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Making Ethical Decisions
Making Ethical Decisions
As we have said, the model depicted in Figure 6.1 is very useful for structuring our
discussion and for seeing clearly the different elements that come into play within ethical
decision-making. however, such an approach is not without its problems, and as we go through
the chapter you might notice that it is not always particularly straightforward (nor some would
argue, sensible) to break down these various elements into discrete units. Many of the various
stages and influences are, to differing degrees, related, perhaps even interdependent. it can thus
seem quite optimistic at times to separate out an individual factor and attempt to identify its
unique role in the process of ethical decision making.
Nonetheless, these are criticisms that can be levelled at all models of this type, and we
feel that as long as one is aware that the model is intended not as a definitive representation of
ethical decision-making but as a relatively simple way to represent a complex process, such
problems are not too serious. Finally, it is also worth mentioning that ethical decision-making
models have largely originated in the us, and this can sometimes give a national or cultural bias
to the types of issues and considerations that might be included. Let us just briefly review the
different international perspectives before continuing.
Individual Influences on Ethical Decision-Making
What is it about you or your classmates that causes you to act in different ways when
confronted by the same ethical dilemmas? individual influences on ethical decision-making
relate to these facets of the individual who is actually going through the decision-making process.
clearly all employees bring certain traits and characteristics with them into an organization, and
these are likely to influence the way in which the employee thinks and behaves in response to
ethical dilemmas. For example, evidence suggests that entrepreneurs and small business owners
may think and act differently than others in response to ethical issues because they tend to be
more achievement-oriented, autonomous, opportunistic, and risk tolerant (Solymossy and
Masters 2002). Although this could be taken to suggest that some people, such as small business
owners, are simply more ethical than others, this is rather too simplistic a view.
Individual factors can more readily account for why some people are perhaps more
swayed than others into unethical conduct because of the influence of their colleagues. Similarly,
individual factors can help to explain why some people perceive particular actions to be
unethical while others do not. Hence, the issue is not so much about determining the reasons why
people might be more or less ethical, but about the factors influencing us to think, feel, act, and
perceive in certain ways that are relevant to ethical decision-making. Over the years, researchers
have surfaced several important individual influences, as we shall now see.
Age and Gender
A good place to start in examining the individual influences on ethical decision-
making is to consider some basic demographic factors, such as age and gender. For
example, one common question is whether men or women are more ethical. This is no
doubt an interesting question, and gender has in fact been one of the individual influences
on ethical decision-making in business most often subjected to investigation (O’Fallon
and Butterfield 2005; craft 2013). However, overall, the results have been less than
conclusive, with different studies offering contradictory results, and often no differences
found at all (Loe et al. 2000; O’Fallon and Butterfield 2005; Craft 2013).
It is rather simplistic to assume that some people are just more ethical than others,
and even if this could be claimed, there seems no obvious reason why gender would be
an important determinant. However, as we saw when discussing feminist ethics, there is
evidence to suggest that the way in which men and women think and act in response to
ethical dilemmas might differ.
Another basic factor we might look at is whether age makes any difference to
ethical decision-making. however, a similar problem is present with age as with gender.
Empirical tests have tended to report very mixed results, with no clear picture emerging
on the influence of age on ethical beliefs and action (Craft 2013). Indeed, again it would
seem to be too generalized to categorize certain age groups as ‘more ethical’ than others,
although certain experiences might in themselves shape the way in which we recognize
and respond to ethical problems.
Locus of Control
The second psychological factor commonly identified as an influence on ethical
thinking is locus of control.
An individual’s locus of control determines the extent to which he or she believes
that they have control over the events in their life.
So someone with a high internal locus of control believes that the events in their
life can be shaped by their own efforts, whereas someone with a high external locus of
control believes that events tend to be the result of the actions of others, or luck, or fate.
In terms of ethical decision-making, Treviño and Nelson (2014) suggest that those
with a strong internal locus of control might be expected to be more likely to consider the
consequences of their actions for others, and may take more responsibility for their
actions. internals may also be more likely to stick to their own beliefs, and thus be more
resistant to peer-group pressure to act in a way that violates those beliefs.
However, there has not actually been a great deal of empirical research on the
effects of locus of control on ethical decision-making in business. What research has been
conducted, though, gives a generally mixed picture: while some studies have discerned
no significant effect (e.g. Singhapakdi and Vitell 1990), others have identified a
noticeable influence (e.g. Chiu 2003).
Overall, even among the individual factors, it would appear that locus of control
has, at most, only a relatively limited effect on ethical decision-making. nonetheless,
understanding whether your co-workers have internal or external loci of control can be
important for predicting how they will respond to business ethics problems, and
particularly how they apportion blame or offer approbation when faced with the
consequences of those decisions.
Personal Values
Conventionally speaking, personal values might be regarded as ‘the moral
principles or accepted standards of a person’. This makes sense superficially, but such a
view does not capture what is distinctive about values and sets them apart from, say,
principles or standards. Sociologists, psychologists, philosophers, and others have
therefore invested a great deal of work in defining, identifying, and even measuring the
values that we have, giving rise to a diverse and multifaceted literature. Probably the
most frequently cited definition from a psychological point of view comes from Milton
Rokeach (1973: 5) who stated that a personal value is an ‘enduring belief that a specific
mode of conduct or end-state of existence is personally or socially preferable to an
opposite or converse mode of conduct or end-state’.
This means that values are about the behaviors and things that we deem important
in life, but crucially, Rokeach identifies that values
(i) persist over time (i.e. they are ‘enduring’);
(ii) influence behavior (i.e. they are concerned with ‘conduct’ and ‘end
states’); and
(iii) are concerned with individual and/or collective well-being (i.e. ‘personally
or socially preferable’). Hence, common values include examples such as
self-respect, freedom, equality, responsibility, and honesty.
Personal values have long been argued to be influential in the type of decisions
we make in organizations (Agle and Caldwell 1999). This is particularly true of ethical
decisions since values are key repositories of what we regard to be good/bad and right/
wrong. For example, it has been shown that the values of executives influence the extent
to which they will encourage CSR initiatives in their companies (chin et al. 2013;
Hemingway 2013). However, knowing that values are important influences is one thing,
but finding out exactly what values people have, and which ones influence which
decisions, is fraught with difficulty and represents a tricky conceptual and empirical
endeavour (Meglino and Ravlin 1998).
After all, researchers such as Rokeach (1973) have suggested that people typically
have more than 70 operative values, and even amongst these, some values will be more
influential on behavior than others. Moreover, there is a great deal of disagreement
among researchers even over whether values can be relied upon to predict behaviour or
whether environmental influences should be given greater emphasis (Meglino and Ravlin
1998). Researchers have also found that although individuals may espouse certain values,
they also have a number of unconscious biases that shape their decision-making (Banaji
et al. 2003). That is, although most people might consciously abhor racism or sexism,
many of us actually make racist or sexist decisions without even knowing it.
Whatever the case, values are clearly an important aspect of ethical decision-
making, and corporations are increasingly recognizing that they cannot simply ignore
their employees’ personal values in tackling ethical problems in their business. PIC, the
biotechnology multinational whose business ‘is the genetic improvement of pigs’, puts it
this way: ‘personal values describe the way we operate as individuals—we expect them
to guide the decisions and behavior of our employees around the world’. the company has
identified three personal values—integrity, respect, and innovation—that its employees
should possess, stressing that ‘we are honest and ethical in all aspects of our business’.
Personal integrity
Integrity is typically seen as one of the most important characteristics of an ethical
person of a ‘virtuous’ decision-maker. As such, it is no surprise that personal integrity has
increasingly surfaced in relation to ethical decision making. Although a variety of
meanings are applied to integrity, the most common meaning refers to integrity as
consistency (Brown 2005: 5).
The original meaning of the word ‘integrity’ is concerned with unity and
wholeness, and we can see that an adherence to moral principles essentially means that
one maintains a consistency or unity in one’s beliefs and actions, regardless of any
inducement or temptation to deviate from them. another way of looking at this is to
consider integrity as being a matter of ‘walking the talk’, i.e. being consistent in word and
action (Brown 2005). An interesting example of how some students and businesses have
tackled this issue is in signing integrity pledge.
Integrity frequently plays a central role in incidents of whistleblowing, which
refers to acts by employees to expose their employers for perceived ethical violations. If,
for instance, an engineer identifies a safety problem with one of their firm’s products,
they may decide to tell their work colleagues or their boss. As a result, the engineer may
be encouraged to ignore the problem or desist from taking any further action as their
superiors have taken on responsibility for the issue. However, if the problem persists,
even after further warnings from the engineer, they may choose to reveal the problem—
or ‘blow the whistle’—by approaching an industry regulator, a journalist, or some other
outside agency.
Although there are clearly various other factors involved, such acts of external
whistleblowing often require the employee to maintain their personal integrity or
commitment to a set of principles despite being confronted with numerous difficulties,
obstacles, and opposition. this is because the organizational context within which
individuals elect to blow the whistle can act as a powerful force in suppressing personal
integrity in favor of the priorities and goals of the organization. also, whistleblowers are
often faced with a range of negative consequences for their actions. this includes
victimization by colleagues or superiors as a result of their ‘betrayal’; being passed over
for promotion; job loss; even ‘blacklisting’ to prevent them getting another job in the
same field (Rothschild and Miethe 1999).
Moral imagination
Finally, another individual factor that has been accorded increasing attention in
business ethics over the past few years is moral imagination. Moral imagination is
concerned less with whether one has, or sticks to, a set of moral values, but more with
whether one has ‘a sense of the variety of possibilities and moral consequences of their
decisions, the ability to imagine a wide range of possible issues, consequences, and
solutions’ (Werhane 1998: 76).
This means that moral imagination is the creativity with which an individual can
reflect about an ethical dilemma. interest in moral imagination has been driven by the
recognition that people often disregard their personal moralities and moral considerations
while at work (Jackall 1988). According to Werhane (1998), higher levels of moral
imagination can allow us to see beyond the rules of the game that seem to be operating in
the workplace, and beyond the day-to-day supposed ‘realities’ of organizational life, so as
to question prevailing ways of framing and addressing organizational problems. thus,
rather than accepting the usual organizational recipe for looking at, prioritizing, and
dealing with things, those with greater moral imagination should be able to envisage a
greater set of moral problems, perspectives, and outcomes.
Situational Influences on Decision-Making
There are a number of important factors to consider regarding situational influences. For
a start, the decision process we go through will vary greatly according to what type of issue it is
that we are dealing with. some issues will be perceived as relatively unimportant, and will
therefore prompt us into fairly limited ethical decision making, whereas issues seen as more
intense may well necessitate deeper, and perhaps somewhat different, moral reflection. For
example, if you worked in a bar, you might think rather more deeply about the morality of taking
P2,000 out of the cash register for yourself than you would pouring your friends a couple of
unauthorized drinks ‘on the house’. These differences in the importance we attach to ethical
issues are what we call issue-related factors.
At another level, we must also remember that we are, after all, ‘social animals’. hence our
beliefs and actions are largely shaped by what we see around us: the group norms, expectations,
and roles we are faced with; the nature of the climate in which we work; and the rewards and
punishments that we can expect as a consequence of our actions. after all, we have already seen
that Kohlberg’s theory of cognitive moral development suggests that the majority of us are at a
conventional level of morality, which prompts us to seek guidance from those around us. these
types of influences are called context related factors.
Accordingly, we can identify two main types of situational influences:
Issue related influences
Context related influences
Issue-Related Factors
Although initially absent from many models of ethical decision-making, issue-
related factors have been increasingly recognized as important influences on the
decisions business people make when faced with ethical problems. At one level, we need
to consider the nature of the ethical issue itself, and its degree of moral intensity—that is,
how important the issue is to the decision-maker. However, it is also evident that,
regardless of the intensity of an issue, we need also to consider how that issue is actually
represented within the organization, in that some issues will be presented as important
ethical issues while others may not. Hence, we need to also consider the issue’s moral
framing. Such issue-related factors have been shown to influence both whether an
individual actually recognizes the moral nature of a problem in the first place (i.e. the
moral recognition stage) and also the way that people actually think about and act upon
the problem (the subsequent stages in the ethical decision-making process).
Moral Intensity
The notion of moral intensity was initially proposed by Thomas Jones (1991) as a
way of expanding ethical decision-making models to incorporate the idea that the relative
importance of the ethical issue would itself have some bearing on the process that
decisionmakers go through when faced with ethical problems. Jones (1991: 374–8)
proposes that the intensity of an issue will vary according to six factors:
Magnitude of consequences. This is the expected sum of the harms (or benefits)
for those impacted by the problem or action. obviously, an issue will be felt more
intensely if the consequences are significant, such as health problems or death as a
result of a faulty product.
Social consensus. This is the degree to which people are in agreement over the
ethics of the problem or action. Moral intensity is likely to increase when it is
certain that an act will be deemed unethical by others.
Probability of effect. This refers to the likelihood that the harms (or benefits) are
actually going to happen.
Temporal immediacy. This is concerned with the speed with which the
consequences are likely to occur. When outcomes are likely to take years to have
much effect, decision-makers may perceive the moral intensity to be much
lower—for example in the case of the long-term effects of smoking or other
‘unhealthy’ products.
Proximity. This factor deals with the feeling of nearness (social, cultural,
psychological, or physical) the decision-maker has for those impacted by their
decision. For example, poor working conditions in one’s own country might be
experienced as a more intense moral issue than poor conditions in a far away
country.
Concentration of effect. Here we are concerned with the extent to which the
consequences of the action are concentrated heavily on a few or lightly on many.
For example, many people may feel that cheating a person out of P1,000 is much
more morally intense than cheating the same sum out of a large multinational with
millions of shareholders.
Moral intensity’s role in ethical decision-making has also been exposed to
empirical testing, providing good support for Jones’ original propositions. o’Fallon and
Butterfield (2005), for example, reviewed 32 such studies and concluded that there was
strong support for the influence of moral intensity on ethical decision-making, especially
with respect to magnitude of consequences and social consensus. however, we would
suggest that the intensity of an issue is not necessarily an objective, factual variable, but
rather depends on how the issue and its intensity are understood and made meaningful
within and around organizations.
Moral Framing
While it may be possible to determine the degree of intensity that a moral issue
should have for decision-makers according to Jones’ (1991) six variables, it is clear that
people in different contexts are likely to perceive that intensity differently. The same
problem or dilemma can be perceived very differently according to the way that the issue
is framed. The moral framing of an issue—i.e. the language used to expose or mask the
ethical nature of the issue—is therefore a key influence on ethical decision-making.
The most important aspect of moral framing is the language in which moral issues
are couched. This is because using moral language—whether negative terms such as
stealing or cheating, or positive terms like fairness or honesty—is likely to prompt us to
think about morality because the words are already associated with cognitive categories
that consist of moral content. The problem is that many people in business are reluctant to
ascribe moral terms to their work, even if acting for moral reasons or if their actions have
obvious moral consequences. Bird and Waters (1989) describe this as moral muteness. in
a widely cited research project based on interviews with managers, they found that
groups of managers tend to reframe moral actions and motives, and talk instead of doing
things for reasons of practicality, organizational interests, and economic good sense.
according to Bird and Waters (1989), managers do this out of concerns regarding
perceived threats to:
Harmony. Managers believe that moral talk disturbs organizational harmony by
provoking confrontation, recrimination, and finger-pointing.
Efficiency. Managers feel that moral talk clouds issues, making decision-making
more difficult, time consuming, and inflexible.
Image of power and effectiveness. Managers believe that their own image will
suffer since being associated with ethics is typically seen as idealistic and utopian,
and lacking sufficient robustness for effective management.
These are very real concerns for people employed at all levels in companies, and
the dangers not only of moral talk but of being seen as overly involved in business ethics
can impact negatively on employees working in organizations where such issues are
viewed with suspicion. Andrew Crane’s (2001) study of managers involved in
environmental programmed highlights some of these concerns and problems, suggesting
that fears of being marginalized can lead managers to engage in a process of a
moralization.
Moral framing can also occur after a decision has been made or an act carried out.
it is important therefore to look not just at what people decide, but how they then justify
their decisions to themselves and others. Anand et al. (2004: 39) call these justifications
rationalization tactics—namely ‘mental strategies that allow employees (and others
around them) to view their corrupt acts as justified’. they identify six such strategies—
denial of responsibility, denial of injury, denial of victim, social weighting, appeal to
higher loyalties, and the metaphor of the ledger—which are described and illustrated in
Figure 4.3. People in organizations tend to use these rationalizations in order to neutralize
regrets and negative associations of unethical practices.