The Zoomorphic Imagination

in Chinese Art and Culture

edited by
Jerome Silbergeld and Eugene Y. Wang
Copyright © 2016. University of Hawaii Press. All rights reserved.

University of Hawaiʻi Press
Honolulu

The Zoomorphic Imagination in Chinese Art and Culture, edited by Jerome Silbergeld, and Eugene Y. Wang, University of Hawaii Press, 2016.
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Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

The zoomorphic imagination in Chinese art

and culture / edited by Jerome Silbergeld and
Eugene Y. Wang.
pages cm
Includes bibliographical references and index.
isbn 978-0-8248-4676-3 (hardcover : alk. paper)
1. Art, Chinese. 2. Animals in art. i. Silbergeld,
Jerome, editor. ii. Wang, Eugene Yuejin, editor.
n7340.z66 2016
704.9'4320951 — dc23
2015021586

This publication is made possible in part by the

Barr Ferree Foundation Fund for Publications,
Department of Art and Archaeology, Princeton
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Copyright © 2016. University of Hawaii Press. All rights reserved.

Frontispiece: Unidentified artist (late twelfth

century). Gibbons Raiding an Egret’s Nest (detail).
Han dynasty (206 bc – ad 220). Fan mounted
as an album leaf, ink and color on silk,
24.1 × 22.8 cm. The Metropolitan Museum of Art,
John Steward Kennedy Fund, 1913, 13.100.104.

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 Contents

vii Preface Eugene Y. Wang

ix Acknowledgments Eugene Y. Wang and Jerome Silbergeld
xi Chronology of Chinese Dynasties

1 Trading Places: An Introduction to Zoomorphism and

Anthropomorphism in Chinese Art
Jerome Silbergeld

chapter 1
21 The Taotie Motif on Early Chinese Ritual Bronzes
Sarah Allan

chapter 2
67 Labeling the Creatures: Some Problems in Han and
Six Dynasties Iconography
Susan Bush

chapter 3
95 Representing the Twelve Calendrical Animals as Beastly,
Human, and Hybrid Beings in Medieval China
Judy Chungwa Ho

chapter 4
137 The Didactic Use of Animal Images in Southern Song Buddhism:
The Case of Mount Baoding in Dazu, Sichuan
Copyright © 2016. University of Hawaii Press. All rights reserved.

Henrik H. Sørensen

chapter 5
171 Evil Dragon, Golden Rodent, Sleek Hound: The Evolution of
Soushan Tu Paintings in the Northern Song Period
Carmelita Hinton

chapter 6
215 Animals in Chinese Rebus Paintings
Qianshen Bai

The Zoomorphic Imagination in Chinese Art and Culture, edited by Jerome Silbergeld, and Eugene Y. Wang, University of Hawaii Press, 2016.
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 chapter 7
253 The Pictorial Form of a Zoomorphic Ecology: Dragons and
Their Painters in Song and Southern Song China
Jennifer Purtle

chapter 8
289 The Political Animal: Metaphoric Rebellion in Zhao Yong’s
Painting of Heavenly Horses
Jerome Silbergeld

chapter 9
341 How the Giraffe Became a Qilin: Intercultural Signification
in Ming Dynasty Arts
Kathlyn Liscomb

chapter 10
379 Weird Science: European Origins of the Fantastic Creatures
in the Qing Court Painting, the Manual of Sea Oddities
Daniel Greenberg

chapter 11
401 Huang Yong Ping and the Power of Zoomorphic Ambiguity
Kristina Kleutghen

433 Glossary
443 Contributors
447 Index
Copyright © 2016. University of Hawaii Press. All rights reserved.

vi Contents

The Zoomorphic Imagination in Chinese Art and Culture, edited by Jerome Silbergeld, and Eugene Y. Wang, University of Hawaii Press, 2016.
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chapter 4
The Didactic Use of Animal Images in Southern
Song Buddhism: The Case of Mount Baoding in
Dazu, Sichuan
Henrik H. Sørensen

Animal sculpture, in fact, is one of the finest chapters of Indian art. A feeling of
profound fellowship and comradeship with the beasts and with all living things,
has inspired Indian thought throughout the ages and was certainly present in the
pre-Aryan period. . . . In the resultant art the animal organism was not observed
from without, but was felt as it were from within, the form itself has been seen as
a mask of the universal life force and substance that inhabits equally the human
frame. For according to this view there is no decisive gap between the two modes
of existence, animal and human.
— Heinrich Zimmer1

on the role of animals in buddhism

There can be no doubt that as an Indian religion, Buddhism shared the
same sentiment as outlined by Zimmer above, and we find numerous
examples in the primary sources that show a universal respect, concern,
and care for animals. Hence it is hardly surprising that the Buddhists —
as did the Hindus — down through the ages have employed animals
and animal forms for a variety of purposes. When it comes to artistic
manifestations of animals in the Buddhist context, we encounter a
comprehensive, if not systematic, use of images and symbols involving
animal forms. Below is a brief outline of the different modes and func-
tions in which animal imagery has been used in Buddhism:

• Animals as vehicles/mounts of divinities. This is one of the most

common usages of animal images. As examples are pig(s) for Mārīcī,

137
 the bull for Yama, the elephant for Samantabhadra, the lion for
Mañjuśrī, etc.
• Animals as symbols. The double deer symbolizing the first turning
of the Dharma Wheel; the snake, rooster, and pig symbolizing hatred,
desire, and ignorance (the moving factors of the Wheel of Life); snake
symbolizing poison; the lion on the Buddha’s throne symbolizing the
power and victorious nature of his enlightenment.
• Animals as metaphors. Monkey, elephant, and ox standing for the
uncontrolled mind of a human being; tiger indicating the untamed
passions of a human being.
• Animals as animals. This category indicates the use of animal imagery
with the sole intention of depicting the form and characteristics of
a given animal. In terms of functionality, such images are generally
meant to depict a special event in Buddhist mythology involving a
given animal, such as the celebrated account of Śākyamuni Buddha
taming the wild elephant, or an episode from one of the Jātakas,
even though in both cases there is, of course, a strong underlying
symbolism. This category also includes animals used for decorative
purposes, such as the elephant capitals found on the pillars in the
Karle Caves.
• Animals as divinities or divinities with animal attributes. Here we
find Ganeśa or Vināyaka (half man, half elephant), Cāmuṇḍā (half
woman, half pig), kumbhāṇḍas (half man, half horse), kimnaras (half
man, half bird), and the deities of the constellations and the zodiac
(variously depicted, but often as men with animal heads). To this
category one may also include a variety of Esoteric Buddhist divini-
ties and protectors, such as Hayagrīva, Vajravarahī, Yamaṇtaka, all of
whom are either depicted with animal features or animal attributes.
• Animals that are not real animals. This category includes mytholog-
ical animals, including composite creatures such as kalavinka birds
(half bird, half man), the garuda (half bird, half man), nāgas (half snake,
half man), Oriental dragons (snake, camel, rooster, goat), qilin (dragon
horse), dragon turtle (turtle and dragon), etc.

While each of the different categories occurs alone depending on

context, there are many cases in which a given animal image carries
more than one meaning and, indeed, more than one function. It
should also be kept in mind that the above sixfold model is a general
one that does not distinguish the use of animal motifs and images
in a culture-specific manner. There are, of course, differences to be
distinguished — often important ones — in the way animal imagery was

138 Henrik H. Sørensen

being used by Buddhists in the different cultures where the religion was
a living presence. Nevertheless, as we shall see below, examples of all six
categories occur in the Chinese material, which forms the basis for the
present study.
This chapter will look at the ways animal imagery is expressed in
the Buddhist sculptural groups at Mount Baoding, which represent
a localized Southern Song formulation of Buddhist iconography and
thematics. Through an analysis of a number of these sculptures and
their place within the overall tableaux, it shall seek to highlight their
representational significance as well as discuss the extended manner
in which zoomorphic concerns have been treated within the context of
Southern Song Buddhist imagination. Given that the Baoding complex
of sculptures features a high degree of narrative elements, many inclu-
ding representations of animals and zoomorphic characters, a further
understanding of the roles they play, including the often humorous and
intimate manner in which these figures have been rendered, will be dealt
with in what follows.

Animal Representations in Chinese Buddhism: Real and Imagined

Before turning our attention to the main topic of this representation, let
us first recapitulate what we already know about the use of animal repre-
sentations in medieval Chinese culture and more specifically in Chinese
Buddhism. Roughly speaking, animals occur as members of two distinct
groups: as real animals, domestic as well as wild ones, and as mytholog-
ical or imagined beasts. In actual use and understanding, representatives
of these two groups often overlap, and we have no indication that ordi-
nary people in traditional China saw them as substantially or qualitatively
different. This double-sided nature of animals is clearly reflected in
the ritual bronzes of the pre-Han period, where anthropomorphic and
hybrid images were the norm.2
When Buddhism was introduced to China during the first centuries
of the Common Era, the traditional Indian use of animal imagery,
including depictions of elephants, lions, oxen, tigers, etc., was imported
with it. But whereas animal imagery has a generally positive position
in Indian Buddhist iconography, the situation was much more mixed
within the sinitic cultural sphere, in China, Korea, Japan, and to some
extent in the northern part of Vietnam. Here animals are quite often
malevolent in character. In traditional China, there was a special dread of
evil spirits and demons in the form of animals such as snakes, foxes, and
tigers, which were thought capable of manifesting themselves in human
form. Hence we also find depictions of these transformed animal spirits

139 The Didactic Use of Animal Images in Southern Song Buddhism

in the arts, in particular in painting, where the long hand-scroll titled
“Searching for Demons on Mt. Guankou,” probably based on a Song or
Yuan original and the later, thematically related work “Clearing out the
Wilderness,” highlight the fear of uncontrolled nature and the creatures
that inhabit it.3 In any case, the use of such images reflects an ambivalent
attitude toward animals and toward beings with animal attributes in
general. In certain cases they have the status of defenders of Buddhism,
and in other cases they represent beings of the unseen world, including
the Buddhist netherworld. In the latter case, they clearly belong to the
demonic category of beings populating the medieval Chinese imagina-
tion and world of belief.
This leads us directly to the topic of the present chapter, namely a
discussion and analysis of how animal imagery was used in the sculptural
groups found at the Buddhist cult center at Mount Baoding in Dazu,
eastern Sichuan province in China.4 Today, Mount Baoding stands as
one of the best-preserved and most impressive Buddhist sculptural sites
in all of China, only surpassed in grandeur and age by the better-known
sites of Yungang, Longmen, and the Mogao Caves in Dunhuang. Mount
Baoding was established during the final years of the twelfth century and
came to life during the first half of the thirteenth century. Its founder
and chief spiritual advisor was the charismatic monk Zhao Zhifeng
(1159 – ca. 1225),5 a pious Buddhist practitioner who, with the help of thou-
sands of lay devotees and local officials, created a cult center on the top
of Mount Baoding. As part of this cult site — which also includes a large
temple of several buildings, stūpas, and pagodas, a compound for Esoteric
Buddhist (Ch. mijiao) initiation — Zhao had thirty sculptural groups
carved in the cliff wall of a horseshoe-shaped recess stretching for some
five hundred meters below the summit of the mountain, the so-called
Dafowan (“Great Buddha Bend”). In addition, a number of lesser groups
were carved into cliffs and boulders in the surrounding countryside.
Most of the sculptural groups at Dafowan are monumental, some
reaching a height of thirty meters, while others are considerably smaller.
Characteristic for virtually all the sculptural groups on the site is a strong
sense of narrative meant for didactic purposes. As has been pointed
out by other researchers previously, many of the sculptural groups are
essentially scriptural tableaux (Ch. jingxiang) or, more precisely, “transfor-
mative tableaux” (Ch. bianxiang) carved in stone.6
My reason for singling out the Buddhist cult site of Mount Baoding
for the present study hinges on a number of facts. First, the sculptural
groups on the site feature many examples of animal and anthropomor-
phic images. Second, these images are often central to the presentation

140 Henrik H. Sørensen

and inner logic of a given group of sculptures; they function as leading
or otherwise important motifs. Third, the manner in which they occur is
the product of an overall ideological and artistic plan. This is one of the
hallmarks of Mount Baoding and is something that is rarely found in
Chinese Buddhist sculptural art on this scale. Fourth, the animal images
were being used to promote special pedagogical purposes, namely the
spread of Buddhist ethics, doctrines, and beliefs to an audience that
would have represented the average Chinese Buddhist follower of the
Southern Song in this part of China. Hence the purpose of this presen-
tation is to throw light on how Zhao Zhifeng and his followers used a
variety of animal representations in the sculptural groups on the site, and
the manner in which they utilized animal symbolism as a means for the
propagation of Buddhist beliefs and doctrines.
As already stated, animals occur frequently among the sculptures at
Mount Baoding. They are, however, rarely to be found apart from a main
group of images, where they usually appear as integrated elements neces-
sary for the overall narrative, as for example the oxen in group no. 30, or
as “supplementary” elements, such as the cat and the rat in group no. 3.
The two main exceptions for large-scale carvings of individual animals
are those of group no. 1, which features a giant crouching tiger, and the
guardian of group no. 28, which consists of an enormous lion in Chinese
mythological style.

Group No. 1: Tiger
A large, compact image of a prowling tiger appears as group no. 1 in the
sequence of the traditional numbering of the sculptures at Dafowan
(fig. 4.1).7 The tiger carving of group no. 1 is on the right-hand side of
the steps leading down to Dafowan from the level above. The body of
the tiger is shown in a crouching pose with the tail as the highest point
and large head drawn in between the shoulders and turned toward an
imaginary person descending the steps. The carved area is 1.25 meters
high and 4.20 meters wide, with the tiger being 1.10 meters high in front,
4.0 meters long and 0.67 meters high at the end. There is no attempt
at a naturalistic rendering of a tiger, but instead there is a conscious
distortion of the proportions of the animal to make it appear more
supernatural and dangerous. The carver has chosen to focus on the head
and front part of the animal, which are almost double the size of the rest
of the body. By doing so he has succeeded in bringing out a living tiger’s
raw qualities, which here are accentuated by the snarling mouth with its
bared fangs and the large paws. There can be little doubt that the location
of this tiger sculpture right at the entrance was no coincidence on the

141 The Didactic Use of Animal Images in Southern Song Buddhism

figure 4.1
Tiger (Dafowan, group
no. 1). Figures in this
chapter unless otherwise
noted are by anonymous
artists, Southern Song
dynasty (twelfth to
fourteenth century),
sculpture with colored
pigments, from Mount
Baoding, Dazu, Sichuan
Province.

part of Zhao Zhifeng, and what indeed would be better as a guardian for a
holy precinct than an oversized and ferocious tiger?
In Chinese Buddhist lore, a tiger usually represents untamed
passions, and when found as a vehicle or attendant figure in a Buddhist
group, it indicates that the passions have been brought under control,
that the wild beast has been tamed. Here we may refer to ink paintings
of the so-called “Four Sleepers” (Hanshan, Shide, the monk Fengkan,
and a tiger) as well as images of the arhat Bhadra, etc.8 In her discussion
of this image group no. 1, Angela F. Howard asserts that a tiger symbol-
izes “the dangers practitioners encounter on their spiritual journeys.”9
It is unclear on what text or teaching she bases such a view. In any case
it seems contrary to logic if Zhao Zhifeng — who is otherwise obsessed
with leading people on the path of virtue — would have placed a symbol
indicating spiritual obstruction among the sculptural groups at Dafowan.
An example of a painting of a solitary tiger is the work attributed
to the monk-painter Muqi (fl. second half of thirteenth century), now
in the collection of the Daitoku-ji in Kyoto.10 Here it is interesting to
observe that the appearance of tigers in Chinese ink paintings not only
has a distinct Chan Buddhist connection, but that these paintings were
also executed more or less simultaneously with the creation of Mount
Baoding’s sculptural groups. It is, of course, an open question whether
the tiger of group no. 1 at Dafowan is at all related to the tradition of
Chan painting (and/or Chan Buddhist lore). But it may well have been so,
and in that case it would be a further indication that tiger images as such

142 Henrik H. Sørensen

figure 4.2 had attained a special popularity in Buddhist circles during the second
Nine guardian spirits and
their attendants (Dafowan,
half of the Southern Song.
group no. 2). In rounding off our discussion of group no. 1, it is also possible that
the present tiger carving was simply created to serve as a guardian of
sorts. After all, it is shown alone and without the usual Buddhist figures
at a location in Dafowan that once served as a passage leading from
above down to the carvings below. This could also mean that the tiger
was envisaged as being a representative of the directional animal for the
west, the White Tiger. It is also possible that it was meant as a zoomor-
phic representation of the local mountain god of Mount Baoding. These
are speculations. In any case, solitary tiger images — especially sculpted
ones — are extremely rare in Chinese art from the pre-Ming period, and
the example discussed here represents one of the oldest known carvings
of this animal.

Group No. 2: The Nine Yakṣa Generals and Their Host

of Minor Demons
This imposing and interesting group is located directly to the left of
group no. 1, discussed above. It consists of nine statues of semihuman
beings represented in life size. All are dressed in military uniforms
characteristic of Tang dynasty generals and brandish various weapons in
their hands. Some have ferocious facial expressions and some look more
benign but nevertheless stern (fig. 4.2). This group of demon-soldiers
is sometimes referred to as the “Dharma-protecting Spirits” (Ch. Hufa

143 The Didactic Use of Animal Images in Southern Song Buddhism

figure 4.3
Detail a of group no. 2.

figure 4.4
Detail b of group no. 2.

Shen).11 They are attended by a number of lesser beings, many with

animal heads, on the sides and in the bottom part of the tableaux below.
Although one is tempted to identify them as the Twelve Spirits of the
Chinese zodiac, i.e., rat, ox, tiger, rabbit, dragon, snake, horse, ram,
monkey, rooster, dog, and pig, the minor group of images in group no. 2
are not only fewer in number, but their iconography also does not match.
More on this below.
The textual source for this sculptural group is commonly said to
have been the Mahāsahasra-pramardana sūtra,12 an Esoteric Buddhist
scripture the contents of which focus on the protection of a thousand
realms and their people.13 The scripture teaches how the Tathāgata gives
protection by using his divine power to manifest himself in the form of
various divinities and protective beings, including yakṣa generals. It also
says he is able to create “the sun and moon gods [Ch. riyue tianzi], the
Nine Controllers [Ch. jiuzhi], i.e. the Nine Planets, the Twelve Spirits of
the Zodiac [Ch. shier gongchen], and all the stellar deities [Ch. xingsu].”14
When looking at the protector images in group no. 2, one finds that each
of the nine are in fact envisaged as emanations of a buddha or bodhi-
sattva (fig. 4.3). This means that iconographically they do not directly
follow the text of the Mahāsahasra-pramardana sūtra, which does not set
forth distinct directions for this iconographic feature. Nevertheless, the
concept of having “higher” Buddhist divinities emanating “lesser” ones,
with the former depicted in small scale above the emanated figure, is a
standard iconographic feature seen throughout Mount Baoding. (It is
also common in Chinese Buddhist paintings from the Yuan and Ming.)15

144 Henrik H. Sørensen

figure 4.5
Detail c of group no. 2.

figure 4.6
Detail d of group no. 2.

However, the minor images, the attending figures with animal and
demonic features located to both sides of and below the yakṣa generals,
are clearly not meant as their emanations.
While the nine protectors or demon-generals merit attention in their
own right, we shall here concern ourselves with the anthropomorphic
images of the animal-headed spirit-attendants. At present, only some of
them remain more or less intact, while nearly half have been damaged
beyond identification. Here follows a descriptive list:

1. A crow or bird-headed image (far left in top row, fig. 4.3)16

2. Tiger-headed image (far left in top row, fig. 4.3)
3. Demon-headed image (far left in top row, fig. 4.3)
4. Headless image (far left in bottom row)
5. Monkey (bottom row to the left, fig. 4.4)
6. Rabbit (bottom row to the left, fig. 4.5)
7. Dragon (bottom row, center, fig. 4.6)
8. Snake (bottom row, center)
9. Pig (bottom row to the right, fig. 4.7)
10. Ram or goat (bottom row to the right, fig. 4.7)
11. Headless image (far right in top row)
12. Headless image (far right in top row)
13. Weathered demon-headed image (far right in top row)

The anomalous number of animal-headed, secondary images in group

no. 2 makes it problematic to identify them with the spirits of the zodiac

145 The Didactic Use of Animal Images in Southern Song Buddhism

figure 4.7
Detail e of group no. 2.

on the basis of similarity alone. It is possible that these images were

indeed intended to represent the twelve spirits in question, but for
practical/sculptural reasons all of them could not be properly integrated
with the other sculptures — something which is, of course, not entirely
unthinkable. But I consider this a remote possibility in the light of the
fact that virtually all the other groups at Mount Baoding were carved on
the basis of planned arrangements. With this in mind, we should also
acknowledge that it is not coincidental that some of the attendant-spirits
in the group (six in all, three at either end, with an additional seventh
image on the right-hand side) have been placed in the central level with
the nine demon-generals, while the other images (seven, all told) in the
bottom level constitute a separate iconographic unity. Hence I believe we
should look for an alternative explanation for the attendant images of
group no. 2.
It so happens that a group of attendant-spirits similar to the the
six images in the main level of group no. 2 at Dafowan can be found in
group no. 8 at Xiaofowan (fig. 4.8). Given the present focus on zoomor-
phic imagery in Chinese Buddhism, I shall refrain from discussing the
whole group and limit myself to a discussion of the attendant-spirits
in its bottom part.17 On the right side of the central image of a large
demon-general we see the tiger-headed spirit with a raised arm. Next
to him is a kneeling demon-headed spirit, and below is a crouching
horse-headed spirit. On the left of the yakṣa general is a crow-headed
spirit, next to him is a demon holding an unfolded scroll or document,
and below that is a rooster-headed spirit holding a bucket or basket

146 Henrik H. Sørensen

figure 4.8 (fig. 4.9). Not only do these two sets of attendant-spirit images match
Xiaofowan, group no. 8.
each other typologically, we also see a close iconographic affinity between
figure 4.9 them. The almost indistinct engraved text of the document held in the
Anonymous, detail of
Shuilu 水陸 (“Water and hand of one of the six spirits, mentioned above, reads:
Earth”) painting, middle
Ming dynasty, ca. sixteenth
century. Mural painting,
Protecting the Six Penetrations [Ch. liutong]. Extensively the
ink and colors, Baoning Buddha’s words have bestowed the three.18
Temple, Shanxi Province.

Note, however, that the identification of these spirits solely hinges on

the reading of the two lines of fragmentary text. No such group can be
found in the standard Buddhist dictionaries, and I believe we are actually
dealing with a group of pestilence spirits under the control of a yakṣa
general. Therefore it is obvious that we are dealing with a similar group
of spirit images here as that of Dafowan group no. 2. It so happens that
among the now famous set of shuilu paintings from Baoning Temple, in
Shanxi, we find one with a group of spirits called “The Five Messengers
of Pestilence, host of the Spirit King Controlling Disease [Ch. Zhubing
guiwang Wuwenshi zhe zhong].”19 These are demons in charge of diseases
and epidemics, a fearsome group of malignant spirits (fig. 4.9). In
the present case they are, of course, under the control of Spirit King
Controlling Disease, a potent yakṣa general, and as such they are a fairly
close match with the upper-level group of lesser beings in group no. 2 at
Dafowan, as well as with the six spirit-images of group no. 8 at Xiaofowan.
If the above identification proves correct, then we are left with the
seven animal-headed spirits at the bottom layer of the group. In light of
the above, they should therefore not be considered representations of the
Twelve Spirits of the Zodiac (or at least only some of them) but perhaps

147 The Didactic Use of Animal Images in Southern Song Buddhism

should be seen as nature spirits of the kind the Nine Demon-Generals are
supposed to control. Spirits and demons with animal heads abound in
Chinese popular lore and they are often credited with the ability to take
on human forms. Among these the best-known example is the fox-spirit,
a particularly feared type of animal-spirit with transformative powers.20

Group No. 3: Wheel of Life Tableaux

Occupying the cliff wall to the left of group no. 2, we find a large carving
in high relief depicting the so-called “Wheel of Life” or “Wheel of
Transmigration,” an iconographic type well known from the later Tibetan
Buddhist tradition. I shall here refrain from going into a discussion of
the history of the wheel itself and its many and complex details, as it
has been done by others recently, and I will solely focus on the animal
imagery connected with it (fig. 4.10).21
Stylized animal images can be found inside the section of the wheel
according the placement of the various gāti. While animals, actually here
in the form of a seminaturalistic depiction, do occur in the tableaux
in several instances, it is the small carving of the cat and mouse at the
bottom of the main group that is of special interest to us here (fig. 4.11).
The pedagogical intention behind the Wheel of Life is squarely Buddhist,
as it is meant to instill awe and trepidation in the spectator and thereby
cause him or her to pay close attention to the issue of his or her karma.
This is, of course, done with the ultimate purpose of avoiding being
born in a bad state and ensuring a fortunate rebirth for the individual
in the next life. In this sense a heavy set of traditional Indian beliefs
are behind the sculptural tableaux in question. In contrast, the cat and
mouse relief has been rendered in a manner ultra-realistic for its time.
Moreover, despite the graveness of the situation, one may see in it a
poetic sweetness, akin to the motifs we find in Chinese court painting
of that time. Nevertheless, the symbolic meaning behind it is almost the
same as that of the Wheel of Life. The mouse perching on the supple —
and we can imagine moving — bamboo branch, facing the immediate
danger of being eaten by the hunting cat, conveys the same idea of
instability, insecurity, and ultimate change associated with the Wheel of
Life. Hence what we have here is a double perspective on the perennial
question of impermanence and evanescence. Moreover, this message is,
on the one hand, being conveyed through the highly symbolic Indian
modus packed with heavy religious symbols in the main tableaux, and
on the other hand in a more realistic, even poetic Chinese fashion, where
the didactic use of animal imagery has been taken to a new artistic and
imaginative height.

148 Henrik H. Sørensen

figure 4.10
Wheel of Life (Dafowan,
group no. 3).

Group No. 13: Mahāmayūrīvijāya Tableaux

This tableaux is meant as a jingxiang depicting the Mahāmayūrīvidyārājñi-
dhāraṇī sūtra, probably in the extended version by Amoghavajra (705 –
774).22 In this case, the very concept and ideology behind this tableaux
is an animal, namely the Peacock King, the vessel of the divinity, the
personified spell or dhāraṇī Mahāmayūrīvijāya (fig. 4.12). At the inception
of the cult of the Peacock King in India, the deity was actually missing
from the lore and concept connected with the spell, and only much
later did it appear as a distinct iconographic feature connected with the

149 The Didactic Use of Animal Images in Southern Song Buddhism

figure 4.11 peacock image. This means that originally it was the Peacock King that
Detail a of group no. 3.
was identical with the spell, and not until the sixth century do we have
figure 4.12 evidence that the image of a bodhisattva, or rather vidyārājñi (female
Dafowan group no. 13.
form of vidyārāja), a “queen of knowledge,” had taken precedence in the
iconographic depictions of the Peacock King (Queen) spell. The earliest
surviving images of Mahāmayūrīvidyārājñi are found in the caves at
Ellora, in the state of Maharastra in Central India. Although opinions
about their exact date diverge, the two tableaux there most probably do
not date later than the early seventh century. In both cases the peacock
image is secondary to the image of Mahāmayūrī.
There are a number of extant Tang representations of Mahāmayūrī
found in the painted banners and votive paintings found at the Mogao
Caves in Dunhuang. So far, however, no paintings have been found in
which Mahāmayūrīvidyārājñi is the main deity. In terms of sculptural art,
the earliest surviving image is part of group no. 5 at Mount Bei in Dazu,
which features the Thousand-Armed, Thousand-Eyed Avalokiteśvara as
its main deity.23 Otherwise Dazu is the place in China where most images
of the vidyārājnī have been found, including the impressive sculpture of
group no. 8 in Mount Shimen (fig. 4.13).24
In group no. 13, the peacock mount of the divinity has been rendered
as a stiff and stylized bird. In line with many of the other monumental
images, any naturalistic pretenses have yielded to iconographic concerns.
In addition to the peacock itself, group no. 13 contains other animal and
anthropomorphic images. Included among these is the image of a giant
dragon-headed snake seen emerging from among the stylized rocks at the

150 Henrik H. Sørensen

figure 4.13 bottom left of the group (fig. 4.14). Its face is turned toward the group’s
Mahamayurividyarajni
main image of Mahāmayūrī and appears to be in a mode of supplication.
Tableaux, Mount Shimen
(group no. 8). Probably this feature was meant as an indication of the power of the
figure 4.14
divinity’s spell to bring all poisonous snakes (nāgas) under control.
Detail of Dafowan group
no. 13. Group No. 16: Gods of Thunder and Lightning
Elemental beings, that is, spirits related to natural phenomena such as
rain, drought, and thunder and lightning, are common to both Indian
and Chinese traditional beliefs, although they were originally quite
different both iconographically as well as functionally. Indian gods
in charge of the natural world were introduced to China alongside
Buddhism, where they eventually merged with the local gods and their
cults. Hence it is not uncommon to find divinities or groups of such in
early medieval China that bear traits of both cultures.25
Among the sculptures at Dafowan we also encounter such a group of
elemental spirits, namely in group no. 16 (fig. 4.15). This group contains
depictions of both mythological animals, anthropomorphic figures
including a large dragon, the mount of a human figure dressed in an
official’s garb whom most Chinese scholars refer to as the “Lord of Rain”
(Ch. yuezhu). He is actually akin to traditional Chinese representations of
the Dragon King. Then follows the Lord of Wind (Ch. fengzhu) holding a
large bag of wind, and an obscure figure identified as the “Cloud Spirit”
(Ch. yunshen).26 Finally we have the “Mother of Lightning” (Ch. dianmu)
and the “Lord of Thunder” (Ch. leizhu) with a pig’s head (fig. 4.16). The
divinities appearing here are not strictly Buddhist, at least not as far as

151 The Didactic Use of Animal Images in Southern Song Buddhism

figure 4.15 their basic iconography goes. Rather they are pre-Buddhist spirits and
The Gods of the Elements in the iconographic representation — as shown here — are closer to the
Tableaux (Dafowan group
no. 16). way Daoist spirits or at least indigenous gods are portrayed. By the Song
figure 4.16
period, however, many minor Buddhist divinities had lost their distinct
Detail of group no. 16. Indic looks and had increasingly taken on sinitic appearances. Likewise,
it is not uncommon that by this time Chinese divinities originating in or
appropriated by the Daoist tradition had eventually become integrated
into the Buddhist pantheon as well.27
Here we shall focus on the image of the Lord of Thunder holding his
mallets and surrounded by the thunder drums (see fig. 4.16). According
to Buddhist iconography of the mid-Tang, this elemental god is usually
depicted as a yakṣa or a vajrapāla (Ch. jingang lishi), but toward the end
of the dynasty he begins to occur in anthropomorphic form with a pig’s
head.28 Incidentally, we find him in this form, and iconographically
similar to the image under discussion as a secondary figure among the
host of the Thousand-Armed Avalokiteśvara in group no. 9 at Beishan.29
As this is a documented late ninth-century group of sculptures, we know
for certain that by this time, the Thunder God had come to be depicted
thus. How the deity came to enter Buddhism in this form is not known,
but it is not unlikely that this transformation came about due to influence
from Daoism or perhaps folk religion.30 It so happens that we encounter
a similar group of elemental spirits among the shuilu paintings from
Baoning Temple.31 Although dating from the mid-Ming, it nevertheless
provides us with sufficient comparative evidence to establish that by that
time the pig-headed Lord of Thunder had become a fixed iconographic
model.32

152 Henrik H. Sørensen

figure 4.17 Group No. 19: Six Thieves’ Tableaux
Six Thieves Tableaux
(Dafowan group no. 19).
The concepts and ideas behind this sculptural group are also highly
complex, doctrinally speaking (fig. 4.17). This group, which is one of
figure 4.18
Detail of group no. 19. the more insignificant among the carvings in Dafowan, is situated high
on the cliff between the two monumental groups 18 and 19, illustrating
the Guan wuliang shou jing (Amitāyus-dhyāna Sūtra) and the tableaux
depicting the sufferings in the hells, respectively.33 Group no. 19 is enti-
tled Liuze tu (Diagram of the Six Thieves) and consists of a carving in high
relief some eight meters high and more than three meters wide at the
broadest, with engraved text interspersed between the various images
making up the group. The group is sculpted in the same flat, squat,
but pleasantly rounded style characteristic of the sculptures at Mount
Baoding. The central figure is depicted as a meditating figure seated
on a lotus throne under a smaller image of a Buddha on a cloud in the
imagined sky. From this cloud, a wisp touches the head of the meditating
monk, indicating that he is an emanation of Buddha. Given that the
engraved title of the tableaux refers to “Fu Dashi as being the emanation
of Maitreya,” it is only logical to understand the bare-chested, medi-
tating figure as a depiction of the lay saint Fu Dashi (497 – 569).34 However,
as it bears close resemblance to other portrait images of Zhao Zhifeng
found on the site, it is most likely a case of transposed personality.35 He
wears his hair long and has a calm and dignified expression on his face.
In his lap rests an image of a reclining monkey, symbolizing that the
Buddhist saint has tamed the “monkey mind.” The monkey as a meta-
phor for the unruly and scattered mind is an old one that has its origin

153 The Didactic Use of Animal Images in Southern Song Buddhism

in various Indian Buddhist scriptures, including works of both Hinayāna
and Mahāyāna observation. In the Chinese context, we find it used by
Kumārajīva (344 – c. 413) in his translations of the Vimalakīrti-nirdeśa sūtra36
and the Chanfa yaojie (Essential explanation of Dhyāna methods).37
Below the lotus throne of the meditating layman/monk are the
images of the “six robbers” or “six thieves,” each represented by an
animal. On the left side we have a horse, fish, and fox in descending
order, and on the right side a dog, a duck, and a snake (fig. 4.18). The
accompanying text says:

The thought is like a wild horse, The eye is like a running dog,

Galloping off without enclosure Chasing the five forms of the village.

The body is like a great fish The ear is like a duck,

Which constantly thinks about Following nothing while making
the turpid ocean sounds.

The tongue is like a fox, looking The nose is like a snake . . . 38

for corpses and old . . . 39

Likewise, the concept behind identifying the six sense organs with
the six animals as shown in group no. 19 can also be traced back to
Indian Buddhist sources. In China they occur in a number of canon-
ical scriptures with some variation, including the Damoduoluo chan
jing (Dharmatrāta scripture)40 translated by Buddhabhadra (fl. fourth
and fifth centuries) and the voluminous Saṁyuktāgama,41 translated
by Guṇabhadra (fl. fifth century). All together, this indicates that these
animals as metaphors for the sense organs were a time-honored and
well-established tradition that existed in Indian Buddhist scriptures
prior to their transmission to China.42

Group No. 20: Animals and Anthropomorphic Images

in the Hell Tableaux
Group no. 20 is among the truly monumental tableaux at Dafowan, and
it depicts the torments and causes leading to rebirth in the courts of the
netherworld as presided over by the Ten Kings who serve as judges of the
spirits of the dead. This spectacular group of sculptures has already been
the subject of several studies, so this discussion will be confined to those
images we find there that are of direct relevance to the present study.43
Let us first take a look at the demon-custodians of the various
hells, many of whom are depicted with animal heads. A particularly

154 Henrik H. Sørensen

figure 4.19 gruesome scene is the one where a tied-up sinner is being speared by
Detail in lower part of
Dafowan group no. 20.
a horse-headed demon, a kumbhāṇḍa (fig. 4.19). Elsewhere we find an
ox-headed demon engaged in throwing a sinner into a cauldron with
boiling oil. In another scene, another horse-headed demon is stirring
a cauldron with boiling victims (fig. 4.20). All these animal-headed
demon-officers are dressed in soldiers’ uniforms in accordance with the
norm of the day. This may be seen as an indication that in the post-Tang
period this type of demon had become associated with martial roles.
The animal-headed demons of the netherworld are, of course, part of
Indian Buddhist mythology, and early examples have been found as wall
paintings in the Buddhist cave temples along the Silk Road.44 Sometime
during the Nanbeizhao period (386 – 581), they came in vogue in China. By
the late Tang, the same animal-headed demon-officers seen in Dafowan
group no. 20 appear in illustrated manuscripts of the apocryphal scrip-
ture Shiwang jing (Scripture of the Ten Kings [of the netherworld])45
recovered from the manuscript hoard in Dunhuang. Here we might also
be reminded of the Fo shuo hu zhu tongzi tuoluoni jing (Buddha speaks the
scripture on the dhāraṇī that protects all children),46 an early Esoteric
Buddhist work the discourse of which teaches how to protect against
female demonesses who prey on infants and unborn children. An illus-
trated manuscript on photī leaves — also from Dunhuang — shows all
the members of this group of evil spirits with animal heads.47 With
this in mind, there can be little doubt that the widespread dread medi-
eval Chinese felt in relation to animal demons, or demons with animal

155 The Didactic Use of Animal Images in Southern Song Buddhism

figure 4.20 features, played a special role in strengthening the visual and indeed
Detail a of group no. 20.
pedagogical effects of the carvings in Dafowan group no. 20.
figure 4.21 At the bottom part of the tableaux of the netherworld, one finds the
Detail b of group no. 20.
section with images and scenes meant to serve as a warning against evil
behavior leading to hell karma. Among these images we find the cele-
brated scene with the woman raising chickens to make a living (fig. 4.21).
Such a profession was a common occupation among the rural popula-
tion living around Mount Baoding at that time ( just as it is today), and it
would have been an easily recognized scene. Of course, this was discour-
aged by Zhao Zhifeng and his pious followers, who actively preached
against eating meat and drinking alcohol.48 Hence, this pastoral and
almost idyllic scene was made with the clear motif in mind to discourage
people from such undertaking, lest they create for themselves evil karma
for which torments in hell were certain to derive. The woman is shown
carefully covering her chickens with a woven bamboo dome. In contrast
to some of the other groups in the lower section, where the karmic
transgressions are more vividly rendered, the peasant woman with her
chickens portrays an air of innocence, as if she were unaware of her
culpability. The strong feeling of realism this group conveys strengthens
the authenticity and believability of this everyday scene in such a way that
it appeals directly to the spectator, urging him or her to do good, to live
virtuous lives in accordance with Buddhist (and Confucian) teachings.

Group No. 28: Lion Guarding the Cave of Perfect Enlightenment

The carving of the lion that makes out group no. 28 is at the left-hand
side of the entrance to the “Cave of Perfect Enlightenment” (Ch. Yuanjue-

156 Henrik H. Sørensen

figure 4.22 dong), which is designated group no. 29 (fig. 4.22). Stylistically, the
Lion (Dafowan group
no. 29).
sculpture of the lion is a typical “Chinese lion” of the kind that serves
as the mount of the bodhisattva Mañjusri and which occurs frequently
in the wall paintings of Dunhuang. As such, it does not resemble a real
lion but is one of the common mythological animals that populate
Chinese Buddhist lore. As shown here, it features a flat head without a
brow and with the mane turned into a tangle of curly locks. The legs are
short but muscular and the paws are imposingly large. The trunk of the
body is longish and cylindrical, much like that of a basset hound. The
lion faces toward the visitor coming from the right and is an amazing
sight, 2.02 meters high and 5.38 meters long! Like the tiger, it stands in
a crouching fashion but with its head held up and the tail swinging as
if in agitation. Its mouth is slightly open below a piggish snout and its
ears are laid back. The hind legs have been curled up under its massive
trunk of a body and it seems to be ready to jump. As was the case with the
tiger of group no. 1, the lion of group no. 28 was envisaged to function
as a guardian for the proceedings of the holy assembly inside the cave.
As already mentioned, the use of individual guardian animals in
Buddhist cave precincts is not common in China, although we do find
both lions and griffins among the elements of the traditional “buddha
seat” or throne. Indeed, the concept of “lion throne” occurs throughout
the canonical Buddhist literature from India. Rarely, however, do sepa-
rate guardian animals occur. Later, by the time of the Ming dynasty,
a pair of stylized guardian lions — the so-called “foo dogs” of popular
parlance — are frequently found in front of temple gates. Compared

157 The Didactic Use of Animal Images in Southern Song Buddhism

figure 4.23 with the carvings at Mount Bei located outside the county capital of
Ox-Herding Tableaux
(Dafowan group no. 30).
Dazu, there are no guardian animals, neither renderings of real creatures
nor mythological beasts, and it may be that the use of large-scale indi-
vidual guardian animals is a later trait in Chinese Buddhism, possibly
of Song origin.

Group No. 30: The Ox-Herding Tableaux

Group no. 30, directly to the left of the flight of stairs and opposite the
large tiger image (group no. 1) discussed above, is a sculptural rendition
of the celebrated Muniu tu or ox-herding tableaux.49 This unique set
of carvings — the only known example in the world — is based on the
Chengdao muniu song (Song on attaining the way through ox herding)
written by the Northern Song official Yang Jie (fl. eleventh century),
who is referred to as Yang Zigong in the inscription in situ.50 The verses
constituting Yang’s song have been carved on small square cartouches
interspersed at strategic places along the cliff wall, with each verse placed
next to the scene it is meant to describe.51
This significant group has been envisaged and executed as a sort of
comic strip, with the sculptures placed in a stylized landscape (fig. 4.23).
Like most of the carvings at Mount Baoding, they have all been carved in
high relief. Most of the images have been carved directly from the rock,
but a few of the oxen originally had added parts stuck on with wooden
pegs (a classical technique common with Buddhist sculptural art in
China). Due to its location in an exposed part of Dafowan, many of the
images in this group have suffered from weathering.

158 Henrik H. Sørensen

figure 4.24
Detail a of group no. 30.

In contrast to the painted versions of the ox-herding theme, group

no. 30 features two herdsmen and more than one oxen in some of its
scenes. The herdsmen are dressed in peasant clothing of the Song period
and wear tunics over baggy trousers. In two scenes the figures wear
hats, one a cap-like head cover, and the other the wide-brimmed, round
bamboo hat still in use today. The size of the herdsmen in the group
ranges from between 0.8 to roughly 1.4 meters. The oxen are about 1.2
meters high and around 1.8 meters long. The whole sequence is some
4.5 meters high and more than 27.0 meters long.
The sequence starts with the scene in which the herdsman struggles
to make the ox follow him. The herdsman is clad in a long voluminous
tunic (fig. 4.24).
In the next scene the herdsman has succeeded in making the ox turn
around by offering it grass. The herdsman brandishes the whip in his
right hand, while offering a tuft of grass to the ox with his left hand. He
wears a semilong jacket and pants. The ox, standing slightly above the
herdsman, has turned its head to accept the bait (fig. 4.25). The ox has
lost one of its horns, which was originally fixed to the carving by a peg.
In the third scene the herdsman is whipping the ox. He wears a
short-sleeved jacket joined at the chest. His hair is set in a topknot, and
his face is set in a determined expression. The sculpture of the ox in this
section of the group has been damaged, and the head has now been lost.
The fourth scene shows how the herdsman has succeeded in
harnessing the ox.

159 The Didactic Use of Animal Images in Southern Song Buddhism

figure 4.25
Detail b of group no. 30.

The fifth scene shows him sitting joyfully with a fellow herdsman.
The two herdsmen are shown with their arms around each others’
shoulders, laughing heartily, although they are still holding on to the
restraining ropes of their oxen.
In the sixth scene we find the sculpture of the herdsman standing
at ease with the rope in his hand. With his right hand he points to the
verse inscribed on the square on the rock face. He is shown as a youth
with a bare chest, wearing a long, short-sleeved jacket and loose pants.
His hair is arranged in two buns above the ears. The semirelief of the
ox is standing above the herdsman, half hidden by the rock with the
inscription.
The seventh scene in the sculpture group represents the stage where
the herdsman no longer cares about the ox. He is now allowing things to
follow their natural course. Here the herdsman sits with his back against
a rock and with a vacant expression on his face. His head is slightly tilted
toward the left. The ox has turned away once more and is eating freely of
the grass, but is no longer straying afield (fig. 4.26).
In the eighth scene the herdsman, now depicted as a Daoist immortal
to indicate that the practitioner has reached a stage of simplicity and
spontaneity, plays his flute. He is sitting on a rock with one leg bent
and the other resting on the ground below. His serene facial expression
conveys the spiritual level, which this scene represents. In addition to
the Daoistic transformation, here we see another new iconographic
element, namely the image of the crane standing next to the herdsman.

160 Henrik H. Sørensen

figure 4.26
Detail c of group no. 30.

This auspicious classical Chinese symbol represents longevity and

underscores the otherworldly level indicated by the herdsman’s Daoist
transformation. To the left stands the ox happily eating the lush grass.
The ninth scene shows the herdsman lying in blissful sleep (fig. 4.27).
With his bulging abdomen and bared chest, he is here depicted in a
manner resembling standard Song representations of the Buddhist saint
Budai (fl. tenth century).52 This iconographic feat is probably a device
meant to indicate the exalted spiritual state of the herdsman. His head
is resting against his arms, folded behind his head. A small monkey
perching on the rock above the sleeping figure seems to be attempting
to disturb him, while the ox, lying further off to the left, gazes into the
distance. The monkey, now a familiar figure to the spectator at Dafowan,
of course represents the meditator’s remnant thought process. That he is
shown in deep rest and separated from the ox, though, indicates that he
is no longer burdened by them. In other words his “monkey mind” no
longer has any power to disturb his spiritual state.
A wide gap in the landscape occurs between the ninth and the
tenth scene, which is represented by a small niche with the figure of a
Buddhist monk sitting in meditation. To one familiar with the sculp-
tures in Dafowan, it is immediately apparent that the meditating figure
is identical with the other sculptural renderings of Zhao Zhifeng found
elsewhere in Dafowan.53 The image of Zhao is here indicating the herds-
man’s attainment of samādhi. The ox has now disappeared, indicating
that the meditator has finally reached enlightenment. In group 30, this

161 The Didactic Use of Animal Images in Southern Song Buddhism

figure 4.27
Detail d of group no. 30.

finality is symbolized by the engraved relief on the cliff depicting the

round circle of perfection or fulfillment.
The ox-herding tableaux is undoubtedly one of the most important
examples of how the Buddhists during the Song used animal imagery
to “illustrate” the spiritual process through which a Chan practitioner
had to pass. Moreover, by an effective and balanced use of human figures,
animal imagery, landscape, and poetry, they succeeded in integrating
all these elements into one total visual experience. This is what makes
group no. 30 such a charming and at the same time spiritually satisfying
tableaux.

While it may be a generalization to see the use of animal imagery

at Mount Baoding as representative of the whole of Southern Song
Buddhism, I believe that the site provides sufficient material for us to
make certain general observations that reflect the realities of the main-
stream culture. First of all, we have seen here how images of animals and
animal themes are fully integrated into the overall sculptural program
at the site. Not only does this show that by the Southern Song, Chinese
Buddhism was continuing to build on its centuries-old iconographic
vocabulary, it was also actively engaged in a process of a representational
harmonization with the imagery of Daoism and folk traditions. Here
one may talk of the result of an increasingly sinitic process in which
classical iconographic norms inherited from Indian Buddhism were
gradually being transformed into more recognizable and perhaps more

162 Henrik H. Sørensen

mainstream native forms. While it is hard to argue that this trend was
especially evident with regard to artistic representations of animals,
there can be little doubt that this aspect formed an integrated part of the
general development.
On the basis of what has been shown here, it is evident that in the
course of the Song dynasty, a new trend had developed with regard to
the presence of animal imagery in Buddhist (and possibly also Daoist)
iconography. While animal images as such continued to be used as
a pedagogical tool in both sculpture and painting in much the same
way as in earlier periods, we now see a new representational approach
whereby animal images are given more central places within both indi-
vidual compositions as well as in the iconographic themes. We also see
that animal representations are being liberated from the formalistic
and stereotypical sculptural norms and functions that previously char-
acterized Chinese Buddhist sculpture. This reflects a new and more
liberal tendency, spiritually as well as artistically, something that can
be observed from the eleventh century onwards. There may be several
reasons for the rise of this new trend, but it was probably ushered in
by such factors as the narrowing gap between religious art and the fine
arts, which again was a reflection of the way many elements from the
elite culture had gradually entered the mainstream of Chinese culture.
At least this would explain the increasing ease with which purely artistic
elements such as landscape motifs, including pastoral scenes as well as
flower and bird motifs, were allowed to enter into religions iconography,
a system which had hitherto been guarded by a relatively strict formalism.

notes
During the past two decades I have conducted research on Buddhist art in various
parts of Sichuan, and in this period I have received support from the Knud Højgaard
Foundation, the Danish Research Council for the Humanities as well as the National
Museum in Copenhagen. To all three institutions I owe my sincere thanks. The
present study is based on material collected during several visits to Dazu, the last
of which took place in the autumn of 2012.
1 Heinrich Zimmer, as quoted in Elisabeth Beck, Pallava Rock Architecture & Sculpture
(Pondicherry and Chennai: Sri Aurobindo Society in association with East-West
Books, 2006).
2 For several examples, see Jessica Rawson, Chinese Bronzes: Art and Ritual (London:
British Museum, 1987).
3 See Kiyohiko Munakata, Sacred Mountains in Chinese Art (Urbana: Krannert Art
Museum – University of Illinois Press, 1991), 106 – 110, and Carmelita Hinton’s chapter
in this volume.

163 The Didactic Use of Animal Images in Southern Song Buddhism

4 Mount Baoding with its Buddhist sculptures has been the subject of a book in
English by Angela F. Howard, Summit of Treasures: Buddhist Cave Art of Dazu, China
(Bangkok: Orchid Press, 2001). The sculptures on the site have been reproduced
in the Dazu shike diaosu quanji: Baoding shiku juan (Complete collection of the
stone-carved sculptures of Dazu: Volumes of the Baoding stone caves), vols. 3 – 4,
compiled by the Chongqing Dazu shike yishu bowuguan and Chongqing chubanshe
(Chongqing: Chongqing chubanshe, 1999), hereafter dsdq. The inscriptions in situ
can be found in the Dazu shike mingwen lu (Record of inscriptions at the Dazu stone
carvings), compiled by the Chongqing Dazu shike yishu bowuguan and Chongqingshi
shehui kexueyuan Dazu shike yishu yanjiu (Chongqing: Chongqing she, 1999),
hereafter dsml. Still useful is the old catalog Dazu shike yanjiu (Studies of the stone
carvings at Dazu), compiled and edited by Liu Changjiu, Hu Wenhe, and Li Yongqiao
(Chengdu: Sichuansheng shehui kexueyuan chubanshe, 1985), hereafter dsy.
5 Scholars from the Chinese mainland tend to consider Zhao’s dates as being
1159 – 1249, which would mean that he lived to the ripe old age of approximately
ninety years. For the best developed argument for these dates, see the two separate
articles in Chen Mingguang, Dazu shike kaogu yu yanjiu (Studies in the archaeology
of the stone carvings in Dazu ) (Chongqing: Chongqing chubanshe, 2001), 162 – 183.
While it is possible that Zhao did live that long, the evidence is neither clear-cut nor
obvious. It can only be arrived at after a tortuous and highly creative manipulation
with, essentially, all the combined sources we have on his life. As most of the sources
used by Chen are both late and of dubious value historically, I prefer to use 1225 as
a tentative terminus for his life.
6 There are two ways to interpret the term “bianxiang.” One is that it transforms
those who see them, while the other is that they represent or illustrate “transforma-
tions,” that is, miracles. For a discussion of the performative value of the jingxiang and
bianxiang, see Victor Mair, Painting and Performance: Chinese Picture Recitation and Its
Indian Genesis (Honolulu: University of Hawaiʻi Press, 1988). In the case of the sculp-
ture groups at Mount Baoding, their narrative and pedagogical aspects are central to
an understanding of the way they were meant to function.
7 I follow here the numbering as given in the dsy, dsml, etc.
8 For a discussion of these with examples, see Helmut Brinker and Hiroshi
Kanazawa, Zen: Meister der Meditation in Bildern und Schriften (Zürich: Museum Rietberg,
1993), 129 – 133, 212 – 215.
9 Howard, Summit of Treasures, 5.
10 One of a set of two paintings; the other has a dragon in the clouds. Cf. Shin’ichi
Hisamatsu, Zen and the Fine Arts (Tokyo: Kodansha, 1971), pl. 71.
11 dsy, 468 – 469.
12 Takakusu Junjirō et al., eds., Taishō shinshū daizōkyō (The Taishō Tripiṭaka) (Tokyo:
Taishō Issaikyō Kankōkai, 1924 – 1935), 999.19:578b – 593c; hereafter T.
13 The identification of this scripture as the source for the sculpture group hinges
on circumstantial evidence mainly deriving from similar groups of protectors such
as the group at Mount Longtou located in Mount Baoding’s “outer-field” and at
Mingshan Temple in neighboring Anyue County. Nevertheless, the partly extant text
piece engraved onto the scroll held in the hands of one of the attendant spirits in
Dafowan group no. 2 refers to the “Great Meagre Feast of the Avataṁsaka.” Cf. dsml,
94. It is of course possible that Zhao Zhifeng and his followers used both scriptures

164 Henrik H. Sørensen

as inspiration for the sculptural group in question. After all, the blending of Huayan
ideology and Esoteric Buddhist concepts and beliefs is commonly seen in the
sculptural art of Mount Baoding. For more details on this, see Henrik H. Sørensen,
“Esoteric Buddhism and the Sculptural Art of Dazu,” in 2005 nian Chongqing Dazu shike
guoji xueshu yantaohui lunwen ji (Collected papers of the 2005 Chongqing International
Study Conference on the stone carvings at Dazu), comp. Chongqing Dazu shike yishu
bowuguan, 374 – 398 (Beijing: Wenwu chubanshe, 2008), hereafter dsyw. For a different
view, see Howard, Summit of Treasures, 6, 90 – 91. When comparing the scripture in
question with the sculptural groups at Mount Baoding said to be based on it, however,
we find that there are no direct iconographic correspondences between them. It
would appear that Zhao Zhifeng chiefly invoked the protective power of the scripture
for his sculptural project, but without actually applying its contents directly to the
religious art.
14 T. 999.19:586c.
15 For example, in groups no. 4, 17, 19, 22, etc.
16 Even when stretching one’s imagination beyond reason, it is not possible to
identify this image as a rooster or cock. Therefore it cannot be identified as one of
the spirits of the zodiac.
17 For a description of the group as well as the inscribed text used by the Chinese
to identify the six images in question, see dsy, 280 – 281. For some reason the dsml
has left out the text in question, but it nevertheless identifies the images in question
as the “images of the Spirits [protecting] the Six Penetrations [Ch. liutong shenxiang].”
Cf. Ibid., 192 – 194.
18 dsy, 280 – 281.
19 See Baoning si Ming dai shuilu hua (English subtitle: Ming dynasty shuilu paintings
at Bao Ning Si: Painting of Buddhist or Taoist rituals), compiled by the Shanxisheng
bowuguan (Beijing: Wenwu chubanshe, 1988), pl. 147.
20 A highly qualified discussion of these spirits can be found in Michel Strickmann,
Chinese Magical Medicine, ed. Bernard Faure (Stanford, Calif.: Stanford University Press,
2002), 259 – 268, 270 – 281.
21 For a comprehensive discussion, see Stephen F. Teiser, Reinventing the Wheel:
Paintings of Rebirth in Medieval Buddhist Temples (Seattle: University of Washington
Press, 2007). See also Howard, Summit of Treasures, 6 – 10.
22 T. 982.19:415a – 39b. For a study of the early versions of this scripture, see Henrik H.
Sørensen, “The Spell of the Great, Golden Peacock Queen: The Origin, Practices and
Lore of an Early Esoteric Buddhist Tradition in China,” Pacific World: Journal for the
Institute of Buddhist Studies (Festschrift issue for Prof. James Sanford, edited by Charles
Orzech) 3, no. 8 (2006): 89 – 123.
23 See dsdq , 1:6.
24 Some of these are discussed in Henrik H. Sørensen, “A Ming Statue of the
Vidyaraja Mahamayuri in the Collection of the National Museum of Copenhagen,”
Oriental Art 37, no. 3 (1991): 137 – 147.
25 This feature is most evident in the various surviving sets of shuilu paintings, all
of which date from the early to the middle of the Ming dynasty.
26 dsy, p. 478. I have tried in vain to find more information on this spirit.

165 The Didactic Use of Animal Images in Southern Song Buddhism

27 This trend, which almost certainly began during the Tang dynasty, found its
fullest expression in the large sets of paintings for the performance of the shuilu
ritual known from the Ming dynasty. See for instance Baoning si Mingdai shuilu
hua. For a general discussion of these paintings, see Daniel B. Stevenson, “Text,
Image, and Transformation in the History of the Shuilu fahui, the Buddhist Rite for
Deliverance of Creatures of Water and Land,” in Cultural Intersections in Later Chinese
Buddhism, ed. Marsha Weidner, 30 – 70 (Honolulu: University of Hawaiʻi Press, 2001).
Undoubtedly the compilation of shuilu manuals during the Song dynasty greatly
accelerated the merging and harmonization of the Buddhist and Daoist pantheons,
at least from iconographic and compositional points of view.
28 A Japanese example from the early Kamakura period can be found in Renge’ō-in
(Sanjūsangen-dō) in Kyoto. Cf. Sanjūsangen-dō no butsu tachi (English subtitle:
Buddhist deities of Sanjūsangen-dō) (Kyoto: Myōhō-in, 2000), 10.
29 See dsdq , 1:6.
30 The Chinese scholar Hu Wenhe traces the elemental spirits — and the Lord of
Thunder in particular — to pre-Buddhist Chinese religion. Among other sources,
he refers to the Shanhai jing (Scripture of mountains and oceans), the Zhou li (Book
of rites), and the Huainanzi (Book of Huainanzi). During the Song, when thunder
magic became increasingly important among Daoist practitioners, we find the Lord
of Thunder and the Mother of Lightning prominently described in the Shangqing
lingbao dafa (Lingbao great methods of the highest purity), Daozang 1221 – 1223. Cf.
Hu Wenhe, Sichuan Daojiao Fojiao shiku yishu (The art of the Daoist and Buddhist
stone caves of Sichuan) (Chengdu: Sichuan renmin chubanshe, 1994), 198 – 199.
31 See Baoning si Ming dai shuilu hua, pl. 114.
32 A comparable group can be found in Daoist paintings also dating from the
Ming dynasty, which strengthens the argument that the elemental spirits as an
iconographic model were shared by both Buddhist and Daoist believers. Cf. Daojiao
shenxian huaji (English subtitle: Album for Daoist deities and divine immortals),
comp. Zhongguo Daojiao Xiehui (Beijing: Huaxia chubanshe, 1995), 75b.
33 For a discussion of the latter, see the excellent study by Karil J. Kucera, “Lessons
in Stone: Baodingshan and Its Hell Imagery,” Bulletin of the Museum of Far Eastern
Antiquities 67 (1995): 81 – 157.
34 For a highly useful study on this important Buddhist lay persona, see Helvig
Schmidt-Glintzer, “Eine Ehrenrettung für den Süden: Pao-chih (418/25 – 514) und Fu
Hsi (497 – 569) — Zwei Heilige aus dem Unteren Yangtse-Tal,” in Religion und Philosophie
in Ostasien: Festschrift für Hans Steininger, comp. Gert Naundorf, Karl-Heinz Pohl, and
Hans-Hermann Schmidt, 247 – 265 (Würzburg: Köningshausen and Neumann, 1985).
35 This peculiar feature can also be observed in Dafowan group no. 4 depicting the
Tableaux of the Precious Pagoda. See dsdq , Baoding shiku, 1:16.
36 T. 475.14:553a.
37 T. 616.15:295c.
38 The characters in the bottom line have been obliterated.
39 One character missing.
40 T. 618.15:313c.
41 T. 99.2:313a.

166 Henrik H. Sørensen

42 See Chen Zhuo, “Dazu shike Baoding Shan Dafowan ‘Fuxin yuan suo liu hao tu’
yanjiu” (A study of the “Binding up the Monkey of the Mind and Locking up the Rats
of the Six Senses” image at the Dazu stone carvings at the Great Buddha Crescent
on Mount Baoding), in dsyw, 5:254 – 258. One drawback of this otherwise interesting
and useful paper is that the author seems to believe that the main text of the Fuxin
yuan suo liu hao tu was actually written by Fu Dashi. This view, however, remains
unsubstantiated.
43 Although this group is the subject of several articles, mainly in Chinese, by far
the best study of it is that by Kucera, “Lessons in Stone.”
44 For a fine example of a hell scene from Kyzil featuring animal-headed demon-
custodians, see Heinrich Härtel and M. Yaldiz, eds., Die Seidenstraße: Malerien und
Plastiken aus buddhistischen Höhlentempeln (Berlin: Staatliche Museen Preußischer
Kulturbesitz, 1987), 58 – 59, pl. 7.
45 Several manuscript copies of this scripture can be found in the Stein and Pelliot
collections. The established version is found in the Zōkozōkyō, zz 21.1:408a – 10b. For
a study of this scripture, see Stephen Teiser, The Scripture of the Ten Kings and the
Making of Purgatory in Medieval Chinese Buddhism (Studies in East Asian Buddhism
9) (Honolulu: Koruda Institute and University of Hawaiʻi Press, 1994), pls. 5a – b, 6a,
14a – c. Two tableaux featuring the Ten Kings and the torments of the netherworld
from the tenth century can be found in Anyue, Dazu’s neighboring county. For a
discussion of these sculptural groups, see Henrik H. Sørensen, The Buddhist Sculptures
at Yuanjuedong in Anyue: The History and Art of a Buddhist Sanctuary in Central Sichuan
Province (sbs Monographs 5) (Copenhagen: sbs, 1999), 54 – 58, pls. 33 – 37.
46 T. 1028A.19:741b – 742c.
47 See Roderick Whitfield and Anne Farrer, Caves of the Thousand Buddhas: Chinese Art
from the Silk Route (London: British Museum, 1990), 88 – 91.
48 Injunctions against eating meat and drinking wine occur frequently in the various
inscriptions at Mount Baoding. Most clearly they are set forth in the apocryphal Da
fangguang Huayan shie pin jing (Chapter on the Ten Evils of the Great and Extensive
Flower Garland scripture), T. 2875.85:1359b – 1361a. Buddhist piety and admonishments,
however, permeate virtually all the inscribed texts found at the site.
49 I have previously discussed this group in detail in Henrik H. Sørensen, “A Study
of the Ox-Herding Theme as Sculptures at Baoding Shan in Dazu, Sichuan,” Artibus
Asiae 51, nos. 3/4 (1991): 207 – 233. See also dsy 290 – 291, 499 – 500. The ox, bull, or
cow are all popular images in traditional Buddhist lore and occur in a variety of
contexts and uses in Mahāyāna and Hinayāna Buddhist scriptures. For examples in
the Chinese Buddhist literature, see the Ekottarāgama, T. 125.2:761b – 762a, 794bc; the
Saddharmapuṇḍarīka sūtra, T. 262.9:12bc; and the Dazhi du lun (Treatise on the Great
Liberating Wisdom), T. 1509.25:74a. In Chinese Buddhism, ox herding first appears as
a separate theme in the Pratiīyasamutpādadi – vibhanganirdeśa, the title of which in
Chinese translates as “Ox-herding Sūtra.” Cf. T. 123.2:546a – 547b.
Later, during the second half of the Tang dynasty, ox symbolism crops up for
the first time in the Chan Buddhist context as part of the use of circle symbols
(Ch. yuanxiang) as teaching devices. It is my view that these circle symbols containing
oxen were the forerunners of the ox-herding pictures with verses on which group
no. 30 at Dafowan is ultimately based. For further details, see Sørensen, “A Study of
the Ox-Herding Theme,” 210 – 214.
50 For his biography, cf. the Lebang wenlei (Literature from the realm of bliss),

167 The Didactic Use of Animal Images in Southern Song Buddhism

T. 1969a.47:195bc; the Songshi (Song history), ch. 443; and the Jushi chuan (The history
of laymen), zz 1646.88:220c – 223a.
51 Unfortunately, a number of the inscribed verses have been eroded in the course
of time, and at present they can only be partly read. The best reconstruction of the
verses to date can be found in dsml, 163 – 168.
52 See for instance the ink paintings by artists such as Liang Kai (fl. first half of
thirteenth century) and Li Que (fl. thirteenth century). For an example of the latter’s
work, see Brinker and Kanazawa, Zen: Meister der Meditation, 214 – 215.
53 See Henrik H. Sørensen, “Reality and Fiction in the Construction of the Image of
a Chinese Buddhist Monk: The Case of Zhao Zhifeng from Dazu, Sichuan,” unpub-
lished paper presented at the workshop “Biography and Historiography in Chinese
and Korean Buddhism,” Hamburg University, July 2006.

references
Primary Sources
Da fangguang Huayan shie pin jing 大方廣華嚴十惡品經. T. 2875.85.
Dazhi du lun 大智度論. T. 1509.25.
Ekottarāgama, T. 125.2.
Huainanzi 淮南子.
Jushi chuan 居士傳. zz 1646.88
Lebang wenlei 樂邦文纇. T. 1969a.47.
Saddharmapuṇḍarīka sūtra, T. 262.9.
Shangqing lingbao dafa 上清靈寶大法. Daozang 1221 – 1223.
Shanhai jing 山海經.
Songshi 宋史.
Zhou li 周禮.

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