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From Man As Locus of Gods Indwelling To
From Man As Locus of Gods Indwelling To
SUMMARY
This study begins with discussion of the ways in which late antique Jewish
and Christian exegeses addressed the idea of a person as God’s temple/taber-
nacle of the Spirit. This general perception is further employed as backdrop for
contextualizing its particular sub-motif – attested e.g., in the Fourth Gospel and
in rabbinic sources – that establishes a link between the fate of righteous indi-
viduals and that of the Jerusalem sanctuary and, more specifically, between
their death and its destruction.
SOMMAIRE
Le travail commence par évaluer les voies par lesquelles les exégèses juive et
chrétienne de l’antiquité tardive ont considéré la notion d’une personne comme
le temple/tabernacle de l’Esprit de Dieu. L’évaluation sert d’arrière-plan à
l’étude d’un motif dérivé, attesté notamment dans le quatrième Évangile et les
sources rabbiniques. Ce motif est lien entre le sort des hommes justes et celui du
sanctuaire de Jérusalem, plus précisément, celui entre leur mort et sa destruction.
1. Introduction
The Hebrew Bible itself as well as its Septuagint version bears wit-
ness to a tension between the notion of the sanctuary/tabernacle as the
1
Examples are abundant, the following two will suffice here: (a) Ez 37:26-27,
where establishing the sanctuary as God’s dwelling place is the result of establishing the
covenant: “I will make a covenant of peace (ברית שלום, LXX: diaqßkjn eîrßnjv)
with them; it shall be an everlasting covenant (ברית עולם, diaqßkj aîwnía) with them;
… 27 My dwelling place shall be with them (והיה משכני עליהם, kataskßnwsív); and I
will be their God, and they shall be my people”; and (b) Lev 26:11, where LXX inter-
pret God’s indwelling/tabernacle as a metaphor for the covenant: “And I will make my
abode/tabernacle (משכני, LXX: diaqßkjn, covenant) among you…” The tabernacle-
indwelling theme would be later elaborated in a similar vein, e.g., by Philo and in the
Epistle to the Hebrews; see discussion in Craig R. KOESTER, The Dwelling of God: The
Tabernacle in the Old Testament, Intertestamental Jewish Literature, and the New Testa-
ment, The Catholic Biblical Quarterly Monograph Series 22 (Washington, DC: Catholic
Biblical Association of America, 1989), pp. 65-66, 154-157.
2
For God’s presence in the Temple, see Seder Olam Raba 6, cf. y. Hagigah 1.1
[76a]. For Shekhinah leaving the Temple and joining Israel in their exile, see Sifre
Be-Midbar 171. But cf. Exod. R. 2.2, where Shekhinah is perceived as not having left the
Temple after its destruction – the idea that seems to have underlied the post-destruction
Jewish practice of pilgrimage to the site. The usage of the word, Shekhinah, seems to
have not become common until after the year 70 and maybe even well into the second
century, though the expression “the camp of the Shekhinah” might have been coined
earlier. See Koester, Dwelling of God, pp. 71-72. For a general overview of the early
stages of development of the Shekhinah-centered tradition, see Arnold A. GOLDBERG,
Untersuchungen über die Vorstellung von der Schekhinah in der frühen rabbinischen
Literatur, SJ 6 (Berlin: De Gruyter, 1969). See also recently Noah HACHAM, “Where
Does the Shekhinah Dwell? Between the Dead Sea Sect, Diaspora Judaism, Rabbinic
Literature, and Christianity,” in Armin Lange, Emanuel Tov and Matthias Weigold in
association with Bennie H. Reynolds III (eds.), The Dead Sea Scrolls in Context: Inte-
grating the Dead Sea Scrolls in the Study of Ancient Texts, Languages, and Cultures
(Leiden: Brill, 2011), pp. 399-412.
3
For discussion of a complementary track of relativizing the centrality of the Tem-
ple – namely, prophetic switching the focus of nostalgia to the city of Jerusalem, see A.
ROFÉ, Introduction to Prophetic Literature (Sheffield, 1997), pp. 76-80.
position of the priestly elite (1QS 8: 5-6, 9; 9:6) and the notion of spir-
itual sacrifices.6 The priestly elite is likewise instrumental in (yearly)
re-enacting of the covenant which, as noted, represents God’s presence.7
“The spirit of holiness” ( )רוח קודשindwelling in the covenanters is fur-
ther portrayed as enabling the community to become the temple.8 Quot-
ing David Flusser:
Both the context and the insistence that the ‘House’ shall be formed by ‘sep-
aration’ [1QS 9:6] clearly show that…this passage…deals not with the
future sacrificial service, but with the present function of the sect. The pas-
sage…[presents] a[n]…elaboration of the idea that… the Sectarian life is
comparable to the Temple service.9
Elsewhere in the Rule of the Community (e.g., 1QS 5, 1QS 11), a
complementary emphasis on body-spirit dichotomy and cleansing prac-
tices is found. But again, in the final account, it is the gift of the Spirit
– and its cleansing effect that allows an individual to overcome the base
weakness of the flesh, reach perfection, and “become [part of] the tem-
ple.” One notes here a telling interplay between individual and commu-
nal aspects of “indwelling.”10 A passage from a late-first-century First
Epistle of Peter attests to a variant of the same motif – a community of
)ההיאה יבדילו אנשי היחד בית קודש לאהרון, in order to enter the holy of holies, and (like)
a house of the Community for Israel, (for) those who walk in perfection.”
6
See David FLUSSER, “The DSS and Pre-Pauline Christianity,” in Judaism and
the Origins of Christianity (Jerusalem: Magnes, 1984), pp. 39-40, who discerned in
1QS 8:9 an interplay between aroma ( )ריחand spirit ()רוח.
7
See recently Judith H. NEWMAN, “Priestly Prophets at Qumran: Summoning Sinai
through the Sons of the Sabbath Sacrifice,” in George J. Brooke, Hindy Najman and
Loren T. Stuckenbruck (eds.), The Significance of Sinai: Traditions about Divine Rev-
elation in Judaism and Christianity (Leiden: Brill, 2008), pp. 29-72.
8
In this context, the Qumranites’ self-perception as “the anointed of the spirit”
should be noted. See, for example, 4Q266 ii, 2:12 (= CD-A 6) and 4Q 270 ii, 2:14,
where “the anointed/messiahs by his/the Holy Spirit” or “the messiahs of (his) Holy
Spirit” (משיחי רוח קודשו/ )משיחי רוח הקודשserve as the community’s collective self-
definition. Cf. miqdash adam of the 4QFlorilegium.
9
Flusser, “The DSS and Pre-Pauline Christianity,” p. 39.
10
Cf. 1QH 4:17-26, where the cleansing Spirit is likewise granted to an individual:
“[I give you thanks, Lord,] for the spirits you have placed in me….to confess my former
sins, to bow low and beg favour 19 for [] of my deeds and the depravity of my heart.
Because I wallowed in impurity, [I separated myself] from the foundation [of truth]…20
…[Act according to] your justice, 21 free [the soul of your servant,] the wicked should
die! However, I have understood that [you establish] the path of the one whom you
choose 22 and in the insight [of your wisdom] you prevent him from sinning against
you, you restore his humility through your punishments, and by your ord[eals streng]
then his heart. 23[You, Lord, prevent] your servant from sinning against you…. 25 [] for
your servant is a spirit of flesh. Blank 26 [I give you thanks, Lord, because] you have
spread your holy spirit upon your servant [] [] his heart….”
11
1 Pet 2:4-8: “Come to him, to that living stone, rejected by men but in God’s
sight chosen and precious; 5 and like living stones be yourselves built into a spiritual
house, to be a holy priesthood, to offer spiritual sacrifices acceptable to God through
Jesus Christ. 6 For it stands in scripture (Isa 28:16, cf. Isa 27:13): ‘Behold, I am laying
in Zion a stone, a cornerstone chosen and precious, and he who believes in him will not
be put to shame.’ 7 To you therefore who believe, he is precious, but for those who do
not believe, (Ps 118:22) ‘The very stone which the builders rejected has become the
head of the corner,’ 8 and (Isa 8:14) ‘A stone that will make men stumble, a rock that
will make them fall’.” For the cornerstone/stumbling stone motif, see also Rom 9:30-33.
12
Cf. Matt 24:1-2 (and pars).
13
See Koester, Dwelling of God, pp. 65-66; Daniel R. SCHWARTZ, “The Other in 1 and
2 Maccabees,” in Graham N. Stanton and Guy G. Stroumsa (eds.), Tolerance and Intoler-
ance in Early Judaism and Christianity (Cambridge, 1998), pp. 30-37. The rationale behind
this was the idea that the same nomos, reflected in the temple ordinances, pertains to the
cosmos, the society and the individual. Ephraim E. URBACH (The Sages: Their Concepts and
Beliefs (Jerusalem; Magnes, 1987), p. 233) likewise discerns the view of man as a micro-
cosm already in Tannaitic teaching. See Avot de-R. Nathan A 31.46a: “R. Jose the Galilean
said: “All that the Holy One, blessed be He, created upon earth He created in man…”
14
Koester, Dwelling of God, pp. 58-66; cf. ibid., p. 185.
15
But cf. 11QTa 46:9-12, where the polemical sentiment is absent.
16
Cf. Philo, Quod Deterius Potiori Insidari Soleat 56: “It follows that, while to
masters their slaves render services that will benefit them, to God men can offer nothing
but a loving disposition toward their Lord.”
This tension between the body and the spiritual, ruling element is
similarly discerned elsewhere in Philo;17 it may be viewed as represent-
ing a new religious anthropology – a complexity that had been foreign
to the biblical phase of the tradition, but that would be later picked up,
mutatis mutandis, in rabbinic sources.18
Contemplation of heavenly truths preconditioned by moral perfection
is accordingly perceived as the true worship.19 What is then the function
of the body or of the “lower soul” with their inclinations toward evil and
base impressions? As indicated by Philo elsewhere, it seems that they
should be suppressed for the thought to be able to contemplate things
incorporeal and intelligible.20 A person’s post mortem fate is then that of
the nous/spirit liberated from the chains of the body.21 Yet, a complemen-
tary notion is also present in Philo’s thought (as earlier in Pseudo-Aris-
teas) – namely, the body as “perfected” by God with some of its mem-
bers, i.e., the ears, tailored to provide for the revelatory link to the Creator.22
Interestingly, the tension between the perception of body as prison
and its positive evaluation is likewise discerned in Paul’s writings,
where both perceptions seem to mainly reflect broader notions of Jewish
religious anthropology, on which additional Jesus-centered motifs are
here grafted. Thus, on the one hand, we find in 2 Cor 5:1-5 the elabora-
tion on death as a great liberator: The body, this “earthly tabernacle” is
to be eventually destroyed and, following that, one is to move into the
heavenly tabernacle.23 This line of thought has clear parallels in late
17
Philo, Leg. Alleg. 1.62: “At the present moment my ruling part is in substance in
my body, but virtually in Italy or Sicily, when it is pondering on these countries, and in
heaven, when it is contemplating heaven. Thus it frequently happens that individuals
who are bodily in profane spots are in reality in most sacred ones, while, on the other
hand, others who are in holy shrines are in thought profane, through its taking on incli-
nations toward evil and base impressions.”
18
See Urbach, Sages, pp. 214-225.
19
A distant echo of such perceptions may be discerned in later rabbinic sayings such
as the following one transmitted by the name of R. Elazar: “Every man who has [proper]
understanding ()שיש בו דעה, it is as if the Temple was rebuild in his days” (b. Ber. 33a).
The historical setting, however – with the lingering trauma of the destruction of the
Temple – is here clearly very different from that of Philo’s writings.
20
See, for example, Philo’s treatment of Adam’s predicament in On the Creation
165-169; Questions and Answers on Genesis 37, 46 (on Gen 3:6, 12-13) and Allegorical
Interpretation 2.30.
21
See Philo’s commenting on Exod 32:27 in De Ebrietate 67, De Abrahamo 9-11
and also his elaboration on Enoch post-mortem translation (Questions and Answers on
Genesis 85-86 [on Gen 5:23-24]). Cf. Plato, Phaedo 67.
22
See Arkady KOVELMAN, “Hellenistic Judaism on the Perfection of Human Body,”
Journal of Jewish Studies 61.2 (2010): pp. 207-219.
23
“For we know that if the earthly tent/tabernacle (êpígeiov oîkía toÕ skßnouv)
1st-century Fourth Ezra and in the oration by Eleazar, the leader of the
Zealots of Massadah, in Josephus’ Jewish War.24
However, an emphasis much more sympathetic to the body is found
in another Pauline passage where the theme of resurrection features
prominently. In the following quote, square brackets mark the particular
Jesus-centered rhema grafted on what seems to be a thema of broader
circulation (1 Cor 6:11-20, cf. 1 Cor 3:16-17; 12:12-13; 2 Cor 6:16):
And such (immoral sinners) were some of you. But you were washed, you
were sanctified, you were justified [in the name of the Lord Jesus Christ
and] in the Spirit of God…13…[The body is not meant for immorality, but
for the Lord, and the Lord for the body. 14 And God raised the Lord and will
also raise us up by his power. 15 Do you not know that your bodies are
members of Christ? Shall I therefore take the members of Christ and make
them members of a prostitute? Never! 16 Do you not know that he who
joins himself to a prostitute becomes one body with her? For, as it is written,
“The two shall become one flesh.” 17 But he who is united to the Lord
becomes one spirit with him.] Shun immorality. Every other sin which a
man commits is outside the body; but the immoral man sins against his own
body. 19 Do you not know that your body is a temple of the Holy Spirit
within you, which you have from God? You are not your own; 20 you were
bought with a price. So glorify God in your body.
Body is presented here as destined to remain holy and pure, since
impurity constitutes a sin against its calling to become a temple/ taber-
nacle of the Holy Spirit and, eventually, against resurrection.25 Central-
ity of the (un)worthiness motif should be noted, as well as the character-
istic fluctuation between the individual and communal aspects of
holiness (“your bodies are members of Christ,” cf. Eph 5:30) already
observed in a sectarian setting of the Dead Sea Scrolls.26 Among salient
features of the tradition found in 1 Corinthians 6 is also the lack of spe-
cific link to Jesus’ death (Jesus body’s death) as well as of explicit
polemical reference to the Jerusalem sanctuary – in other words, no
destruction of either a person’s body-temple or Jerusalem Temple is
deemed relevant.27
Should one see the broader Jewish perceptions on which the Jesus-
centered rhema is grafted here as derived from the Jewish Hellenistic
outlook? The dynamic concept of acquiring/receiving the Holy Spirit in
25
The track leading from the gift of the Spirit to resurrection is clearly modeled after
the path of Jesus himself as summarized Rom 1:1-4. For the rabbinic idea that it is the
same body that will be raised in resurrection – hence its importance – see, for example,
Gen. R. 78.1 (cf. Gen. R. 28.3).
26
On the closeness of Pauline temple/tabernacle-centered thinking to that attested in
the Dead Sea Scrolls, see Koester, Dwelling of God, pp. 129-130. Michelle V. LEE
(Paul, the Stoics, and the Body of Christ, Society for the New Testament Studies Mono-
graph Series 137 [Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2006]) suggested that the
Stoic doctrine could have also served as a backdrop for Paul’s idea, expressed in 1
Corinthians 12, of “bodily unity” between the community/church and Christ. Cf. discus-
sion in Moshe HALBERTAL, Interpretative Revolutions in the Making: Values as Inter-
pretative Considerations in Midrashei Halakhah (Jerusalem: Magnes, 2004), p. 167 (in
Hebrew), where the suggestion is raised that what underlined the Tannaitic unwilling-
ness to cause harm to the bodies of executed criminals was the perception of the body
as God’s image. See Lev. R. 34.3, t. Yevamot 8.4, Mekhilta de-R. Ishmael Ba-hodesh 8.
Cf. y. Yoma 8.1, where the body of righteous is called “holy.”
27
On Paul’s general lack of awareness and/or interest in the Temple’s destruction
motif, see Paula FREDRIKSEN, “Paul, Purity, and the Ekklesia of the Gentiles,” in Jack
Pastor and Menahem Mor (eds.), The Beginnings of Christianity (Jerusalem: Yad Ben-
Zvi Press, 2005), pp. 215-216.
28
See m. Sotah 9:13: “R. Simeon b. Eleazar says: [When] purity [ceased in Israel
it] took away the flavor and the fragrance; [when] the tithes [ceased they] took away the
fatness of the corn; and, the Sages say, fornication and sorceries have made an end of
them altogether (( ”)הזנות והכשפים כילו את הכלcf. also Kalah Rabbati 2.6). This sub-
motif also features in the variant of the tradition incorporated into a longer passage
appended to m. Sotah (m. Sotah 9:15): “Since the day that the Temple was destroyed
the Sages began to be like school-teachers….With the footprints of the Messiah pre-
sumption shall increase and dearth reach its height…The council-chamber shall be given
to fornication (…)בית ועד יהיה לזנות.On whom can we stay ourselves? – on our Father
30
Aphrahat, Demonstrations 4.10 (Patrologia Syriaca i.157-160, English translation
follows W. WRIGHT, The Homilies of Aphraates, the Persian Sage [London, 1869]):
“But why, o my beloved, did the Saviour teach us saying to pray to the Father in secret
(or: who is in secret) with the door shut ( ?)ܟܕ ܐܚܝܕ ܬܪܥܐTo pray in secret means the
prayer of the heart (…)ܕܨܠܠܐ ܠܡ ܒܟܣܝܐ ܒ�ܒܟbut what is indicated by the door that
should be shut? It is nothing else but your lips (mouth) ()ܐܠܠܐ ܐܢ ܦܘܡܟ, since he
(the person) is the temple in which Christ dwells ( )ܕܗܘܝܘ ܗܝܟ�ܠܐ ܕܥܡܪ ܒܗ ܡܫܝܚܐas
the apostle said: ‘You are the temple of the Lord (1) ‘( ܕܗܝܟ�ܠܐ ܐܢܬܘܢ ܕܡܪܝܐCor
3:16). So one should go into that house which is his inner person ()ܠܒܪ ܐܢܫܟ ܓܘܝܐ
and purify it from all impurity keeping the door of the lips shut. Otherwise his prayer
will not be heard” (cf. John 5:24, 37-38). It is such prayer that according to Aphrahat
will be answered. This exegetical tendency would be taken further by later Syriac
authors; see Brock, “Prayer of the Heart,” 136-140.
31
See Serge RUZER and Aryeh KOFSKY, Syriac Idiosyncrasies: Theology and
Hermeneutics in Early Syriac Exegesis (Leiden: Brill, 2010), pp. 10-18.
32
Theodore of Mopsuestia, Commentary on the Gospel of John, Syriac: CSCO,
Scriptores Syri Series 4, vol. 3, ed. J.-M. Vosté (Paris, 1940), English translation with
and Introduction and Notes by Marco Conti, ed. Joel C. Elowsky, Ancient Christian
Texts Series (Dowers Grove, Il.: InterVarsity Press, 2010).
)ܗܢܐ ܡܬܬܚܝܢܢ ܟܕ ܥܘܡܪܐ ܩܪܐ ܠܦܓܪܐ. And again, “We know that if the
earthly tabernacle we live in is destroyed” (2 Cor 5:1) (ܕܒܝܬܐ ܕܥܘܡܪܢ
)ܐܪܥܢܝܐ ܡܫܬܪܐ.
Theodore already appeals to Paul’s imagery of human body as tem-
ple/tabernacle (naóv/skßnj, see 1 Cor 6:19; 2 Cor 5:1-4) not as a stim-
ulus for our perfection but rather as an indication of the “low” suffering
aspect of human nature with which the Holy Spirit/Logos/Shekhinah is
united in Jesus the man (=in his body). The interest in general religious
anthropology is thus overshadowed by the interest in christology as is
likewise the case in John 1:14.
us; he has stricken, and he will bind us up. After two days he will revive us; on the third
day he will raise us up, that we may live before him’….” See Raymond E. BROWN, The
Gospel According to John, The Anchor Bible (Garden City, NY: Doubleday, 1966),
p. 120.
35
Brown, ibid., p. 120. On possible links between the Synoptic and Johannine usage
of the tabernacle motif, see Charles W. F. SMITH, “Tabernacles in the Fourth Gospel and
Mark,” New Testament Studies 9 (1963): 130-146.
36
The episode is placed here close to the beginning of the Gospel narrative and to
the Prologue thus suggesting a link to John 1:14. See Brown, ibid., p. 121.
37
See André-Marie DUBARLE, “Le signe du temple (Jo. ii, 19),” Revue biblique 48
(1939): 21-44. Koester (Dwelling of God, pp. 19-20, cf. ibid., pp. 100-102, 106) sug-
gests that since in Greek biblical and Bible-oriented usage skßnwma had come to des-
ignate both God’s tabernacle (as in LXX Ps 14:1; 25:8; 42:3; 60:5; 73:7; 83:2; 131:5,
7) and the human body (as in 2 Pet 1:13-14; Par. Jer. 6:6-7), “it would enable the
Fourth Evangelist to use tabernacle imagery for the incarnate logos.”
38
Cf. Koester (Dwelling of God, pp. 100-115), who in his review of the tabernacle
imagery in the Gospel of John as a whole brings to the fore John 1:14 – seemingly echo-
ing Zech 2:14-17 – as the hermeneutical key for the rest of the Gospel.
39
m. Sotah 9:15: “ When R. Joshua died goodness departed from the world (משמת
…)רבי יהושע פסקה טובה מן העולם.When R. Akiba died the glory of the Law ceased (בטל
…)כבוד התורה.When Rabban Johanan b. Zakkai died the splendor of wisdom ceased
()בטל זיו החכמה. When Rabban Gamliel the Elder died the glory of the Law ceased and
purity and abstinence died ()מתה טהרה ופרישות. When R. Ishmael b. Piabi died the
the Temple and the death of Simeon the Just. While he was alive, the
temple functioned in a miraculously orderly fashion, but following his
death, there were portents indicating disruption, even if not outright
destruction (t. Sotah 13:7):40
So long as Simeon the Just was alive ()כל זמן שהיה שמעון הצדיק קיים, the
Western lamp ( )נר מערביremained permanently lit. When he died ()משמת,
they went and found that it had gone out. From that time forward, sometimes
they find it extinguished, and sometimes lit. So long as Simeon the Just was
alive, the altar-fire was perpetual ()היתה מערכה תדירה, etc.41
Another tradition claims that even after the (first) Temple was
destroyed and the last biblical prophets died there have appeared indi-
viduals potentially worthy of the Holy Spirit’s indwelling – equaled, as
it seems, with the gift of prophecy (t. Sotah 13:3):
When the Temple was destroyed…When the latter prophets died, that is,
Haggai, Zechariah, and Malachi, then the Holy Spirit came to an end in
Israel. But even so, they made them hear [heavenly messages] through an
echo. Sages gathered together in the upper room of the house of Guria in
Jericho, and a heavenly echo came forth and said to them, “There is a man
among you who is worthy to receive the Holy Spirit (שראוי לרוח הקדש, cf. b.
Sotah 48b where Shekhinah is introduced here instead of the Holy Spirit:ראוי
)שתשרה שכינה עליו, but his generation is unworthy of such an honor.” They
all set eyes upon Hillel the elder. And when he died, they said about him,
“Woe for the humble man, woe for the pious man, the disciple of Ezra.”
Then another time they were in session in Yabneh and heard an echo saying,
“There is among you a man who is worthy to receive the Holy Spirit (שראוי
לרוח הקדש, cf. b. Sotah 48b where again Shekhinah is introduced here
instead of the Holy Spirit), but the generation is unworthy of such an honor.”
They all set their eyes upon Samuel the Small. At the time of his death what
did they say? “Woe for the humble man, woe for the pious man, the disciple
of Hillel the Elder!”42
splendor of the priesthood ceased. When Rabbi died, humility and the shunning of sin
ceased (…)בטלה ענוה ויראת חטא. R. Eliezer the Great says: Since the day that the Tem-
ple was destroyed ( )מיום שחרב בית המקדשthe Sages began to be like school-teachers….
On whom can we stay ourselves? – on our Father in heaven (על מי יש להשען על אבינו
)שבשמים.”
40
English translation of t. Sotah follows Jacob NEUSNER, The Tosefta. Nashim (New
York: Ktav, 1979).
41
And it goes on: “When they arranged it in the morning, it would flame up con-
tinually during the entire day. And they would offer on it daily whole-offerings and
additional offerings and their drink-offerings….After Simeon the Just died, however, the
power of the altar-fire grew weak, etc.”
42
Further on, the prophetic nature of the gift of the Spirit is indicated: “Also he said
at the time of his death, ‘Simeon and Ishmael are destined to be put to death, and the rest
Hillel and, later on, Samuel the Small (80s-90s of the 1st century) are
presented here as worthy of the gift of the Holy Spirit – in spite of the
destruction of the (first) Temple and the cessation of prophecy.43 The
link to the Temple is further strengthened in the Talmudic variant, where
the Holy Spirit is replaced by the Shekhinah. The tension between indi-
vidual and collective aspects finds expression in the claim that the
indwelling of the Spirit/Shekhinah was prevented by the unworthiness
of the sages’ contemporaries. For the present discussion, it is particu-
larly important that the deaths of Hillel and Samuel the Small mark here
the “lost opportunities” of the Shekhinah/Spirit’s indwelling.
While the above rabbinic traditions may be seen as addressing, in
their own way, some of the themes featuring in John 2:17-22, it should
be emphasized that the link of a chosen individual’s death to the destruc-
tion of the Temple remains, at best, implicit. Moreover, the link between
the righteous one’s future resurrection and the rebuilding of the Temple
is nowhere present.
of the associates will die by the sword, and the remainder of the people will be up for
spoils. After this, great disaster will fall.’” Cf. m. Sotah 9:13.
43
The preference given to the first Temple is well documented in the tradition,
which at times gives vent to disparaging remarks concerning the second one. See discus-
sion in Koester, Dwelling of God, pp. 23-75.
44
For the list of early Christian authors who commented on the Pentateuch taber-
nacle, see Arthur G. HOLDER, “The Mosaic Tabernacle in Early Christian Exegesis,”
in Elizabeth A. Livingstone (ed.), Studia Patristica 25 (Louvain-Paris: Peeters, 1993),
pp. 102-103.
45
See, for example, Justin Martyr, Dialogue with Trypho 13, 14, 22, 26, 28.
46
This tendency was sometimes complemented or even surpassed by the one influ-
enced by the portrait of Jesus as the eternal High Priest in the Epistle to the Hebrews.
See Holder, “Mosaic Tabernacle,” p. 101, 105. For dicussion of the tabernacle imagery
in Hebrews, especially in Heb 8:1-6, see Koester, Dwelling of God, pp. 152-183.
47
See Against Marcion 3.24.10, Ante-Nicene Christian Library, vol. 7, pp. 169-173.
According to Tertullian, it is to this true temple that the Apocalypse of John refers
speaking of the thousand-year kingdom. Tertullian sees another expression of the same
idea in the vision in Isa 2:2-3, which he understands as describing the “catholic [spiri-
tual] temple of Christ” into which the Gentiles are coming (Against Marcion 3.21.3,
ibid., pp. 162-164).
48
On the Resurrection of the Flesh, Ante-Nicene Christian Library, vol. 15.2 (tr.
Peter Holmes), pp. 245-246: “Nature pronounces God’s sentence: ‘Dust you are, and
unto dust shall you return’ (Gen 3:19)….No death but the ruin of our limbs. This destiny
of the body the Lord also described, when clothed as he was in its very substance he
said, ‘Destroy this temple and in three days I will raise it up again’ (John 2:19). For he
showed to what belongs [the incidents of] being destroyed, thrown down, and kept down
even to that to which it also appertains to be lifted and raised up again…The Scripture
informs us that ‘he spoke of his body.’ The soul, however, has no trace of a fall in its
designation…there is no mortality in its condition….’resurrection of the dead’ is predi-
cated of that which is fallen down [hence, we are talking about the resurrection of the
flesh]”.
49
Commentary on John 10.263-264. He proceeds (ibid., 10.265-297) to discuss
Solomon as a type of Christ also in what regards erecting God’s temple – that is, in
Christ’s case, the Church.
50
Origen, ibid., 10.228-232: “Both, however, (I mean the temple and Jesus’ body)…
appear to me to be a type of the Church…that…is built of living stones…upon the foun-
dations of the apostles and prophets, Christ Jesus being the chief corner stone.’ And
through the saying, ‘Now you are the body of Christ and members in part’ (1 Cor 12:27),
(we know) that even if the harmony of the stones of the temple appear to be destroyed,
[or,] as is written in Psalm 21[22:15], all the bones of Christ appear to be scattered in
persecutions and afflictions…the temple will be raised up and the body will arise on the
third day after the day of evil (cf. Eccl 7:15) which threatens it and the day of consum-
mation which follows. For the third day will dawn in the new haven and new earth (with
ref. to Rev 21:1)…”.
51
Origen (ibid. 10.292) further reflects on the question whether all events reported in
connection with the earthly temple should necessarily have analogy with regard to the
spiritual one. Origen’s suggestion seems to be that biblical prophecies, e.g. those by Isaiah,
on captivity and restoration do relate to the future end-of-days ingathering of the Church,
possibly a long and multi-staged process. Cf. Holder, “Mosaic Tabernacle,” p. 103.
52
Clement of Alexandria, Against the Judaizers (tr. W. Wilson): “Solomon the son
of David,…comprehending not only that the structure of the true temple was celestial
and spiritual, but had also a reference to the flesh, which he who was both the son and
lord of David was to build up,…he resolved to make his shrine, and for the church that
was to rise up through the union of faith, says expressly, ‘Will God in very deed dwell
with men on the earth?’ ….Thus also the blessed Peter hesitates not to say, ‘Ye also, as
living stones, are built up, a spiritual house, a holy temple, to offer up spiritual sacri-
fices, acceptable to God by Jesus Christ.’ And with reference to the body, which by
circumscription he consecrated as a hallowed place for himself upon earth, he said,
‘Destroy this temple, and in three days I will raise it up again.’” See Claude MON-
DÉSERT, “À propos du signe du temple: un texte de Clément d’Alexandrie,” Recherches
de science religieuse 36 (1949): 580-584. With regard to the Pentateuch tabernacle,
Clement “mainly simply rehearsed the cosmological interpretation that he had found in
Philo and other Jewish sources” (Holder, “Mosaic Tabernacle,” p. 103).
Conclusion
This study has attempted – without suggesting direct literary links – a
partial mapping of the ways in which Jewish and Christian exegeses
from the Second Temple period on addressed the idea of an individual
as a temple/tabernacle. In some cases, this reflected a new, more com-
plex, religious anthropology; correspondingly, a distinction was sug-
gested between a more static notion of the spirit/nous as a given spiritual
factor of man’s existence and a dynamic aspiration, e.g., in a messianic
context, for acquiring the Spirit as the desired “inner tenant.” The latter
pattern was found shared by Qumran covenanters, later rabbinic tradi-
tions and Paul, who seems to have reflected here a wider Jewish trend.
The fourth-century Aphrahat attests to an instructive later Christian
reworking of this idea, which combines a static notion of the Spirit as
permanently indwelling in the tabernacle of an ascetic’s body, and the
dynamic one of Christ as its acquired “ultimate tenant.”
An interdependence between the notions of the individual and the
elect community respectively as the “temple of the Spirit” was outlined.
In its positive aspect, it is characteristic of Qumran and nascent Jesus
movement settings with their emphasis on realized, albeit partly, escha-
tology. Its negative aspect is played out in some post-70 rabbinic sources
reflecting a pessimistic appraisal of the religious situation – with the
claim that in spite of the merit of some distinguished individuals both
before and after the destruction the indwelling of the Spirit/Shekhinah
was repeatedly prevented by the general unworthiness of the community
of Israel. Both these community-based aspects may be partly viewed as
eschatological – and “sectarian” – modifications of ancient biblical
notions of God’s (his Name’s) indwelling in the midst of Israel without
sanctuary in sight. One may observe a tension between transferring the
idea of indwelling unto an individual or elect community and the con-
tinuing – even after the destruction of the sanctuary – practice of pil-
grimage. This issue, which has remained beyond the scope of this study,
is clearly in need of further elaboration.
Finally, the link between the fate of outstanding individuals and that of
the Temple was discussed. Such a link finds its famous expression in the
Fourth Gospel’s reinterpretation of Jesus’ oracle about the fate of the
Jerusalem sanctuary as speaking of his own death and resurrection. It
was suggested that some rabbinic sources of post-70 provenance, por-
traying the demise of the righteous as comparable in its dire consequences
to the destruction of the Temple or, alternatively, as disrupting its harmo-
nious function, could be viewed as part of the general backdrop for this
sub-motif. It was observed, however, that the explicit connection between
the resurrection of a charismatic individual and the restoration of the
Temple is conspicuously lacking in the rabbinic elaborations.
Origen strives to salvage at least something from the linkage between
Jesus’ fate and that of the Jerusalem sanctuary indicated in John 2:17-
22. For that end he substitutes Church – suffering persecutions but antic-
ipating eventual triumph – for the Temple. His somewhat exceptional
strategy, however, only further highlights the conspicuous lack of inter-
est in the above linkage demonstrated by early Christian exegesis. Greg-
ory of Nyssa, characteristically, focuses on Christ as the eternal heav-
enly tabernacle, the prototype of the spiritual universe – in this context,
naturally, no destruction and/or rebuilding are related to.
So, the tension between John 2:17-22 and the Synoptic version of
Jesus’ destruction-restoration oracle retains its peculiarity and may
therefore serve as an important marker for dating the tradition incorpo-
rated in the Fourth Gospel. This tradition seems to have been tailored to
address a disappointment vis-à-vis an unfulfilled prophecy by Jesus,
which related to the Temple, It thus also reflected the utmost importance
still ascribed – as distinct from later Christian thinking – to the fate of
Jerusalem sanctuary. Was it the disappointment felt at the end of the
first century by some Jesus’ followers – for whom Jesus’ own resurrec-
tion was a fact of faith – regarding the absence of the Temple-centered
messianic restoration (cf. Acts 2:43-47)? Or, alternatively, a much ear-
lier pre-70 discomfort vis-à-vis Jesus’ still unfulfilled oracle of
destruction?56 As evidence reviewed in this study does not allow reach-
ing a clear-cut conclusion on this question, it definitely warrants further
investigation.57 The present study does indicate, however, that even if
the variant of the motif attested in John 2:17-22 represents a peculiar
“dead-end off-shoot” from the perception of a person as God’s temple,
it should be seen as derived from and relating to this more general per-
ception and its various late antique Jewish modifications.
56
Both Pauline corpus and Acts indicate that not all Jesus’ followers in the first
Christian century were eagerly anticipating the fulfillment of the destruction oracle. See
Fredriksen, “Paul, Purity, and the Ekklesia of the Gentiles” (note 27 above); Serge
RUZER, “Crucifixion: The Search for a Meaning vis-à-vis Biblical Prophecy. From Luke
to Acts,” in idem, Mapping the New Testament: Early Christian Writings as a Witness
for Jewish Biblical Exegesis (Leiden: Brill, 2007), pp. 191-199.
57
Cf. Brown, Gospel According to John, p. 120.