abuso Falsas Memorias

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APJ 29 1–10 ARTICLE IN PRESS

Anuario de Psicología Jurídica xxx (2015) xxx–xxx
Anuario de Psicología Jurídica 2015
www.elsevier.es/apj
1 Children’s suggestibility research: Things to know before interviewing

2 a child
3 Q1 Amelia Courtney Hritz ∗ , Caisa Elizabeth Royer, Rebecca K. Helm, Kayla A. Burd, Karen Ojeda,
4 Stephen J. Ceci
5 Cornell University, Ithaca, NY, USA
6
7 a r t i c l e i n f o a b s t r a c t
8
9 Article history: Children’s testimony is often the only evidence of alleged abuse. Thus, the importance of conducting
10 Received 29 July 2014 forensic interviews that are free from bias and misleading information is immense, as these could lead to
11 Accepted 25 September 2014 false reports. In the current paper, we review unexpected findings in children’s suggestibility that illus-
12 Available online xxx
trate the difficulty in distinguishing between false and accurate reports. We explore situations in which a
13 younger person’s memory account may be more accurate than that of an adult, when a single suggestive
14 Keywords: interview may be as detrimental as multiple interviews, and when children can make inaccurate reports
15 Children’s testimonial accuracy
spontaneously. We conclude with recommendations for interviewers to decrease false reporting by both
16 Suggestibility
17 Interviewer bias
children and adults.
18 Suggestive interviewing © 2015 Published by Elsevier España, S.L.U. on behalf of Colegio Oficial de Psicólogos de Madrid. This
19 Demographic factors is an open access article under the CC BY-NC-ND license
20 Cognitive factors (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/).
21 Psychosocial factors
Investigación acerca de la sugestionabilidad infantil: lo que se debe saber antes

de entrevistar a un niño
r e s u m e n
22
23 Palabras clave: El testimonio de los niños es a menudo la única evidencia de un supuesto abuso. Por lo tanto, la importan-
24 Exactitud del testimonio infantil cia de la realización de entrevistas forenses que estén libres de prejuicios y de información engañosa es
25 Sugestionabilidad inmensa, ya que podrían dar lugar a informes falsos. En el presente trabajo se revisan los hallazgos ines-
26 Sesgo del entrevistador
perados en la investigación acerca de la sugestionabilidad infantil que ilustra la dificultad de diferenciar
27 Entrevista sugerida
los informes falsos y verdaderos. Se analizan casos en donde las declaraciones de memoria de una persona
28 Factores demográficos
29 Factores cognitivos más joven pueden ser más precisas que las de un adulto, cuando una sola entrevista sugerida puede ser
30 Factores psicosociales tan perjudicial como múltiples entrevistas y cuando los niños pueden hacer declaraciones inexactas de
forma espontánea. Concluimos con unas recomendaciones a los entrevistadores para que reduzcan las
declaraciones falsas de niños y adultos.
© 2015 Publicado por Elsevier España, S.L.U. en nombre de Colegio Oficial de Psicólogos de Madrid.
Este es un artículo Open Access bajo la licencia CC BY-NC-ND
(http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/).
31 During the investigation and prosecution of child abuse cases, may be the only evidence of abuse that is presented in court 34
32 children are often the key witnesses (and may be the only eye- as physical evidence of abuse is often limited or non-existent. 35
33 witness) to alleged crimes. In particular, their verbal testimony However, prior research has shown that children’s testimony may 36
be inaccurate due to a susceptibility to false memory, in particular 37
false memory resulting from suggestion (Ceci & Bruck, 1995; Ceci 38
∗ Corresponding author. Cornell University. Department of Human Development.

& Friedman, 1993). Because the child’s testimony is so important 39
Ithaca, NY, USA.

and may be the only evidence of the alleged abuse, the quality of 40
E-mail address: ach34@cornell.edu (A.C. Hritz). this evidence must be protected from contamination by suggestive 41
http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.apj.2014.09.002
1133-0740/© 2015 Published by Elsevier España, S.L.U. on behalf of Colegio Oficial de Psicólogos de Madrid. This is an open access article under the CC BY-NC-ND license
(http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/).
Please cite this article in press as: Hritz, A. C., et al. Children’s suggestibility research: Things to know before interviewing a child. Anuario
de Psicología Jurídica (2015), http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.apj.2014.09.002
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2 A.C. Hritz et al. / Anuario de Psicología Jurídica xxx (2015) xxx–xxx
42 interviewing. Proper interviewing techniques must be utilized to were subsequently more likely than 4-year-olds to wrongly recall 105
43 safeguard children’s testimony from the effect of misinformation expected-but-non-experienced medical procedures. 106
44 and suggestibility, as these could lead to false reports. In the current Reverse developmental trends are most likely to occur in 107
45 paper, we review unexpected findings in children’s suggestibility situations involving “meaning connection” and semantic asso- 108
46 research and make recommendations for interviewers to decrease ciation (Brainerd et al., 2008). Younger children may be less 109
47 false reporting by both children and adults. suggestible in situations where older children possess more 110
48 Before getting to this, however, we define some terms. By false meaning-connectedness knowledge, providing an opportunity for a 111
49 report we are referring to claims made by a child that are factually suggestion to interact with such knowledge. The role of knowledge- 112
50 inaccurate, but the inaccuracy can be due to conscious lies on the representation in false memory has been shown to exist in 113
51 part of the child or to unconscious assimilation of false suggestions studies using categorized word lists, such as the Deese-Roediger- 114
52 and pressures made by those (usually adults) who have access to McDermott (DRM) paradigm (Brainerd et al., 2008). In the DRM 115
53 the child. The difference between these two forms of false report paradigm, children and adults are given a list of words that are 116
54 is that the one due to lying can potentially be remediated–by per- semantically related (e.g., cake, pie, honey, candy, sugar, taste, 117
55 suading the child to tell the truth; however, a false report that is the sour, chocolate). After the completion of the list, they are asked 118
56 result of a child incorporating an interviewer’s false suggestion is to record all of the words they can remember. Studies using the 119
57 theoretically irremediable. Once the suggestion gets implanted in DRM paradigm have found that it is more likely that adults will 120
58 the memory trace, it is forever altered and no amount of remedial falsely remember a non-presented but related word (e.g., sweet). 121
59 interviewing can undo the damage. This may occur because sweet is semantically activated by hearing 122
60 The other term we define is the concept of suggestibility. The the other words on the list. Younger children often lack the seman- 123
61 most common definition is that proposed by Ceci and Bruck (1993): tic knowledge to activate sweet in the context of the related words; 124
62 “suggestibility concerns the degree to which children’s encoding, therefore, they are less likely to falsely recall hearing it (for a review, 125
63 storage, retrieval, and reporting of events can be influenced by a see Brainerd et al., 2008; Brainerd, Reyna, & Zember, 2011). 126
64 range of social and psychological factors” (p. 404). Note that the Recently, the DRM paradigm has been used to develop a greater 127
65 inclusion of the word “reporting;” it extends suggestibility to socio- understanding of age trends in false memory, for example Khanna 128
66 cultural factors that are non-cognitive, such as pressure on a child and Cortese (2009) found that there is no age increase in false mem- 129
67 to misreport an experience even though memory processes them- ory for phonological (as opposed to semantic) lists. Thus, adults are 130
68 selves (encoding, storage, and retrieval) are uncontaminated. not more likely to falsely recall a word that rhymes with the ones 131
they heard. In addition, there is a greater increase in false memo- 132
ries with age for words evoking negative emotions (e.g., cold, hurt, 133
69 Suggestibility Does Not Always Decrease with Age sick) than for words evoking positive emotions (e.g., baby, love, 134
hug; Brainerd, Holliday, Reyna, Yang, & Toglia, 2010). Furthermore, 135
70 Recent literature on developmental trends in suggestion and when children are instructed to forget a previous word list and 136
71 false memory has provided insight into the differing ways in which focus on the subsequent list the rates of remembering words not 137
72 children and adults are susceptible to memory distortion. This is presented in the first list decreases (Howe, 2005). This benefit of 138
73 important when reviewing testimony. For example, there may be directed forgetting is not shown in adults. 139
74 a case in which a child and an adult (or two children of different Reverse developmental trends in suggestibility have been 140
75 ages) give contradictory testimony and it is not always true that shown in cases of eyewitness identification of an innocent, but 141
76 the older person’s versions of events are more accurate. In order familiar, subject. An experiment by Ross et al. (2006) showed chil- 142
77 to evaluate which testimony is most reliable (accurate), it is neces- dren aged 5 to 11 a video depicting either a female teacher reading 143
78 sary to understand the types of memory distortion that may have a story to children (the control condition) or a male teacher read- 144
79 taken place and how this can differentially affect the reliability of ing a story to children (the suggestion condition). All the children 145
80 children and adults’ testimony. were then shown a female teacher entering a cafeteria and having 146
81 Chronological age has emerged as a powerful predictor of sug- her wallet stolen by a man whom the children had not seen before. 147
82 gestibility: studies have shown that susceptibility to false memory Later, the children were asked to identify the thief from a lineup of 148
83 and misleading suggestions decrease with age (see Ceci & Bruck, four innocent faces and the male teacher who was reading the story 149
84 1995; Ceci & Friedman, 2000; Ceci, Kulkofsky, Klemfuss, Sweeney, in the suggestion condition (the real thief was not in the line up). 150
85 & Bruck, 2007), so that young children are most susceptible to For children who had seen the male teacher reading the story, the 151
86 both misleading suggestions (Ackil & Zaragoza, 1995; Bjorklund probability of falsely identifying this male teacher increased from 152
87 et al., 2000; Bruck & Ceci, 1999) and false memories (Ackerman, 0.18 for five-year-olds to 0.64 for 11-year-olds. Although the male 153
88 1994; Reyna & Kiernan, 1994). However, as we explain below, teacher was familiar to both the 11-year-olds and the five-year- 154
89 recent research has shown that there is much variability within age olds, the 11-year-olds were more vulnerable to suggestion based 155
90 groups. There are some conditions under which there are no devel- on “conscious inference” (for a definition, see Read, Tollestrup, 156
91 opmental effects or even “reverse developmental effects,” which Hammersley, McFazden, & Christensen, 1990; Ross, Ceci, Dunning, 157
92 are conditions where older children and even adults are more sus- & Toglia, 1994), meaning significantly more 11-year-olds falsely 158
93 ceptible to suggestion than younger children (Brainerd, Reyna, & believed they had seen the teacher steal the wallet because he was 159
94 Ceci, 2008; Otgaar, Howe, Peters, Sauerland, & Raymaekers, 2013). familiar to them but they forgot the reason why he was familiar. 160
95 For example, Principe, Guiliano, and Root (2008) showed that, Similar research on eyewitness identification has also found 161
96 because older children are more likely than younger children to adults to be less accurate witnesses than children when exposed 162
97 draw inferences, they are more likely to falsely report inferences to misinformation (Royer, 2014). In this study, participants were 163
98 about the causes of ambiguous events and mistake them for actual shown a video of a crime and then asked to make an identification 164
99 experiences. In this study, 5- to 6-year-olds reported more false from a lineup in which the real perpetrator was not present. 165
100 inferences than did 3-year-olds. Likewise, Ornstein et al. (1998) After a short delay, participants were shown two photographs 166
101 found that when asked to recall the details of an examination by a and asked to again identify the perpetrator. Participants were 167
102 pediatrician that excluded some scripted medical procedures (e.g., randomly shown two of the following: the real thief, a completely 168
103 the pediatrician did not listen to the child’s heart with a stetho- unfamiliar face, and the suspect they’d chosen from the first 169
104 scope as is normally done during a doctor’s visit), 6-year-olds lineup. Adults were less likely than children to correctly identify 170
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171 the real perpetrator during the second session. Additionally, adults Lion
Deer
172 were more likely to show commitment to their original choice
173 by reidentifying the same innocent suspect from the first lineup. Orange
Lemon Eagle
174 One potential explanation for the decreased performance by
Pig
175 adults is that they were more susceptible to the misinformation
176 altering their initial memory traces, and thus came to recognize Elephant
177 the innocent suspect as the true perpetrator. Coffee Cow
Robin Juice Bear
178 Recent research has provided additional insight into the rea-
Cheese
179 sons for reverse developmental trends, and cases in which it may
180 not apply. In a 2007 study, researchers administered a suggestibil-
181 ity test to four-year-olds and nine-year-olds (Ceci, Papierno, & Milk
Dog
Horse
182 Kulkofsky, 2007). Children were read a short story and two days
183 later they were given incorrect information about several of the Butter Soda
184 objects in the story. Five to seven days later, children were asked
185 to recall the objects that were part of the original story. The study
186 found that semantic distance (children’s representations of the sim- Chicken
187 ilarity between the actual and suggested object) was more powerful
188 than chronological age as a predictor of suggestibility. Thus, in some
189 cases, older children were more susceptible to suggestion than
190 younger children. For example, compared with younger children,
Figure 1. A spatial depiction of a typical 9-year-old’s representation of a set of ani-
191 older children were significantly more likely to erroneously report
mals and foods. The proximity between words represents how closely related the
192 that there was an orange in a story instead of a grapefruit because child believes these objects are.
193 they are both citrus fruits. Because older children have a citrus
194 dimension in their mental representation they are more likely to
195 substitute one item from the citrus category for another, something the way children represent their world influences what suggestions 237
196 younger children do not do because they lack a citrus dimension cause errors. 238
197 (see Ceci, Papierno et al., 2007). On the other hand, younger children Thus, depending on how they represented the materials, 239
198 were more likely to erroneously report objects that were closer children were differentially suggestible and their metamemory 240
199 in their semantic representations such as substituting one char- (thinking about their own memories) was differentially effective. 241
200 acter in a children’s video for another. This suggests that reverse When older children’s representation of material was elaborate, 242
201 developmental trends in false memory based on semantic associ- they were more suggestible than were younger children whose 243
202 ation may be caused by stronger semantic associations as people representation was not elaborate. The reverse was true of items 244
203 get older. This is also supported by results showing that children’s whose representations were more elaborate for younger children 245
204 low levels of false memory for semantically-organized word lists (see Table 1 of Ceci, Papierno et al., 2007, for targeted predictions 246
205 can be increased by making semantic associations in the lists more that were confirmed for both age trends and reverse age trends as 247
206 obvious, encouraging the younger children to process meaning and a result of how older and younger children represented the same 248
207 hence make more errors (Carneiro, Fernandez, & Diaz, 2009). How- material). The bottom line is that the nature and richness of the way 249
208 ever, in general older children and adults have much more semantic information is represented influences proneness to suggestibility. 250
209 knowledge than younger children and in this case their superior Sometimes this can lead to older individuals being more suggestible 251
210 semantic knowledge actually makes them more vulnerable to false than younger ones. 252
211 memory. These findings are highly significant forensically. They mean 253
212 Further insight has been provided by a series of studies finding that in some situations children’s evidence may be less likely than 254
213 that knowledge represented in memory can affect recall, recog- adult’s evidence to be tainted by suggestion or false memory. This 255
214 nition, and even the subprocesses that underpin them, such as necessitates a more refined approach in reviewing of testimony 256
215 metamemory (Ceci, Fitneva, & Williams, 2010; Ceci, Papierno et al., and in forensic examination, taking into account the subject mat- 257
216 2007). Some materials were represented more elaborately or richly ter, how elaborately it would be represented by witnesses, any 258
217 by younger children (such as Sesame Street television characters semantic associations the witness may have made, and the type of 259
218 whom younger children know very well) and other materials were potential memory distortions. These factors are likely to be more 260
219 represented more elaborately by older children (e.g., items that important than age itself in predicting memory distortion. 261
220 belong to categories such as predatory animals, citrus fruits, or

221 dairy foods). When viewed against this backdrop, those who pos- Demographic Variables Are Not Consistent Predictors of 262
222 sessed more elaborate representations of the items (which was Suggestibility 263
223 sometimes younger and sometimes older children) were almost

224 always more suggestible. In Figure 1, we show the typical repre- As illustrated by the reverse developmental trends in sug- 264
225 sentation of a 9-year-old. As can be seen, suggesting something gestibility, interviewers should not assume an individual is more 265
226 that is near an experienced item results in greater suggestibility or less vulnerable to all forms of suggestion based on demographic 266
227 errors than suggesting something far away. For example, suggest- variables. Research examining race, socioeconomic status, and gen- 267
228 ing to a nine-year-old that they saw a lemon would result in greater der have lead to inconsistent results that are better explained by 268
229 errors if they actually saw an orange (because they possess a citrus other factors such as language ability. 269
230 dimension that links both items) whereas a four-year-old is less

231 likely to make this suggestibility error because they do not under- Race and Socioeconomic Status 270
232 stand the citrus dimension. Although it is not shown in this figure,
233 a four-year-old is more likely to claim they saw milk when they Very few studies have considered race or socioeconomic sta- 271
234 actually saw soda because in their representation both items are tus as an influence on suggestibility and false memory (Bruck 272
235 closely linked as “things to drink”, whereas a nine-year-old links & Melnyk, 2004). Race is often tied to measures of intelligence 273
236 milk closer to dairy items (cheese, butter). The bottom line is that and even language. For instance, Kulkofsky (2010) cites several 274
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275 studies that reveal a correlation between socioeconomic back- the investigative process, as this ability may be associated with 334
276 grounds and a child’s language and intellectual abilities (Patterson, susceptibility to suggestibility and memory errors. 335
277 Kupersmidt, & Vaden, 1990; Vernon-Feagans, Hammer, Miccia, & One particular cognitive function that would seem to be foren- 336
278 Manlove, 2002; Walker, Greenwood, Hart, & Carta, 1994). She also sically relevant is memory ability. Several studies have examined 337
279 highlights the concern with racial discrepancies in language abil- the possible relation between memory ability and suggestibility 338
280 ities. Because minority-raced children (e.g., Latino/Hispanic and in children. Generally, results are inconsistent: while some stud- 339
281 African-American in the United States) are commonly overrep- ies found a significant relation between memory performance 340
282 resented as witnesses in criminal proceedings (Kulkofsky, 2010), and suggestibility, others did not. In addition, one study suggests 341
283 substandard verbal skills should be of great concern to investiga- that increased memory ability was actually associated with higher 342
284 tors. Nonetheless, more research must be conducted before any rates of event creation compared to lower memory ability (Brown, 343
285 responsible conclusions can be drawn concerning racial influences 1999). Researchers have also explored the relation between event 344
286 on suggestibility and false memories. memory and suggestibility and have found inconsistent results. 345
Generally, it appears that children’s event memory proficiency is 346
287 Gender not significantly related to suggestibility (Bruck & Melnyk, 2004). 347
Perhaps those children who are best at creating events are the 348
288 In their review of research on individual differences in chil- most imaginative, hence suggestible. We do not know at this 349
289 dren’s suggestibility, Bruck and Melnyk (2004) identified 20 studies time. 350
290 that examined gender and suggestibility, of which only four found Past research yields very consistent results that indicate chil- 351
291 significant differences–and the results of these four studies were dren with intellectual disabilities are more prone to errors 352
292 inconsistent. Other studies have found that there is a contextual than typically-developing children when they are presented with 353
293 relation between gender and suggestibility in children. In a study closed, misleading questions (Gudjonsson & Henry, 2003; Bruck 354
294 exploring individual differences in suggestibility, Chae and Ceci & Melnyk, 2004). In addition, several studies indicate that there 355
295 (2005) found that, during cued recall, girls gave more accurate are often no differences between children with mental retarda- 356
296 responses than boys. In another study exploring the relationship tion and typically-developing children on accuracy of misleading, 357
297 between child and interviewer gender, researchers observed that open-ended questions (Bruck & Melnyk, 2004). However, when 358
298 girls provided more information when asked directed questions considering the relation between IQ and suggestibility for typically- 359
299 posed by female interviewers rather than male interviewers (Lamb developing children only, the association between suggestibility 360
300 & Garretson, 2003). In contrast, boys did not differ in their respond- and IQ is inconsistent (Bruck & Melnyk, 2004). Age may account for 361
301 ing to male or female interviewers. Other research suggests that more of the variability in suggestibility for children with normal IQ. 362
302 boys may be more suggestible than girls (e.g., Crossman, 2001; War- Distracted children may process information less effectively, 363
303 ren, Lane, Snyder-Boggs, & Blevins, 1995, as cited in Bruck & Melnyk, causing them to confuse actual experiences with suggested 364
304 2004). However, some studies suggest that girls may be more sug- information or to impulsively assent to suggestive questions. Unex- 365
305 gestible than boys (e.g., McFarlane, Powell, & Dudgeon, 2002, as pectedly, few studies have found a specific correlation between 366
306 cited in Bruck & Melnyk, 2004). Thus, there does not appear to be suggestibility and distractibility (Bruck & Melnyk, 2004). A recent 367
307 consistent gender differences across varied situations. study did find that levels of attention may impact adult’s vulnera- 368
bility to suggestibility, but not children’s (Otgaar, Peters, & Howe, 369
2012). Otgaar et al. (2012) found that divided attention decreased 370
308 Alternatively, Some Individual Differences May Impact
false memory frequency in children but increased false memory fre- 371
309 Suggestibility
quency in adults for both negative and neutral information. Because 372
attention may differentially impact children’s recall of information, 373

310 Although some demographic variables are not reliable predic-
attention should be considered during investigative interviews of 374
311 tors of suggestibility, other individual differences appear to be
child abuse. 375
312 consistently related to suggestibility. These variables are important
In addition, researchers have explored the relation between 376
313 to explore for both applied and theoretical reasons. They inform
suggestibility and executive function, those frontal-lobe mediated 377
314 interviewers about when to be cautious about the types of inter-
activities that include inhibiting impulses, monitoring memory, 378
315 viewing techniques they utilize. In addition, as was illustrated
working memory, and tracking performance. Theoretically, exec- 379
316 with representational complexity theory, they suggest underlying
utive functioning should be correlated with suggestion because 380
317 mechanisms impacting suggestibility.
both involve keeping track of original events and resisting subse- 381
quent contradictory information related to the events. Researchers 382

318 Cognitive Factors often explored this connection using tasks focused on various sub- 383
components of executive functioning. Many studies revealed a 384

319 A wealth of research has explored the relation between cogni- significant relation between executive function and suggestibil- 385
320 tive function and suggestibility in children. Results from several ity, but others have revealed non-significant results or significant 386
321 studies suggest that higher cognitive functioning is associated results in the non-predicted direction (Bruck & Melnyk, 2004). 387
322 with fewer memory inaccuracies than lower cognitive functioning Some of these results may be qualified by further examination on 388
323 (e.g., Chae, Goodman, Eisen, & Qin, 2011; Eisen, Goodman, Qin, the impact of age on suggestibility: Younger children, who are still 389
324 Davis, & Crayton, 2007; Karpinski & Scullin, 2009). For example, developing executive function, may be more prone to suggestibil- 390
325 in one study by Eisen et al. (2007), cognitive functioning (a com- ity. These results may indicate that age rather than executive 391
326 posite of short-term memory, intelligence, and language ability) function is related to suggestibility. 392
327 significantly predicted correct responses to open-ended questions Several studies have investigated the correlation between cre- 393
328 and free recall and was associated with so-called “commission ativity and suggestibility. Results indicate that highly creative 394
329 errors” (claiming something occurred that did not) to specific and children with active imaginations are more likely to elaborate on 395
330 misleading questions. In contrast, cognitive ability in this study false beliefs and to be suggestible than children with less creativity 396
331 was not related to “omission errors” (failing to report something and imagination. High creativity and imagination was associated 397
332 occurred which actually did occur). Therefore, it is important that with increases in answers to misleading questions, misinformation, 398
333 forensic interviewers assess children’s cognitive abilities during and the creation of false events (Bruck & Melnyk, 2004). 399
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400 Language Finally, future research is greatly needed to determine how 465
suggestibility and false memory effects differ for bilingual and non- 466
401 Recent years of research have produced the greatest under- native English speaking children. Howe, Gagnon, & Thouas (2008) 467
402 standing on key developmental differences between child and adult have begun to investigate how false memories vary in bilingual 468
403 witnesses. One of the most apparent disparities is in language speakers (including measures of language exposure and profi- 469
404 development. Language abilities have been closely tied to ques- ciency). Results indicate that false memory development was more 470
405 tions of child competency and the reliability of their testimony. For prevalent for bilingual speakers regardless of age. These findings 471
406 instance, several studies have supported an inverse relationship collectively illustrate language as a complex, multifaceted factor 472
407 between a child’s linguistic skills and their vulnerability to sugges- affecting suggestibility. 473
408 tion (Chae & Ceci, 2005; Clarke-Stewart, Malloy, & Allhusen, 2004;
409 Danielsdottir, Sigurgeirsdottir, Einarsdottir, & Haraldsson, 1993;
410 Kulkofsky & Klemfuss, 2008; McFarlane et al., 2002; Newcombe Mental State 474
411 & Dour, 2001; Roebers & Schneider, 2005). One possible expla-
412 nation is that higher aptitude in language production is closely Forensic interviews, especially relating to child abuse, are highly 475
413 related to higher degrees of comprehension. This linguistic advan- emotional and stressful events for children. Stress may affect chil- 476
414 tage facilitates the processing of new information and increases the dren’s encoding as well as retrieval of their abuse. In addition, 477
415 likelihood the child will encode the event into memory (Ornstein, children with different temperaments and attachment styles may 478
416 Haden, & Hedrick, 2004). Taken together, an emerging line of be more greatly affected by stress. 479
417 research proposes that language abilities should be considered by Research has shown that parental attachment style is related 480
418 forensic interviewers as a factor affecting child suggestibility that to suggestibility in certain contexts. For example, researchers 481
419 is independent of other measures of cognitive functioning such as found that children’s inaccurate responses to direct questioning 482
420 IQ. were predicted by parental insecurity (Quas et al., 1999). Chil- 483
421 How is language conceptualized as an individual difference? dren of fearful avoidant parents made more omission errors to 484
422 Language skill is often measured through vocabulary assessments, misleading questioning than children of parents who did not dis- 485
423 such as the Vocabulary subtest of the Weschler’s Intelligence Test play as fearful and avoidant attachment styles. Further, children 486
424 for Children (Danielsdottir et al., 1993; Howe, Gagnon, & Thouas, whose parents displayed dismissive avoidant attachment exhib- 487
425 2007; Newcombe & Dour, 2001) or the Peabody Picture Vocabulary ited increased suggestibility compared to children whose parents 488
426 Test (Kulkofsky, 2010; Dunn & Dunn, 2007). Several studies that displayed less dismissive avoidant attachment styles (Quas et al., 489
427 investigated the relationship between language ability and sug- 1999). In addition, research suggests that securely attached chil- 490
428 gestibility have found that increased ability is positively correlated dren are less suggestible than those who are insecurely attached 491
429 with increased resistance to suggestion (Bruck & Melnyk, 2004; (Bruck & Melnyk, 2004). Given that parental attachment may 492
430 Danielsdottir et al., 1993). impact children’s susceptibility to misinformation and suggestion, 493
431 A mechanism that may be driving the relationship between lan- the investigative interview should be conducted in manner that 494
432 guage ability and suggestion is the ability to speak about memories. takes these factors into consideration, including an assessment of 495
433 Lower vocabulary skills are associated with a reduction of informa- the child’s and parent’s attachment style. 496
434 tion provided by a child when asked for free recall (Chae & Ceci, Research suggests that stress may impact children’s suscepti- 497
435 2005; Kulkofsky, 2010). Furthermore, children with more accurate bility to false suggestions during both the encoding and retrieval 498
436 cued recall were less suggestible than those with less accurate recall of information. In one study, the impact of stress was examined 499
437 (Chae & Ceci, 2005). In addition, suggestibility has been found to be when children were interviewed about distressing medical vis- 500
438 highest for children with below-average verbal intelligence. its. Results indicated that for children with avoidant parents, high 501
439 Although providing child witnesses with a vocabulary “boot distress during the medical visit led to increased memory inaccu- 502
440 camp” or intensive linguistic training may not be a practical solu- racy while children with less avoidant parents were more accurate 503
441 tion, several researchers have proposed methods to work within regardless of stress level (Chae et al., 2014). In another exam- 504
442 the limitations of the current system. Brown and Pipe (2013) pro- ple, increased stress was related to less detailed responses during 505
443 posed a modification of the narrative elaboration technique, a interviews with children about a medical procedure they had expe- 506
444 method called the verbal labels procedure. Findings have shown rienced years earlier (Quas et al., 1999). Quas et al. (1999) also found 507
445 that this method is able to counteract some of the predispositions that increased stress levels were related to greater accuracy dur- 508
446 to suggestibility stemming from low vocabulary skills (Brown & ing misleading questioning. This unexpected finding may be due 509
447 Pipe, 2003). A narrower attribute of the English language that has to the fact that the medical procedure varied across children and 510
448 received attention is linguistic referents. This refers to a child’s use therefore perceived stress may not have been consistent. A lack 511
449 of productive (article system, number specification, and seman- of empirical control may also explain the findings in other studies 512
450 tic mapping of words) and receptive (filtering and appropriately that higher levels of stress or arousal are associated with decreased 513
451 responding to confusing and misleading questions) skills. Find- suggestibility (Bruck & Melnyk, 2004). In addition, a positive rela- 514
452 ings indicate young children failed to correct false suggestions, tionship between stress and suggestibility may not be found in 515
453 while most children had a misidentification (78%) under various studies where children do not experience high stress levels (Bruck 516
454 conditions (Battin, Ceci & Lust, 2012). In this research, preschool- & Melnyk, 2004). Thus, children’s level of experienced stress during 517
455 aged children were especially prone to describing a perpetrator the investigative process may differentially impact children’s abil- 518
456 in the plural (“They knocked over the cans”) when in actual- ity to encode and recall information in different contexts, although 519
457 ity it was a single perpetrator. Perhaps, the use of the plural in results across studies are highly inconsistent. 520
458 English lessened the negativity in the children’s minds by diffus- Emotionality has also been linked to suggestibility but as will 521
459 ing responsibility among a group of individuals rather than a single be seen the findings have been contradictory. In Chae and Ceci 522
460 perpetrator. Forensic interviewers would be well-served to precede (2005), children with high emotionality (or neuroticism) complied 523
461 their interviewers with preschool-aged children with a short ses- more with interviewers’ suggestions than did less emotional chil- 524
462 sion to instruct them to use the definite article (the) rather than the dren. However, Chae (as cited in Bruck & Melnyk, 2004) found 525
463 indefinite (a) and to use singular rather than plural when referring that highly emotional children were more prone to suggestibility, 526
464 to a unique individual. but this relationship diminished when age was controlled. Further, 527
G Model
528 other research suggests an opposite relationship: Scullin (as cited interviewer asks a young child in the course of a murder investi- 591
529 in Bruck & Melnyk, 2004) and Chen (as cited in Bruck & Melnyk, gation if he can remember if his father had a knife when he left 592
530 2004) found that highly emotional children were less susceptible the house, the child must recognize not only that others regard 593
531 to suggestion. Thus, the findings are inconsistent for the relation her as having an obligation to speak accurately but equally impor- 594
532 between emotionality and susceptibility to suggestion. tantly that her statement may cause serious adverse consequences 595
533 Several aspects of self-concept may also be related to sug- for another person (her father). This is why it is so important to 596
534 gestibility in children. For example, Chae and Ceci (2005) found that understand that others have beliefs that may differ from your own 597
535 shy children produced less voluntary recall and produced fewer and that motivate their questioning. Without this understanding, 598
536 correct answers to non-leading, direct questions compared to less a child may tell an interviewer what she assumes the interviewer 599
537 shy children. In addition, Vrij and Bush (2000) investigated the rela- wants to hear, simply to terminate what may be an uncomfortable 600
538 tion between self-confidence and suggestibility in children. Results discussion. 601
539 indicated that after controlling for age, self-confidence significantly

540 predicted suggestibility. Other studies also indicate that high lev- Even One Suggestive Interview Can Create False Memories 602
541 els of self-concept may be associated with decreased suggestibility
542 (Bruck & Melnyk, 2004). Bruck and Melnyk (2004) suggested that A number of studies demonstrate that repeated suggestive 603
543 attachment style and self-concept may interact, such that children interviews taint the accuracy of children’s memories (e.g., Bruck, 604
544 raised by secure and supportive parents may develop positive self- Ceci, Francoeur, & Barr, 1995; Bruck, Ceci, & Hembrooke, 2002; 605
545 concepts, which in turn make them more resistant to suggestions Leichtman & Ceci, 1995). Many studies have also reported that chil- 606
546 that are inconsistent with their own experiences. More research is dren can incorporate suggestions about salient events after a single 607
547 necessary to fully explore this relationship. suggestive interview (e.g., Ceci, Kulkofsky et al., 2007). In one study, 608
Hritz (2014) found that asking children to knowingly make a false 609
accusation in one interview caused a third of the children to main- 610

548 Culture tain the false accusation during a later neutral interview, even after 611
being told the first interviewer had made a mistake. 612

549 Little attention has been given to cultural influences on sug- Current research has explored how a single suggestive inter- 613
550 gestibility. Siegal (1996) highlights a few ways a child’s culture view can have equally detrimental effects as multiple interviews 614
551 can influence their testimony. For instance, a child may hesitate when (1) the strength of the original memory trace is weak or the 615
552 to reveal abuse if the consequences appear more damaging than memory is of repeated events and (2) the timing of the misinfor- 616
553 the continuation of harm (Berliner & Barbieri, 1984). For example, mation occurs relatively close to the original event compared to 617
554 a mother may threaten her child that if she tells the police that the time from the memory test. These findings illustrate the impor- 618
555 her father sexually abused her, the father will go to jail and the tance of evaluating every interview with a child, as even one biased 619
556 child will go to an orphanage. Another cultural impact may come interviewer can taint a child’s testimony. 620
557 in the form of social judgments. Social Judgment Theory, crafted
558 by Carolyn Sherif, Muzafer Sherif, and Carl Hovland (1973) pro-
559 posed that a person appraises a situation by beginning with their Strength of Original Memory Trace 621
560 preferred position, then negotiates the novel facts with the ego to
561 arrive at the final judgment. Brothers and Ring (1992) proposed The memory trace strength theory proposes that children with 622
562 that social judgments are affected on some level by culture. There- better memory for an event are less suggestible to misinforma- 623
563 fore, when determining the factors that may influence a child’s tion about that event (e.g., Bruck & Melnyk, 2004; Marche, 1999; 624
564 response during an interview, it is important to remember that Marche & Howe, 1995; Pezdek & Roe, 1995). This theory has been 625
565 cultural forces may be bearing weight on the responses disclosed. consistently supported in the literature. For example, after showing 626
566 Siegal (1996) also discusses how culture molds the conversa- children a slide show multiple times (and thus strengthening their 627
567 tional styles that can affect a child’s autobiographical memory. memory of the slide show), Marche (1999) found that these chil- 628
568 Although a witness interview is seldom perceived as a casual dren reported less misinformation than children who saw the slide 629
569 conversation, there are several qualities of an autobiographical show only once and thus had a weaker memory for it. In addition, 630
570 memory that make both acts strikingly similar, such as the need children who experienced the event once were equally suscepti- 631
571 for free recall and recognition. These conversational attributes can ble to misinformation if it was presented in only one interview 632
572 vary significantly among various cultural groups. Western cultures’ compared to multiple interviews. This suggests that a single sug- 633
573 individualistic natures are strikingly different from the collectivis- gestive interview can have detrimental effects on the accuracy of 634
574 tic conception of Japanese culture, even in terms of one’s mind the reports of children with weaker memories of an event. 635
575 (Kashima, 1994). The notion of a mind molded by others allows Recent research suggests a relationship may exist between sug- 636
576 for memory talk, where a person’s experiences are freely shared, gestibility and the effect that repeated events have on memory (e.g., 637
577 heightening the development of a child’s autobiographical mem- Brainerd et al., 2008). For example, Price and Connolly (2013) found 638
578 ory. Memory talk has a particularly significant effect on the free that children who experienced a repeated event were more likely to 639
579 recall of preschoolers, with significant implications for false belief be suggestible to false details than children who only experienced 640
580 tasks (Chandler & Hala, 1994). a single event. This suggestibility effect was still present after one 641
581 It is important to note that certain cultures participate in year. Price and Connolly (2013) hypothesized that the children who 642
582 conversation as a routine cultural practice, developing a better experienced repeated events had a stronger general representation 643
583 understanding of mental states due to the need for memory, of the events (as opposed to a specific memory), and were therefore 644
584 sensitivity, honesty, intelligence, and courage (Siegal, 1996). An more likely to accept plausible misinformation as accurate. 645
585 improved awareness of mental states has led to better performance

586 on false belief tasks, appreciating that others have beliefs that may Delay Between Event and Interviews 646
587 differ from your own and that motivate their questioning (Dunn,
588 1994). In spite of limited associations between culture and chil- Another factor that influences the impact of a suggestive inter- 647
589 dren, these findings propose its influence on suggestibility and false view is the timing of the interview after the original event. Studies 648
590 memories could begin earlier than previously considered. When an have shown that neutral open-ended interviews immediately after 649
G Model
650 an event can have a positive impact on children’s accuracy (Howe, Even Professionals Cannot Differentiate Between False and 716
651 1991; Lehman et al., 2010; Marche & Howe, 1995). Trace-integrity Accurate Reports 717
652 theory suggests that this is because the neutral interview can
653 strengthen the child’s original memory. An immediate neutral Research has demonstrated children can speak sincerely and 718
654 interview can consolidate memory for an event and thus protect emotionally about events that never occurred and appear much 719
655 against forgetting; prevent normally occurring errors of commis- like children providing accurate reports (Ceci, Loftus, Leichtman, & 720
656 sion; promote reporting of previously unmentioned details in later Bruck, 1994; Leichtman & Ceci, 1995). In one study, Kassin, Tubb, 721
657 recall; or facilitate hypermnesia, an increase in the amount of Hosch, and Memon (2001) surveyed 64 eyewitness experts in the 722
658 new information recalled over increasing retention intervals that United States about basic eyewitness topics and two-thirds of the 723
659 exceeds the amount of information forgotten (for a review, see respondents reported that young children were less accurate than 724
660 Melnyk & Bruck, 2004). The protective effect of an early neu- adults. However, this is not always the case. As with many eye- 725
661 tral interview would not occur if the original memory trace is witness topics, the reliability and credibility of child eyewitness 726
662 weakened, or at least not strengthened, by the introduction of mis- reports depend on a multitude of other factors, such as the inclusion 727
663 information through a biased interview. of yes or no questions, repeated questioning, or even the anatom- 728
664 Recent research has explored the impact of a single biased ical dolls used during questioning (Ceci & Bruck, 1995). The belief 729
665 interview performed shortly after the event. The theory of trace among experts that children are less reliable witnesses than adults 730
666 strength suggests that extending the interval between event and may compromise the retrieval of accurate information from child 731
667 misinformation increases the likelihood of suggestibility because witnesses. 732
668 the biased interview has a recency advantage over the event (the
669 details of the event have more opportunity to be forgotten), so
670 misinformation is more likely to be preserved at time of the test Confirmatory Bias 733
671 (e.g. Bright-Paul & Jarrold, 2009). Alternatively, source monitoring

672 theory suggests that shortening interval between event and misin- It has been shown that people have the tendency to be biased 734
673 formation increases likelihood of suggestibility because when the towards information that confirms their own personal beliefs, 735
674 event and the biased interview are close in proximity, the infor- rejecting information that disagrees with those beliefs (Goodman & 736
675 mation gained from these two events is more likely to be confused Melinder, 2007). This tendency has been demonstrated even among 737
676 (Bright-Paul & Jarrold, 2009). A third possibility, temporal distinc- professionals and social scientists. A person’s established beliefs are 738
677 tiveness theory, suggests that it is the ratio of the time between the often difficult to change and resist contradictory evidence (Ross, 739
678 experienced event and subsequent exposure to misinformation to Lepper, & Hubbard, 1975). This phenomenon, referred to as “confir- 740
679 the time between exposure to misinformation and the test of the mation bias”, can have especially detrimental effects when working 741
680 experienced memory that is important. This is because as the lat- with child witnesses. If an interviewer enters a room, prepared to 742
681 ter increases, the former becomes relatively less distinguishable question a child, and brings along pre-established beliefs about the 743
682 (Bright-Paul & Jarrold, 2009). For example, it is harder to discrimi- case or the accuracy and credibility of the child, the interviewer 744
683 nate between 21 and 24 months than bewteen one and four months may unintentionally put disproportional weight on some state- 745
684 even though the time difference is the same. This also fits with ments the child makes while ignoring others. If the interviewer’s 746
685 source-monitoring theory, as it is more likely that individuals will initial suspicions are incorrect, this could create a false report. Con- 747
686 confuse information gained from the event with information from firmation bias is potentially a problem for all people who may 748
687 the suggestive interview when temporal distinctiveness decreases. interact with a child witness, even professionals in the field of 749
688 In support of this theory, Bright-Paul and Jarrold (2009) found that forensics, human development, and social science. In fact, experts 750
689 when the time between misinformation and memory recall was tend to be more confident in their evaluations of witnesses than 751
690 increased compared to the time between event and misinforma- others, despite not necessarily being more skilled at distinguishing 752
691 tion, participants were more suggestible. Interestingly, their results accurate from inaccurate statements (DePaulo et al., 2003; Wessel, 753
692 indicated that the total delay between the event and the final inter- Drevland, Eilertsen, & Magnussen, 2006). 754
693 view did not impact suggestibility. Interviewer bias can develop quickly in natural interviewing 755
694 Melnyk and Bruck (2004) examined the extent to which tim- situations, and contaminate not only the child’s accuracy but also 756
695 ing moderates the impact of repeated interviews. For example, one the accuracy of the interviewer. In a study by Bruck, Ceci, Melnyk, 757
696 suggestive interview could have the same impact as two interviews and Finkelberg (1999), a surprise birthday party was staged for 90 758
697 depending on when each interview occurs. Results indicated that preschool children in their school. In groups of three, the children 759
698 one suggestive interview, when isolated from the specific influ- surprised a research assistant for her birthday, played games, ate 760
699 ences of timing, had the same effect on the accuracy of children’s food, and watched magic tricks. Another 30 children were also told 761
700 recall as multiple interviews. When the timing was manipulated so that it was the assistant’s birthday, however they did not attend the 762
701 the suggestive interview was either very close to the event, very birthday party but instead they colored a picture with the research 763
702 close to the final neutral interview, or there were two suggestive assistant. University graduate students in programs in social work 764
703 interviews, repetition did play a role; participants were most sug- or counseling and who had training and experience in interviewing 765
704 gestible when they experienced two interviews. Importantly, all children each interviewed four children about what had happened. 766
705 three groups incorporated the misinformation into their accounts, They were not told about the events but were simply told to find out 767
706 suggesting there should be cause for concern even when only one from each child what had happened. The first three children that 768
707 suggestive interview has occurred. each interviewer questioned attended the birthday party but the 769
708 The results of these findings suggest that even when sugges- fourth child attended the coloring event. Several weeks later, the 770
709 tive techniques are not used in subsequent interviews, suggestions interviewers were questioned about what they had learned from 771
710 introduced previously may still influence children’s responses. An the children. 772
711 implication of this finding is that forensic interviewers should Bruck, Ceci, Melnyk, & Finkelberg (1999) found that the chil- 773
712 attempt to find out if a child has been suggestively interviewed dren who were interviewed last (all of whom attended the coloring 774
713 in the past, either in formal interviews with police and social ser- event) produced twice as many errors as the children who actually 775
714 vices or in informal conversations with members of their family attended the birthday party; 60% of the children who only colored 776
715 and neighborhood. made false claims that involved attending a birthday party. This 777
G Model
778 result suggests that the interviewers had built up an expectation they may likely believe a child who goes into great detail, even if 844
779 that all the children had attended a birthday party. By the time they that child is not accurate. 845
780 interviewed the fourth child in their group, they structured their While children do not always generate false statements when 846
781 interviews in such a way as to elicit claims consistent with their asked specific, misleading questions, they also do not always 847
782 expectation. Thus if interviewers have the belief that all the children provide truthful, accurate information when they speak sponta- 848
783 they interview have experienced a certain event, then it is proba- neously, that is, in the absence of any misleading questions (Poole 849
784 ble that many of the children will come to make such claims even & Lindsay, 2001; Poole & White, 1993). As long as children are 850
785 though they were non-participants (or non-victims). Interestingly, exposed to suggestive questioning, they can later spontaneously 851
786 even when the child who only colored correctly denied attending a report the suggested information despite best practices followed 852
787 birthday party, 84% of their interviewers reported later that all the by subsequent interviewers. This is demonstrated when children 853
788 children told them they had attended a birthday party. These data are asked open-ended questions after suggestive interviewing has 854
789 suggest that regardless of what children actually say, confirmatory occurred. In one study in which children were asked to give a free 855
790 bias leads interviewers to inaccurately report the child’s claims in recall of everything they remembered about an event after being 856
791 order to make them consistent with their own hypotheses. given misleading information about the event by their parents, 21% 857
792 To counteract this confirmation bias, researchers have rec- of statements made by children contained suggested false infor- 858
793 ommended that interviewers questioning a child about an event mation (Poole & Lindsay, 2001). This spontaneous generation of 859
794 should test alternative hypotheses about what may have happened. false information can even occur after a long delay between the 860
795 For example, if the interviewer believes a parent abused the child, suggested interview and the free memory recall. In another study, 861
796 the interviewer should also ask questions that allow the child to dis- children were subjected to repeat suggestive questioning about an 862
797 close information that could suggest the parent is innocent such as event (Poole & White, 1993). Two years later, the children were 863
798 asking about whether a neighbor or babysitter abused them. Test- asked to report everything they remembered from the event: 39% 864
799 ing alternative hypotheses is important because there are many of six-year-olds and 23% of ten-year-olds reported incorrect infor- 865
800 situations in which a child’s statements may be misunderstood, mation. 866
801 even in the absence of blatant suggestive questioning or situations Even if no suggestion has occurred, spontaneous reports made 867
802 in which a child gives the interviewer the answer they assume the by children are not necessarily accurate. As discussed previously, 868
803 latter wants to hear. confusing or ambiguous events may spur spontaneous false mem- 869
804 Some interviewers appear to believe that behavior when giv- ories for related events. In one study, children were interviewed 870
805 ing a false or suggested statement is distinguishable from behavior after a mock medical exam in which certain common features (e.g., 871
806 when telling a true statement. If an interviewer believes there are a doctor listen to their heart examined with a stethoscope) of an 872
807 certain behaviors a truth-teller displays that a child telling mis- exam were left out and some unusual features (e.g., having the cir- 873
808 information would not, they may not naturally explore alternative cumference of their wrists measured) were added (Ornstein et al., 874
809 options during the interview when a child displays these behaviors. 1998). When questioned after the event, 42% of four-year-olds and 875
810 However, research shows people are unable to distinguish false 74% of six-year-olds reported to remember experiences common to 876
811 reports made by children from true reports. Children who have medical exams that had not in fact occurred. Thus, while responses 877
812 been interviewed suggestively and report false information are to free-recall and spontaneous statements are indeed more likely 878
813 later rated as highly credible, even by trained professionals in child to be accurate than responses to direct questioning, children may 879
814 development, mental health, and forensic interviews (Leichtman indeed report incorrect information spontaneously. 880
815 & Ceci, 1995). In fact, children who give false reports can speak As already noted, it is important to not discount a child’s tes- 881
816 sincerely and even emotionally about the event, much like some timony merely because they have been exposed to suggestive 882
817 children giving true reports (Ceci et al., 1994; Leichtman & Ceci, questioning. Misinformation has been found to actually increase 883
818 1995). memory accuracy in certain contexts when a child’s memory for 884
819 In one study, children were interviewed about a man who vis- the event is obviously different from the misinformation, as was 885
820 ited their classroom (Leichtman & Ceci, 1995). Some of the children found by Peterson, Parsons, and Dean (2004). In that study, chil- 886
821 were interviewed suggestively about the man’s behavior, while dren were suggestively interviewed about an emergency medical 887
822 some were told negative stereotypes about man, and others were procedure they had just undergone. After a two-year delay, none of 888
823 given no suggestion at all. Afterwards, videos of three different chil- the children reported experiencing the suggested information and 889
824 dren’s interviews about the man’s behavior were shown to adults their memory for the medical procedure was intact. In situations 890
825 who were asked to rate the accuracy of claims made by children. like this, the false information may reinforce memory for the true 891
826 Many of the claims made by the children did not happen. Only one event and the child may therefore give a more accurate report. 892
827 of the children told the truth about how the man behaved. Adults
828 were unable to correctly identify which of the events had occurred,
829 and furthermore rated the truth-telling child as the least credible Conclusion 893
830 of the three witnesses.

831 A study conducted by Bruck et al. (2002) included multiple The importance of conducting forensic interviews that are free 894
832 highly suggestive interviews of preschool-aged children about both from bias and misleading information is immense. As illustrated 895
833 true and fictional events and found that children gave additional by the research discussed in this paper, all people are suscepti- 896
834 information in their false reports beyond what was suggested to ble to interviewers’ suggestions. In addition, while research has 897
835 them. In fact, children who were questioned about false narratives identified some of the underlying mechanisms that cause sug- 898
836 actually gave more details and lengthy embellishments than chil- gestibility, results are often inconsistent. These findings highlight 899
837 dren who were questioned about a true event they had actually the importance of interviewers having an open mind and consid- 900
838 experienced. Additionally, linguistic markers such as elaboration ering alternative theories of the events, as even one suggestive 901
839 did not consistently differentiate false narratives from true stories. interview can taint an individual’s reports years later and even 902
840 In a real life context, this may be problematic because children may highly trained professionals are not able to differentiate reports 903
841 interweave false suggestion with details about their life and their based on true and false beliefs. Future forensic experts would be 904
842 real interactions with the suspected perpetrator. If the interviewer well-served to examine the child’s language, theory of mind, and 905
843 expects children to be reticent to discuss an event that did not occur, emotional attachment prior to conducting the actual interview and 906
G Model
907 to prepare a line of questioning that tests alternative hypotheses. cognitive functioning. Journal of Experimental Child Psychology, 110, 520–538. 989
908 Armed with such information, the interviewer can better under- http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jecp.2011.05.006 990
Chae, Y., Goodman, G. S., Larson, R. P., Augusti, E. M., Alley, D., VanMeenen, K. M., & 991
909 stand any limitations and hopefully intervene to surmount them. Coulter, K. P. (2014). Children’s memory and suggestibility about a distressing 992
event: The role of children’s and parents’ attachment. Journal of Experimental 993
Child Psychology,, 123, 90–111, doi: 10.1016/j.jecp.2014.01.005. 994
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APJ 29 1–10 ARTICLE IN PRESS

Anuario de Psicología Jurídica 2015

1 Children’s suggestibility research: Things to know before interviewing

Investigación acerca de la sugestionabilidad infantil: lo que se debe saber antes

be inaccurate due to a susceptibility to false memory, in particular 37

∗ Corresponding author. Cornell University. Department of Human Development.

Ithaca, NY, USA.

they heard. In addition, there is a greater increase in false memo- 132

220 belong to categories such as predatory animals, citrus fruits, or

223 sometimes younger and sometimes older children) were almost

230 dimension that links both items) whereas a four-year-old is less

Generally, it appears that children’s event memory proﬁciency is 346

attention may differentially impact children’s recall of information, 373

quent contradictory information related to the events. Researchers 382

components of executive functioning. Many studies revealed a 384

539 indicated that after controlling for age, self-conﬁdence signiﬁcantly

accusation in one interview caused a third of the children to main- 610

being told the ﬁrst interviewer had made a mistake. 612

585 improved awareness of mental states has led to better performance

667 misinformation increases the likelihood of suggestibility because witnesses. 732

671 (e.g. Bright-Paul & Jarrold, 2009). Alternatively, source monitoring

800 situations in which a child’s statements may be misunderstood, mation. 866

830 of the three witnesses.

941 resentation of minds. Journal of Cognitive Neuroscience, 4, 107–118. 0012-1649.27.5.746 1027

980 http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00207149408409361 10.1037/0012-1649.31.4.568 1066

983 9280.2007.01930.x. jecp.1998.2489 1069

986 Cognitive Psychology, 19, 383–407. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/acp.1094 10.1037/0012-1649.31.4.554 1072

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