Deciphering

the Signs of God

A Phenomenological Approach to Islam

ANNEMARIE SCHIMMEL
Contents

List of Abbreviations vi

Preface vii

Introducción ix

1. Sacred Aspects of Nature and Culture 1

II Sacred Spacc and Time 47
111. Sacred Action «9
IV. The Word and ihe Script "3
V. Individual and Society >77
VI. God and His Creation; Eschatology 219
VII. How to Approach Islam? 243
Bibliography 258

Indices 280
 List of Abbreviations

asi Aháduh-i Malhnaivi, Eurüzanfar

wr Archa Jur Religionswissenscliaft
bifao BulleUn de ¡'Instituí Eraríais d’Arehéologie Orientóle
CJBEDO (Ihnstluh islamische Begegmoig IMumentalimsstelle, Frankfurt
D DlMn-i kablr, Ramr
El Enciclopedia of Islam, and edilion, Láden 1954-
fue Eiruyclnpedia of Religión and Elhics. ed. Hasángs, 1908-
IC Islamie Culture, Hyderabad/Deccan
IRA-S Joumal of the Bnlull Instituir of Persum Studus
JA Joumal Asialu/ue
JAOS Joumal of the Ameritan Oriental Soaetf
Joumal of the Paleitine Oriental Sodety
n

Joumal of the Rojal Asiatic Soáetr

s

Mathnaui-ri ma'naivl, ROml, cd. Nicholson

The Moslem (laten Muslim i World
11hu

Revise des Eludes Islamiques

IXe Religión in Cxschichle und (¡egenuarl, ;jrd cdition
Reoue de l’Histoire des Religión!
Joumal of the Srirntifu Sacien of Soulh Wat Africa
Die Well des Islams
ItWr JJilschnftJur du Runde des Morgenlandes
JJitschrifl der Deulschen Morgenlándischen Gesellschaji
Preface

To dclivcr thc Gifford Lecturas is a great honour and privilege for any acholar
working in thc general ficld of‘religión’, and I am deeply grateful to the Trustees
of lite Giíford Ixcturcs for having invited me to speak in Edinburgh in thc spring
of 199a an experience which 1 thoroughly enjoyed. Yct at thc same time, the
Iccturcr, ovcrwhelmcd by the ñames of his or her illuslrious predecessors, is
troublcd by the question of whether one can raally do full justice to thc choscn
topic in this case, a phenomenological approach to Islam. It probably seems
preposterous to give a sweeping survey of difieren! aspeets of Islam, a religión
which has been much studied, much misunderstood, and sometimos accuscd by
historiaos of religión as being rather primitivo. At the same time, however,
scholarly study of Islam has in recent ycars attracted more and more peoplc,
spurred on by thc political devclopmcnts in thc Muslim world and in other arcas
increasingly populated by Muslims. Needless to say, many of diese political and
sociological studics have litdc interest in thc ’spiritual’ valúes of Islam, instead
ranging from questions of religious authority to the posilion of children in
medieval Muslim society; from Muslim responsos to Western cducation to thc
changing role of thc Sufis; from thc mcchanics of conversión to the formation
and functioning of the biosphere in the Koran; and conceniing thc question of
human rights and their implemcntation in the modem world. Indeed, it was filis
cvcr-growing amount of literature which made me decide to avoid lengthy and
elabórate references and to mendon in thc Bibliography only works actually
cited in thc text or thc notes. I beg the reader’s indulgence for Üiis way of
handling the material.
The Lecturcs have grown out of a lifelong occupation with the languages and
valúes of Islam, and from innumerable discussions with Muslim friends, whether
highly leamcd and sophisticatcd scholars in the Muslim lands and in the
diaspora, or simple, illiterate villagcrs, particularly women, in Pakistán, India
and Turkcy. Thcy owe much to the inspiration of my acadcmic tcachcrs in
Islamic Studics - Richard Harunann, Hans Heinrich Schacdcr and Ernst
Kühnel in BerKn, lo mendon only thc most importan! ones - but even more to
my collaboration with Friedrich Hcilcr, who opened the world of the history of
religions to me. These lecturas are dedicatcd to his memory. Similarly, I would
like to thank my students in Marburg. Ankara, Bonn and Harvard, as well as my
viii DECIPIIF.R1NG THE SIGNS OF GOD

friends and all those who have patiently listened to my lectures in Europe, North
América and thc Ncar and Middlc East, and who have alerted mr to ncw
aspects of Idamic thought, an and poetry. I am vcry gratcfui to Dr Shams
Anwari-Alhoscyni, Colognc, for adoming the txx>k wiüi his calligraphic render-
ings of Koranic verses. I also express my gratitudc to my ‘writing ángel’, Christa
Sadozay ma, in Cologne, who typed the manuscript, and to Mr Ivor Normand
MA, in Edinburgh, for his carcful and mcticulous copy-editing of thc text.
Thc Swcdish Luthcran bishop and Islamicist, Tor Andrae, to whom we owe
somr of the most sensitive works about the Prophet Muhammad as well as about
early Sufism, once remarked:

Like any movcmcnt in thc rcalm of ideas, a religious faith has thc same
right to be judged according to its real and vcritablc intentions and not
according to the way in which human weakncss and meanness may
have falsifled and maimed its ideáis.

Trying to approach Islam with this in mind, I hope that the Lectures may help
to clarify somc of thc stnicturcs undcrlying lifc and thought in Islam. Depcnding
on thrir field of interest and s¡x*ciaiization, readrrs will no duubt be able to add
numerous parallels and influcnces, both from Islamic sources and from other
religions. Howcvcr, when such parallels are drawn here, it is not with thc
intention of dwelling on the 'Reste arabisc.hcn Hcidentums' again, as does Julius
Wellhausen’s elassie of that ñame (1897); ñor do I want to prove, or suggest, that
this or that extemal influcncc has determined thc dcvclopmcnt of Islam. Nobody
denies that such influcnces exist in Islam; for no religión can grow in a vacuum,
and the religious leader, founder or prophet can only ever use the language to
which his listencrs are - at lcast to a ccnain extent - accustomcd, and whosc
images and symbols they understand. Without soil, air, rain and fertilization by
insccts, no tree - and we may well compare religión to a 'good tree’ (cf. SQra
14:24 - could cvcr grow strong cnough to housc birds or to provide shade and
luscious fruit to those who come cióse to it (as Mawláná Rümi says in the story
of DaqQql in his Matimawi, III 2,005(1*.). Bul these influcnces are not absolute
valúes: a religión takes into itsclf only those ideas, customs and tcndcncics which
are in one way or another compatible with its innermost csscncc. Furthcrmorc,
as every religión has an outward and inward aspcct, any sentcnce, proposition or
legal prcscripdon may be understood and intcrprcted differendy by difieren!
peoplc. Age-old símiles come to mind: thc water takes thc colour of thc glass, or
else the 'whitc radiante of etemity’, the colourless Light, becomcs visible only in
its rcflcctions in cvcr-changing colours.
My aim is to point to thc colourful rcflcctions, Gocthc’s ‘farbiger Abglanz’;
or, in Koranic words, to try to deciphcr somc of thc signs, or fyil, which through
their infinite variety point to thc One Truth.
 Introduction*

And Wc shall show thcm Our signa in <he horizons and in themsclvcs.
SQra 41:53
 OECIPHEKINO THE SICNS OF COD

When 1 was teaching the hislory of religions at the Islamic Faculty of Divinity in
Ankara in the 19505, 1 tried to explain to my students Rudolf Otto’s distinction
between the ntfstmum ttemaidum and the mysUrium fasanans - the Numen that
reveáis itself under the aspect of awe-inspiring majesty and faseinating beauty.
Suddcnly one of the students stood up and said proudly: 'Bul, Professor, we
Muslims have known that for centuries. God has two aspeets: Hisjalil - majesty,
power and wrath - and His jamál - beauty, kindness and merey.' Ever since
then, the idea of approaching Islam from a phenomenological angle has becn on
my mind, all the more because I kept Cnding that Islam was badly (if at all)
represented in the few major books in chis field, as though historiaos of religión
stilj needed the admonition of the eightecnth-ccntury Germán thinker Reimarus:

1 am convinccd that among those who aecuse the Turkish religión of

this or that fault. only a very few have read the Alcorán, and that also
among those who indeed have read it, only a precious few have had the
intention of giving the words the sound meaning of which they are
capable.

For many historiar» of religión, Islam, a latecomer in history, is still not much
more than ‘a Christian heresy’, as it was repeatedly called for centuries until the
lime of Adolf von Hamack, or else an anli-Christian, inhuman, primitive
religión - ideas which one now encounters rather frcquently owing to the
political situation in the war-tom Middlc East and the rise of fundamentalist
groups. However, the problem is how 10 give an accurate picture of a religión
that strctehes from its eradle, Arabia, to the east through major parts of Asia,
into central China and Indonesia and the Philippincs, and to the west over
Turkey and part of the Balkans to North Africa and its Atlantic borden; that
appcars in vanous parts of Black Africa and gains new convcrts in the traditional
Christian arcas such as Europc and América, partly as a result of the increasing
number of immigrams from the Muslim world, partly also by conversión to this
or that branch of Islam, Sufism, pscudo-Sufism, or fundamentalism alike: a
religión whose sacrcd script is rcvealed in Arabic, bul whose participaras have
composed and still continué to compose innumerable works theological and
literary, catcchisms and poctry, ncwspapcrs and historical studics - in a plethora
of languages among which Arabic, Persian, Turkish, L’rdu and Swahili boast an
inexhaustible traasura of high and popular literatura, not to mention the other
idioms - with Arabic still ruling supreme in the religious sphere. Nobody can
follow up the cver-increasing number of publications in the various fields of
 INTRODUCCION XÍ

Islamic studies either, and thus the rescarcher feels handicappcd and somewhal
bopeless when trying to write about Islam, to find a structure that could do
jusóce to ibis often maligned religión, and lo embed il into the general history of
rcligions.
It is certainly possible lo leam about Islam bv using the vertical, that is,
histórica! meihod, and the study of its history is rcfincd day by day thanks lo
documents that come to liglit from üie enormous but bárely tapped sources in
librarles in Easl and West; a hithcrto ovcrlooked inscripción in a mosque in
Zanzíbar or a Muslim poem in a south Indian idiom can opcn surprising insights
into certain histórica! developmcnts, as can a completely fresh look al the very
bcginnings of Islamic civilizaron.
Onc can also use cross-sections to attempt to categorizc diffcrcnt aspccts of
Islam by type of religión. Here, Üie traditional contrasl of 'prophetic' and
‘mystical' rcligions as claboratcd by Nathan Sódcrblom and fnedrich Heder
offers itself comfortably, with Islam apparently constimdng a paradigm of a
‘prophetic’ religión which, however, is lempered by a strong strand of legalism
on the onc hand, and mysticism in its diífcrent forms on the oilier hand. Onc
can also study it from a sociological viewpoint and look at the human condition;
at sects and social groups; the reladon bctwccn master and disciplc; at trends to
univenality and lo expansión by either mission or wat. If onc approachcs it by
applying the differenl concepta of the Divine, one will find an uncompromising
monothcism which, however, sometimos tums inlo 'pantheislic' or monistic
trends by overstressing ihe oneness of the Divine.
Again, onc may ask about its attitude towards the world - whether it is world-
negating, like Buddhism (an attitude that appears among the early Sufis), or
world-dominating. like mainstream normativo Islam. What are its psychological
peculiarities; and how does the Muslim rcact to the encounter with the One God
- is onc moved predominandy by awe, fear, hopc and love, or does one simply
feel unshakablc faith and trust?
AJI these approachcs are valid and offer the researcher ways to understand
a religión, in this case Islam, somewhal better. However, more titán other
branchcs of scholarship, the study of religión is beset with difliculties, the most
important one being the necessity of formulating one's stancc on the object of
one’s research whilc at the same time suspending judgment, sincc onc is
dcaling with something which, after all, constiiutes the most sacred arca in the
Uves of millions of people. Can one really deal with religión in general or in
its specific forms - as if one were dealing with any other objcct of study, as is
nowadays claimed by many historians of religión? Personally, 1 wonder if a
completely objective study of religión is possible when one respeets the sphere
of the Numinous and the feeling of the otherworldly in one's approach, and
realices that onc is dealing with acnons, thought systems and human reactions
xii DECIPHER1NC THF. SIGNS OF COD

and responsos to something thai lies outsidc purely ’scientific' research.

It is thcreforc diflicult to remain distanccd whcn dcaling with religión, and
the personal bias of dte researcher cannot bul be reflccted in the study - a bias
which, in my case, ccrtainly Icans more towards the mystical and poelical trends
inside Islam than towards its legalistic aspect, which, in any case, is not the topic
dealt with hete iaithough it would lie most welcome lo interprei the refined
Islamic legal systcm and its applications in a comprehensivo comparativo work).
In the rarc cases where historial» of religión llave vcnturcd to inelude
specimens of Islamic culture intn their phenomenology, the lack of linguistic
skills is sadly visible, and the tendeney to rcly upon largely outdated translations
has led lo strange shifts in emphasis, such as üie disproportionatc use of oíd
translations of I’ersian poetry in which the imagery of sacred intoxicaúon and
ccstasy abounds, These phenomena ccrtainly have their place in Sufisni, but
should be viewed in relation to the ideáis of mainstream Islam.
Nevertheless, I lielievc that the phenomenological approach is well suited to a
hetter understanding of Islam, cspccially the model which Fricdrich Heiler
devcloped in his comprehensive study Eiíchemungsjbmen und Weun dee Religión
(Sluttgart 1961,1, on whose structure 1 have nltalelled dlis book. For he tries lo
enler into lite heart of religión by studying lirst the phenomena and then deeper
and deeper layen of human responsos to the Divine until he reaches the
innermost sacred core of eacli religión, the centre, the Numinous. the deus
abetonddus. Heiler always liked lo refer lo Fricdrich von Hügel's remark that the
spirit awakcns whcn coming into contact with material things. That is. the
highest spiritual experience can be triggered oíT by a sensual object: a ílower, a
fragrance, a cloud or a person. Islamic thinkers have always ponderad the
relation between the outward manifestations and the Essencc, based on the
Koranic words: ’We put Our signs into the horizons and into themselves’ (Süra
41:53). For lite Musiim, everything could serve as an á>a, a sign from Gnd, and
the Koran repeats this truth over and over again, waming thosc who do not
bclicve in God’s signs or who belie them. The criaturas are signs; the change
between day and night is a sign, as is lite loving encounter of husband and wife;
and mitades are signs (cf. Süra 30:19-25): thcy all prove that there is a living
God who is the originator of everything. These signs are not onlv in lile
'horizons’, that is, in the created universe. but alvo in the human souls, that is, in
the human capacity to undenuand and admire; in lose and human inquisilive-
ness; in whatever onc may fecl, think, and cxperiencc. The world is, as it werc,
an ¡mínense book in which those who have eyes to ser and ears to hear can
recognizc God’s signs and thus be guided by' their contcmplation to tile Creator
flimsclf. Sensual and spiritual levéis meet dirough and in the signs, and by
understanding and inlerpreting them one may be able to understand the Divine
wisdom and powcr; onc will also understand that, as the Koran prtxlairns
 INTRODUCT1ON xiii

repcatedly, God (caches by mcans of comparisons, parables and likenesses lo

draw the human heari beyond (he externa!, peripheral faces of creación.
For one has to keep in mind that spiritual aspects of life can be revealcd onlv
by mcans of sensual ones - the wind becomes visible only though the movement
of the grass, as the ninetecnth-ccntury Indo-Muslim poct Ghalib sings; the dust
which wc may scc from far in the descrt hides the eider who stirs it up; and the
foam ílakes on the surface of the ocean point lo the unfathomablc abyss. 'lítese
signs are necessary, for the human hcart longs lo catch a glimpse of the Divine
- even though God is beyond all fontis and imagination and yet one hopes to
'touch' the Numinous power in somc way or another: docs one not rcspcctíiilly
kiss the copy of the Koran in which God's word is wrilten down?
Evcrything can becomc an áya, a sign, not only the verses of the Koran which
are called by chis very ñame. To he jure, it is not the ever-hidden dais abstonditus
but the drus rnrlatus who can be found through them. He, who reveáis His will
through His word; who has talked through the prophets; and whosc guidancc
leads humankind on the right path lo salvation. The Muslims understixxl that
evcrything crcatcd praises the Crcator with its own /«An al-hal, the silenl
cloqucncc - for this is the purposc for which they wcrc crcatcd, Thus, the cntirc
universe could be seen, as it were, in a religious light: ihat is why cvery human
act, even a secmingly profane one, is yet judged from religious viewpoinu and
rcgulatcd according to the divincly revealcd Law.
Gultic and ritual duties too could be intcrprctcd beyond their exiernal
importante as signs towards something higher: prayer is the loss of onc's small
self in communion with che Holy, or tile sacrifice of one’s soul before the
ovcrpowcring bclovcd Ixird; pilgrimagc points to üie never-ending journey of
die soul towards God; fasting tcachcs one to live on light and praisc, as do the
angels; and thus each and every outward ritual fonn could becomc a sign of
spiritual cxpcricncc. But even those who see only the ‘husk’ and dutjfully fulíil
the extemal ntual will still fecl thcmselves lo have obeyed God and thus
prepared themselves for the way that leads to happincss in the Hereafler, for
surrender to God and/or His word is the meaning of the word ulbm.
Likcwisc, symbolic aclions could serve lo ¡Ilumínate ccrlain spiritual aspects of
Islam: henee the Prophct's casting some sand and pebbles against the encmics in
the battlc of Badr (624), upon which Süra 8:17 was revealcd fYou did not casi
when you casi which indicatcs that the one who has been absolutely
obedient to God can act. so 10 speak, through God's power.
There is no doubt that previos» religions have left dieir traces upon Islam, for
every religión has adapted trends and syslems from carlier slrata of religious life
that seemed to express its own conccms, and the colourful buslies of folk Islam
widi their often scurrilous flowers have grown from the same root as the straight
tree of normativo Islam, lile tensión belween the two major aspects of Islam
xiv DECIPHERING THE SIGNE OF COI»

the normativo Icgalistic and the popular, mystically tingcd onc - forms a
constant thcmc in Islamic cultural history. Thc way in which Islam lias takcn
into ils embrace variegated forms and strange clcmcnts. cspccially in the Indian
and African contexts, is fascinating - as much as the normativo tradilionalists
dislike diese devclopmcnts and regard thcm as contradicting the puré monothe-
ism which is expressed and repeated dtousands of time in thc Miada. the
profession of laith, and in Süra 112, the final word of the Koran about the God
who is Onc, neither begetting ñor begotten.
In both aspeets. Islam knows die concepts of the sacred powcr - baraka,
blessing powcr1 and this word wiU occur frequendy on the following
pages, for not only has thc holy person baraka. but also thc black stone of
the Kaaba radiates it, and thc copy of the Koran is fillcd with blessing
power, as is the sacred Night of Might (cf. Süra 97), in which the ftrst
rcvelaüon took place.
In order to give a form for a cross-section dirough difieren! phenomena of
Islam, die model used by Friedrich Heder appeared to me most convenicnt and
clearer than that of Gcrardus van der Lceuw, admirable as his collection of
material is. Hcilcr’s book and approach has been scvcrely criticizcd by somc
scholars; it has also been summarized in English widi an undue emphasis on the
Christian part of it, which resultcd in a lop-sided picture that lacks the
stupendous brcadth of Hcilcr’s material. To oficr an idea of Hcilcr’s model, I
give overleaf die fine summary by J, J. Waardcnburg (1973) in his Claiiual
Ap/machts la Ihr Sludi oj Religión. voL 1.
Thc model of thc concentric rings may sccm somcwhat artificial; but,
strangely enough, it was prefigured more than a millennium ago in the work of
Abü'l-Husayn an-Nürt (d. 907), a mystic of Baghdad. and apparentiy also by his
contemporary al-Hakim at-TirmidhI.S Based on Koranic verses, Nüri invented a
circular form which lcads, as docs Hcilcr’s model, from thc externa! encounter of
the sacred to the innermost core of religión, thus showing that there is no deity
but God. His fourfold circles read as follows:
Thc breast, ¡ad’. is conncctcd with altan (Süra 39:22) - that is, in our model,
thc institutional, extemal element of religions.
Tile next eircle mentions the heart, qalb. as thc seat of imán. ’faith' (Süra 49:7):
thc heart is the organ through which truc faith, thc interiorization of a mere
extemal acccptancc of a religious form, can be achieved; it is thus the organ for
thc spiritual aspeets of religious life.
Thcfii'ad. thc inner heart. is thc scat of ma'rifa. intuitive, ‘gnostic’ knowledgc
(Süra 53:11); that means that. here, the divine, immediate ’knowledge from Us’
(Süra 18:65) Ia" l>c realized.
Finally, onc rcachcs thc lubb. thc innermost kcmel of the heart, which is the
seat of laulíd (Süra 3:190), that is, of the experience that diere is only the Onc
 INTRODVCTtON XV

who was and shall be from etemity to etemity without a companion, visible and
tangible onlv when He reveáis Himsclf to humankind.
All üie outward manifestations, the diíTcrent forms of revelations, are signs.
The word about God is, in Rümi's lovcly phrasr, like ‘the scent of hcavcnly
applc traes’ (.w VI 84). The externáis are as neccssary as the breas! to endose the
mysteries of the hcart, but the Essencc of dic Divine remains forever hidden; the
human being can only scizc the hrm of His favour and try to find the way to
Him through His signs.
The similarity betwcen Nürí’s four cirdes of raligious expeliente and
Friedrich Heiler’s circular structure scems to indícate to me that there is a way
that is at least to a certain extent legitímate for my undertaking; for, as the early
Sufis likcd to recite:

u-afi kulli diay'tn lahu sháhidun

ladullu ’alá annahu wáhidun
In everything there is a witncss to H¡m
that points to the fact that He is Onc.

Everything - from the stonc to the dogmatic formula - calis out Quaae suptr nos.
‘Seck beyond us!’ The plurality of signs is necessary to veil the etemal One who
is transcendent and yet ‘doser than the neck vein’ (Süra 50:16); the plurality of
signs and the Unicity of the Divine bclong together. The signs show the way into
His prcsencc, where the bclievcr may finally leave the images behind.
For •everything on earth is perishing but His Face’ (Süra 28:88).

NOTES
1. For general surveys, scc Charles J. Adams (1967;, The history of rcligions and
the study of Islam’; Willcm Bijlcfeld ¡1972). ‘islamic Studies within (he perspec-
tive of the history of rcligions'; J. Jaiques Waardcnburg (1980), ‘Islamforschung
aus religionswisscnschaftlichcr Sicht’; idem (1978), Otlii 1.1I and popular religión
in Islam*; and James E. W. Roystcr (1972). ‘The study of Muhammad. A «urvey
of approachcs from (lie perspcctive of the history and phcnomcnology of
religión*.
2. Joscph Chdhod (1955), ’La barato chrz les arabes ou l’influence bicnfaisantc du
sacre*.
3. Paúl Nwyia (1970;, Extgrit <oranupu d langage mystujut. p. 3268.; cf. also al-Haklm
at-Tirmidhi (1958), Alfarq bqjma'wadr wal-qalb ... ed. N Heer.
 DECIPHERINO THE SIGXS OF OOD

Holy

I. The umU ofaula mamftslatimu comprises «bree sectors:

i'i the sacred object, the sacred room in which the cult takes place,
the sacred time, in which lite most important ritual is per-
formed, the sacred rnmber, bv which the sacred objects, rooms,
times, words, pcoplc are mcasured, the sacred acl (rite).
2) the sacred wmt. (1) the spoken word: a) the word of God, the
incantation, the ñame of God, the oracle, the myth, the
legend, the prophecy, the gospel. the doctrine; b) the word to
God, prayer in adoration, penance, praise, thanksgiving, sup-
plication, surrender; c) the sacred silencc; (2) the written word:
the holy scripturc.
3) the holy mm and the holy rommumtf. All that is within the
scope of the physicallv observable, visible, audible, tangible.
Religión is not an airy spirituality, but a phvsical communion
with the Divine.
II. The lirst inner ring is the umUof retigioui imaginaban, the thoughts,
images, ideas conceming God's invisible being and visible works:
t) tile conceplion of God (theology),
INTRODUCCION xvii

2} the conception of creation (cosmology and anthropology,

including original conditions and original sin},
3) the conception of rcvcladon: the intiniation of the divine will
in the ptoclainted word, in hislory, in the soul (Christology),
4) the conception of redempdon: (1) the redeemer; (2) the objcct
of redemption; (3) the road to redempdoti (soteriology),
5) the fuUiUment in the future or in the worid to come (eschatol-
ogy).
III. The second inner ring represents the uertí of religious expeliente, i.e.
what happens deep down in the soul, as opposed to the fanciful or
racional images of God. the religious valúes which are laid aside
in the confrontation between man and sacred objeets and in the
performance of sacred acts: l) reverence (towards the divine in
itself, its holiness', 2) fcar. 3) faith and complete trust in God, who
reveáis himsclf, works, rules, lovcs, and hclps, 4) hopo, 5) love,
yeaming for God, surrender to him, reciprocation of God’s love.
Next to thesc valúes, there are peace, jov, and the urge to share.
Thcn there are the extraordinary religious cxperienccs: inspira-
don, sudden conversión, vocatíon and cnlightcnment, visión and
audidon, ecstasy, cardiognosis and lite various extensión* of
physical powcrs, such as automatic speaking and wriling, speak-
ing in foreign tongucs and stigmadsation, and so on,
IV, The okjame worid of religión, the ccnter of the circles, is the Divine
Realitv, which is understood through all externa! manifestadora,
inner notions, and cxperienccs of the soul, in a double sense:
ti as the Deui raelalus, the God who has his face towards man, as
absolule holiness, truth, jusdee, love, merey, salvation. the
personal God, experienced as ‘Thou‘ and as a being of
communion (Trinity),
2) as the ZVus ipse or abscondúus, the divinity, experienced as ‘It’, as
absolute unity,
There is a correlación between che segments of the various rings: the
physical forms of expresión, thoughls, feelings, corrcspond Cnally to
divine realitv. Although that reality can never be completely expressed
in human forms of expression, thoughls, and experiences, there is a
certain correspondence to the divine, the analogía mlir: the created being
corresponda to the non-crcated divine being.
 I

Sacred Aspects of Nature and

Culture

Of His signs are the night and the dav and the sun and the moon.
Süra 41:37
.a DECIPIIERING IHE SIGNS OF GOD

INANtMATE NATLRE1

From earliest times, human beings have been impressed and oftcn overawed by
the phenomena of naturc which they observe l'rom day lo dav in their
cnvirontnenl. They certainly felt awe when looking al stones, which never
seemed to chango and which could easily he taken as signs of power and, at a
later time perhaps. as represenring ctemal strangth. In the ancienl Semilic
teligions, stones. in particular those of unusual shapc, wcre regarded as lilled
with power, mana, and rite fascination with stones expressed in the Oíd
Tcstamcnt by the story ofJacob and the stone of Bcthcl - has continued down
through the ages.
Turkic propios wcre cqually fascinated by stones and their mysterious powers:
stones about ta¡ bebeklm stones which slowly turned into childrcn ara
frequent in Turkey. Stones are used m rain-producing rituals espccially jade),
and small niyytl laclan tervt to indícate whether onc’s intention, niyya, will come
truc, which is the case when the stone sticks on a fíat surface such as a
tombstone.'
Syria and Palestino, the homo of the ancienl Semilic stone culi, still boast
strangely-shapcd stones which are sometimos considerad to be resting places of
saints. In Syria. rollsloncs are supposcd to give some of their ‘power' to a person
over whose body they are rolled. To heap stones into a small hill lo malte a
saint’s tomb beforc it is cnlarged into a tntc shrinc seems common practicc
cvcrywhcrc. be it in the Ncar East or in the Indo~Pakistani regions.'
Mythology speaks of a rock which forms the foundation of the cosmos; of
groen colour, it lies deep under the earth and is the basis of the vertical axis that
gocs through the universo, wltosc central point on earth is the Kaaba. The black
stone a meteor in dte south-eastern comer of dio Kaaba in Mecca is the
point to which believers tum and which they strivo lo kiss during the pilgrimage,
for, as a mystical hadlth claims: 'lite Black Stone is God's rigltt hand'.' This
stone. as legend tells, is pre-existent, and. wliilc n was white in the lx-ginning, it
turned black from the hands of sinful propio who touchcd it year afier year.
However, this black stone, described in wondcrful and fancilul images by
pious poets, is by no means the only important stone or rock in the Nfuslim
world. The Dome of the Rock in Jcrusalcm is cxtremely sacred because, so it is
said, all the prophets befóte Muhamtnad rested ibera, and lite Prophci of Islam
met with them at the beginning of his heavenly journey to perform the ritual
prayer on this very spot. The stone beneath the actual dome is blcsscd by
Muhammad's fbotprint, and some traditions oven claim that the rock hangs free
 SACRED ASPECTS OF SATURE AND CULTURE 3

in the air, At the end of time, Israfti, the archangel, will blow the tnimpet that
announces resurrection from this very rock. The spiritual - besides the histórica!
connection betwccn the two sacred places with siones (Mea a and Jerasalem)
is evident from the poética! idea that the Kaaba comes as a bride to the Dome
of tlie Rock.5
Not only in Jcrusalem can one see the impnnt of the Prophet's foot, qadam
¡astil. One ftnds such stones in various countries, often brought lióme by pious
pilgrims especially in India - even Emperor Akbar, otherwise rather critica! of
lslamic traditions, welcomed lite arrival of sutil a stone which his wife Salima
and his aunt Gulbadan liad aequired during their pilgrimage.*' Often, majestic
buildings are crected over such siones, which the laitliful touch to panicipate in
their barata and tlien pass their hands over their body. As early as c. 1300, the
reformer Ibn Taymiyva (d. 13281 fought against the custom of touching a stone
with the Prophet’s footprint in Damascus, something that appeared to hito as
puré superstition, incompatible with the faith in the One God.’
Shia Muslims know of stones with the impression of ’All’s foot. A centre of
this cult is the sanctuary of Maulali (Mawla ’AlI) on top of a steep rock near
Hyderabad/Deccan. where one can admire an ¡mínense ’footprint’.
The iniportancc of stones is reflcctcd in the symbolic use of the term. Rúmi
compares the lover to a marble rock that reverberares with the Beloved’s words
and echoes them (o 1. 17,867:, but even more importanl is Ibn ’Arabfs idea that
the Prophel is a miar bahl. a 'puré stone’ on which the Divine message ivas
imprinted, as it wcrc - an idea that continucd down through the centurics and
which is prominent in the thcological work of Shah VValiuliah of Dclhi id. 1762).*
Stones could serve lo expresa the aspect of Divine VVralh, as in the numerous
Koranic references to the ’stoning’ of disobedient peoples (Sara 105:4 et al.;. In
this connection, the ’stoning of Salan’ is administered during the pilgrimage by
the casting of three times seven pebbles on a ccrtain spot near Mina, and Salan
is always referred to as njtoi, ‘stoned’, i.e. accurscd.
Numerous olher cusloms are connected with stones: thus, among lite Persian
KhaksAr dervishes, it is customary to bind a rather big stone on one’s stomach
the sang-i-qanll'al, ‘stone of contentment’, which points to the suppression of
hunger for that is how the Prophct overeante his hunger.9 A spccial role is
asi ribed to gemstones, some of which were regarded as filled with barata. Early
Muslim scholars had a vast knowledge of mineralogy and enlarged the inherited
Greek mineralógica! works by their observations. Henee, precious and semi-
prccious stones play a considerable role in folklore and literature.
It is said that the Prophel hiniself recommcndcd the use of 'aqli¡, agatc or
camelian.'" a stone that was plenliful in Yemen and which therefore becamc
connected with the whole mystical symbolism of Yemen whence the ’breath of
the Mcrciful’ reached the Prophel lAif no. 195). Muslims still like to wear an
4 DECIPHERINC THE SIGNS Of COD

agate ring or locket, inscribcd with prayer formulas or Divine Ñames (among tile
Shias, oftcn with the ñames óf the Panjtan). and latcr Pcrsian and ürdu |x>els
have compared themselves to an bezel which contains nothing but the
ñame of thc Divine Bclovcd. But not only bclicvers in general like to wear such
stones; a twelve-pointed agate (symbolizing the twclvc imams of thc Shia) uscd to
be wom by thc mcmbcrs of thc Bcktashi order of dervishes (Hacci Bcktash
Stone).
From ancient times, it was believed that the ruby could aven illncss - and
indccd, in medical tradition, pulverized ruby was an ingredient of mujamh.
'something that cheers you up’, a kind of tranquillizer - henee its connection
with the beloved's ruby lip, or with ruby-like red wine. A beautiful myth tells that
ordinary pcbblcs, when touched by thc sun, can tum into rabies after patiendy
waiting in thc depth of thc mines - an idea that carne to symholize thc
transformation of the human heart which, touched by ihe sun of grace. can
maturc during long periods of patiencc and, by ‘shcdding its blood' in sufTering,
may be transformed into a priccless jcwel.
The emerald is thought to aven evil, but ateo to blind serpents and dragons,
Its grecn colour - thc colour of paradi.se - gave this stone a spedal place in
Muslim thought. Thus, according to a saying, thc lau-Ji matfiz, thc Well-
preserved Tablet on which everylhing is written from pre-etemity, consists of
emerald; it is a trae tabula smaragdina, as it is ateo known from medieval gnostic
imagery. Henry Corbin, then, has followed thc Sufi path which, at Icast
according to some authors like Simnüni (d. 1335), etids in lite light of the emerald
mountain: the highest station for the wayfarer who has passed through thc
blackness of mystical dcath."
Thc sight of mountains has always inspired human hearts, and mountains
have often been regarded as seáis of deities all over the world. This was, of
coune, an idea impossiblc in Islam, all thc more so bccausc thc Koran has stated
that thc mountains. though pul in their places to keep the earth stable, are yet
like douds (Sora 27:88) and will lie, in the horran of thc Day ofjudgmcnt, 'like
combed wool' (SQra 70:9). Furthcrmorc, Mt Sinai was shattered by thc manifes-
tation of thc Ixird’s grandeur (Süra 7:143). an event that means for ROmI that it
‘danccd’ in ecstasy (M I 876). Mountains are, thus, nothing but signs of God's
omnipresence; thev prostratc themselves before God (SQra 22:18) along with all
thc other crcaturcs, and vet thc feeling that onc might find more than a purely
earthly expericnce on ccrtain mountains is attested in the Islamic tradition as
well suflice it to think of Abü Qjibays ncar Mccca, according to tradition the
lirst mountain on earth, which latcr served as a mecting place of thc saints, or of
Husevin Gliazi ncar Ankara, the site of the shrinc of a medieval Muslim warrior
saint, and similar places.
Onc could imagine the high mountains as a liminal arca bctwccn thc crcatcd
 SACRED ASFECTS OF NATURF. AND CULTURE 5

univcrse and the spacelessness of the Divine Icf. the inicial oath of Süra 5a); thus,
Mt Qaf was thought of as a mountain cncircling the wholc carth, cvcn though
the sight of the Caucasus or, in Southcm Asia, of the Himalayas has certainlv
contributed to, or sparked olí, such ideas. In antiquity, somc peoplc tried to
imitatc the sacred mountains, as for cxample in the Babylonian Ziggurat; the
Malwiyya, the spiral minara of Samarra in Iraq, may be the result of
subconscious mentones of this tendeney.
The carth was always experienced as a feminine power, and although the
concept of 'Mother Earth' is not as outspokcn in the Islamic tradition as
clsewhcrc, the Koranic words aecording to which ‘women are your ficlds
(Süra 2:223, show that the connection was a natural one. Was not Adam made
of dust, the soñ maternal material which was then to be cnlivcncd by the spirit?'9
That is why lblls, Sacan, elaimed superiority over him, as his own origin was fire.
And thus, the dervishes might remind their listeners that all existcnce is dust
except the Beloved after all, man is crcatcd from dust (Süra 22:5 ct al.) and will
rctum to dust. Dust has a purifying quality: when water for the ritual ablution is
wanting, one can perform üte purificación with dust, Uyammum.
The ancicnt myth of the him¡ gamos, the marriage between hcaven and earth
which, as it wcre, preforms human marriage - the ‘sowing of the sccd’ into the
earth and into the females surfaces only in some cases, especially in the verse
of Rüm!, who takes his imagery froin the oldest strata of myths. Although he
rcmarks that ‘the earth likc the wife and the sky likc the man’ are no longer of
interest for the truc seekcr (c L 15,525), the lover may yet addrcss the spiritual
beloved:

You are my hcavcn, I am your carth

You alone know what YouVe put into me!
(d no. 3,038)

Earth and dust become sanclified by conlact with powerful and beloved
peoplc, and, humblc in thcmsclves, aequire new wealth. Sa'dí's story about an
amazingiy fragrant picce of purifying clay, which was permeated with the sccnt
of the beloved who had used it while bathing, points to this feeling. Thus, the
dust of sacred places and of mausoleums can bring blessing: prayer beads and
littlc tablets are formed from the mud of Husayn’s mausoleum in Kerbela for the
use of pious Shiitcs. The Turkish poct I'uzuli (d. 1556) therefore claims with
apparent humility:

My poetry is not mbics or emeralds,

my poetry is dust, but the dust of Kerbela!'5

Dust from Kerbela and Najaf, 'All’s burial place, was deposited in some
mausoleums of Shiite kings in India (thus in the Gol Gunbad in Golconda), just
6 DF-CIHHtKlNG THE SICNS OF GOD

as some dust from Mawlana Rüml’s tomb in Konya was brought lo Iqbal's
mausoleum in ladrare hecattse of the Indo Muslim philosopher-poct’s dcep
veneración for the medieval Pcrsian mystical poct-
Many visitors lo an Indo Pakistani shrine will have been olfcred dried-up
rose petáis and dust from the sarcophagus - and, trusting in the sacred purity of
this dust, they dutifully swallow it. Indeed, the dust of saints’ and sayyids’ tombs
is the truc treasure that a province can boast when Nadir Shali of Irán carne
to conquer Sind in 1738, the Hindú minister of the Kalhora rulers countered his
requests for an immense indemnity by offering him a small bag containing the
most precious thing that Sind had to ofTer, thai is, dte dust of saints and
sayyids.1*
Much more central, however, is the role of water, for ‘We have made alive
evcrything through water’ (Sflra 21:30), and. He has sent down water from the
sky ...' (Sara 13:17), to mention only two prominent Koranic statements with
regard to water.15 Tisis water not only has the power of purifying pcoplc
cxtcmally, bul also becomes as in other religious tradilions a fitnng symbol
for the purification of Itcarts. Water is constantly quaking and moving that is,
as Kisfi’i thinks, its act of exalting the Lord in unisón with all other crcaturcs.
There are numerous sacred springs and ponds in the Islamic worid the
Zatnzam ncar the Kaaba gushed forth, as legend has it, when Hagar, Iclt alone
with little lsma'il, was thirsey. The well is forty-cwo metros dcep. and its water is
slightly salty. Most pilgrims carry some Zatnzam water home in special llasks 10
make the baraka of the spring available to friends and (amily; some also dip their
futuro shrouds into tito well, hoping that the water's blcssing power may
surround thcm in the grave. According to popular tales, the water of the
Zamzam filis all thr springs in the worid during the month of Muharram, while
in Istanbul legend has it that somc Zamzam water was used to build the dome of
the Hagia Sopltia; otherwise it would have crumbled.
In Arabic folklore, especially in Syria and Jordán, fountains are gencrally
thoughl to be fcmininc, although the typc of watery fainos (nixtes) known in
European folklore seems to be absent from tradicional Muslim loro. Salty
springs, on the other liand, are regarded as male; that is why barren women
bathe there.
Springs are often found near tilo shrines of saints, and it is likely that the
locality of many sacred places w as choscn just bccausc of the blcssing of a nearby
water coursc or fountain. The tank ncar Salar Mas'Qd's shrine in Balitan h is
supposed to cure leprosy. Tile pond of Mangho Pir ncar Karachi seems to be a
pnme example of actiological legends iransforming a wcird prc-Muslim sacred
spot into a Muslim shrine, for not only is this pond cióse to the dwelling-place of
a thirtcenth-century saint. bul it also houses a huge number of enormous
crocodilos whose anccstor the saint, angered for somc reason, produced out of a
 SACKEÜ ASFECTS OF XATURF. AND CULTURE 7

flower. Thc largo pond at Bayezld BisjSmi’s sanctuary in Chittagong (Bangla-

dcsh) is inhabited by utterly rcpcUcnt white tortoises, and in the same atea, in
Sylhet, a well fillcd with fish forms an important parí of the sanctuary.
Even if one concedes thc neccssity for a source of water for ablutions in thc
vicinity of a shrinc-cum-mosque. in such cases ancient traditions still scem to
have survived. As far as thc water for purificación is conccmcd, its quality and
quantity are exaedy deftncd by the lawyer-divines, for to enter the water means
to re-enter the primordial matter, to be purified, rejuvenated, rebom after dying
- henee, thc ablution could bccomc a truly spiritual experience for somc
Muslims, and die theme of entering thc water and being likc a corpse moved
only by the water’s llow is frequent in mystical literatura. Thc oíd Indian tale of
the scepúc who, submerged in water, lived through an entire human life in a
single moment has also reachcd Islam: unbelievers who doublcd thc reality of
Muhammad's nightly joumey werc instnteted in a similar way. The best-known
examplc is thc tale of thc Egyptian Sufi master Dashtüti. who had the Sultán
bend his hcad into a bowl of water so that he inimediately lived through an
entire life story.'6
Onc should not shy away from water - it is, after all, its duty, indeed its
plcasurc, to purify the dirty, as Rüml cmphasizcd time and again: the water of
Grace watts for the sinner. The life-bestowing quality of water led almost
naturally to the concept of the Water of Life, the goal of the seekers, far away
ncar the majma' al bataavn, thc ’meeting place of thc two occans’. as is understood
from Süra 18:60, 61. The Water of Ufe is found. likc a grecn fountain, in the
deepest gorges of the dark land, and only Khidr. the prophet-samt. can lead thc
secker there, while even greal héroes such as Alexander missed tile blessed
fountain and failed to achieve immortality.
The earth is supposed to rest on water, thc all-surrounding ocean, but thc
Koran also speaks severa! limes of the ucean on which boats travel (thus Süra
14:33; and of its dangers for travcllers (thus Süra 17:671. who remember the Lord
only during the horror* of their joumey. Onc also fmds the comparison of thc
world with foam-flecks :Süra 13:17:. and in another Koranic verse it is stated that
thc world is ‘decked out fair’ (Süra 3:14). From this point, it was easy for thc Sufis
to sce thc crcatcd universo as small, pretty foam-flecks in tile immense,
fathomless ocean of God mystics in all religious traditions know this image,
cspccially those with ’pantheistic’ tendencies. Are not waves and foam periph-
cral, surfacing for a single moment from the abyss, only 10 return into ir? Ruml
has described this visión:

The ocean billowed, and lo!

Etcmal wisdom appeared
.And casi a voice and cried out
8 DEC1PHF.RING THE SIGNS OF GOD

That was how ii was and bccamc -

The-occan was lülcd with Ibam
and every flcck of this fbam
Produccd a figure like this
and was a body like dial.
And every body-shaped fiock
that hcard a sign from the sea,
It inelted and then retumed
into the ocean of souls ...
(n no. 649I

Tlte joumey of the fragüe boat, that is ‘man', which will be shattered by the
wave of the pre-etemal Covenant, appears time and again in mystical imagery.
Many Sufis, especially thosc writing in later times, were well aware dial there is
only one real cxistencc which wc cxpericncc in different states of aggrcgate:
water, ice, drnplet and rain are all the same, for water, being without a form of
its own, can accept and produce every form.
The image of the ocean for God (or, in poetry. for Leve, which may even be
an ‘ocean of fire*) is generally valid, but the Prophet too has bcen called an
occan in which die Koran constitutes the precious pearl.1’ -More frequent,
however. is the combination of the Prophet with the rain.
For rain was sent down to quicken the dead carth (Süra 41:39). and it is still
called raJmal. 'inercy'. in some arcas of the Turkish and Persian world. Thus it
was easy to find cross-relations between the 'rain of inercy' and him who is
called in (he Koran ralrnalan li' l-'ihmln. ‘Mcrcy for the Worlds' (Süra 21:107).
Muhammad himsclf. as Abü Hafs 'Ornar as-Suhrawardl tells in his ’Auññf al-
ma'árif, was fond of the precious rain, and ‘used lo tum to the rain lo accept
blcssings from it and said, “Onc that was still rcccntly ncar his Lord"'.1®
Was the Prophet, sent with a lifc-bcstowing message to his compatriota, not
comparable to die blessing, fertilizing rain? This thought inspired some of the
finest poems in his honour, especially in the Eastcm Islamic world. The Sindhi
mystical poet, Shah 'Abdul Lapf d. 1752), devoted his .Sur Sárang to him,
ingeniously blending lile description of the parchcd land that longs for rain with
the hope for the arrival of the bclovcd Prophet, who appears as the rain-cloud
that stretches from Istanbul to Delhi and even furdier. A cenlury later, Miras
Ghalib in Delhi (d. 1869) composcd a Persian imtlmai about ‘The Pcari-carrying
Cloud’, i.c. the Prophet, and towards the end of the nincteenth century Mulisin
KakOrawt (d. 1905) sang his famous Urdu ode in honour of the Prophet. skilfully
blending the theme of the cloud and the ‘rain of mcrcy’ with time-honoured
indigenous Indian rain poetry.1’
Bul rain has yet another aspea lo it. It comes from the occan, rises.
 SACRED ASPECTS OF NATURE AND CULTURE 9

evaporaúng, to the sky, condenses again in the clouds and retums finally to the
ocean to be united with its original source or else, as was popularly thought, to
become a pcarl enshrined by a puré oyster. Tlte latter is often connected with
the April rain, and to this day in parta of Turkey drops of April rain are carcfully
collectcd and preserved for healing purposes. In medieval times, anisan*
produced vcsscls, called in Turkey núai lasi, for tisis precious rain, which were
often beautifully decorated.
As is natural in areas where droughts are frequent and rain is a real blessing,
the custom of utuyá, the prayer for rain, is found from the carlicst days of Islam;
in such cases, the community of believera went out of the town in shabby clothes
to implore Divine help. Many stories of saintly peoplc who, in some way or
another (someúmes cven by thrcatening God), were able to bring down the
heavcnly water rcflcct the important role of the istisqá.
One has, however, lo distinguish bctween the blessing, fertilizing rain and the
dangerous ¡ayl, the torren! or flash flood. The Koran says; ‘Evil is the rain of
thosc who have bren wamed' (Süra 26:173), f°r the Divine wrath can devastóte
their hearts as a rainstorni ruins tile fruits in the orchards. It was the Baghdadian
Sufi Abü'l-Husayn an-Nüri (d. 907) who probably for the first tíme in Arabic
literaturc - beautifully dcscribcd the two kinds of spiritual rain which can
dcsccnd upon the human hcart’s garden either to quicken it or to dcstroy it in
the form of terrible hail (Süra 24:43).“
Most obvious is the danger posed by water, of course, in tlie deluge which, as
is said, began by an overboiling kettlc in Kufa and which destroyed all sinfül
peoplc, while the Ark was takcn to heaven (Süra 29:14). The term bah in the
Koranic rcvclation can be interprctcd as 'ocean' but also as a ‘large river’ such
as tlie Nile; and the Nile connected with the story of Moses as wcll as the
Tigris (owing to its situarion as the river on which the capital Baghdad was buill
in tile mid-eighth century) are the rivera most Ircqucntly mentioned by later
authora. Does the Tigris not consist of the tears which Iraq shed after the dcath
of the lasi Abbasid caliph at the hands of tile Mongol* in 1258? Thus asks a
fourtccnth-ccntury Pcrsian pocl," while KhJqJnl, two centurics earlier, liad
interprctcd the mighty river as tears of mouming for the once glorious Lakhmid
lóngdom of which onlv the ruins of Selcukia-Kiesiphon were left."
However, besides this half-realistic use of the river-imagery, rivera also
aequired a symbolic meaning. The Shiite theologian Kulaynl in the tenth
century seems to have bcen the ftrst to use the comparison of the Prophet with
a mighty river. It is remarkable that Goethe, cight centurics later in Gcrmany
and, of course, unaware of this eariy Arabic text, symbolized Muhammad as a
river which, springing from a small, fresh and refreshing fountain, stcadily grows
and, by carrying with him whatever comes into his way - small brooks, rivulets
and rivera brings them home to the fadicr, the all-embracing ocean. Iqbal
IO DECIPHER1NG THE SIGNS OF GOD

(d. 1938-. the Indo Muslim philosophcr-poei, admired Gocthc's intuitive undcr-
sianding of the dynamics of prophethood. He translatcd (very freely, to be sure)
thc Germán pocm into Pcrsian. Latcr, he cvcn assumcd thc pen ñame ^indarüd.
’Living Strram’, lo point 10 his dosc connecüon with thc spirit of prophetic
inspiration?s
Rivers can also bccome signs of Divine activity. Onc of thc finest expressions
of this fecling is thc Sindhi poct Qa$ Qádan’s (d. 1551) verse:

Whcn the Indus is in spatr then the canals overflow.

Thus thc love of my Bciovcd is too mighty for my souL9*

For thc human hcart is too narrow to contain all thc blcssing water of the Divine
grace and love.
Rivers, so it is understood, are not only this-woridly: Paradise is described in
thc Koran at severa! points ¡SQra 48:17 ct al.) as ‘gardens under which rivers
flow’ Fhe cooling, purifving quality of limpid water is parí and pared of ctcmal
beatitude, and Yunus Emrc id. 1321) rightly rings dial the rivers in Paradise
repeat thc ñame of God in an uninterrupted litany (sce below, p. 238).
Sometimes. four paradisiacal rivers are meniioned, and thc stnicturc of many
gardens. especially those surrounding a mausoleum or a kiosk, redecís with its
four canals thc arrangement in che hoped-for Paradise, in which rivers or
founiains like kauthar and mlsabll will refresh the blcssed.
Water in its difieren! manifestations appeant with only a few exceptions,
such as thc drlugr as blcssing powcr; firc, howcvcr, is gcncrally chargcd with
negative power. The word ‘fire’, uscd so frcquently in thc Koran, denotes almost
without exception thc Hellfire. To be sure, God can transform the burning pyre
into a rose-garden, as he did for Abraham, for whom fire bccamc 'cool and
plcasant' Süra 21:69) u’hcn Nimrod had cast him into it; but buming is uttcriy
painful, be it real buming in Hdl or buming in the fire of separation, of
unrequited love, which appears to thc longing lovcr worsc than Hellfire. And
yet, this buming is ncccssary for thc hcart’s purification sce below, p. 95).
Pcrhaps some subconscious reminiscences of the Zoroastrian fire culi added to
thc dangerous aspect of tire in Islam did not Iblís toast of his fiery origin as a
proof of his superiority over Adam? Latcr poets would sometimcs daim that
their hcarts w-cre buming in love more than the great fire temples of ancient
Irán, while folk poets compared their hearts lo thc poltcr’s kiln which docs not
reveal thc fire that rages inside?5
Howcvcr, despite aüurions to Hel), fire also has iis positive qualitics. It gains
its specific place by the Divine manifestation through thc burning bush on Mi
Sinai. This was a wholcsomc fire, and latcr poets have tended to compare the
red lulip dial looks indeed like a llame lo thc fire on thc sacrcd mountain.
Another expression of thc Divine aspect of fire is the frcquently-used image of
 SACRED ASRECTS OF SATURE ANO CULTURE II

the ‘iron in fire', a symbol well known in both the Christian and the Indian
tradiüons. Rüml explains the ani’l-haqq. '1 am the Truth' (= 1 am God: of the
martyr mysdc al-Iiallaj (d. 922) by comparing him to a píete of iron in the fire:
the red, glowing iron calis out 'I am fire'. and yet its substancc is still iron, not
fire m II i,347ff.). for no absoluto unión between inan and God is possible as
long as the material, bodily aspeas of the creature persist.16
A difieren! use of fire occurs in al'HallAj’s story of the moth which, slowly
approaching the candle, first sees its light, then feels its heat and finally
immolates itself in the llame, to assume complete identification (ser below, p. 23).
But is it not so - as a later pool asks - that die moth knows no difierencc between
the candle of the Kaaba and that of lite idol temple? The end of the road is, in
eidter case, complete annihilation.
Candios are lighted in mausolcums and shrines and used during festivo nights
in honour of a saíne In Turkey, Xluslims used lo celébrate kaiulll, ‘candle', dial
is the nights of major feasts such as the Prophct's birthday or of his hcavenly
joumey, and the mosques are dccoratcd with artisrically illuminatcd signs and
inscriptions. These, formeriy of live candles, have now of course been replaced
by eleclric bulbs, and thus the modern woman who formeriy might have placed
a candle near a sacred placo to fulfil a vow may now simply bring a bulb to che
saint's shrine or che mosque.
Other fiery manifestado™ of power and 'signs of God' are chunderstonns,
lighming (Süra 30:24) and thunder. The Koran states ¡Süra 13:13) that ‘the
thunder praises Him', while for Ibn 'Arabl. lighming is a manifestation of the
Divine Essence. Henee, Divine ‘Flashes* are symbolized from early times as
iiglnnings' during which the wayfarer may proceed a lude bit. while in the
intcrvals the road is dark and it is not possible to walk - an idea derived from
Sara 2:20. Dangerous as the lighming is, it nevcrtheless releases the element of
fire inherent (according to ancienl physiology) in the straw as in other things -
thus, it is similar to the fire that immolates the moüt which it thereby hclps to
achieve reléase from the material world. These ideas, however, belong on the
whole to a later devclopmcnt in Islamic thought,1'
Much older is the role of the wind, which comes as a promise of His Mercy
(Süra 7:57; bccause it announces the arrival of rain. The gentío wind carried
Solomon's throne (cf, Süra 34:12), bul the icy wind, (arjar, dostroyed the
disobedient cities of 'Ad and Thamud (Süra 69:6 el al.). Thus, the lerm (arfar
becornes a dpher for any destructivo power. Many later poeta in the Persianate
world would boast that the scralching of their pen was like forjar 10 destroy their
patron's enemics, while others, less boastful, would seo the two aspeas of God’s
activity, the manifestado™ of His jamál, kindness and beauty, and His jalil,
majesty and wrath, in the two aspeets of the wind which dcstroys the infidels and
yet is a huntblc servant lo the prophel Solomon.
19 DECirHKRINO THE SIGNS OF GOD

One aspee! of ihe kinrlly wind is the southem or eastcm brceze, called nafas
ar ratonan. ‘the brcath of ihe Mcrciful’, which reached the Prophel from Yemen,
rarrying the fragrance of Uways al-Qaranl's piety, as formerly a breeze brought
the hcaling scent of Yüsufs shirt to his blind father Jacob (cf. Süra 12:94).
'God is the light of the heavens and of the earth’ (SOra 24:35). Thus statcs the
Koran in the I-ight Verse, and the Scripture emphasizes time and again that
God leads people from the darkncss to the light. min a; {ulumñl tlí' n-nta.
Light plays a central role in virtually all religious traditions, and the conccpt
of the light which in itself is too radiantly evident to be perceived by the weak
human cycs has clcar Koranic sancúon?8 In the early days of Koranic
intcrpretation, scholars believed that Muhammad was intended as the ‘niche' of
which the IJght Verse speaks, as the Divine light radiales through him, and
again, the Koran had called him toráj muñir, 'a shining lamp' (Süra 33:46). As
such, he is charged with leading people from the darkncss of infidclity and error
towards the light. One of the prayers transmitted from him is therefore, not
surprisingly, a prayer for light:

O God, set light in my hcart and light in my tomb and light Itefore me,
and light behind me; light on my right hand and light on my left; light
above me and light below me; light in my sight and light in my
perception; light in my countenance and light in my flesh; light in my
blood and light in my bones. Increasc to me light and give me light, and
appoint for me light and give me more light. Give me more light!

This prayer lias been repeated by lite pious for many centuries.
Al a rather early stage. Muhammad himsclf was surrounded with light or
even transformed into a luminous being: the light of prophcthood was inherited
through the previous prophets and shone on his father’s forehead when the
Prophel was begotten. In the Shia tradition. this light is continued through the
imams. Small wonder, then, that Muhammad's birth was marked by luminous
appearances, and later stories and poems have never biled lo desenlie the light
that radiated from Merca to the castles of Bostra in Syria - the luminous birth
and/or cpiphany of the founder of a religión is a well-known theme in religious
history (cf. the birth of Zoroaster. the Buddha, or Jesús). For light is the Divine
sign that transforms the tenebrae of worldly life.
But not only the birth of the Prophel happencd with manifestations of light;
even more importantly, dic night when üie Koran was revealed first, the layla! al-
qadr (SOra 97). was regarried as filled with light. Pious Muslims still hope to be
blcsscd with the visión of this light, which indicated the apjiearance of die last,
all-encompassing revelation.
As for the Prophel, numerous myths grew around his luminous being: his
light was the first thing that God created, and mystics have embellished the
 SACRED ASFF.CTS OF SATURE AND CULTURE ■3

conccpt of thc prc-eternal Muhammad as a column of light with evcr more

fanciful and surprising dctails which are reflected in mystical songs even in
BengaL*9
The symbolism of light is widely used, yet in onc case even a wholc
philosophy of light was developed by a Muslim thinker. ‘litis is the so-callcd
tekmal al-uhrilq, the Philosophy of Illumination by Shihabuddln as-Suhrawardl,
who had to pay with his life for his daring (beoríes (he was killed in 1191).
According to him, ‘existence is light’, and this light is brought to human beings
through innumerable ranges of angclic beings. Nlan's duty is to rctum from thc
dark well in the ‘western exile’ where he is imprisoned by matter to the Orient
of Lights. and his future fatc will be determined by the dcgrec of illumination
dial he has aequired during his life.3"
But this scarch, the quest for more and more light, is central not only in
Suhrawardi s illuminist philosophy; rather. thc Koranic statement that man
should come from thc tcncbrac to light led ccrtain Sufi masters to elabórate a
thcory of thc dcvclopment of thc human soul so that an individual, during long
ascetic preparadons, may grow into a truc ‘man of light' whose heart is an
unstained mirror to rcflcct thc Divine light and reveal it to others. Henry Corbin
has describcd this proccss lucidly in his study on I.'hmmr di Iwwn dans li snufisnu
uariien {1971). The equation God = light, based on Süra 24:35, was natural for
Muslims, but it was a novel inteqiretation of this fací when lqbál applicd it not
to God’s ubiquity but to thc láct that thc velocity of light is thc absolute measure
in our world,3'
Thc central role of thc concept of 'light' can also be gauged from the
considerable number of religious works whose tilles alludc to light and luminos-
ity, beginning from collcctions of teutilh such as Saghant’s Mashiriq al-mwib,
‘Rising points of the lights" or Baghawl's Ma¡¡bih as-¡urina, 'The lamps of thc
sunna' to mystical works like Sarrij’s Kilib al-luma', *Book of üte Brilliant Sparks',
Irüqfs ¿ama'a/. ‘Glittcrings' and Jamt's ¿auá’di, 'Flashes' each of them, and
many more, intended to offer a small fraction of the Divine or the Prophctic
light to guide their readers in the darkness of this world,
Thc most evident maniíéstation of Üte all-embracing and permeating light is
üte sun; but thc sun, likc thc other hcavenly bodics, belongs to the ijiten (Süra
6:76}, ‘those that set', to whom Abraham tumed first until he understood that
one should worship not diese transient powcrs but rather their Creator, as Süra
41:37 wams peoplc *not to fall down beforc the sun and thc moon' but before
Him whose signs thcy are. Islam clearly broke with any previous solar religión,
and the onler of die ritual prever takes great carr to have the moming prever
performed hefore sunrise and thc evening prever after sunset lest any connection
with sun-worship be imagined (and yet their timing perfeedy fits into thc cosmic
rltythm). Thc break with thc solar year and its replacement by a lunar ycar
'4 OECIFHERING THE SIGNS OF GOD

undcriincs this new oricntation. Nevertheless, tile sun’s role as a symbol for the
radiance of the Divine or of the Prophct is evident. The haduh has Muhammad
say: 'I am the sun, and my companions are like stars' (a« no. 44) - guiding stare
for dioso who will live after the sun has set. /\nd in another haitlth he is creditcd
with daitning. 'The hatred of the liáis is the proof that I am the sun’ the
contrast of the nightiy bats, cnemics of the sun and of the true faith, was often
claborated, for example in Suhrawardl Maqtül's delightful Pcrsian íables.1’
The Prophet's connection with the sun becomes particulariy clear in the later
interprctation of the beginning of Süra 93, 'Bv the moniing light!', which was
underslood as pointing to the Prophet. It was perhaps Sana! (d. 1131: who
invenled or at least populanzed this equalion in his long poetical qaiída about
this Koranic chapter.” The ‘moniing light' seemed to reícr to the Prophet's
radiant check, whilc the Divine Oath ‘By the Nightl’ (Süra 92) was taken to
mean the Prophet's black hair.
As a symbol of God. the sun manifests both majesty and beauty; it illuminates
the worid and maltes fruits maturo, bul were it to draw closer it would destroy
everything by its fire, as Rümi says, waming his disciple to avoid the 'naked sun'
(« I 141).
More important for Islamic life than the sun, however, is the moon, the
luminary dial indícales the lime. Did not lite Prophet's ftnger split the moon, as
Süra 54:1 was inlerpreied? And it was this mirado that induced dte Indian king
Shakravarti Fannad to embrace Islam, as the Indo-Muslim legend proudly
tells.»
The moon is the symbol of beauty, and to compare one's beloved to the
radiant moon is the highest praisc that one can bestow upon him or hcr. For
whether it is dre b<ub. the full moon, or the Altó/. the slim crescent - the moon
conveys joy. To this day, Muslims say a little prayer or pocm when they sce the
cresccnt for the first timo; on this occasion, they like to look at a bcautiful person
or something made of gold and to utter blessings in dio hope dial the whole
month tnay be beautiful. It is told dial die grcat ludían Suli Niyámuddln AwliyS
used to place his head on his mothcr's ícct when the cresccnt appcared in the
sky, out of revcrence for bodi the luminary and die pious molher. Poets llave
compnsed innumerable verses on die occasion of the new moon, in particular at
the end of the fasting month. and one could casily ftl! a lengdty anide with die
delightful (bul sometimes also tasteless, comparisons which they have invented.
Tlius, for Iqbil, the crescent serves as a model of the bdiever who ‘scratchcs his
food out of his own side' to grow slowly into a radiant full moon, that is. the
person who does not humíllate himself by liegging or asking otlicrs for help.
It was easy to find conncctions between the moon and the Arabic alphabet.
Tlic twenty-eight letters of the alphabet seemed to correspond lo die twenty-
eight days of die lunar month. And does not the Koran mention twenty-eight
 SACRED ASPECTS OF NATURE AND CULTURE '5

prophcts befare Muhammad by ñame, so that he is, as it were, the completion of

the lunar cyclc? Indccd, onc of his ñames, Tíhi (Süra 20:1), has the numerical
valué of fourteen, the number of the luí) moon.
While the moon is a symbol of human beauty, it can also be takcn as a
symbol of the unattainable Divine beauty which is rcflcctcd evcrywhcrc: the
traditional East Asían saying about the moon that is reílected in every kind of
water has also found its way into the Islamic tradirion. Thus, in onc of Rümi's
fincst poems:

You seek Him high in His hcavcn -

He shines like the moon in a lake,
But if you enler the water,
up to the sky He will fice ...
(o no. 900'1

Some mystically-inclincd Turks even found a connecúon between the words

AUah, hilül ‘crescent’ and lila 'tulip', all of which consist of the same lelters a-l-l-h
and seem therefore mysteriously intcrconncctcd.
The stars, although bclonging to the áfitin, ‘thosc that set’, can serve as signs
for mankind (Süra 6:97); they too prestíate befare die Lord 'and die star and
the tree prostrate both' (Süra 55:6}. I'he importance of the ‘star’ as a mystícal
sign can be understood from the beginning of Süra 53, ‘By the Star!’
The stars as guiding signs gained extreme practical importance in navigation,
and inspired madiernaücal and asuonomical works in die early centones of
Islam. The great number of aslronomical terms in Western languages which are
derived from the Arabic prove the lcading role of Muslim astronomers. Among
the stars diat were pardcularly important were the polar star and Suhayl,
Canopus. and the Pleiades, as well as Ursa Major, svhicli often appear in
literatura. The Koran speaks also of shooting stars, sliiháb, which serve to shy
away the devils when they try to enter the hcavcnly prccincts (Süra 72:8-9).
Astronomy went along with astrology, and the properties of the zodiacal signs
(as they were known from classical antiquity as well as from Oriental lora) were
takcn over and claboraled by Muslim scientists. Ni?ami’s (d. 1209) Persian epos
Hafl Paykar, 'The Sevcn Picturcs' or ‘Bcautics', is the best cxamplc of the feeling
that everything is bound in secret conncctions - stars and days, fragranccs and
colours. Thosc who liad eyes to see could read die script of the stars in the sky,
as Najmuddin Kubri id. 1220/1 informa his readers, and asirological predictions
were an integral part of culture. Thus aróse the use of astrologically suitalile
ñames for children, a custom still practiscd in parts of Muslim India, for
cxamplc. Indeed. it is often diflicult to understand the different layers of Islamic
poetry or mystical works without a certain knowledge of astrological traditions,
and complicated treatises such as Muhammad Ghawth Gwaliori’s d. 1562:
|6 DECIFHERING THE SIGNE OF GOD

Jmúto-i Huma, 'Ihc Igt Jcwls, poinl lo astounding cross-rdations imohing

almost every ’sgn’ in the .universo The anciem tradition of inirrprrting the
planas Júpiter as the greal fortune, Satum as the ¡Hindú! doorkccpcr of the
sky, Venus as the delightful musirían, etc. «as used by artisls al many medieval
Mtnlim courts. Tbere is no dearth of astrological representations «i medieval
vtssds, cspecially on metal.
Asuology. as it was practised by (he greatcsl Mudim scienlists sueh as ah
BlriM (d. 1048, offered believen another proof that croything was parí of
cosmic harmony - providrd dial one could read ihe signs. Bul when it carne lo
the sky itself, the ancicnt idea that this was the dwrlling-place of the High God
could not be maintained. The sky is dearty a symbol pointing lo Divine
transcendence, because God is the creator of the sesen heavens and of the earth;
and, as the Thronc Vene ¡SOra 2:255)al,nB' ’H» Thronr enrompassrs braveas
and earth’. The heaven is, likc eventhing etee, obedient to God’s orders,
bending down befare His Majesty. And yes, one finds complaints about the
tuming sphrres, and Muslims sccm lo join, al times, the rrmarks of their
predecessors in Irán and anciem Arabia for whom the tuming wheel of the sky
was connected with cruel Falr (see below, p. 32,.
I jght and darknrss produce cofaun. Hrre, again, one enten a sast firid of
research. The combinaóon of the áfferem stais with coloun, as found in NizWs
poem, is not rarc as Satum is the last of the ihen known planeta and its colour is
blaik. ’therr is no tolour Iryond black'. The luminous appcaranres which the Sufi
may cncountcr on his spiritual palh are again diffcreni. and so are the sevrn colours
which are obtened in mysdcal sisions in differcnl sequenets.’6 One thing,
however. is clear: groen is ahrays connected with Parad» and poaatsve, spintual
things, and thosc who are dad in green, the uiiifiih nf Persian writings. are
angela or saints. This is why. in Egypt. Muslims would pul green material
around tombstones: it should foreshadow Paradise Green is also the colour of
(he Prophel, and lias dncendants would wear a green turban. Thus, green may
constituir, for cumple, in SimnM’s system, the etemal beantude which,
manifested in the cmerald mountain, lies behind the black.
Dark Uue is the ascetic colour, the colour of mouming. Red is connected
with lile, hcalth and blood; it is the colour of the brida) veil that seems to
guaramee fertility, and is used as an apotropaic colour. Red wine, as wcll as lite
in its porilive aspeen) and the red rose, all point to the Divine Glory. as it is said
that the ndi al Umi, ‘the doak of Divine Glory’, is radiant red.
Ydlow points to weakncss. as the weak yellow straw and the palé lovcr lack
firc and life-giving blood; in in honry-coloured hue. yellow was used for the
dioses oí the Jcws during the Middlc Ages.
A full study of the colour symbolism of the Sufi garments is still required Red
ivas prefmcd by the Badawiiya in Egypt, green by the Qadiriyya, and the
 SACRED ASFECTS OF NATURE AND CULTURE ■7

Chishtis in India donned a frock whose hue varied between cinnamon and rosy-
yellowish. Whether some masters wore doaks in the colour that corresponded to
the colours that they had seen in their visionary experiences is an open question,
but it seems probable.’8 But in any case, all the diflcrrnt colours are only
reílections of the invisible Divine light which needs ccrtain meaos to become
visible - in the fibghal AllAh (SOra 2:138), ‘the colouring of God’, the multicol-
oured phenomena retum to their original ‘onc-colouredness’, a term used by
Sufis for the last stage of unification.

PLAÑ IS AND ANIMALS

The Tree of Life is a concepl known from ancient times, for tile tree is rooled in
the earth and maches the sky, thus bclonging to both spheres, as does the human
being. The feeling that life power manifests itself in the growth of a tree, that
lcaves miraculously sproul out of liare twigs and fruits mature year after year in
cydical renewal, has impressed and astounded humanity through the ages.
Henee, the tree could become a symbol of everything good and useful, and the
Koran states, for this reason, that ‘a good word is like a good tree' ¡Süra 14:24).
Trees are oñen found near saints’ tombs: the amazing number of trees
connected with the ñame of ’Abdul Qadir Gllknl in Sind was mentioned by
Richard Burton and others.*0 Visitors frequently use such trees to remind the
saint of their wishes and vows by hanging rags sometimes sliaped like minute
eradles on their branches or, as for example in Gazurgah near Herat, drising
a nail into the trcc’s trunk.
It is natural that Paradisc, as an eterna! garden, should boast its very special
trees, such as the Tuba, whose ñame is devclopcd from the grccting ‘Happincss’,
Ubi, to litóse pious people who believe (Süra 13:29); that is, the Tuba tree is the
personified promise of etemal bliss that one hopes for in Paradise. Likewise, the
boundaries of the crcatcd universc are marked by the Sidra tree, mentioned in
Süra 53:14 the ‘Lote tree of the farthest boundary1, which defines the limit of
anything imaginable; and it is at this very Sidra tree where, according to legend,
even the mighty Gabriel had to stay back during the Prophet’s heavenly joumey
while the Prophct himsclf was blcssed with reaehing the immediate Divine
Presence bevond Where and How.
Thinkers and mystics could imagine the wholc universc as a tree and spokc,
as did Ibn ’Arabl, of the sfugaral al-kawn. the ‘tree of existence’, a tree on which
man is the last, most prccious fruit. On the other hand, Bayezid Bistaml, in his
mystical llight, saw the 'tree of Unity’, and Abü’l-Husayn an-Nüri, at about the
same time, envisaged the ‘tree of gnosis’, ma'rifa.*'
A dclailed account of the ‘tree of the Jutumva. the ‘manly virtue' as embodied
in later futuima sodaliücs, is given in a fifteenth-century Turkish work:*w the
trunk of this tree, under which the exemplary young liero lives, is ‘doing good’;
>8 DECIFHER1NG THE SIGNS OF GOD

its branches are honesty; its leavcs proper etiqucttc and rcstraint; its roots the
words of the profession of faith; its fruits gnosis, ma'nja, and tile company of the
saints; and it is watered by God’s mercy.
This is reminiscenl of the Sufi ¡hajaia, the 'family tree1 tliat shows the disciples
their spiritual anccstry, Icading back to the Prophet: drawings often of
enormous size - symbolize the continuous (low of Divine guidance through the
past generations, branching out into various directions.
Sonic thinkcrs embellishcd the image of the ‘tree of the world" poetically.
Probabls nobody has used the image of the tree for different typcs of humans
more frequcntly and extensively than the Ismaili philosopher-poct Najir-i
Khusraw id aftcr 1072). for whom almost cvcrything created tumed into a ‘tree’:

You may think, clevcr man, this world’s a lovely tree

Whose tasty, fragrant fruits are the intelligent ...

or else:

The bodv is a tree. its fruit is rcason; lies and msc

are straw and thoms ... «

The cióse connection belween the tree and life, and especially spiritual life, is
bcautifullv cxprcsscd in the huti!h according to which the person who pcrforms
the tftiir, the recollection of God, is likc a groen tree amid dry trccs - a likeness
which inakes tile Muslini reader think imntediately of dry wood as fuel for Hell,
as it is alluded to in the Koranic curse on AbO Lahabs wiíé, ‘the carrier of fuel
wood' iSúra 111:5). Thus Ruml sings in one of his quatrains:

When the spring breeze of Lose begins to blow -

every twig that's not dry begins to move in dance!

For Love can move only the living branches, while the dried-up twigs remain
unmoved and are destined to become kindling for Hellfire.
Tile Tree of Life. whose branches are the Divine Ñames," is rooted in tile
Divine Prcscncc: or else, the profession of faith can be scen as a tree whose outer
rind, fonned by the negación la, is puré negativity, and whose sap flows üirough
the h. the last and essential letter of AUah sce Figure, p, 191 (A< IV 3,182ÍT.).
In addition, not only the created universo bul also God Himself can be
symbolizcd through a tree: poets, especially in the Indo Pakistani arcas, sang of
the tree 'God'. Qa<Ji Qádan in Sind d. 1551) sccs the Divine Bcioved as a
banyan tree whose innumerable air roots seem lo hide the fací that the tree in
reality is only one (as the phenomena hide the Divine l'nity), while Sultán Bahü
in the Panjab (d. 1692; sings of God as the jasminc tree that grows in his heatt,
watered by the constan! repetition of the profession of faith until His fragrance
pcmicates his entire being.*5
 SACRED ASPECTS OF NATURE AND CULTURE •9

Thc ¡hatoda, centrcd on llic cnmtial lettcr h. with ihc la w¡ üic ‘outer rind'

Henee comes thc idea encountcred in popular traditions, for example, that to
plant a tree on someonr’s grave not only has a practical aspect to it but is also
thought to lessen the punishmcnt in thc grave and consolé thc dcad person. Thc
barato of a tree can be transferred by touching it or, in certain places, by
crccping under a low-bcnt tree or its strangely-shaped branches; a very typical
tree of this kind can be seen ncar a shrine in Ucch (southrm Panjab).
París of the tree carrv thc same barato as docs the wholc tree, be it its leas-es
or its twigs. 'fhc custom of beating pcoplc - in jest or eamest with fresh twigs
is basicallv an oíd fertility rite, which convcys somc of the tree's lifc powcr. It was
practiscd in medieval Egypt whcn the jester, ’ifrit ai-matinal, jokingly bcat thc
spectators whcn the matinal on which the cover of the Kaaba was carried to
Merca was paraded in grand stylc through the streets of Cairo; similar customs
can be observed during the Muharram processions in Hyderabad/Dcccan.
The tree's blessing power is also preserved in the wrcath. Thc custom of
garlanding pilgrims returnnig from Mecca or honoured gucsts is a faint
rcflcction of this fecling of thc tree's barato, as is the garlanding of saints* tombs;
every visitor to major shrines in thc subcontincnt knows of thc numerous littlc
shojjs that sell flowers and wreaths ncar the cntrancc to thc sacrcd places.
Not only docs thc tree in general bear thc flow of vital powcr, but also specific
trees or their twigs play a role in folklore and lilerature. Sometimcs the barato of
such trees is ascribcd to thc fact that thcy had grown out of thc misuAk. thc
toothpick of a saint which he thrcw away and which took root to grow into a
to DECIFHEIUNG THE SIGNS OF GOU

powcrful tree. A good cxamplc is the Junaydi shrinc in Gulbarga/Deccan.

On a Koranic basis, it is the date paim which has a spccial rclation with life:
the Koranic account of Mary's labour (Süra 19:23!!) lells that the Virgin, during
her birth pangs, grasped the trunk of a dried-up palm trec, which showered
dates upen her as a Divine sign of the Prophet to be born. (The idea has inspirad
Paúl Valéry's bcauriful pocm /a palm/.' The Araba love date paltos, and dates
were and are used in severa! dishes prepared for religious purposes, such as the
twelvc dates in the preparad for feasts in the /nuoiv sodalities.*6 Another
important Iradition in the Talts of tlu Puphfíi points to the idea that lig traes ara
protected and should not be bumt, as the Gg trae ofTered its leaves to cover
Adam’s and Eve’s shamc after the Fall, And did not God swear in the Koran
(Süra 95:1) ‘By the the fig and the olive? The olive is even mora prominent in
the Koran, not only in the Divine Oaths but also as the mysterious trae, ‘neither
castem ñor western’ (Süra 24:35). whosc oil shines even without being touched
by firc. The cypress is called ‘frac’ and reminds Persian and Turkish poets of
their beloved’s tal! slender suture, while the plañe trae sccms to rcscmble a
human being do its Icaves not look like human hands which it lifts as if it were
in prayer?
Such comparisons lead to the concept of die garden - the garden as a replica
of Paradisc, Paradisc an eterna! garden in which every plant and shntb sings the
praisc of God. The Koran had rcpcatcdly cmphasizcd the rcality of rcsurrection
by rcminding the lisleners of the consunt renewal of Natura in spring, when the
rains had quickened the seemingly dead earth. Thercfore Persian and Turkish
poetry abounds in such poems, for the fresh grecncry of bushes and traes looked
as if Paradisc had descended on earth.*’
Abü'l-Tfusayn an-Nürt in ninth-century Baghdad elalatraled die comparison
of the heart with a garden ftlled with fragrant plants, such as 'rccollection of
God’ or ‘glorification of the lx>rd’, while a somewhal later mystic speaks of the
'garden of hearing’ in which die leaves are of God pleasure and die blossoms of
praisc.’8 The garden of the heart, dien, is blessed by the rain of grace, or. in the
case ofsintiera. Ihc rain ofwrath destroys its poisonous plants. Likewise, one may
scc human beings similar to plants - some like fragrant Gowers, some like grass.
Certain plants are thought to be endowed with spccial powcrs: the wild rué,
n/Mad, is used against the Evil Eyc (usually in fumigación), and the so-called
l'nghiml*’ gul in Afghanistan. a small yellow plant with litde darte lines, sccms to
bear the marks of the Prophet’s Gngcrs. But in the Islamic iradition, as
clscwhcrc, the rose has pride of place. The Prophet kissed the rose and placed it
on his eyes, for 'the red rose is pan of God’s glory, kibnm'.'^ On the other hand,
legend rlaims that the rose grew out of the drops of perspiralion which fell from
the Prophet’s body during his nighdy joumey thercfore it carnes his swect
fragrance.
 SACRED ASPECTS OF NATURE AND CULTURE 21

To the poeis, die violct could appcar as an oíd ascetic who, sitting in his dark
blue cloak on the green prayer rug, namely the lawn, medítales modesdy, his
head bent on his linee, while the lily can be interpreted - owing to the shape of
its petáis - as Dhü ’l-fiqta, '.'Ml's miraculous sword, or else it praises God with ten
tongues. The tulip may appcar as a coqucttish beau with a black heart, but in
the religious tradition it reminds the spcctator of bloodstained shrouds, cspecially
those of the martyrs of Kerbela, with the black spot resctnbling a heart bumt by
sorrows.5' ln lqbál's poctry, on the other hand, it symbolizes the fiante of Sinai,
the glorious manifcsiation of God's .Majesty, and at the same time it can stand
for the truc believer who braves all the obstaclcs that try to hinder his unfolding
into full glorv,
All the flowers and leaves, however, are engaged in silent praise of God, for
‘there is nothing on Earth that does not praise its Creator’ {Süra 59:24 et al.), and
cvery Icaf is a tonguc to laúd God, as Sa'di (d. 129a) sings in an oft-imitated verse
which, if wc believe the historian Dawlatsliah, the angelí sang for a whole ycar
in the Divine presente.5’
'litis feeling of the never-ending praise of the crearures is expressed most
tenderly in die story of the Turkish Sufi, Sünbül Efendi 'sixteenth century), who
sent out his disciples to bring (lowers to the convent. While all of them retumed
with fine bouquets, one of them, Meritez Efendi, ofl'crcd üte master only a little
withcred flower. for, he said, ‘all the others wcrc engaged in the praise of God
and I did not want 10 disturb them; this one, however, had just finished its ¡lióla,
and so 1 brought it’. It was he who was to become the mastcr’s successor.
Not only the plañís but the animáis too praise God, each in its own way.
There are mythological animáis such as the ftsh in the depth of the fathomless
otean on which is standing the bull who carries the earth; and the Pcrsian saying
az la rnáhi, ‘From the moon to the fish’, means ‘all through the universe’.
However, it is difficult to cxplain the use of fish-shaped amuiets against the Evil
Eye in Egypt and the frequent occurrence of fish cmblcms and escutchcons in
the house of the Nawwabs of Oudh. A pre-Islamic heirloom is likely in these
cases. While in the Koran animáis are comparatively rarely mentioned, the Tala
of Uu ProphOs tcll how animáis consoled Adam after the Fall.
There seems lo be no trace of ancient totemism among the Acal» Muslims,
while in the Turkic tradition ñames like bughta, bugha ‘steer’ or bOru ‘wolf could
be understood as pointing to former tótem animáis of a clan. Yct, in somc
dervish orders. mainly in the oíf-centre regions of the Islamic worid, one
encounters what appcar to be ‘totcmistic’ relies: for example, die ’lsawiyya in
North /Vírica take a tótem animal and behave like it during a certain festival,
when a steer is ritually (bul not according to Islamic ritual!) slaughtcrcd.53 The
identification of cats and dervishes among the Heddawa beggar-dervishcs seems
to go back to the same roots.5* Although these are exceptional cases, some
22 DF.CIPIir.RlNG THE SIGNS OF GOD

remnants of the belief in the sacred power of certain animáis slill survive in Sufi
traditions in general. Onc oí thcm is thc use of the fist or fisl, the animal skin
which constituies the spiritual master’s seat in a number of Sufi brothcrhoods.
Whcn medieval dervishes such as Haydaris and JawSliqis ciad diemselves in
animal skins, they must have fclt a sort of identificarán with the animal.
Onc problem whcn dealing with the role of animáis in religión is the
transformarán of a previously sacred animal into an uncirán one, as happened
for example in ancienl Israel with the prohibirán of pork, the boar being sacred
to thc Canaanitcs. Thc prohibirán of pork is one of the rare food taboos that
lives on in Islam. Therc, howcvcr, the true rcason for its prohibirán is unknown,
and it is generally and partly correedy) attributed to hygicnic reasons. Yet, it
scems that thc uglincss of boars shocks thc spcctator perhaps even more litan the
valid hygicnic reasons, and I disdnedy remember thc oíd Anatohan villagcr who.
al Ankara Zoo, exclaimed at the siglit of the only animal of this kind a
particularly ugly specimen, to be surc): 'Praiscd be thc Lord, who has forbidden
us to cal this horrible creaturc!' Bcsidcs, pigs are in general thought to be related
in some way or another lo Christians: in 'Attar's Mantiq ul-ty'r, the pious Shaykh
San'án is so lieside himself with lose for a Christian maiden that he even lends
her swine, and in Rúmt's poetry thc 'Franks' who brought pigs to the sacred city
of Jerusalem occur more than once.» With the deeply-rooted aversión of
Muslims to pork and to pigs, it comes as a true cultural shock for parents when
their childrcn, in British or Ameritan schools, have to leam nurserv rhymes
about ‘dtrec litde piggies", illustratcd by pretty drawings, or are sometimes
olfered innocetll maraipan pigs.
The Muslims liase devoted a good number of scholarly and entertaining
works to zoology, for cxamplc al-Jabi?’s and Damlrt’s works; but on the whole
the characteristics of animáis were provided eilher by the rare allusions in the
Koran or, after the eighth century, by Bidpai’s fablcs known as Katila ua Dimu,
which became widely rcad in thc Islamic world after Ibn al-Muqalfa- (d. 7561
had first rendered them into Arabic.
The Koran (Süra 2:26 mentions the tiny gnat as an cxamplc of God’s
instructing mankind by means of likcncsscs. In the Tales ofthe Propkets, we leam
that it was a gnat that enterad Pharaoh's brains, thus causing his slow and
painful dcath - thc smallcst inscct is ablc to overeóme the mightiest tyrant. Thc
bcc (Süra 16:68) is an 'inspired' animal whose sktll in building its house points to
God’s wisdom. In later legend, 'Ah ibn Abi Talib appcars as the amlr an-naN, ‘the
Princc of the bees’ bccause thcy helped him in a battlc, and popular tradirán in
both medieval Turkcy and Indo Pakistan claims that honey becomes swcct only
when the bees constandy hum the |aimñl-i ¡hanfa, die blcssings over thc Prophct.
while gathering thc othctwisc tasteless sap/
Thc ant appears in Süra 27:t8ff, a weak creature which was nevertheless
 SACRED ASFECTS OI SATURE ASO CULTURE

honoured by Solomon, and the legend that it brought a locust’s leg to the mighty
king is often alluded to - 'a locust’s leg' is an insignificant but well-intended gift
from a poor pcrson. The spider, on the one hand, is a creature that builds 'the
wcakcst house' (Süra 29:41), and yet it was a spider that helped the Prophet
during his hegira: whcn he spent the night with Abo Baki in a cave, the spider
trove its web so deftly over the cave’s entrance that the Mcccans who pursued
the Prophet failed to rccognize his hiding-place. So legend tells.
Although not mentioned in the Koran, the moth or buttcrfly that immolates
itself in the candle’s fire was transfbrmcd into a widesprcad symbol of the soul
that erases annihilation in the Divine fire. It reached Western literature through
Goethe's adaptation of the morif in his pocm Siligt Sthnauht?1
As for the quadnipeds. the titlc of Sura 2, AI-Bai/ara 'The Cow’, is taken from
the sacrifice of a yellow cow (Süra 2:671!’.; by Moscs; but during a religious
discussion at Emperor Akbar’s court in 1578, a pious Hindú happily remarked
that God rnust have rcally loved cows to cali the largest chapter of the Koran
after this animal - an innocent misunderstanding dial highly amused the Muslim
courtiers.18
The lion, everywhcre the symbol of power and glory, appcars in the same
role in Muslim tradition, and 'All ibn Abl Talib, whose proper ñame was first
Haydara or Haydar). ‘Lion', was praised from early days as die ‘lion of God’
and therefore surrounded by numerous ñames that [Hiint to his leonine qualities,
such as Ghadanfar, 'lion', or Asadulláh, 'God’s lion’, or in Persian arcas 'Aíshli, and
undcrTurkish influence Asían 'Ali and 'Ali Aíslan (both shlr and aíslan mean ‘lion’).
The truc Saint, it is said, is like the golden lion in the dark forest of diis world,
and fierre lions bow fiefore him or serve him as obedient moutlts. Bul perhaps
the most moving role of the lion is found in Rümi’s Hhi müfthi. People travellcd
from near and far to scc a famous strong lion, but nobody dared to come elose
10 him from fear; however, if anyone had stroked him, he would have been the
kindest creature imaginable. What is required is absolute faith, then diere is no
danger any more,
In popular belief, the cat is the lion’s aunt. or clsc shc is bom from his
sneezing.® The Prophet’s fondness for cats is often referred to, and whether or
not the hnhth that ’Love of cats is part of faith’ is genuine, it reflecLs the general
feeling for the littlc fclinc. For the cat is a clcan animal; her prescnce docs not
annul ritual prayer, and the water from which shc has drunk can still be used for
abludon. 'Hiere are variants of the story of how Abü Hurayra’s cat, which he
always carried in his bag, saved the Prophet from an obnoxious snake,
whereupon the Prophet petted her so that the mark of his fingen is still visible in
the four dark lines on most cats’ forchcads, and, becausc the Prophet’s hand had
stroked her back, cats never fall on their backs. Whether the custom that a
‘Mothcr of cats’ and later die ’Father of cats’ accompanied the Egyptian ma^nal
■H DEC1FHER1NC THE SIGNS OF GOD

on the pilgrimage lo Mecca is a dim survival of the ancient Egyplian cal culi is
not olear.6” Love of cats is parücularlv evident in Maghribi tradition, whcre,
among thc Heddawa for example, thc noviccs are called juWt, ‘litde tom-cau'.
Ibn Mashish is credited widi love of cats, and thcrc is also an oíd Suft shrinc in
Fez called ¿Sui» fíi Qfitñt, ‘that of the father of cats’, just like Pisih SulUn. Lady
with kitten’, in Anatolia. Yct, despite the cat’s positivo evaluation in eariy
lilerature, there is no dcarth of sumes (especially in Pcrsian; about hypocritical
cats which, while pcacefullv murmuring their prayers or Ote dhih, never forget to
kill tlte inice which they have cheated by their allcged repentance from
bloodshcd.
While thc cat is a clcan animal, the dog is regarded as unclean, and his
presence spoils the ritual prayer. He appears as fiercc and greedy (anyone who
has encountered the street dogs in Anatolia will appreciate this remark), and thus
thc dog could represent thc naf¡, tile lowcr soul ‘which im ites lo evil' (Sara
12:53). $u*is were scen a hlack dog besides thcm, which was explained to thc
onlooker as the hungry «i/¡; bul, as the dog can be trained and become a kalb
mu'allm, an 'instructcd dog', thus thc lowcr faculúes too can be lumed into
somediing useful. On thc other hand, the Koran mcnñons thc dog that laithfully
kept company with the Seven Sleepers (Süra 18:18-22), and this legendary
creature, called (¿finir in legends, bccamc a symbol of fidelity and trustwordii-
ness, The poets would love to be ‘thc dog of fidelity' at their bcloved's door or,
in Shia Islam, at the slirine of an imam. By unswervingly watching there, they
hoped to be purified as was the dog of thc Seven Sleqxrs, who was honoured by
being mentioned in thc sacrcd Book, Thc proper ñame Kalb U4, "All’s dog‘, in
some Shia familics expresses this wish. And when poets tcll how thc demented
lover Majnün used lo kiss the paws of thc cur that bad passed through the
quarter of his belovcd laylá, they mean to point out that eren thc lowliest
creature can become a carricr of blcssings by his associauon with thc belovcd.6’
Tile remarkable ainouni of positivo allusions to dogs in Persian poetry (conlrary
to the rather negativo picturc of cats in thc same literature) may stem from thc
Zoroastrian lave for dogs which, in thc dualistic Zoroastrian system. belonged to
the good side of creation.
Thc camcl, mentioned as sign of God's crcañvc powcr in Süra 88:17 CDon’t
they look at the camcl how it was created?') became in later tradition a fine
symbol of the nafs which, restire and selfish in the beginning, could be cducatcd
(similar to the dog) to carey the sccker to his goal, thc Divine Presence, dancing
on the thomy roads despite its heavy burden when listening 10 the drivcr’s song.
Among the negativo animáis represented in thc Koran is thc donkey, whose
braying 'is thc uglicst possiblc voicc' (Süra 31:19) and whose stupidity is
understood from the remark dial dio ignorant who are unable to understand and
appreciate thc contenta of thc sacrcd seriptures are like 'thc donkey that carrics
 SACRE» ASPECTS Of NATURE AND CULTURE a5

books' (Süra 62:5). In legcnd, the donkey is said to be accursed because Iblls
managcd to entcr Noah's Ark by dinging to its tail. Traditionally, the donkey is
connected in lslamic literature (as in dassical antiquity) with dirt and sensuality
and becamc, in mysdcal parlance, the representaúve of the material world which
has to be left behind, just as Jesus’s donkey remained on carth while he was
uplifted to heaven.1"
Thcrc is, however, the while mulé Duldul (the ñame mcans 'large hedgehog’)
which the Prophet gave to 'All and on which he performed many of his hcroic
deeds. Nowadays, Duldul's pictures can be found on the walls of shrines and 011
cheap prints in India and Pakistán to bring blcssing to the building and to its
owner.
The horsc is üte typical Arabic animal, created, according to a myth, from
the swift southem wind, and Arabic literature abounds with praises of the
beautiful creature. The beginning of Süra loo speaks of the ‘running horses’
which appear as galloping through the world towards the Gnal goal the Day of
Judgment. But it rarelv appears in truly religious contexts, although it may serve
in the Sufi tradition again as a mi/i-animal, which has to be starved and broken
in order to becomc uscful for its owner; the numerous allusions to the ‘restive
horse' and the miniature drawings of starved horses seem to be related lo this
Concept.61 In Shia áreles, it is bclieved that a while horsc will carry the Mahdi
when he dcsccnds to earth at the end of time; therefore a fine stecd with henna-
colourcd feet is led every year in the Mubarram proccssion (the so-callcd dhü ’l-
to make sure that his horse is saddled in case he should suddenly appear.
It is touched by the pious for the sakc of blessing.
A strange mount, smallcr than a horsc and larger than a mulé, was Burüq
(connected with ban¡, 'lightning'), that carricd the Prophet during his mi'rij
through dre heavens into the Divine Prescnce. It is described as having a
wonran's face and a peacock’s tail, and was the embodimem of swiftness and
beauty. Pocts and painters have never dred of dcscribing it with new colourful
details. Buriq nowadays appears frequendy on pictures; and, in the eastern lands
of the Muslim world, especially in Pakistán, trucks and buses are dccoratcd with
its ‘likeness’, perhaps in the hope that its barata will bring the vehicle as swiftly to
its goal as the real Bur.lq carricd the Prophet through the universe.6*
Serpents, so imporlant in the Christian tradition, do not play a central role in
Islam. The Koran (Süra 7:117, 2o:66(T.) alludes to Moses' rod that tumed into a
serpent to devour the rods of Pharaoh’s sorcerers. For they can appear as mfs-
animáis which are blinded by the spiritual master, who resembles an emerald.6*
?\lso, it was Iblls in the shapc of a small snakc which, carricd into Paradisc owing
to the peacock’s ncgligence. induced Adam and Eve to eat from the forbidden
fruit. However, the role of the snakc and its greater relative, the dragón, is not as
central as one would cxpect. Yet, both snakes and dragona (the latter appearing
a6 PCCIHIE1INC THE SIGNS DE GOD

more írequendv in the indigenous Persian iradition: are connccted in popular

belief with treasures which-they guaní in ruined places. Perhaps that connects
them with the mighty scrpent which, according to the Tales of At hopkfo,
surrounds the Divine Ihrone.
Much more important in symbolic language is the world of birds, which, like
everything, adore the Lord and know their laúd and worship, as the Koran «ales
(Süra 24.41 The soul bird. common in early and ancient societies. was wdl
known in the Islamic world. Pre-lslamir Arabe imagined soul birds flultering
around a grave. Later, the copie of the soul bird, so litting to symbolize the soul'»
flight beyontl the limita oí the material world, permeates mystical literature, and
still todas onc can hcar in some Turkish familirs the expresión Cm hia ufo.
‘his/her soul bird has flown awav’, when speaking of somconr’s death. The
Iradition according (o which the souls of martyrs livt in the crops of grecn birds
lo ihc day of Rcsurrrciion bclongs in this connection.66
Again, just as plañís in general plav a considerable role in Islamic beliefs and
folklore and yet some spccial plants are singled out for their religious or magic
importance, Ihr same is ihc case with birds. If the rose is elle sitpreme
manifestation of Divine beauty or the symbol of the bclovcd’s ehcck, then the
nighiingale is die soul bird par excellence. It is 1101 only the simple rhyme gul-
balbul, rosr-nighringalc'. in Persian that marle this bird such a lavouritr ofpocts.
but the plainthr nighiingale which sings most cxpressivcly when roses are in
bloom could easily be inleipreled as the longing soul. This idea underlies even
the most worldlv-looking use of this combination unbcknown to mo« authors,
The falcon is a efiflerent soul bird. Its symbolic use is natural in a eivilizadon
where falconry was and still is one of the lavouriie pastimes. Caplured by a
cunning oíd enme, Mislress World, the falcon ftnally llirs hume to his owner; or
clse the hard, seemingly cruel educación of the wild, worthless flcdgling into a
well-trained hunting bird can serve as a model for the education which the
novice has to undetgo. The Sufts thercfore liked 10 combine the retum to his
master’s li« of the lamed, obedient bird with (he Koranic rcmark Süra 89:27—8
‘Retum, oh you soul at peacc for the soul bird has undergone the
transformación of the mJí anmirii into die naji mifna’ima. On the other hand,
however, the falcon as a strong, predatory bird can also serve to symbolize the
irresistible poner of lose or Divine gracc. which grasps die human heart as a
hawk carnes away a pigeon.
The pigeon, or dove, is, as in the. West, a symbol of loving fidelity, which is
manifested by its wearing a collar of dark feathers around its neck - die ‘dove’s
necklace'.'1' In the Persian iradition, one hears its ronslant cooing tí, tí, ‘Where,
where [is the lickivcd|?' In India, the Papiha bird’s cali is interpreted similady as
PÜ kaM'i, ‘Where is the belovedf)
The migratory «ork is a pious bird who builds his nest preferablv on
 SACRE» ASPECTS Of NATURE AN1> CULTURE »7

minareis- Is he not comparable, in his fine while ailire, lo pilgrims travclling

once a year to Mocea? And his constant laklak is inierpreted as the Arabic al-mulk
lah. al-'in lak, al-1/amd lak. ’Thine is the kingdom. l'hine is ihe glory, Thine is the
praise.’.
Similarly the roosier, and in particular the while rooster, is regarded as the
bird who laught Adam how and when lo pcrtbrm the ritual prayer; ihus he is
sometimos scen as the muezzin to ivake up the sleepers, á fact to which a Indith
points (AM no. 261); Rfiini oven calis him by the Greek word angelos, 'an ángel’.
The peacock, due lo whose negiigcnce the serpent, i.c. Satan, was carried into
Paradise, is a strange combination of dazzling beauty and ugliness: although his
radiant feadters are put as bookmarks into copies of ihe Koran, the ugliness of
his feet and his shricking voice have always served to wam poople of selfish
pride. While some authors dwell upon his positive aspeets as a manifestación of
the beauty of spring or Divine lieauly, olbers claitn dial the bird is loved by
Satan bccause of his assistancc in bringing him into the primordial Paradise.
Ncvcrthelcss, peacocks - sacred to Sarasvati in former times - are kept in many
Indo Pakistani shrines. Hundreds of them live around a small shrine in
Kallakahar in the Salr Rangc; and in othrr places, peacock feathers are often
used to bless the visitor.
Like the peacock, the parrot, prubably unknown in eariy Islamic times,
belongs to India and has broughi from his ludían background several peculiari-
úes: he is a wise though somcwhal misogynistical teacher*9 whose words,
however, are sweet like sugar. litar is why. in Gulbarga, deal’ or stuttering
childrrn are brought to the minute tomb of a peí parrot of the saint's fantily;
sugar is placed on the tomb, and the child has to lick it. The parrot's grecn
colour connects him with Paradise, and it is said that he learns to speak by
meaos of a rnirror behind which someone utters words (set bclow, p. 31).
In the Muslim tradition of India, one sometimos encounters the haiu, the
swan or, rather, large gander who, according to folk tales and poems, is ablc to
live on pearls. Diving dcep, he dislikes the shallow, muddy water - like the
perfect saint who avoids the dirty, brackish water of this worid.
Muslim authors’ interest in btrds can be casily understood from die remark in
Süra 27:16 according to which Solomon was aequainted with the 'language of
die birds’, Mantq ul-Uw. lilis could easily be inierpreted as the language of the
souls, which only the truc master undcrstantls. The topic of die soul birds liad
already becn used in Ibn Slna's id. 1037. Rubial altq>r and his poem on the soul,
and SanSl id. 1131 has described and intctprctcd in his long qaiida, Tastih at-
tinúr 'The birds' rosary*, the different sounds of the birds. The most extensive
elaboraüon of die storics of the soul birds is given in ’Aitar's Manto) ulfarr. the
hudhud. the hoopoe. once die messenger between Solomon and the Queen of
Sheba, lcads them through the seven vallcys in their quest for the .SimurgA.70
28 UECIPHERING THE SIGNS OF GOD

However, it becomcs dcar from ’ApJr’s epie, as from other poems such as
some of Násir-i Khusraw's japdai, that by no means all birds are cxamplcs of the
positivo aspeéis of the human soul.’1 Some are connected with the hibernal
world of matter, like dte crow and the rasen which inhábil ruins and, contrary
to other birds, enjoy the winler, the time when the world seems to be dcad and
the life-giving water is frozen. Was it not (he raven that showed Caín how to
bury his slain brother Abel (Süra 5:31)?
Mythical birds are not lacking in Muslim lands. 'Hiere is the Huma, the shade
oí whosc wings conveys kingdom to the onc touchcd by it, and the ’/lnyá, the
‘long-necketl' female bird which lias become a metaphor for something non-
existent: aB w yok, 'He has a ñame bul no reality', as the Turkish saying
gocs, Its Persian countctpart, the Stmurgh, was a rcsourccíiil bird in cariy
Persian tradition, rescuing, as Ote Shihnima has it, Me Zsl and bringing the
outeast cltild up with her own chicles; the colourful feather which she gave to Zül
allows its owner to perform licit magic. The Slmurgh was, however, transformed
into a symbol of the Divine by Suhrawardl the Master of IUuminadon (d. 1191'
and by 'Apar, who invented the most ingenióos pun in Persian mystical
literature: the thirty birds, it mutgA, who have complctcd their pilgrimage
through lile seven valleys, discover that the goal of their que», die divine
Stmurgh, is nothing but themsclves, being ó miojí.
The Koran mentions Süra 5:60) the translormation of sinners into pigs and
monkeys, and some medieval authors took over these ideas, beginning, it seems,
with the lkhwSn as-sala of Basra. Ghazzáll mentions the ‘animal Uaits' pig =
appctitc, grecd; dog - anger) in his Ihit 'ulüm and the Divine threat that
greedy. diny and sensual peoplc will appcar on Doomsday in the shape of diose
animáis which they resembled in their behaviour is quite outspoken in thr works
of Sana‘i and ‘Apar, and somcwhat softened in some of Ríunl's verses.
Yet, ihcrc is still another side to animáis in Islamic tradition. Muslim
hagiography is replete widt storics that tell of the love that the 'friends of God'
showed to animáis, and kindness lo animáis is recommcnded through mosing
storics in the Bi/fllh Larlv legend tclls of Sufis who were famed for their losing
relations with tile animáis of the desert or the Ibrest, and later miniaturr
paintings often show the saints with tamc Hons (or their minor relativos, namelv
cats) or surrounded by gazclles which no longcr shy away from thetii. For the
onc who has subdued the animal trails in his soul and has become complctcly
obedient to God will luid that everything becomcs obedient to him.
Finally, the dream of eschatological peace involves the idea üiat 'tile lion will
lie down with the lamb’, and Muslim authors too have described the pcacclúl
kingdom which will appear (or has alrcady appearcd) under the rule of this or
that just and worthy sovcrcign, or else which will be realized in the kingdom of
the Beloved.”
 SACRED ASPECTS OF SATÚRE AND CULTURE 29

MAN-MADE OBJECTS
Man-made things uscd as objccts of worship or regarded as filled with a sacred
powcr are often called ‘fetish’ (from PortugucscJñáfo). The term can be applicd
to almost evcrything made by human hands which then occupied a spccial place
in human life: even a sacred b<x>k which is used more or less as a culi objecl
without remenihcring its spiritual contcnt can tum into a fetish. Howcvcr, to put
onc’s trust in thc power of a ‘fetish’ is absolutely prohibited in Islam, as such an
act is incompatible svith the faith in the Onc God who is thc Creator of
evcrything; henee, man-made objccts werc less importan! in thc Islamic context
than in other religious, even though certain shades of their former role may have
survived and thcy continucd to be uscd in symbolic language.
Yet a look at some of thesc objccts may be interesting. Among man-made
objccts, wcapons had a very special valué in earlv societies, and the role of thc
blacksmith in ancicnt civilizaóons is well known. In thc Islamic tradition proper,
this ‘cult’ of wcapons seems to be lacking; only in thc Iranian epieal tradition. in
the ShalmUma, does thc blacksmith Kavah act as hero and liberator. In thc
Koranic tradition, David appears as a master in making coats-of-mail (as every
prophet was instnictcd in a practica! profcssioni. But thc mystical power of arms
survives in one specific historical cxamplc. That is ’All’s famous double-cdgcd
sword, Dhü 'Ijúflr, with the aid of which he perfonned his greatest heroic feats.
Latcr, the ñame of Dhh ’l-Jvftr was often applicd to a patron's sword or to any
sharp instrument íincluding thc poct's sharp tongucli to express the greatest
possible achievement in overcoming enemies; henee, it is also used as a proper
ñame.
Islamic arms and armour are often inscribed with religious formulas to
enhance their power. Besides thc Koranic verse of victory (SOra 48:1 , one
frcqucntly finds the haifílh: la Jala illa 'Ah, la iayf illa IHiú ’ljiqhr, ‘there is no true
hcrioc young man but ’AlI and no sword but Dhü 'l-fii/tr' The ñames of the
‘righdy guided caliphs' in Sunni cirdcs and thosc of the Shia imams in the Shiite
world are used; in Shia environments, thc invocación AÜrfi ’A/rnan, ‘Cali upon ’.AB,
thc manifestor of mirarles ...’, is quite common on wcapons and on other objccts.
Similar texts are also inscribed on difTerent parts of thc armour, from
brcastplatcs to lcggings, from hclmels to shields; but in all these cases, it is the
words of the Koran or of thc Prophet that endow the objecl wiüt specific posver.
An oíd object of pride was thc axe or doublc axc, thc use of which is connected
with ccrtain Sufi orden such as thc Hamadsha in North Africa, and in Irán,
wherc somc Sufis in former limes also used a mace, a lypical sign of ancicnt male
sodalities.
When trees, and isvigs as parí of a tree, wcre widely uscd for religio magic
purposes. one may cxplain tile rod or wand as an artificial twig. It cnhances
man's powcr, and is a sign of guidance. The Koranic story of Moses. whose
3« DECII'HEItING THE SIGNS Of GOD

serpcnt-tumcd-wand devourcd thosc of Pharaoh's sorccrers (Süra 20:66 el al ), is

a typica! example of the living power of the rod. Furthcrmorc, Moses split die
sea with it and caused water to gush forth from üte rock, ¿art-i Anta, ‘The
stroke of Moses’, was therefore choscn as a tclling tide for a coBecrion of Iqbal’s
L’rdu poetry in which he harshly criticizes tile módem development in the
Muslim world as though his pen might work the mirarles associated with
Moses’ rod,
During tile Friday services, the preacher in the mosque carnes a «and; dial
points to his authority.” Likcwise, nianv Stifi masters own cithcr a long rod (or
severa! of tliem or else a high pole. Often, the upper end of the ceremonial pole
is dccoratcd with the ’hand of Fatima’ to aven the Evil Eyc, or else complicatcd
caligrams made of pious invocations (verses from the Koran, the ñames of saindy
people, etc.) crown the high pole, which is seen as a sign of leadership although
its poseer is, again, mainlv due to the use of sacred texts.
A further development of the rod seems to be the Ilag or banner. Some Sufi
masters are known as ‘he of the Ilag’, for example the RrJhündewgrO in Sind,
who wielded an authority similar to that of his cousin. the Rr Pagárb, ‘he with
the turban’. In processions, the members of the diffcrcnt Suli brothcrhoods
marched witli their colourful llags through die cides, as lively descripúons of
medieval Cairo tell, and when a Mamluk suhan’s pious wife was buried in 1467,
her bier was covcrcd with the red Ilag of the dervishes of Ahmad al-Badaw1 ‘for
(he sake of blessing’.»
To mark a pious person’s tomb in the wildemess. people often pul little
colourful llags around or on top of a hcap of stones. Similarly, in the majlú
mectings of the Shia during the first ten davs of Mubarram, llags in differem
colours, often widl precious embroidery, are placed in a comer to remind the
participams of the llags which héroes likc ’Abbís, the standard-bearcr of
Kerbcla, had carricd. Thcsc llags are touched by the participams for the sake of
the baraka. The use of blessed llags or even {üghs, poles with yak tails, was
apparendy well known among Sufis and Sufi-rclated groups such as thcyiilwnm
sodalitics.
The intrinsic religio -magic valué of the Ilag appears again in connection with
the blacksmilh Kavah, who unfurlcd his apron which thus became die famous
ihnfih-i liniiiU, the ílag under which he helped to libérate Irán from tyranny.
For lilis reason, die temí dvafsh-t tinjM was used in later times by authors who
wanted to show their compatriots the right way, even if only in the arca of
Pcrsian grammar.’6
Much more importara for the general Muslim tradition, however, is the
concept of the tim al tetó, the ‘banner of praise’ which Muhammad will carey
on Doomsday (a.« no. 331). The believers will gadier in the licld of Rcsurrection
under this green ílag 10 be led, thanks lo his intcrcession, to eternal bliss. Each
 SACRE!) ASPECTS OF NATURE ANO CULTURE 3>

Muslim dynasty had its own flags and banners, and the poets of medieval Arabia
liked 10 compare the ílowers of the garden 10 flags of diflerent tribes, henee
diflerent colours.” The favourite comparison, which eontinued for many
centuries in Persian and cven Ottoman Turkish literatura, was dial of violéis
with the black banners of the Abbasids. And as flags serve to delíncate a ruler's
territory, it is not surprising that onc of the Turkish terms for a certain
administrativo unit is nncak, ‘flag’. Flags were embroidered with the emblems of
strength, or of Islam. In later times, many of them boro the sign of the crescent
or were decoratcd with the words of the profession of faith (now generally noven
into the material), while it seems that in former times piclures of lions wcre quite
common (as they continué to be in Irán), for the ‘lion on the flag’ bccame a
standard metaphor for something lifeless and powerless.
One of the most fascinating objeets in religious history is the mirnir,’8 from
ancienl times an object sacred to the Japancsc goddess Amatcrasu. Mirrors wcre
made of steel and had to be polished carefully so that they could reflect persons
or objeets. The Koranic saying Süra 83:14) ‘What they were eaming was
overshadowing their hearts’ could easily be applied to the mirror of the hean
that was covered by the rust of blamcworthy actions. and dius no longer capable
of rcflccnng the Divine light. This theme was to become a favourite with the
Sufis, who tried (and continué to try) to instruct rite disciplc in how to polish this
mirror by constara recollection of God lest any dust, rust or verdigris of evil
actions or thoughts be collectcd on it. Even to breathe on it (that is, to speak)
would stain its purity. This latter comparison remains truc also at a time w'hcn
metal mirrors were replaced by glass mirrors.
The mirror plays an importara míe in traditional sagas and tales. A famous
onc is Alexandcr’s mirror, which he placed on high to overeóme an obnoxious
serpent. As cveryone who saw this monsrer had to die. it was concluded that if
die serpent were to see its own reflection it was bound to expire as wcll. By this
trick, the country was saved. Alexandcr’s ‘world-showing mirror', often set
parallcl to Jamshld’s world-showing goblct, appears in Persian literatura lime
and again.
As the puré lieart is a mirror of God, those whose hearts are perfeedy purified
and polished can serve as mediators for God’s beauty. lilis is the spiritual
guide's role, ‘ha Jund Allah of Burhanpur (d. 1621) says, with a somewhat
diflerent metaphor:

Even diough straw and woodchips can be heated by the rays of the sun,
they cannot be ignited But if onc places a mirror befare them and
focuscs the rays through it upon die straw, dicn it can be ignited. The
Pfr’s csscncc is like the mirror.”

The mirror symbol also serves to explain how the disciplc lcams to speak and to
3° tlECH'HERING THE SIGNS OF GOD

scrpcnt-turncd-wand dcvourcd those of Pharaoh's sorcercrs (Süra 20:66 et al.), is

a typtcal example of the living powcr of thc rod. Furthermorc, Moscs split the
sea with it and caused water lo gush forth from tile rock, £arb-i Katrn, 'The
stroke of Moscs', was therefore choscn as a tclling tille for a collcction of Iqbal's
L rdu poetry in which he harsldy criticizes the modern development in Ule
Muslim world as though his pen might work the mitades assoctated with
Moscs’ rod.
During the Friday scrviccs, the preacher in the mosque carnes a wand; dial
points lo his authoritv.7’ Likewise, many Sttfi masters own cithcr a long rod (or
several of them, or else a high pole. Often. the upper end of thc ceremonial pole
is decoratcd with the ‘hand of Fatima’ to aven thc Evil F.ye, or else complicated
caligrams made of pious invocations (verses from thc Koran, thc ñames of saindy
peoplc, etc.) crown the high [míe, which is seen as a sign of leadership ahhough
its powcr is, again. mainly duc to thc use of sacrcd texis.
A further development of the rod seems to be thc flag or banner. Somc Sufi
masters are known as ‘he of the flag', for example the Pir jhándéwáró in Sind,
who wielded an authority similar to that of his cousin, the l*Ir I’agSró, ‘he with
thc turban'. In processions, the members of the dilfcrcnt Sufi brothcrhoods
marched widi their colourful flags dirough the cides, as lively descripúons of
medieval Cairo tell, and whcn a Mamluk sultan's pious wife was buried in 1467,
her bier was covcrcd with thc red flag of thc dcrvishcs of Afanad al-Badawt ‘for
the sakc of blcssing'.”
To mark a pious person's tomb in the wildemess. pcople often pul little
colourful flags around or on top of a hcap of stones. Similariy, in thc majlis
mcctings of thc Shia during thc first ten davs of Muftarram, flags in diíTcrent
colours, often with precious embroidery, are placed in a comer to remind the
participants of the flags which héroes like "Abbas, thc standard-bearer of
Kerbcla, had carricd. Thcsc flags are touched by thc participants for die sake of
thc baraja. The use of blessed flags or even füghi, polcs with yak tails, ivas
apparendy well known among Sufis and Sufi-rclated groups such as thc Julmciia
sodalities.
Thc intrinsic religio magic valué of the flag appears again in conncction with
the blacksmith Kávali, who unfurled his apron which thus bccame die famous
dirafsh-i kñiiyáiü, thc flag under which he helped to libérate Irán from tyranny.
For dtis reason, the term daafsh-i ktmj/M was used in latcr times by authors who
wanted to show their compatriota thc right way, cvcn if only in the area of
Pcrsian grammar.76
Much more important for the general Muslim tradition. howcvcr, is the
concept of thc tiwi al harnl. the ‘banner of praise' which Muhammad will carry
on Doomsday (4M no. 331 The believers will gather in the licld of Rcsurrccdon
under this green flag to be led, thanks to his intercesión, to eternal bliss. Each
 SACRE!) ASPECTS OF NATURE ANO CULTURE 3>

Muslim dynasty had its own flags and banners, and the poets of medieval Arabia
liked 10 compare die ílowers of the garden to flags of diflerent trilles, henee
diflerent colours.” The favourite comparison, which continued for many
centuries in Persian and cven Ottoman Turkish literatura, was dial of violéis
with the black banners of the Abbasids. And as flags serve to delíncate a ruler's
territory, it is not surprising that one of the Turkish terms for a ccrtain
administrativo unit is nncak, ‘flag’. Flags were embroidered with the emblems of
strength, or of Islam. In later times, many of them boro the sign of the crescent
or were decoratcd with the words of the profession of faith (now generally noven
into the material), while it seems that in former times piclures of lions were quite
common (as they continuo to be in Irán), for the ‘lion on the flag’ bccame a
standard metaphor for something lifeless and powerless.
One of the most fascinating objeets in religious hislory is die mirnir,’8 from
ancient times an object sacred to the Japanesc goddess Amaterasu. Mirrors were
made of steel and had to be polished carefully so that they could reflect persons
or objeets. The Koranic saying Süra 83:14) AVliat they were eaming was
overshadowing their hearts’ could easily be applied to the mirror of the heart
that was covered by the rust of blamcworthy actions. and dius no longer capable
of refleenng the Divine light. This theme was to become a favourite with the
Sufis, svho tried (and continué lo try) to instruct die disciplc in how to polish this
mirror by constant recollection of God lest any dust, rust or verdigris of evil
actions or thoughts be collectcd on it. Even to breadle on it (that is, to speak)
would stain its purity. This latter comparison remains truc also at a time when
metal mirrors were replaced by glass mirrors.
The mirror plays an important míe in traditional sagas and tales. A famous
one is Alexander’s mirror, which he placed on high to overeóme an obnoxious
serpent. As everyone who saw diis monsrer had to die. it was concluded that if
die serpent were to see its own reflection it was bound to expire as well. By this
trick, the country was saved. Alexander’s 'world-showing mirror’, often set
parallcl to Jamshld’s world-showing goblet, appears in Persian literatura lime
and again.
As the puré heart is a mirror of God, those whose hearts are perfeedy purified
and polished can serve as mediators for God’s beauty. lilis is the spiritual
guide’s role, 'ha Jund Allah of Burhanpur (d. 1621) says, with a somewhat
diflerent metaphor:

Even diough straw and woodchips can be heated by the rays of the sun,
they cannot be ignited But if one places a mirror befare them and
focuscs the rays through it upon die straw, dicn it can be ignited. The
Pfr’s csscncc is like the mirror.”

The mirror symbol also serves to explain how the disciplc lcams to speak and to
3® DECIPHERING THE SIGNS OF GOD

act: as a parro! is placed befóte a mirror behind which someone is talking whom
the bird íthinking his mirror image to be another parrot) tries to imítate, the
disciple is instrucled by the words of die master. who serves as God's mirror.
A person whose heart has become a pitre mirror will be able to recognize
other people’s wishes and thoughts as though they were his own, and the famous
ttuiiih ‘The believer is die believer’s mirror' (aw no. 104) has served through the
ages as a fine educacional dcvicc: when one sees some unpleasant traits in one’s
neighbour, onc should recognize thcm as one's own faults and try to elimínate
them from one’s own charactcr.
However. not only the heart is a mirror of things Divine; rather, the wholc
universo could be considerad to be a mirror of God's beauty and majesty. God,
who 'was a hidden treasure and wanted to be known' (a« no. 70), as the Sufis'
favouritc cxtra-Koranic saying stated, crcated the world as a mirror to contém­
plate His own beauty in it. Only the ignoran! prefer to admire this niirror's
reverse side instead of looking at God’s reflection in the seemingly ‘empty’ face-
side (sec bclow, p. 229).
Tlie mirror's secret is perhaps most beautifully alluded to in a story which
MawlanJ Rütnl repealed at leasl thrice in his work: someone wanted to bring a
gift to Yüsuf, the manifestation of Absoluto Beauty, but the only presen! that he
could think of was a mirror so that the belovcd could admire his own beauty in
it.8» Likewise, the lover's mirror-like heart is filled so completely with his
beloved's picture that finally mirror and image can no longer be distinguished
and his belovcd is. in this mirror, closcr to the lovcr than to himsclf: the mirror
unitcs both.’1
The mirror, as becomes clear from its ancient connection with Amaterasu, is
a feminine object, the purest vessel of reception: thus, the story of Yüsuf and the
mirror is at the same time the story of his ralation with Zulaykha, who wanted to
come as cióse as possible to the Etcmal Beauty. The loving soul, in its mirror-like
quality, assumes die receptive, feminine role just as the world, creatcd as God’s
mirror. appears as feminine. It was perhaps the subconsdous understanding of
the mystcry of the mirror as a feminine receptacle dial was needed to manifest
tile masculine creative power which made it so important not onlv in mystical
thought bul also in Islamic art, which abounds in mirror structures dial reflect
the central motif of an arabesque or the sacred words of a pious imocation in
never-ending repetition.
Most man-made objeets which play important roles in different rcligions
appcar in the Islamic iradition only at random or in a negativo connotaron: the
wheel has no significan! role unlrss one thinks of the poctical concept of the
whcel of the sky, and the cross, the central reality and symbol in Christian
theology and meditation, is used only negativcly. as Islam dcnics the crucifixión
of Christ (Süra 4:157). Does not the cross with its four arms remind the wise of
 SACRF.D ASPF.CTS OF NATURE AND CULTl'RE 33

the four elementó from whose bondagc one tries to escape to reach csscntial
laudid. monothcism? And whcn Pcrsian poetó likc to spcak of the 'cross-shapcd'
hairstylc of the young Chrislian cupbearer, it is more or less a pleasant litcrary
pune.
Even more repellent to Muslims werc the idols lashioned in die ancicnt
world, whether primitive stonc figures or thc W'ondcrful crcations of classical
antiquity. Thc Koran tclls how Abraham broke the idols of his fathcr Azar ícf,
Sara 6:74) to become the first true monotheist. ‘To break thc idols' is necessary
for anyonc who honcstly attcstó that thcrc is ‘no deity savc God', and for this
rcason Muslim modemist diought tcnds to cali an 'idol' anydiing that divcrts
human interés! from God, be it communism, capitalisni or nationalism, or many
man-made inventions which are taken for support instead of thc Onc God.
And yet, the terminology of ‘idols’ (Arable ^inani, Persian bul} pcmieates thc
cntirc Corpus of Pcrsian, Turkish and Indo-Muslim literatures, for thc Beloved is
very often addressed as bul. so that a confusing oscillation bctwccn strict
monotheistic religión and die litcrary game witli the ‘idols’ can be observed
throughout thc litcrary history of thc Pcrsianate world. In this respect, the
mystics might argüe that, as God crcatcd Adam ‘according to His form', one
could find a way to the absolute objcct of lovc by sccing thc Divine through
human ‘idols’ after all, ‘the melaphor is the bridge towards rcality'. But thc
constant appcarance of 'idols' has caused much misunderstanding, not only
among externalist thcologians but also among non-Muslim readers of this kind
of literatura.8*
Among the objectó that could serve in antiquity as small idols was thc coin,
which was usually imprinted widi representations of dcitics. In Islamic times,
thesc wcre largcly rcplaccd by thc words of the Muida. The feeling that coins
could have a 'religious' valúe continucd in at Icast some arcas: in die Deccan,
lndian friends may fasten thc rnám itonin kd nipia. ‘thc rupcc of thc protecting
Imam', around a departing person’s arm to protcct him or her during thc
joumey, and formcrly a squarc rupcc with thc ñames of thc righdy guided
caliphs was dipped in water which was then administered to a woman in
labour.8’
Thc aversión of the Sufis 10 coins (dial is, to money in general, as paper
money appears only in post-Mongol times) may or may not have something to
do with the feeling that coins wcrc indeed a kind of idol that could divert thc
scckcr from the trust in the one true God and provider of nourishment.
Islam is known as an absolutely iconoclastic religión. Although the prohibi-
tion of painting, let alone stonc carving, is based not upon a Koranic text but
rather upon tile Prophct's saying, it was a safeguard against idol-worship, as thc
rcprcscntcd objecl is thought to be reaily present in the picture.*» It was said that
die painter or sculptor would be asked on Doomsday to infuse life into his works
34 tll.CIPHI.RING THE SIGNS OF GOD

a task in which he would of course miscrably fail. Ncvcrthclcss. there are the
wall paintings in Omayyad desert castles such as Qusayr Amra, or the pictorial
decoration of Scljukid palaccs, espccially in Anatolia, where cven statucs were
used; and representations of birds and quadrupeds, as well as of scenes from
courtly lifc or illustrations of various tales, are found on many metal and ceramic
objccts. In die Middle Ages, book illununation was used to ¡Ilústrate first
scientific trcatises and also. at a rather eariy point, the Maqámñt al-Hañrt, diese
delightful shon stories in brilliant rhynie prose interspersed with punning verses,
The art of wall-painting was practised mainly in bathroonis and bathdiouscs.
It is said that angels would not enter a room with pictures in it; and. as they were
not thought to enter bathroonis in any case, pictures could be safcly placed
there. The historian Bayhaqi celia about die 'pleasure house' of the Ghaznawid
king MasTid I in Herat in the eariy eleventh century, and it seems more litan a
mere accidcnt that four centurics later Jami id. 1492). in the same city of Herat,
givcs a detailed poetical account of the sensual paintings widi which the lovesick
Zulaykha decorated her palace in the hope of seducing Yüsuf. But, however
sensual they may have bren, onc kncw that titcy liad no soul, and the frcquent
idiom of the ‘painted ¡ion’ or the 'painted Itero Rustam’ meant only utter
lifelessness.
Ncvcrthclcss, the devclopmcnt of miniaturc painting continued to mercase,
and in modern times the problem of whether or not photography is parí of the
prohibited representation has resulted in many legal opinions being issued pro
luid con. The faseination with 'group photos' and videos in the Islamic world
seems quite uncxpccted in the iconoclastic atmosphere of traditional Islam.
Perhaps Jámi’s verse expresses the heart of tile rnatter:

The shart'a prohibits painting because

it is imponible to paint your beautyi*5

The open question hete is, as so often, whether the beauriful beloved is human
or Divine.
In contrast to the Muslim's aversión to pictures, especially icons in sacred
rooms (an attitude that inlluenced the heated Byzantinc conilict bctwccn
iconoclasts and iconodulcs, which lasted ncariy a century, 716 lo 787), Christian-
ity was often scen as a religión of pictures; the iconostasis in the Eastcm
Orthodox churches with which the Muslims were most familiar made them
sometimos cali the world of forros and colours a davr, ‘monastery'.
Onc devclopmcnt in the fteld of iconoclasm is remarkable: in the Middle
Ages, it seemed perfectly possiblc to show representations of the Prophet and his
companions in historical works such as Rashlduddín's ll’orif Hutmy or Turkish
chronicles of eariy islamic history. In our day, this is considcred absolute
anadíenla, so much so that in some Muslim countries even reproductions of such
 SACRED ASPECTS OF NATURE AND CULTURE 35

medieval pictures in a scholarly book can cause it to be banned."6 In the later

Middle Ages, the Prophet was shown with his face veiled, but nowadays even
this seems to go too far. Angcls, on the other hand, appear frequendy in
yolourful miniatures or delicale line drawings,8' and onc may encountcr pictures
of a wcll-formed Angel Gabriel with the ram that was to be substituted for
Ismí'il on the walls of Turkish restaurants.
One witnesses also a proliferation of pictures on paper and woven fabrics of
objeets filled with barata, be it the Kaaba, the Prophet's mausoleum in Medina,
his mount Burftq, 'AU's mulé Duldul, or an object that was venerated from early
days, the Prophet’s sandal, to which a good number of medieval poets and
poetesses had devoted Arabic poctry (sec below, p, 183). In mosques, one finds
calendare with pictures of die Holy Places, and posteareis and postage stamps
from Arabia show the Kaaba - but never any human being; while recent
paintere in Irán do not shy away from scenes from the Uves of the prophets,
which are depicted in an almost pseudo-Nazarean style. A speciaUty of Afghani-
stan and Pakistán are figurativo paintings on trucks or on the walls of tea-houses,
where large-eyed maidens altérnate with warplancs and representations of BurSq
or portraits of a pohtical leader.*8
Besides baraka-üücd objeets of metal, wood or stone. one finds woven objeets,
whose role in Islamic tradirion is much largor than that of the prcviously
mentioned ítems. Woven pieces or rug-like fabrics have served to cover sacred
objeets. The tradition of veilinR the Kaaba with black velvet with golden
embroidery, dte kuwa, is probably lite best-known example of this custom. In the
Middle Ages, sovereigns might compete to send the faua 'which was usually
dispatchcd from Cairo 1 to Mccca, thus making a claim, as it wcre, to their rights
over die Holy Places. The kisuxi itself, rencwcd every year, is cut in small pieces
which some fortúnate pilgrims take home for the sake of blessing.
A similar custom is observed at saints' tombs. Visitón, usually as the result of
a vow, bring caven which can also be obtained in die small stalls cióse to the
shrine's entrance. The cover is placed on the sarcophagus and stays there for a
while, and its hem is touched or kissed; often, the visitor places his or her hcad
for the lengdi of a ¡-atiba under the cover to obtain blessings. Then the cover is
taken off again and cither distributed as a whole or cut into small pieces for
deserving visitore, serving sometimes as an addirional hcad-covcr or veil for a
wnman. Pious mothers will collect fragmenta of such tomb-covcrs for their
daughtcre’ trousseaus to ensure die girl’s happincss.
One of the finest módem Sindhi sliort stones describes dramaúcally the míe
that such a cover plays in popular picty. Jamal AbrrO's Muñhuñ káró. ‘With
Blackened f ace’, tells of a poor man who stole the sumptuous cover which had
been dedicatcd by a wcalthy man in graútude fot a son’s birth; the thief had
hoped to procure some money by sclling it to obtain some medicine for his dying
36 RECIFHERING THE SIGNS OF GOD

child, but was beatcn to death by the furious visitón.89 A small covcr is the
mindll. often represcntcd in medieval art, and mcntioncd for example as a sign of
asking for pardon.99
But the most important objcct among man-made things is the gannent,
headgear included. To change one’s gannent means to changc onc's personality,
as evcryone cxpcricnccs when putting on an ollicial dress, a uniform or a
graduation cap and gown, and the priest wcaring the liturgical garments acts not
as a prívate pcrson but as the ollicial administrator of the sacred action.
For the garment is the human bcing's alter ego; thus, to bum a piece of an
enemy's dothing serves as a substituir for killing him - a praedee still known in
East and Wat. The lact that garments and persons are, so to speak, intcrchange-
ablc lia at the base of the Koranic saying that 'women are men’s garment' and
vice versa (SOra 2:187). which indícales a most honourablc position: husband and
wife are each other’s alter ego. Thus, Ibn Strin explains dial if one dreanis of a
woman’s vcil or cover, the meaning is 'her husband’.9*
As the garment carria the owner’s barata, it was used to convey a king's, a
prince's or a saint’s power to another person: the English word 'gala' is derived
from thil'a, ‘the honorary robe which the niler has taken oíT. thala'a, ‘to liestow
it on someone worthy'. In early Islam, the most famous case of such an
investiture (in the truc sense of die word) is the Prophet's taking olT his striped
Yemenitc cloak, the burda, to grant it to the poct Kaab Ibn Z.uhavr as a sign of
forgiveness.93 The word burda was then metaphorically applicd to the great poem
in honour of die Prophet which the Egvptian Suli al-BtisIri id. 1296} sang after
dreaming that the Prophet had casi his burda over him to heal him - and he was
then hcalcd. Just as the original burda was íillcd with barata, thus al-BOSIrt's
‘secondary burda' was regarded as extremely blessed and was copied time and
again, written on walls lo protect the house, translatcd and cnlarged not only in
his Egyptian homcland but in all parís of Muslim world to the bordéis of
soudiern India." Ibn Slrtn’s interpretation fits in: to dream that one is given a
garment by the Prophet mcans great fortune.
Tltc Prophet’s actual cloak, so it is said, was later sold to the Omayyad caliph
Mu'Swiya and then reachcd the Abbasid caliphs. Several doaks attributed to
him are found in the Islamic world - one in Istanbul, another in Qandahar
: Afghanistan) — and it was this latter thirr/a-i Aartf, ‘the noble cloak*, that inspired
Iqbal to some moving Pcrsian poems.99
As the Prophet's mantlc contains spccial blcssing. it used to be said that the
Prophet's mantlc was inherited by so-and-so, or fell on his shoulders, to describe
a scholar of special standing.The Sufi custom that the master bestows a patchcd
frock upon his disciplcs is the same symbol for the transmission of barata, and
when the disciple swears ‘by the cloak of my shaykh' it is as if he wcrc swcaring
by a person who after the Prophet - is the most important in his life.
 SACRED ASPECTS OF SATURE AND CULTURE 37

Tile protective valué of thc Prophet's cloak is also reflectad in the term ahí al-
kisá or ahí al-'abh, ‘the people of thc cloak’, which mcans thc doscst relativas of
the Prophet (Fa(ima, ’Ali. Ijasan and Husayn), who are wrapped in his cloak
and form so to speak a sacrcd and hlesscd unity.
GarmenLs in general can be uscd for protective purposes: when one wraps a
child in an aged pcrson’s dress, one hopes that it may grow to a ripc oíd age; or
when the anxious mother dresses up her little boy as a girl, she wants to protect
him from thc Evil Eyc or malicious djinns who might be more interesced in a
baby boy üian in a girl: the dress hclps to ‘changc its idendty’. Thc Evil Eyc or
any other danger can also be averted - so Muslims hope by means of a
talismanic shirt, which ideally should be of cotton spun and woven by forty puré
virgins and would be covered with Koranic inscriptions and invocations.
Islam developed a strict order of dress. The most important rule was to cover
the esscntials, that is, for men die area betwecn naval and knee, and for women
the body, aldiough in lilis case the degree of covcring varíes from a normal
decent dress to thc full or thc burga which covcrs the entirc peraon. Thc
question of whether a good Muslim is allowed to wear shorts, for example while
rowing, caused inlensive discussions among Muslim students at Harvard in thc
spring of 1992.
Onc must not forget that thc strict rule for dcccntly covcring the body and
the ncccssity of wearing a fitting garment during prayer caused major changes in
border lands in thc wake of Islamization. Muhammad Mujeeb (1972) has
highlightcd thc importancc of thc Muslims' introducing stitchcd garments into
India, as thc looscly-knottcd lungi and thc graccfiil sarer are not practica! for
performing die prayer rite (and the use of rhaltvár qamq inslead of the saree was
emphasiscd whcn Islamic concepts were being increasingly slrcssed in Pakistán
in thc 1980S).» Much carlicr, C. H. Bcckcr spokc of thc influcncc of the Bohora-
Ismaili traders in East and Central Africa who brought with thcm diflerent tvpcs
oí sewn dresses and al thc same lime propagated die religión dial ordered die
wearing of such clothing.96
The dress prcscribcd for thc pilgrimagc, ¿Wm. shows by its very ñame that it
is connected with the sphere of the sacred, hiram, that is, an arca to which acccss
is prohibited lo those who do not follow die proper rites. Thc two white unscwn
pieccs of cloth for men and thc long straight gown for women distinguish the
pilgrims from thc normal believer and subjcct thcm to a number of taboos.
In classical limes, each stratum of socicty could be casily rccognizcd by thc
stylc of dress wom (as was die case in medieval Europc as well), and it is
speculatcd that onc of the rcasons for die order 10 die Prophet's wives to cover
themselves dcccntly (Süra 24:31; was to distinguish them from die lower dass and
from servanl-women. In medieval towns, thc scholars' high hats with veils,
taylashn, wcrc well known,” and one of die rcasons that upset thc advcrsarics of
3» DECIPHERING THE SIGNS OF GOD

die martyr-mysüc al-Hallaj was that he changcd his attirc frequently, now posing
as a soldicr, now as a scholaror a Sufi. Arabic, Persian and Turkish sourccs givc
many more or le» detailcd dcscripúons of fashions and fabrics, which are
supportcd by die allusions to dilTerent garments in poetry and are illustratcd in
Oriental miniatures as well as in the travelogucs ol' European merchanls and
visitón to the Nliddle East. It was thercfore an immense shock for Muslims when
direc political Icadcrs in the lijaos tried to forcé the population in üieir countries
to exchangc the time-honoured dress of men and the even more traditional dress
of women for European-style clodies: Ataturk was successful in Turkcy. Reza
Shah Pahlavi in Irán somcwhat less, and Amánulláh oí Afghanistan failed.
Of special interest are customs in the Sufi orders1*8 where the investíture with
the muraqqa', die patched frock, or the khirqa, the woollen cloak, were central:
legend daims that the dervish frock and the turban were given to the Prophet
during his heavenly joumey, and he handed thcm over to 'A1I. A patchcd frock
■nade of rags of Sufi cloaks dial were tom during the whirling dance was
regarded as particulariy blesscd owing to the ’power' of the ecstatic state of its
former owner. The Sufis dcvclopcd a far-rcaching symboiism not only of the
cloak but also of its diíTercni parís such as the hem, collar and sleeves, as is
descrihcd extcnsively in Hujwiri's Kaslif alMa/júb. For the Mcvlevis, the black
coat that is thrown olí when the mystical dance begins and the denishes emerge
in their while garments is seen as die material parí of man, while the while
garment points to the spirilual body. Tile Khaksár denishes know a kafani,
which is the ‘shroud' garment, for the dervish has to die to this world and what
is in it; they also llave the luiu¡. a kind of apron wom under the garment and
connected widi the mysteries of initiation.--
In Jütmaai áreles, which are oifsprings of the Sufi tradición, che investiture
with the Juluuwn trousers was die most important parí of die initiation rite, and
the term ’fastening die belt’ (or the string that kceps the trousers in place: could
develop into the expression ‘binding the belt of servitude', or, as we would say,
‘girding one’s loins’ for work, to perform services for die mastcr.
The Sufis’ types of headgear have different shapes and colours, as have the
coats, and the headgear plays an important role; it shows die person’s standing.
The headgear could be die so-called táj. ’crown’, which is sometimos high,
broadening towards the top, and sometimes round and made of a certain
number of wedges: thus the twelve wedges in die Bektashi order remind the
dervish of the twelve Shia imams. Another type is the high conical felt hat, nttr,
of the Mevlcvi denishes.
Symbolically, the headgear can even be a fisvour from God, as NSsir-i
Khusraw says in his Sa'iulalnima:

When God granls you the cap, hilih. of loftincss.

Why do you bind y-our heart to someone else?
 SACRED ASEECTS OF NATURE AND CULTURE 39

For to bles someone by placing hcadgcar on his hcad means to hononr him,
and thus daslirbandi, 'turban-winding', is a highly important occasion in the
dcrvish ordcrs; it means the instahnent of a worthy representativo of the master.
That the Plr PagárO in Sind has received his súmame from the turban,
belongs here.
Turiians in diflerent shapes and colours were also wom by non-dervishes, and
their use is most prominent among scholars. To enlarge one’s turban ofien carne
to mean ‘to show oíf, to boast'. Therefore, the Indo-Pcrsian poet T.Tlib-i Amult
(d. 1627) satirizcd those who ncglect useful work because ‘they are too busv with
building up tlte domes of their turbans’
One part of the dcrvish's outfit was the earring, at lcast in some brother-
hoods, and the term hali/a br-glA 'ring in the ear', means servitude: one is the
servant of die person whose earring one wears. Such earrings could assume
diflerent shapes, and some of the itinerant dervishes in the Middle Ages as well
as ccrtain groups among the Bektashi used 10 wear heavy iron earrings in one or
both cars.
Given the importance of garments and clothing in tradition and daily life, it
would be surprising if the garment had not become a favourite metaphor.
Modcls are given in the Koran: a hadldi speaks of the libas al-btrr, 'the garment of
kindness1, and Süra 7:26 of die libas al-laquñ, 'the dress of piety'. It is told in die
Tajes oj ihe Prophrls that, after the Hall, Adam’s and Eve’s clothes ílew away and
God addrcsscd Adam: ’Lct thy batdc cry be My ñame and thy clothing what
thou weavest with thy own hand' (for Adam’s profession was agricuhure as well
as spinning and weaving), yet one felt that the garment senl down to coser dieir
shameful parts should not be inteqireted in the literal sense but also as die order
and rules of the Divine Law: ’This garment', says K.Tshan1, ‘is the lAort'u which
reclifies die ugly traits in the rational soul’. Ibn ’Arabl's interpretation of a dream
points to the same meaning: faith is seen as a cloak, and. among the people that
appeared in that spccific dream, onlv 'Ornar, the second caliph, has a sufliciently
long cloak, that is, full faith in God.100 Thus, when XifAmuddln Awliya of Delhi
promises a disciplc diat he w'ould 'east a cloak over him to veil his sins', extemal
and intemal meaning are well intcrwoven. But a 'normal' dress cannot cover
one’s shameful acts, as Nasir-i Khusraw wams.
Someonc who embraces Islam ‘puts on the robe of honour of Islam', and
during his hcavenlv joumey the Prophet was invested with two cloaks, nameh
spiritual povcrty.^r, and trust in God. The 'robes of povertv and paticnce' are
also mentioned by Shibll, the Baghdadian Sufi (d. 945) who claimed to wear
them on the Feast Day instead of the new garments which people usually don on
festivo days - in fací, to celébrate Id. the Feast of Fast-breaking. without wearing
new garments is considcrcd a sign of utter destitution.
Given the metaphorical uses of 'garment', it is not diflicult lo speak of the
4° □ ECIPHERINC THE SIGNS OF COI»

"robe of martyrdom’, and when ihe Chrislian, according to St Paúl, is 'dad in

Christ', thcn thc highcst stage that a Muslim mystic may dream of is to be dad
in the libas thc robe conncctcd with thc Divine Ñame al-haqq, the
Absoluto Truth.
The Koran mendoned 'garments of fire’ lor die inhabitants of Hcll (Süra
22:19), and Satan's garment, as Kisa'I claims, is God’s wrath. Thc pious, on the
other hand, can hopc that thc Lord will dothe them on the day of Resurrcction
with forgiveness and good acdons to constitute a garment in Paradise, while the
sinner is naked, deprived of thc ‘robe of picty’.
This image Icads to anolher aspee! of die weaving, spinning and dothing
arca: it was thought that one spins and wcaves onc’s own etemal garment by
one's acdons and thoughts. Rüml too admonishes his listeners to ‘cat thc fruit
which one lias planteó oneself and dress in the garment which one has onesclf
spun’ (M V 3,181). Thcse images are elaborated parlicularlv in die cotlon-
growing arcas of thc Deccan and of Pakistán.101 Thc traditional folk songs which
used to accompany spinning everywhere in thc world were transformed into
songs where spinning becomes a symbol for the uninterrupled dhifa, thc
rccollcction of God, and thc soul that has performed this religious act dudfully
will find a precious trousseau on her wedding day, that is, 011 Doomsday, while
thc lazy girl who has ncglccted the 'spinning’ of thc recollection will thcn be
naked and disgraecd. This imagery may also cxplain thc bclicf of thc Kurdish
Ahl-i Haqq, who saw mctcmpsychosis as a wandering from onc (bodily) garment
lo another one, always wearing so one may diink what has been woven in
the previous life."”
God Himsclf appcars as the master weaver and tailor, as He is thc suprcme
master of evcrything. He 'makes the night to a cloak’, says Süra 78:10, and it is
He who weaves the whole hislory of thc universo on thc loom of days and nights.
Furthcrmorc, He can be approachcd only through thc garments which He has
put over his unfathomablc Esscnce thc 70,000 veils of light and darkncss hide
Him as die garment hides the body and as thc body hides thc soul. 'Kibrña.
“Giory'' is His cloak’, as a hadilh qudsl says (aar no. 404), and his shirt according
to thc same source - is merey with which He will dothe those who hopc for it.
Without die 'garments'. dial is, without His manifestations of merey and
majesly, God would remain forever thc dau absiondUus, and when Meister
Eckhart in Gcrmany speaks in recurrent images of ‘God in his kleitkús\ His
’house of garments. His wardrobe', by which lie means thc tangible and palpable
signs of His merey, his eider contcmporary in Anatolia, Mawláná Rüml, sings in
onc of his most moving poems:

O seize thc hem of His favour

bccausc from you He will (lee ...
(O no. 900)
 SACRED ASPECTS OF NATIJRE AND CULTURE 4»

To scizc some powcrful person’s hem means to partake of his baraka, and the
Muslim poet, a mouthpiece for so many other bards, knows that the mystcry of
God can be touchcd only through the signs. through the twofold woof and warp
of the created universe, through phenomena which both hide and revea! Him
like garments.
For the Muslim, the concept of the garment or shirt may carry still another
connotaron. In Süra lüsuf, the Koran speaks of the scent of Yüsufs shirt, which
healed his blind father Jacob (Süra 12:94). The whole range of fragrancc in
Islamic culture would deserve a special study, beginning with the Prophet’s lovc
of fragrancc, which bclonged to the fcw things that God had endeared to him
(AAf no. 182), and including the idea of the fragrant breeze that coinés from
Yemen, carrying the spiritual message of lovc and picty. Scent reminds mankind
of something long forgotten, something that cannot be scen, something prccious,
intangible - words are the scent of paradisiacal apple trees (.w VI 84); the scent of
the musk-deer leads the sccker to the deserta of China, that is, to the deserts of
etemity.

NOTES
1. An interesting approach is H. A. R Gibb (1962), 'The stmeture of religious
thought in Islán»’, especially Par! I, “'Hie animistic substratr’. Ser also William
F. Albright 1955), ‘Islam and the religions of the ancienl Orient’; M. Ghallab
(1929), Zxf survuanees de l'Egspte antiqur dans lejblklore fgrptien modeme
2. Hikmet Tanyu (1979). TüMfíde tafia ¡Igih manflas.
3. There are numerous cxampics in Kriss and Kriss-Hcinrich (1960), lolksglaubc m
Islam.
4. Yahy3 Bakharzl (1966), AurUd ala/óob, vol. 2, p. 249 cites this hxhth. On
Bakharzí. ser also F. Meter (1957), 'Ein Kniggc für Sufis’.
5. According to popular bclicf, the black stone will testify on Doomsdav for ali
those who have kissed ¡L See H. Lazarus*Yafeh, ‘The hadjdj’, in her (1981: Some
Rehgious Aspeéis of Islam.
6. Abdul Qadir Badaoni (1864 9), Mimlakhab at-tawMUi, vol. 2, p. 310; F.nglish
translation (1972) vol. 2, p. 32.
7. See Muhammad Umar Manon (1976), Ibn Tamnya and Popular Religwu
8. H. S. Nyberg (1919), Ríemete Sehnften des Ibn al-Arabi, p. 2t6f; see alsoJ. M. S.
Baljon 19861. Religión and Thought ofSM Hflfi Allüh, p. 34 and índex under fajar
bahl
9. R. Gramlich (1981). Die schüüsthai Dmiurhmden Perneas, vol. 3, p. 5.
to. E. Doutté (1908), Magu el rehgum, p. 84 about the ’aqiq-, Kriss and Kriss-Hcinrich
(¡962), Volksglaube im Islam, vol. 2, p. 58C; A. Schimmel 1992b), A Tum colored
Brotade, ch. II.
11. For the topic, see H. Corbin (1971), L'homme de lurnére.
¡2. Suhrawardf (1978?, 'Au&ifítrans. R. Gramlich), p. 32, tells how ’Azri’il tore out
the dust for zKdam's creation.
13. A. Bomban (1971). ‘The place and date of birth of Fuzuli’. p. 96.
14. J. Panram (¡924). Sind and its Sufis, p. 65.
15. See Martín lings (1968!, ‘The Qur’amc symbolism of water’.
16. For the origin of this story. ser H Zimmer (19571, Maya, p. 50. It appcars in
Amlr Khusraw’s A’ma-i ¡skandaA, quotrd in Rückert (1874. ed. Pertsch),
42 DECIPHF.R1NG THE SIGNS OF GOD

(aammatik. Potítk und Rhtícrtk da Pasa, p. 70; furthcr in Jám) 11957', • Vafahát aluns,
pp 5**3 4 about some litde-known saints. According lo Kriss and Kriss-
Hcinrich 1960!, Volksglaube in Islam. vol. 1, p. 76f.. the siory is told about the
fificenth-ctntury Egyptian Sufi ad-Da$h(QtI, probably because his annivcrsary is
edebrated on the cve of the day of the Prophct’s heavcnly joumey, i.e. 26 27
Rajab. It occurs also in a Sindhi folktale, ‘Der Zauberer Aflatun', in A.
Schimmel 1980b', Marchen aus Pakistán, no. 21.
17. Násir-i Khusraw (1929), Dlato, translated by A. Schimmel in Na?ir-i Khusraw
19931, Mato a ShuUfrom Ifuám, p. 59.
18. Suhrawardi 3978), 'Awdnf (transí R. Gramlich¡. p. 190
19. A Schimmel 196b . ’Der Regen ais Symbol in der Rrligionsgeschichtc‘. For
specific ‘rain poems' in honour of Muhammad Shñli ’Abdul Latí!. Muhsin
Kftkdrawl. ct al.\ see Schimmel (1988), And Muhammad ti His Messengn. p. Biff.
20. Paúl Nwyia (1970), Exegtee coranujtu. p. 330,
2¡. Thus Khájü-i Kirmáni, in Daulatsháh (no date , Iadhkiral ¡uh-shu'ari, p. 250.
22 Khaqinl J959;, /Jfcifln, pp. 358 60 (the MadtPtn qaflda}.
23. Iqliál 1923). Payámi mashnq, pp 151 2; idem (1932), Jaridnüma, ‘Sphcrc oí
Mercury’, p. 66.
24. Qádi Qadan y) kaltan .1978), no. 37.
25 Thu* ShAh ’Abdul Luíf 1958 , Rtsilo, 'Sur Ripa II’, verses 13 15; see abo A.
Schimmel 119768), Pean and (¡race, p. 171.
26 The topos of the 'iron in fire* appears among the Sufis not onlv in ROml's
Maümauñ (II 1,34711., but also among the Nürbakhshls and in Dara Shikfth’s
discussions with Baba 1-al Das: see Massignon and Huart 1926}, 'Les cntreticns
de Labore’, p. 325. For its use in the Chrislian tradición ¡Origen, Symeon the
Ncw 'I’hcologian, Richard of St Víctor, Jacob Bochmc), see E. Underhill (1911 ,
Mystmsm. p. 549ÍÍ.; also A. Schimmel ¡1978c), The Triumfrhal Sun, p. 464 note 181.
27. For the theme, see A. Schimmel «1978a), A Dance of Sports.
28 I ízutsu ,1971b), The paradox oflight and darkness in the Carden of Mystery
of Shabastan': ser also XI Mokn 19821, la lumiat el le fnt dans Piran ancten ...tí
leur dcmythification en hlam.
29. The myihological clemente in ¡he concept of the lághl of Muhammad go back,
to a large extent, to Sahl at-Tustari; see G. Bowering ¡979., 7 he Mysticai ¡ uiúh
of Existente ¡n Ctassüal hlam: The Qttr'anu Hama/euliti of the Sufi Sahl al-Tuslari ,d.
283/896). For its rcception in Bcngal, for cxamplc, see Asim Roy (1983), 7he
hlarmc Synatítslu haditum m fíengal, he. however. ascribes this and other
phenomena to Hindú inllucnccs. A beautiful dcscription of the Prophet’s lighl is
the proem in ’.Atlár (1962), Man(uj ul-(ayr
30. For Suhrawardt tAajM al-tshrHi], see Suhrawardi 1945), Opera meiaphystca tí
mystica, cd. by H. Corbin; idem 19701, Oeuvres en Pasan
31. Iqbal (1930), The Reconstruítion ofReltgtous Ihought tn hlam, p. 64; for a related idea
in the mysticai theorics of Mlr Dard, see A. Schimmel ¡1963a), (¡abnel’s Bzing, p.
too.
32. Translated in Whccler M. Thackston (1982). The Mysticaiand listonan Treatists of
Suhrauardi.
33. Sana*! 19621. Dtiiln, p. 34fT. For the use of the sun-mrtaphor in Rüml’s work,
see A. Schimmel (1978c), The Tnumphal Sun, ch. II, 1, pp. 61 -75.
34. Y. Fricdmann ‘¡975), *Qjtfa Shakarwarti Farmíd*
35. Iqbal (1915), Asrtr-i khudi, line 450.
36 llie best survey is Frite Meier’s introducirán to his 19561 edinon of Najmuddln
Kubrl’s Eawa'th al-famOl, in which the role of the colour» in ecstatic experiences
is analyzed in detail. Based on the statcmcntt of Rubra and lus disciples,
notably SimnAní, H. Corbin (1971 discusses the theme in L'homme de lurmére. Ser
 SACRED ASPECTS OF NATURE AND CULTURE

alio Ccrbin (197a). 'Réalisme et symbohsme des couicurs en cosmologic Shiitc',

English translation (1986? in Temple and Contemplaban. For philological ap-
proachcs. scc W. Fischer (1965), Fasb- und Tormbe&dmmgm tn dee Sfnaihe der
arabtsíhen Duhbmg, H. Gatjc 1967, ‘Zur Farbenlehre m der mushmischcn
Phiknophie*; Toufic Fahd (1974), 'Cénese et causes des couicurs d’aprés
l'Agriculture Nabatccnne'.
37. For the combination of ycllow, autumn and Jewish garments. set Mas'üd ibn
Sa d-i Salman :196o., /Mn, p. 471, and KháqAnI 1959 , Zfciin, pp. 133. 428.
38. Bakharzi ,1966. .ítwdrf al-atoáb, vol. 2. discusses chis problem, especially on p.
34ÍE; he thinks that the dervish's cloak should reflcct the penon's state of mind
Set also Fazlur Rahman .1966). Islam, p. 160.
39. For an cxtensivc trcatnieni of vegetable and animal symbols, see A. Schimmel
1992b (.1 Twadand Brocadt, chs 11-14, aní* ídem 11978c?, 7Az 7 numphal San, chs
II, 3 and 4, pp. 75 123. For practica! aspects, scc G.-H. Bousquet 4949), ‘Des
aiumaux et de leur traitement selon le Judahmc, le ChriMianisme el l'lslam*.
40. About trees for ’Abdul Qadir. scc R. Burton (1851 , Smdh, p. 177; W. Blackman
11925). 'Sacred tree* in módem Egypt'; and numerous referentes in Kri» and
Kriss-Heinnch 1960., l’olhglanbe m hiam, vol. 1. For the artistic aspcct. see
Gónül Oney >1968,, ‘Das Lebcnsbaum-Moliv in der scldschukischen Kunst in
Anatolien*.
41. AhGhazzáli 1872 , Ihyá' ’ulíi/n addin, Book IV, p. 282, sccs Love as the good
tree* mcntioncd in Süra 14:24. For furihcr mystical interpretación!, scc A.
JcíTcry 1979), Ibn al 'Arabt's shajarat al-kawn. A fine example of the
‘Muhammarian Tree’, whose leaves are covered with the ninecy-ninc noble
ñames of the Prophet, is a Turkish miniature in the Berlín Staatsbibliothek.
used as the cover for A. Schimmel (19881, And Muhammad i» //n Metsenger,
42. F. Taeschner (1979), Zúifte und liniderschafan m Islam, p. 364.
43. Nipr-i Khusraw (1929:, in ídem (19931 tr. A. Schimmel, Make a Shuldfrom
Wisdom, p. 7ifT.
44. S. Murara 1992b;, The Too ofIslam, p. 103: $adruddin Qpnáví spcaks of the tree,
rootcd in the Divine Existcnce, whose branches are the Divine Ñames.
45. (Jodí Qádan jó kalám 119781, no. 56, Sultán Bahoo 1967 , AbjOl, no. 1; cf. also
Mas'Qd Bakk'$¿Aa¿d/ in Ikrlm ,1953;, .lmiaíjAdw i Pák, p. ¡50.
46. Taeschner .1979;, ¿wi/ir. p. 528.
47. Schimmel (1976c), ‘The Celestial Carden in Islam’.
48. Sam'áni, Ratúb al-aruüh. quoted in Múrala (1992b , ¡he Too of Islam, p. 71.
49 Nasir-i Khusraw 1929 , Dleán, pp. 472-3, dramalically describes how the
garúen of the world (or of religión, is slowly dcstroycd by a pig that first posed
as a sheep.
50. RúzbihAn Baqli 1966,, Shath-t ihafotU, § 265.
51. Irene MélikofT 1967,, ‘La fleur de la souffrance. Rcchcrchcs sur le sens
symbohque de láía dans la poésie mysuquc turco iranirnne’. Profesor Karl
Jettmar mentions Akademie-Journal I, 1992, p. 28) that. during the Bronze
Age, people in northem Afghanistan used to celébrate a tulip festiva); in the
same arca, a tulip festival connected with 'Alí ibn Abl Tllib was cclebratcd until
recently.
52. DawiaúhAh (no datci. Tadhkirat ash-shu'ará, p. 224.
53. U. Topper \i9911, -Su/ii und Hetlige im Maghreb, p. 167.
54 R Brunel (1955), Zz monachume enant dans l’hlam; Sidi Hedds el les lkddaua.
55. Pigs in connection with the Resurrección appear m Rümí, Maihnauá II. 1.413; in
connection with Jrrusalem in Tfadn-i hable, Unes 3,882, 7,227, 12,883. KhSqánl
1959,, Zfeón. ¡¡asida no. 1, also uses this motif, and combines such pigs with the
eicphants which wcre used to besiege Mccca in 570.
44 DECIPHER1NG THE SIGNS OF GOD

56. Sce Schimmel 11988). And Muhammad is His Mtsungtr, pp. 102 3; thc Sindhi
tallad m N. A. Baloch (ed.) 11960 , MunAqiba, pp. 196 8; lima» Entre Duanl
(1943!, p- 542, no. CLXXV. About ’Ali’s connectíon with the bees, sce R. Parei
(1930), Ihr legmdán Magfiazt-Intratar, p. i96ff.
57. Al-Hallfij (1913), Kitdb atlauástn, ed. L Maságnon: al-Jahm'. For the
transformaron of HallAj’s siory into Goethe'» pocm ‘Scligc Sehnsucht’ in the
Wat Osüuhfí Dmn sce H. H. Schaedcr (1942), ‘Die pcrwsche Vorlage fUr
Gocthcs "Sclige Sehnsucht’’’.
58. Rclaied by Badaoni (1864-9), Munlakhab at iau'Mkh, vol. 2, p 221 English
translación (1972), vol. 2, p. 215).
59. .V Schimmel (1985). Du tmtntahuht Ral#,
60. F.. M. lañe (1836), Mamen and Customs, p. 434.
61. J. Nurbakhsh (1989), Dog¡. From a Sufi Poml of l'irw.
62. RQml’s language bccomes extrcmdy coarte whcn he juxtaposes Jesús, thc
spiritual parí of man. and the donkey, the material pan. See Schimmel (1978c},
7*r Inumfdial Sun, Índex s.v. ‘donkey’.
63. Schimmel (1972), ‘Nur cin storrischcs Pferd . .’. For KhAqAní, 'religión' is ’a
steed of Arab birth’, which should not be disgraccd by putting a saddle of
Greek philosophy on its back. Intcrcstingly, IqbAl uscd this verse in his last
polilical lelter a few weeks beforc he died (1948, Speethts and Siaiements, p.
169).
64. Sce R. A. Bravmann (1983), Afiican Itlam. ch. V on the use oí thc BurAq moüf
among African Muslims.
65. For thc sctpeni as a na/j-symbol, see Schimmel (1975a). Mydual Dmauwu oj
hlam. p. 113.
66. I. Goldzihcr '1903), *Dcr Scclcnvogcl im islamischen Volksglauben’.
67. Henee thc tille of ¡bn Hazm's íamous book on courtly love, Tauiq al-íumdma
(1914 etc. , ‘Thc Dovc's Nccklacc', which has bcen translatcd into numerous
Western languages.
68. A fiuüth says: ‘Don't curse thc rooster, for he wakes you up for prayer’ (¿w no.
261). Sce also F. Mcicr 1,1977). ’Nizáml und die Mythologie des Hahncs'.
69. A typical example is ZiA'uddín Nakhshabí’s fuflnáma: see Muhammad S.
Simsar (1978), The GotlandMam ofArt's Ju^nAmc.- Tales ofa Parro!.
70. ’AUJr's Mantiq ui-layr (1962) is rightly thc beM-known example of the ’soul birds’;
see also Cari W. Emst '1992b), ‘The symbolism of birds and ílight in thc
writings of ROzl>ihAn Baqlí.
71. Nasir-i Khusraw expreses the view that thc raven wean black, thc colour of
thc Abbasids, who trrachcrously deprived FA(ima's childrcn of the caliphatc;
/Adn in (1993) tr. Schimmel, Mata a ShitldJrom ll’udom, pp. t8, 66, 67.
72. Ser S. Múrala (1992b), Tht Too ofIslam, p. 258 about GhazzAlfs views, p. 278 in
a general context. Thc Pcrsian poet Anvarf (d. after 1190) rxpressed thc canine
qualities of the lower soul in a fine ghazal: see A. Schimmel and Stuart Cary
Welch 1983), A Poeta! fíook Jar Akbar dmvm’j DivAn. p. 61.
73. Thc most famous rrpresentation of thc ‘peaccful kingdom* is the Mughal
miniature of EmperorJahAngfr and Shah *Abtas of Irán standing on a lion and
a lamb respcctivcly (a piciure which also points to the fací that Jahingfr was a
desccndant of Bábur. ‘Tiger*, while ShAh ’AbbAs belongcd to thc Turcomana of
thc White Shccp, Aqqoyunlu. See, for example, S. C. Welch 11979a), Imfienal
Muffial Penntmg, p. 121. An example of an carly poetical expresión of this
wondetful time is ’Abdul Wási'-i Jabalí'; pocm. in DawlatshAh (no date),
ladhkirat a¡h thu’art, p. 84.
74. For thc preacher’s rod. sce C. H. Bcckcr (1924), ¡slamstudun, vol. 1. p. 45if.
75. Sultán Khushqadam’s wifr was buried under thc red flag of Badawl dervishes
 SACRED ASPECTS OF NATURF. AND CULTURE 45

in 1467: see Ibn TaghrtbirdI (19281, An-mgüm azzáhaafi la'rUJt Mi¡r wa'LQ&htra.
vol. 7, p. 809.
76. GhAlib called the second cdition of his book Qan' 1 Hurten, ‘Dirafsh-i kftviytnT
(Delhi 1865); in this work, he harxhly crilicized the Pcrsian lexicographical work
Rurten-i qáp'. S. Ghalib :1969a), KullniU1 fitrsl (17 vols).
77. G. Schoelcr (1974), Arabuche Naturduhtung ... t«n den Anfimgm bu af-Sanaubart,
giva a number of example» of this comparison.
78. For a general overview, scc A. E. Crawlcy (1908), ‘Mirror’, in fiWT, vol. 8; T.
Burckhardt (1974), "Ihe symbolism of the Mirror’.
79. Rashíd Burhánpürt (1957). fartenfíd V Smdhl Aulrri, transí, in A. Schimmcl
(1986), bebe zu dan Euun, pp. 95 6.
80. Thus in Mathnan* I, 3,2008; D¿dn, lines 15,880 and 17,950, as well as in Fihi má
fiht. ch. 59.
81. The dassic work on mirror symbolism is Ahmad GhazzAl! (1942), Sawánih.
availablr in severa! translations. J. C. Bürgel 11988 , Tfe Fealha qfSónrglt, deais
with "ITie Magic Mirror' in ch. 6. The idea of the heart as a puré mirror for the
Divine Bclovcd is alludcd to in Bfiyazid Bis|Ami’s rcmark that he was the
blacksmith of himself until he had made his sdf into a puré mirror
(1905I, ladhkBal al-auliyü, vol. t, p. 139}. One may also see under the aspect of
the ‘mirror* the famous slory of the contest between the Grcek and the Chínete
painters which. vía Ni?ámi's iskandamtena. received its perfcct form in Rüml’s
Mathnaui, I, 34678: die Grcek artisis polished the marble wall so perfectly that
it reílected the colouri'ul paintings produccd by the Chínese in cver greater
beauty.
82. Bakharzl (1966), Awrbd al-afab. vol. 2, p. 246 explains the use of but as ‘The
gnosrics cali 'but everything your heart wants lo ser and pones», positive and
negativr alike*. The whole question of ‘idols* and ’idol worship' forms an
importan! part of H. Rittcr (1955), /An Mea da Seele
¿Z

Jalar Sharif (1921), islam m india, p. 21.

For the whole subject, see Sir Thomas Amokl (19281, Pamtmg m islam, also M
Ipproglu > 1971), Das Btld m islam. Ein l'erbot und seme Folgm.
S 'S

Jflmí (1962), ZJ&’dw-r kámd, p. 265, no. 345.

This happened, for example, in Pakistán, to Emel Esin's (1963! work Matea the
Blessed, Medina the Radiant, an account of the pilgrimage written by a deeply
religious Turkish Muslim lady who, to the dismay of the 'fundamentalists*,
puHished some fourteenth- and ftfteenth-century Turkish miniatures on which
the Prophet is represented with an unveiled face.
£

Evcry work on Islamic manuscripts contains ángel pictures, beginning with the
picturrs of the archangcls in medieval and post-medieval manuscripts of
Qjawfni’s ’Ajá'ib al-makhlüqát. For an amazing prolifcration of ángel representa-
tions, ser Ebba Koch (1983), ‘Jahangir and the ángel»'.
S

Among the Sufi», especially in Turicey, representation, often by means of

caligrams, ¿s not unknown: see M. Aksel (1967), lurklade Dm Renmler, and Frcd
de Jong (1989’, The Iconografilry of Bektaduum In receñí decades, truck-painting
has devclopcd inio a whole new branch of art; see Jürgen Grothues (1990),
Aulomobile Kurut m Pakistán
<?

Translated inio Germán by A. Schimmcl, ‘Geschwárzten Gesichls*. in Rolf

lialiaander íed.) (1972), Aus da Palmueunuhmke.
For the mmdd or mandil, see F. Rosenlhal (1971). F«w Essays an Art and hlaature tn
8.

islam, ch. IV.

91 H. Klopfcr (1989), Das Traumbuch des ibn Siñn, p. 84. SanaT (1950;, Hadlqal al-
taqlqat. pp. 122 3. gives di8ercni interpreiations of garments and colours that
one sees in one’s dreams.
46 DECIPHF.RING THE SIGNS OF GOD

92 R Paret 11928), ‘Die Legvode von dcr Verlcihung des Prophetenmantcls burda,
an Ka'b ibn Zuhair’.
93. The elassie «linón is Búsirí (1860), Hte Burda, cd. and transí, by C. A. Ralis.
About the poem and its use, ser A. Schimmel Í1988), And Muhammad u His
Messenger, pp. 180 7.
94. Iqbál (1933), Mtuáfir, p. 29ÍE
95. M. Mujeeb (1972), blamu ¡njlumítí on Imitan Socúty, p. 11.
96. C. H. Bcckcr 1932 ,1¡larrutudien, vol. 1, p. 379.
97. J. van Ess (1979,1,!>" Taylatíin Ibn Harb, deais with poems written about this
headgear.
98. A number of articies try to explam the meaning of the Sufi frock with rather
fanciful mtcrprctatiom, thus S. Mahdihasan '.¡9601, ‘The garb of the Sufi and its
ágnificance*. and Muhammad Reza Shafii Kadkani 1989), 'Anmcrkungen zum
Flickcnrock dcr Sufis'. Every handbook on Sufism in Arabic and Persian dcals
with this topic more or less extcnsively: sce, for cxamplc, the chapter in Hujwiri
(1911 , h'athfal-maJyüb, pp. 45 57.
99. R. Gramiich (1981 ¡, Du schMudun DeruudtMden, vol. 3, pp. 4, 5, 84, 86.
100. S. Múrala ,1992.1, Vu Too of Idam. p. 149: ‘religión as a shírt*.
101. For tbc topic of spinning songs, ser R. Ealon (1978), Sufis of fítjafw, 1300-1700,
PP1 *55 A fine cxamplc of a mystical spinning song in Sindhi is Shfth 'Abdul
Lapf 19581, Risato. ‘Sur Kapalü
102 R. Gramiich (1976/, D¡f schiihxka Detuveborden, vol. 2, p. 53, speaks of the lib&i-
1 adampat, the garment of humanily', as onc of the stages through which the
spirit has to pass; such ideas may have led the Kurdish Ahl-i Haqq to the behef
that the soul don» 1,001 corpórea! hábil» and then no longcr appears in human
guise. Sce H. R. Ñoñis .1992), ‘The HurOft lcgacy of Fadlullah of Astarabad', p.
 II

Sacred Space and Time

Ser, in thc crcation of thr hcavrns and thc eanh and thc alternation of
day and night therc are signs for those uith insight.
Süra 3:1
4« DECIPHERIXC THE SIGNS Of GOD

SACRED SPACE
'The Muslim lives in a space defincd by thc sound of thc Koran." Thus writes
S. H. Nasr lo point to lite situalion of thc Muslim bclicvcr.' He is ccrtainly right,
and yet Islamic tradition has known and still knows, as do all religious. a good
number of places which are or sccm to be endowed with special blessing powcr
and which liten serve in literaturc as symbob of thc human cxpcricncc of
'coming homc'.
Thinking of places with such sacred powcr, one can begin with the cave.
Humankind has been fascinated by caves for millennia, as prehistory and history
prove, and Islam continued in litis respect, though from a somcwhat diflerent
vantage point. Is not thc cave singled out by thc very ñame of Süra 18. al-Kahf,
‘Thc Cave', a Süra in which along with other storics thc Scvcn Slccpcrs, thc
a'Júb al-kaJif. are menlioned at somc lenglh? The seven pious youths ‘and thc
cighth with thcm was their dog’ (Süra 18:32) have tumed in popular Islam into
protcctivc spirits whose ñames, and espccially that of their dog Qitmlr, writtcn
on amulets, carry baraka with ihem?
In the historical contexl, it is well know*n that the Prophet Muhaminad
rcccivcd his initial rcvclation in a cave on Mt Hira where he uscd to retire for
meditation. It was in thc solitude of litis place that he was blessed widt the fitst
auditions which forced him to go into die world and preach what he had
Icamcd: thc constant change bctween dtc khahra. thc loncly place of meditation
in thc dark cave, undisturbed in bis concentration upon God. and the jiboa, the
need and duty lo promúlgale ihe Divine word chai he had heard. was to rentain
thc model for ihc Muslims a spiritual movement of whose ncccssity Iqbal
reminds thc believers of our time.
Yet, ihere is a seeond cave in ihe Prophet's biography: the cave where he
found shelter during his hegira from Mecca to Medina. And again, aflcr re-
emerging from the mystcriously prolcctcd place where he, as Sufi tradition lias
it, introduccd his fricnd Abü Bakr into thc mysteries of the silent dhika, his life as
a political leader in Medina Ix-gan: once more, he undertook thc way out of the
khahia of meditation into thc jibia of prcaching and acting.
Thc Prophet’s cxamplc of retiring into thc cave was imitalcd by a number of
mystics who lived for long periods in caves. Thc cxtrcmcly narrow cave in w hich
Sharaliiddin Manfri of Bihar (d. 1381) spem scvcral decades of his life is only onc
of thc numerous examples of lilis pious custom; Muhammad Ghawth Gwaliori
(d. 1562) also belongs to the Sufis who. ycar after ycar, performed their
 SACRED SI-ACE AND TIME 49

meditation in a cave, to emerge in the end lillcd with overwhelming spiritual

cncrgy. The experienee of the arbola. chilla, khalual. (orty days’ meditation in a
narrow, dark room or a subterranean place, bclongs herc as wcll. The intimacy
of the experienee of God’s proximity in such a khaliva could lead the pious to
address Him in prayer as 'Oh Cave of them that scck refuge!’’
The cave is difiieult to reach for nien and animáis, and is henee safe. But when
one Uves on the plains, tire sacred spacc has to be separated from the profane
environment by an cnclosure (one remembers here that the Latín term .«uieno is
derived from saruirt. ‘to lirnit, endose’, and henee ‘make sacred'), and so the culi
lakes place in a spot removed from the ordinary spacc. which keeps away not only
animáis bul also, as was thought, demons. LoneJy prayer places in Sind and
Balodiistan are surrounded by simple thom hedges (as are some shrines in die
riesen),' and it is probably not too far-fetched to think that tile border of the prayer
rug also serves as a kind of cnclosure which marks the praying pcrson’s inviolable
'sanctuary' even diough die whole world can serve as a prayer place.
More important is the housc. the man-made dwelling-placc which serves both
for protcction and as a sanctuary: in Sind and Balochistan, the housc of the
u:adtiñ, the big landlord, could serve as a shelter for women accused of
immorality or other transgressions.’ However, the concept of'housc' lias a much
wider range: the ‘Housc of Islam', dir al-istím, is the arca which, as Walter
Braune saya apdy, is butlt on íive pillars and in which the bcücvcrs live in safety,
while the dir alharb, 'the ahode of war’, is the world outside the ideal home of
the believers.6 To cnlargc this 'housc' is incumbent upon the community, so that
finally the whole world may become a ‘Housc of Islam’.
And not only that.’ In rchgious language, the housc is onc of the most
frequemiy-used metaphors for the human heart a house that has to be clcansed
by constandv using the ‘broom of tí', that is, the beginning df the profession of
faith, tí itíha dtíAltíh, ‘Hiere is no deity but God’. Only when the house is deán
and no dust of profane thought has remained can the dulcís hospis animar, the
‘swcct gucst of the soul', enter and dwcll in it. The Baghdadian Suft an-N’üri (d.
907) used this metaphor.’ and MawlJná Rúml sang in one of his most famous
stories in die Afa/hnaul :,v I 3,056-63):

A man knockcd at the door of his belovcd.

‘Who are you, trusted one?' thus asked die friend.
He answercd: ‘II’ The friend said: ’Go away
Hcre is no place for people raw and cnidc!'
What, then, could cook the raw and rescuc him
But scparation’s fire and exile's llame?
The poor man went to travcl a whole year
And burnt in separation from his friend.
5» tlEClPHt.kl.NG THE SIGNS OF GOD

And he matured. was cooked and burnl, retumed

And carefully approached thc fricnd's abodc.
He walkcd around it now in caudous fcar.
Test from his lips unfitting words appear.
The friend callcd out: ‘Who is there at my door?’
The answer: ‘You you dear are at thc door!'
He said: 'Come in. now that you are all I
'Hiere is no room in this housc for two Ts!’

In order to enter thc precincts of thc housc. one has to cross the threshold, thc
liminal place par excellence that cutí off die sacred from thc profane. It is
ihcrcforc a rule that onc musí not step on thc threshold: as the bride in Muslim
India is carried oser it into her new homc. thc dcvotcc is wamed not to step on
the threshold of the masler's housc or the shrine. To enhancc thc religio-magie
powcr of thc threshold. one may sacrifice a sheep over it or at leasl sprinkle some
blood on it.8
While Muslims carefully avoid touching the threshold with their feet, which
are sullicd by thc dust of the profane world, onc often sces men and women at
shrines dcvoudy kissing thc step that will lcad them into thc sacred presente of
thc saint. ‘One should rub one's lace on die threshold like a broom’, says a
Turkish handliook of religious etiquette.9 The thrcshold’s sanctity is also atiesied
by dream exegesis: threshold and door mean, in thc dream, women. i.e. thc
sacred. Arrtm, part of thc housc."'
Since die door or gate alienes thc visitor to enter die prívate, 'sacred' sphere,
gales of mosques and shrines are often huge and impressivcly decorated.
Ahcrnadvcly. shrines may have an extreméis low door which forccs thc entering
person to bow down humbly: again. there are narrow doors through which the
visitor squeezes himself in thc liojre of obtaining blessings. A typical cxamplc is
thc büiL'hñ doñeaba, the 'paradisiaca! door’ in l'artduddln Ganj*i shakar's shrine
in Pakpattan. where. during the anniversary of his death, thousands of pilgrims
strive lo enter into the saint's presence in order to secute entrance to Paradisc.
llie door opens into the sacred space, and thc Muslim knows that ‘God is thc
Opencr of thc doors’. mufattih al-abudb, as He is callcd in a favouritc invocaúon.
for it is He who can open the doors of His merev or gencrosity. not forgetting thc
gales of Paradisc." In later Sufism, thc seven principal Divine Ñames are even
callcd badana, ‘doorkccpcrs’. Mctaphorically. die concept of the door or gate is
importara by its use in die well-known Itidilh deeply lovcd cspecially in Shia
tradition, in which the Prophet Mates: 'I am thc city of wisdom and '.Mi is its
gate’ tu no. go), that is, only through ’AlI's medialion can one understand thc
Prophet's truc teaching. As die gate, báb. can lie the person through whom thc
believer tnav he led into thc Divine presence, it is logical dial the spiritual guide
 SACRED SPACE AND TIME 5>

could also be considered, or considcr himself, lo be The Gate, die Bab. This
claim was voiced inost prominently by Mirzj Muhammad 'Ali of Tabriz, which
led lo the cmcrgcnce ofa new religious movement, Babism, in early nineleenth-
century Irán.
Alier entering the house, one Gnds die high wat, ¡nrfr, or the Ihronc, Mrtr.
both of which possess special bmaka'. and anyonc who has seen an oíd Pakistani
woman dironing on her bed and ruling die large houwhold knows ihat this is
more than simply an elevated place: the seat carnes authority with ir. But thosc
lowcst in rank, or most modcst, will sit in the ‘place of the sandals’, that is, where
the shoes are left cióse to the entrance.
In the Arabic tradiúon, die hearth plays no major role, while among the
Turks the fin-place, ocak. as is typical of peoplcs from norlhem clónales, was die
veritable centre of the house, and the term otak is used in modem Turkey to
denote the truc centre of the community.
The Muslim house boasts carpcts and rugs, pile-woven or ilat-woven, and the
rug can be as important as the high seat, the place for the masler of the house.
The tide safflda nishln or pisl mjhin for die person who ’sits on the mat' of a Sufi
masler, Le. his truc succcssor, conveys an impression of the ntg's importance.
The numerous flying carpcts in Oriental folk tales seem to transíate die
subconscious fecling that the carpet is somediing very special.
There is also a place with negative power in or cióse to the house: the privy,
which is regarded as a dwelling-place of unelean and dangerous spirits and is
thercfore avoided by angcls. The bath itself, however. sometimos decorated with
painnngs plays an important role in connection with die strict rules of ritual
purity."
Larger and higher than the normal house is the citadcl or fortress, idcally
built in a circular shapc. If the heart can be imagined as a house for the Divine
Belovcd, it can also be seen as a fortress with scvcral ramparts - again one of
NOrt’s images. which prefigures Si Teresa's Interior Casdc.'t For the Sufis, the
íhahada became the stronghold and citadel in which they fell safe from die
temptations of the world, as though the rampart and moats of sacred words
helped them to survive in the inner chamber, which could be compared to the h,
the last letter of the word Allah.1* Is not God a fortress, Hsn, and a stronghold,
tog?'5 The word >n'z is aLso used as a ñame of one type of prolcctive prayers and
litantes, while the term Ufoin, lilerally ‘to make into a fortress', can be used for
the religio magic circumambulation of villages or groups of people to protcct
ihemselves against enemies.
The sacred space par excellence in Islam seems to be the mosque, and many
visitors - Rudolf Otto, S. H. Nasr, Martín Lings, Fridijof Schuon and others
have emphasizcd the ‘fecling of the Numinous', the experience of
othcrworldliness when standing in onc of the great mosques in North Africa or
53 tll.CIPHF.RINC THE SIGNS OI GOD

Turkcy.'6 Thcsc buildings wcrc, as they feh, perfcct expressions of thc emptiness
which is waiting to be ftUcd with Divine blcssing, that is thc experience of thc
human being, poor as he or she is. in rite presence of thc All-Rich, al-
ghrnn.
Howcvcr, lite mosque was first no more than a house, a building in which
instrucúon and legal business were conducted as well: it was and is not unlike
thc church - a consccratcd building. Its ñame, masjid, is derived from ¡ajada, 'to
prostrate', meaning ‘place of prostration’. A mosque for larger groups, wherc
believers could galher on Friday for thc midday prayer with following sermón, is
calledjámi’, ‘thc collccting one'. In the early Middle Ages, up to around AD 900,
only one jdmi' was found in each city; lite nimbar, the pulpit from which thc
preachcr gives his short sermón, was che disdnctñr mark of a city, as was the
minarct. In later times, when mosques proliferated, a ccrtain distancc was still
kept bctwccn the major mosques, or a ncw jümi' w-as buill only when thc first
one, too small for dtc growing number of the faithful, could not possibly be
enlarged.
To build a mosque is a highly meritorious act, and a tradition which is
frequendy quoted in India (cspccially in Bcngal: sutes: ‘Who builds a mosque for
God, be it as small as the nest of a gata bird, for him God will build a house in
Paradise’.'7 The paradisiacal recompense can also be granted to someone else:
whcn thc Ottoman Sultán Mchmct thc Conqucror (1449-81) crcctcd a mosque
in the rccendy conquered city of Istanbul in remembrance of his father, thc
intention was the same as oflering prayers for the well-being of the dcccascd
monarch’s soul.'8 Popular picty therefore claims that a mosque is like a Ixiat of
sabañón or, cvcn more fancifully, that it will be transformed into a whitc camcl
to carry its founder on Doomsday across thc H/ar-bndgc."'
Tlte increasing leeling of the sanctity of the mosque is understood from the
custom of using its precincts for utMñra. that is, performing two prayer cyclcs
and then slccping in thc mosque in thc hopc of being guided by a dream. And
Turkish calbgraphcrs would collcct thc soot produced by the oil lamps in, for
example, lite Süleymaniyc mosque in Istanbul lo use it as an ingredient of their
ink which, they felt, would thus carry somc of thc mosquc’s baralia with it.
Thc shapes of mosques vary according to the architeciural styles of the
difTcrcnt countries, and from simple mud mosques in Africa to pagoda-likc
structures in China almost every form is found. .Mosques in Gujarat, with their
narrow rows of highly dccoratcd pillars, rescmblc Hindú temples, and for the
Western observer the Turkish mosque with its central dome and thc elegant
needle-like minareis seems to l>e thc paragon of the conccpt of ‘mosque-,
although large mosques with wide prayer hall* or endless rows of naves belong to
a much earlier, classical period (Samarra, Córdoba).
But whatcvrr the outward shape. every mosque has a mdtilb, a niche pointing
 SACRED SEACE AND TIME 53

to die direction of Mecca, which could be shapcd, again, according to the

material available and to the artistic taste of the buildcr. Often, words from Süra
3:37 are writtcn around the mtAritó: ‘Whenever Zakariya enterad the m¡hrib
for the term is used for the place where the young Mary dwclt and was
mysteriously nourished by the Lord. What appear to be the most unusual and
iinpressivc müribs in the world of Islam are Incaled in the Iridian subcontincnt:
the mi/tób of the Grcat Mosque in Bijapur/Dcccan, buiit in 1635 and measunng
six to seven metros across, is completcly decorated in a highly sophisdcaled styie
with á-jour inscriptions, half-relief, and colourful nichos in gold and red. The
Faisal Mosque in Lslamabad, complcted some 350 years later, boasts as its mitsub
the likeness of an opened copy of the Koran in while tnarblc, itlscribed in
‘medieval' Kuft calligraphy with verses from Süra 55, rtr-Ra/mán, ‘The Mcrciful'.
While the nu/váb is common to masjid and jámi's, the jimi' alone eontains an
elevated pulpit for the Friday sermón, usually Ütrce steps high; largor odd
numbers of steps can be found in vast buildings. This minbar, again. can consist
of the most diverse ntaterials; the artisdcally carvcd wooden mmbas of medieval
Egypt and Anatolia are worthy of mention. The preacher, who stands on die
nimbar, brieüy sits down between Ule two parís of his address in memory of the
Prophet’s sitúng on the first minbar, a simple platform.”
Onc may tind a few huge candlcstands. and the floor is usually covered with
prayer rugs. A stand for the Koran and sometíales boxea in thirty parís for die
thirty jttg'of die Koran belong to the necessary Ítems in the mosque; a dock that
shows the times of prayer is a more recent addition. The walls are plain, for too
much colour or decoration might distract the praying pcrson's eye and mind,
They are covered with tiles (as in Irán and Turkey) or widi while marble; if diere
is any decoration, then it is only calligraphy, whether Koranic verses or die
ñame of God in cnormous letters, or sometimes also die ñames of the four
rightlv guided caliphs (as in the Aya Sofya in Istanbuli,
The minaret, again conncctcd only with the jimi', and buiit in diverse shapes
according to local traditions, was somedmes conccived of as a tower of victory,
the visible sign of Islam's presence in a newly conquered arca: die Qiitub Minar
in Delhi from the carly thirteenlh century is a good example of ibis lype of
minaret. For thosc who lovcd csotcric meaning. it was not diflicult to conncct it,
owing to its shape, with the letter oZi/that is always takcn to symbolize the Aharl,
the One God. And was not the building of a mosque in a newly acquired
territory, as it wcre, a new ‘brick’ in die extensión of the House of Islam?
In some mosques, a special comer is reserved for women; in olhers (often in
Turkey), women are expccted to pray on the balcony-like gallery. In state
capital:, one may lind a mayara, a spccial cnclosure for the rulen.
Anothcr sacred place of major importance is the burial place of a saindy
person. The Prophet himself, according to one tradiúon, prohibited visits to
 54 DEClrHERIXG THE SIONS OF GOD
5

tombs, while according to another he suggested luming to ‘the people of the

graves’ when faring difficulñes." Visita to tombs and cemeteries became a
common practicc antl oflercd rare opportunities for an outing to many women.
The Prophet's waming against frcqucnring the tombs was reinforced in the
nincieenth cenlury by the Wahhabis in Central Arabia, who did not even

i honour the sanctitv of the Prophet’s own mausoleum.

t Antong the places with special barata are, undcistandably, the tombs of the
martyrs of faith such as Kerbela, Najaf and Mashhad. Kcrbela. where (he
f
I Prophet’s grandson Husayn ibn 'A1I fell in ftgliñng against the Omayyad forccs in

c 68o, is in the Shia world coterminous with ’utter tragedy’. and its ñame was

c explained as a combhtaóon of M and bala, ‘grief and afflicrion'. The earth of

Keriiela, with its strong barata, is still 'exponed’ to other countries (see above, p, 5).
I
r When Muharram is cclebratcd in Shia riñes, especially in India, a place called

F 'Kerbela' is chosen cióse to a tank or a river, there the UbOU, replicas of Husayn's

< sarcopliagus, are submerged at lite end of lite ritual. To make people partakc in

e the barata of the sarred places, one can even cali children after them: Najaf or
Nazaf Khan, and Madlnakhan. appear in the Indian subcontincnt.
[ A mausoleum often develops from a simple heap of stones, and even a great
< Suli like Gésüdarit (d. 142a) tells, uingue in cheek, thr story of die travellers

I whose dog died on the road and was buried. Thev marked the laithful creature’s

V tomb. and when they returned to the same place after somc years, thev found
i that a ílourishing town had developed around the 'saint's' burial place.” Even
i more obsceno aneedmes about the growth of a pilgrimage centre are not

r uncommon in Muslim literature.

s The tombs of saints are highly venerated.*’ People will throng at lite tomb's

t doors or Windows to make vews; they hang rags on nearby trees or on the
window grill, or ¡a» petitions on the wall hoping for the saint's intcrcession, and

< as the saint's barata increases after he has left this world, people want to be

I buried near to him: that is how the enormous cemeteries in lite Islamic world
carne into existence. The cemetery of Makli Hill near Thatta in Sind is crcdited

< with the prcscncc of 125,000 saints; the Qaráfa in Cairo allows a survey of

i hundreds of years of Muslim cultural history in Egypt, and, during a walk

through the hilly cemetery of Khuldábád, 'Abode of Eternity' near Daulatabad

c in the northem Drenan, one gains a comprehensivo survey of the cutiré history

s of the Dcccan from the fourtccnth to the ninetecnth centuries, for poets,

I emperors, scholars and politicians rest peacelitlly in this lovrly place.1*

5 Rulen erectcd their mausolcums usuallv during their lifctimc and surrounded

1 their futuro burial site with charitablc foundañons to ensure benefils for their

l souls. When the last Mamluk sultán Qansauh al-Ghawii's dead body was never

l found on die batdcftcld of Marj Dabiq in Augusl 1516, the historian Ibn IvSs
attributrd this strange event to the fact that the ruler had illegally appropriatcd
 SACRED SPACE AND TIME 55

die maride of someonc elsc’s mausolcum and used it to embellish his own
mausolcum 'and God did not allow him to lie buried in it, and thercin is a sign
for those who have eycs to see’.15 Often, the mausoleums of rulcrs were
surrounded by vast gardens, sometimes divided by canals so as to resemble the
gardens of Paradise 'under which rivera ílow' and to give the deceascd, as it
were, a fbretaste of heavcnly bliss.
In cases when a famous person's burial place is unknosvn, or when Muslims
want lo gain some of his batida in their own villagc or town, they erect a maqtún.
a memorial. In the Fertile Crescenl, one Gnds a number of muyómi in places
where 'Aii’s camel allegcdly stoppcd.’** But more promincm are the rruu¡mn¡ of
saines, for cxamplc, places devoted to the memory of Bayezld Bistamt, who died
in 874 in northem Irán but is venerated in Zousfana in die High Adas as well as
in Chiltagong in Bangladcsh (and probably in other places as well). The Turkish
bard Yunus Emrc (d. 1321) has maqdms in at least seven Anatolian towns. and the
cily of Mazar-i Sharif in Afghanistan grew around an alleged tontb of 'All. The
most recent example of a 'nuu/ám' is dial of Muhammad Iqbal (buried in Labore:
in the garden near MawlSnS Rñml’s mausolcum in Konya, erecled by die
Turks. to undcrlinc the spiritual conncction bctwccn the two religious poets.
Often. the actual mausolcum of a saindy person is connected with the dargdh.
the seal of the mysticai guide who continúes die saint’s work. To stay for a few
days at a dargáh. as a wailer or servant, can malte the visitor a special recipient of
Divine gracc, and many peoplc avail themsclvcs as much of the living baraka of
the ’master of die prayer rug' or his assistants as of the hcaling powcr of a tank
or well cióse to die shrine. The shrine serves as a sanctuary. and peoplc may
swcar innocencc befare' it; some regular visitors may even be able to ‘see’ the
saint.’’
The master who resides in the da'gáh has a spiritual territory, uiltfol. and it
was customary dial he would assign 10 his khabja. substilute or vicegerent. a
ccrtain arca over which his inlluence would extent; the borders of the spiritual
territorics of two khaltfas. or, more complicated, of khali/as of two difTcrcnt
masters were striedy defined and had by no meatis to be transgressed. The
pmtecting power of die saint was ihought to work only inside his territory?*1
Shrine* and dargilu were and still are usually open to non-Muslims; in some of
thcm, women are not admitted inside (similarly, men are exeluded from women
saints' shrines). As humans have apparendv always praycd at the same places,
diere is a certain conúnuity in the use of such places, as if a special baiaka were
inherent in this or dial spot. That is well known in the Jewish Christian Muslim
sequence in Near Eastem sanctuaries. and holds truc in manv cases also for
Indian Muslim and formcrly Hindú places of worship. Thcrcforc, the borders
bctwccn religious often scem blurred in the dargüJu and shrines - certainly one of
the valid rcasons for die aversión of traditionalist orlhodox Muslims to saint-
56 Or.CIPIIF.RING THE SIGNS OF GOD

worship. Ii has been righdy siaied for India ihat ‘While the mosquc distinguishes
and scparatcs Muslims and Hindú, the dar^Üi tends to bring thcm togethcr’.’*
Other sacred places in the Islamic world are, for example, the Ismaili
Jamaalkhana, to which the outáder is only rarely given acccss even at times
outside thc service; thc dá’ña of the Indian Mahdawis, which is niainlv devotcd
to dlnkr rather than to ritual prayer, or the mámbira/i of thc Twelver Shia, where
thc implcmcnts of thc Mubarram processions are kept and which the Shia rulcrs,
especially in Lucknow. Hyderabad/Dcccan and Bengal, built in the hopc of
heavenly reward. There are, further, the different types of Sufi convenís such as
thc htól, whose ñame conveys lite idea of fortification and ftghting at the fronticr
but bccomcs in the Maghrib a truc dervish centre founded by a shaykli and
frequented by his followers. Thc laqijia, in Turkish Mr, contrasta with the large
Uiani/a/i (the Khdru/áh Sirvügüj ncar medieval Cairo is a glorious cxamplc of such an
institution;30 and thc detgüA, a lerm mainly used in India, and the solitary master
would perhaps dwcll in a zaicna, ‘comer1, a term which. again in thc Maghrib, is
used to mean radicr a hospice for Sufis. Thc use of ñames for thesc instiiutions
varied in different times and different countries. bul one thing is common lo all Sufi
insiituúons: none of them is a ‘consccraicd’ building. For die pious, diey assumed a
sacred quality owing to thc mastcr's and thc dervishes’ presence.
When the Muslim speaks of die ‘two sacred places' \al-haiamün\ accusativc and
genitivo al-hmmafn), he meara Mecca and Medina. The word haram, from die
same root as ^rrüm, 'prohibited', designares thc place where anything profane is
exeluded, as thc hañm, the place reserved for women, is accessiblc only for the
malsam, a male member of ihe familv who is related lo the inmales. To enter the
heart of die sanctuary, in this case the precincts of the Kaaba in Mecca, one is
required to put on thc thrim, thc garment that obligcs thc pilgrim to observe a
number of taboos such as avoidance of sex, of cutting one's hair or of paring
one's nails. This is valid not only during die season of the hap in the last lunar
month but also during die ‘smallcr pilgrimagc', thc 'umra, which can be
performed at any time.
In the sacred precincts, no animal may be hunted or killed, and Iqbál alludes
10 diis prohibition by admonishing his co-rcligionists to retum spiritually to
Mecca and gather in thc protcctivc shade in thc Kaaba because ‘no gaaelle1, dial
is, no living being musí be hunted diere while they, oblivious 10 their spiritual
centre, have becomc an casy prey for the non-Muslim hunters - and non-
Muslims are exeluded from thc sacred place. Mecca.’1
Thc ñame of Mecca is connected. in general thought, with a grrat asscmbly-
place, and onc. can cncounler, in the Wcst, expressions likc ‘thc Mecca of
gamblcrs’ or 'of racing cars'. For this rcason, Muslims now prefer lo spell the
city's ñame as MMnh lo distinguish it from diese sirangc and appalling
definidora.
 SACRED SFACE AND TIME 57

The city of Mccca. Muhammad's homc town, is situatcd between two ranges
of bilis and formerly housed an ancicnt Arabian sanctuary. The Koran (Süra
42:7) calis the place tmm al-qura, ‘the mother of the cides' (henee the ñame of its
university), and numerous legends have grown around this place from where, as
Muslims believe, the crcadon of the Earth began, Thus, as the praying Muslim
tums to Mccca wliencc the Earth was expanded, he tums spiritually to the
centre of tnith, the sourcc of all spirituality. Mccca's uniqué role is emphasized
in a proverb in which its inhabitants proudly claim that a person who slecps at
Mccca is equal to someonc worshipping God in another place.1'
The central sanctuary, the Kaaba. blesscs the city with its presencc: it appcars
as an omphalos, the navel of (he earth,” and is, as pious people believe, situatcd
exaedy opposite die hcavcnly Kaaba in the seventh heaven. During die deluge,
(he Mcccan Kaaba was taken into heaven, where Noah's Ark surrounded it
seven times. As for die hcavenly Kaaba. it is constantly circumambulatcd by
angels whose movements the pilgrim should remember while performing the
lauáf. 'circumambularion’ around the earthly Kaaba. But somerimes, as legend
tclls, the Kaaba itself comes lo tum around visiung saints such as the grcat Sufi
woman Rábi’a (d. 8ot), or wanders to a Sufi in faraway lands.11 The Koran
(Süra 2:1256*.) speaks of Abraham’s building or restoring the Kaaba; and, when
the Prophet rcconqucrcd Mccca in 630, he cleaned the building of all the idols,
whose number is given as 360, which may point 10 an oíd astral culi connected
with the sanctuary (die moon god Hubal is well known from pre-lslamic limes),
The Kaaba is an almost cubic stonc building measuring 12 m'and 15 m high;
it is usually covcred with the black feriar, and many poets have compared this
black veiled structure with a longcd-for bride whom one wants to rcach and
kiss.® Thus, comparisons of the kissing of die black stone in the Kaaba s soulh-
eastem comer with kissing the black beauty spot or the lips of the beloved are
common in Persian poctry.
As Mccca and the Kaaba are, for the pious. certainly the most sacred place
on Earth to which the living and the dead tum, one should not spit or strctch out
one’s legs in the direclion of the Kaalia, ñor perfonn bodily needs in its
dircction. Aftcr dcath, the believer should he buried lying on his riglil side with
his face tunied towards the Kaaba.
As every Muslim has to direcl his or her position towards the Kaaba during
the fivc dailv prayers (Süra 2:144), '* became importan! for Muslim mathemari-
cians and astronomers to cnablc believers to find the right direclion. fibla, when
travelling by land or sea; latcly, they have even discussed the problem of how to
determine the qibla while travelling in a spaceship. Matlirmatical and grographi-
cal rcscarch devcloped reíined mediods of finding the corrcct dircction; in later
rimes, small compasscs facilitated this.1'’ Bul it was not always easy to determine
die exact posilion of the prayer nichc, milráb, in a mosque. especially when the
5» DECIPHF.RING THE SIGNS OF GOD

mosque was built iu an already crowded quartcr and onc had to adjust the
structure of the building with onc lace following the alignment of the strect while
the other showed die direction towards Meces. There were different ways of
achieving the correct result. so that one may even find sligiidy varying dircctions
in one and the same eity.’- Lcgcnds. mainly from India, tcll how a saint’s praver
could correct the positrón of the mdrdb when an architcct had miscalculated it.
That was a uscful mirarle, for the Muslims are indeed called the ahí al-qibla,
‘thosc that tum towards the qibla’, and warnings are issued about lalking against
the ahí al-qibla, for they are all united by tuming to the same centre of prayer-life.
Poets loved to compare the hcaulifully arched evebrows of their belovcd to a
milfbb - was not Adam. the first human being, a qibla betón- whom the angcls
prostrated and through whom onc could find die way to the Divine beauty-?18 It
is thercfore not surprising that the Persian fine

Aft qibla rail haidlm bi-iiml-i hghuldhl

We have direeled our praver direction towards the one sporting
his cap awry

became commonplacc in later Persian and Pcrsianatc poetry.®

For the mystically minded poets kncw that the Kaaba in Mecca, central as it
is, is still a mere sign the ha'ba-i gil, ‘Kaaba of day’, is often juxtaposed with die
ka'ba-i dil, ‘the Kaaba of the heart' - and cveryone has his or her own qibla, the
place of worship to which onc turns intcntionally or unintcntionally. For qibla
became a general term for the place on which one concentrated one's attentrón:
when a calligrapher is called with lile honorific tide qildal al-hellib, it means that
he is the person to whom everyone in the writing profession turns in admiration,
Rümi describes, towards the end of his lifc. the different qiblat to whom humans
turn instead of looking towards Mecca. the central direction of worship:

The Kaaba for die spirits

and Gabriel: the Sidra-trec,
The qibla of tile glutton.
that is the table-cloth.
Tile qibla for tile- gnostic:
the light of unión with God.
The qibla of the reason,
philosophizing: vain thought!
The qibla of the ascetic:
the beneficent God,
The qibla of the greedy:
a pursc that’s lillcd with gold.
The qibla of diose who look ai
 SACRED SPACE AND TIME 59

true meaning, is paciente fine,

The tfibla of those who worship
the form: an image of stone.
The i/ibta of those esotcrics
is He. the Lord of Grate,
The qibla of diese exoterists
is but a traman’f face ...
(M VI 1,8960

Despite such psychologically insightfu) verses, Mecca was and remained thc
veritable centre of Islamic picty. Morcovcr, it is not only thc place to which to
lum in prayer and which to visit during the pilgrimage; it has also inspirad
innumerable people in dteir religious achicvemcnt. The grcat mrdicv.il thcolo-
gian. al-Juwayní (d. 1085;. was honoured by thc tille imim al-lnraman bccausc of
his prolongcd exile in thc sacred places. Pilgrims, panicularly scholars who
staycd for months, even for years in Mer ca, were inspirad lo compose their most
importara worlts ibera. Zamakhsharl d. 1144;, with thc honorific tille J* Alláh,
’God’s ncighbour', as rcsult of his prolongcd sojourn in Mecca, wrotc his
comprehensivo conimcntary 011 the Koran in litis place, and al the beginning of
the following century Ibn ’Arabi received thc initial but comprehensivo inspira-
tion for his voluminous hifáhñt al-makhjpa, The Mercan Openings’, while
circumambulating thc Kaaba.t" Again. ccnturics latcr, thc Indian reformer Shah
Wallullah (d. 1762 wrotc his F10S- al-huamm. Thc Eflusions of Grace from thc
Two Sacred Places’ under the intpression of his sojourn in die sacred cides.
The stay in Mecca had certainly an ’Arabicizing’ influence on pilgrims from
Torcign countrics, and numerous reform movements in North and West Africa,
Bcngal and Central Asia were sparked off when Muslim Icadcrs carne to
Mecca, where they found what seemed to them inte Islam but which often
contrastcd with thc ‘Islam’ in their homeland, which now appeared to them
uttcrly pollutcd by thc pcrnicious influcnces of popular cusloms and pra-
Islamic practices. They then felt compcllcd to reform Islam at borne as a resull
of their stay in Mecca.
Anothcr noteworthy aspect of Mecca’s central position was the understanding
that he who rules over Mecca and Medina is the rightful caliph henee the
claim of die Ottomans who conquered Mamluk Egypt and die arcas under its
dominión, including the Hijaz, in 1516-17 and thus bccamc the ovcrlords of thc
hatarnayn. But the mystits often voiced die opinión that ‘Mecca is of this world,
fitith is not of this world', and that God can be found everywhere and dial His
presence is not reslricted to the Kaaba.
The role of thc second sacred place, Medina, was incrcasingly cmphasizcd in
the latcr Middle Ages. Afler all, it was die city where thc Prophet was buried.
6o DECIPHERING THE SIGNS OF GOD

and with the growing glorification of the Prophet and the deepening of mystical
lovc for him and trust in him, Medina gained in status.
The role of Medina in the history of Islam cannot be overstated. The
Prophet’s hegira in 622 to this town, that only after some time was to become a
AftuAm. ’home’, forms lite beginning of the Muslim calendar, for now the
Prophet’s revelations had to he pul into practice and créate political and
jurídica! foundations for the fast-growing community of believers. Besides this
practical side of the hegira, medieval mystics have sccn it as a subtic hint to the
lact that one has to Icave one’s home 10 lind superior glory; and for a modemist
like ¡qbal, the hegira shows that onc should not cling to narrow, earthbound,
nationalist concepta.’1 The Muslims who migrated from India to the ncwly-
created Pakistán in the wakc of the partilion in 1947 called themselves muhfytr,
‘onc who has participatcd in the hegira’ from 'infidel Hindustan' <0 (he new
home where they hoped to practisc their faith without difficuldes, and modern
North American Muslims may fmd consolation in the thought dial they, like the
companions of the Prophet. have left their former home and found a new place
in not-yct-Muslim América.
For most pilgrims, it is their dream to visil the Prophet’s lomb, the rauja, in
Medina in connection with the pilgrimagc, and the Saudi authorides, despite
their aversión to ‘tomli-worship’, allow these visita.’’ Pictures of the Rau<¡a. as of
the Kaaba, decórate many houses; printed on calendare, woven into rugs,
painted on walls, they convey the blessmg of the Prophet’s spiritual presente.
The sanctity of Medina is understood from the medieval belief that the plague
never couches this city.
Poetry in honour of Medina seems to develop from the late thirteenlh
century, the first major representative of this genrr being Ibn Daqtq al-’Id (d.
1302).” The greater the distancc between the poet’s country and Medina, the
more emotional he waxes:

More bcautiful than all the ílowere are the flowers of Medina ...

and. as Jími thinks, the angcls ntakc their rosaries from the keniels of Medina’s
dates.’* It makes hardly any diíTerence whether the poet in Anatoha around 1300
sings:

If my lord would kindly grant it,

1 would go there, wccping. wceping,
and Muhammad in Medina
I would see there, wccping, wceping.

or whether he lives in cightccnth-ccntury Sind, like ’.Abdur Ra’üf Bhatti. whose

unassuming pocm has the refrain:
 SACRED SPACE AM> TIME 61

In the luminous Medina, could I be there, always there ... ”

For Medina is al-madlna al-munau'uara, ihe luminous eity, and the pious imagine
that there is a column oí' light over the Rauda. as the modem Sudanese writer,
al-Faytüri, stares:

Over the Prophet's bones, every speclt of dust is a pillar of light.*6

In Indo-Pakistan, poetical anthologies with the tille Madina ki ladaqo, 'Pious alms
for Medina’, are av*ailablc in chcap prints, and Iqbal wrotc, cióse to the end of
his life:

Oíd as I am, J’m going to Medina

to sing my song diere, full of lovc and joy,
just like a bird who in the desert night
spreads out his wings when thinking of his nest.17

Besides the huamatn, the eity ofjerusalem is surrounded with special sanclity,
for it was not only the place on whose rock, as mentioned cariier (p. í), all the
previous prophets had rested, but also, more imponantly, the first qibla of the
Muslims.*8 Only after the hegira ivas the prayer direcúon changed to Mecca
(Süra 2:144). Connectcd also with the Prophet’s heavenly journey and with
mythological tales altoul the events on Doomsday, when lsrafil will blow the
trumpet from there, Jerusalem holds pride of place in the hearts of the Muslims,
and many early ascetics spent some time diere.”
The orientation to the Kaaba is certainly central for the Muslim, but it is not
only the direction in prayer that plays a great role in his life and thoughl. One
has to remember the importance given to the right side as well. The term ‘right’,
bclongs to a rool with connotations of fclicity and happincss; the right side
ú the ‘right’, prosperous side. Onc cats with the right hand (or rather with its first
three fingers), while the left hand is unclean, being used for purificadon after
dcfilement. Onc should enter a room with the right foot first, and sleep if
possible on the right side to cnsurc happy and good dreams. On the Day of
Judgment, the Book of Actions will be given in the sinners’ left hands, and they
are the ’people of the left' (Süra 56:41,1. When Ibn ’Abbas stares that Paradisc is
to the right side of the Throne and Hell 10 its left, dien popular belicf has it that
during ritual prayer the Prophet and Gabriel are standing at the prayitlg
person's right side while Hell is waiting at his/her lefi.*1 The importance of the
right side is atlested not only in surnames like IM¡ ’lyamlnam, ‘someone with two
right hands’ for an ambidexlrous and succcssful individual, but also in the idea
that ‘God has two right hands’?1 Thus, the orientation towards die right is a
lime-honoured and gcncrally acccptcd fact. Yet there are other spatial pcculiari-
ties as well.
 DECII’HEKING THE SICNS OF GOD

The Koran emphasizcs that East and West helong to God (Süra 2:115) and
that trun picly does not consist of tuming to the East or Wcst (Süra 2:177); it
mentions also the wondrous olive tree that is ‘neither from the East ñor from the
West' (Süra 24:35). Yet, as the riglit side was thought to be connected with
positivo valúes, it seems that an 'orienution' in the truc sensc of the word. that
is 'tuming to the East’. was well known to Muslim thinkers from eariy days
despite the dilTercnt directions in which the qMa had to be faced in the
expanding empire. The wom-oul juxtaposition of the material West and the
spiritual East is not a modero invention: Suhrawardi the Master of lllumination
spoke of die ghuibal td-gharbmu. the 'western exile’ where the soul is pining and
whence shc should retum to die luminous East. Persian poets sometimes
confront Qandahar in the East and Qairouwan in the West, combing the latter
ñame with ylr. ‘tar’, becausc the dark West makes thcm think of pitch-hlack
misery. Similarly, die Dakhni L'rdu poet Wajhl d. after 1610) locatcd. in his
story Sab ras, King Intelleet in the West and King Ixive in the East, w hile Sindhi
folk poets likc to speak of the 'joumey eastwards' of the spiritual seeker although
both dieir traditional goals of pilgrimagc. Mocea and the ancicnt Hindú cave of
Hinglaj, are situated west of Sind. One wonders whedier the language called
Pínabl, 'eastem', in which God addrcsscd the Dellii mystic Niz.amuddin Awliva,
was tndeed the Purabi dialect of Hindwi or whether it points to a 'spiritual
language' in which he heard the Divine Beloved speak.
The ’Orient of ligllLs’. the place where the light rises, appcan sometimes afeo as
Yemen, which in Suhrawardl’s work represents the inte homc of spirituality becausc
the 'country 011 the right hand’ was die lióme of L'ways al-Qaranl. who cmbraced
Islam without ever meeting die Prophcl and conceming wliose spirituality the
Prophct said, as legrad tells: 'I fed the breath of the Mcrciful coming from Yemen'.
Ihbna Mmnunu, ‘Ycmcnitc wisdoní, and hhna ríinünnw. Greek pliilosophy’,
contrast, as do intuitive gnosis and intellectual approach, as do East and West.5*
Not only this 'Morgenlandfahrt' of the medieval Muslim thinkers is fascinas-
ing. but also the way in which some of thcm transformed a geographical concept
into its oppositc. India, which in most cases is die land of 'black infidelity’,
became in a certain currcnt of Persian poetry the lióme of the soul. ‘The
elephant saw India in his dream'; that means that the soul was rcminded of its
primordial homc whence it had becn carried awav to live again in Western
exile. And the stcppes of .Asia, where the musk-deer lives and moonlikc beauhes
dwell, could become at times a landscapc of the soul where the soul. guided by
the scent of the musk-deer, finds its ctcrnal home.»
Again, the concept of the i/u/b. die Pule or Axis, the central figure in the
Itierarchy of the saints, points to the importance of the upward orientation, as
Henry Corbin has lucidly shown: the polar sur. thought lo be located oppositc
the Kaaba, is the guiding light for die traveller. 5*
 SACRED SPACE AXD TIME 63

On a different level. one meets the concept of sacred space in attempts of

medieval Sufis especially in thc tradición of Ibn 'Arabl - to map die spiritual
world and describe thc strata of Divine manifestadora through which the
inaccessible Divine Essence reveáis Itsclf. One usually speaks in desccnding
sequencc of alrni al lahil, 'the world of divinity’, 'álam aljabañU, ‘the world of
powcr’, 'Ulam al-malakül, ‘the realm of the Kingdom’. and tlam an-nAiül, ‘the
realm of human beings'. In certain cases, the highest level beyond tile 'ulam al-
lahüt is thought 10 be the aton al-hihül. the ‘Divine Ipscity’ as symbolized in the
final A of the word Allñh. Very frcqucntly, the ’álam al-mMSl, ‘thc realm of
imaginación’, mundui imaginalii. is placed between the world of the heavenly
Kingdom and that of humanity, where it constitutes so to speak a reservoir of
possibilities which await realización and can be callcd down by thc spiritual
ambition of the saint.
Onc also sces attempts 10 chart die Odterworld, for the Koranic mendon of
various slages in Paradisc, such as 'illijm (Süra 83:18. ty.junan/ ’adan (Süra 15:45
el al.) and the like. inviled scarching souls to develop an incrcasingly complicated
celestial gcography. Again, the main contribution in this field is owed to Ibn
'Arabl and his followers. And as late as 1960, a Turkish diinker produccd a
lengthy study about che geography of Hel!.
The importancc of sacred space and place is reflcctcd in thc cmphasis which
Islam playa on the concept of thc road. a theme that can be callcd central in
Islamic thought.5* Does not die Muslim pray widi the words of the Koran: ihdinü
tírala 'l-mustaqim, ‘Cuide us on die straight pathf Süra 1:6)? This petition from
thc Fatiba, repeated niillions of times cvery day around thc world, has lent thc
tide ‘Islam, the straight Path' lo more than onc study 011 Islamic picry :and onc
may add that lides of boolui that contain Arable Ierras like nnA/ or minliiíi. both
meaning ‘path, right way’, are often uscd for religious works).
God guides, and He can let pcoplc go astray in thc dcscrt ad/M:. but thc
straight padi is manifested - so one can say - in the sAad'o. a term usually (and
rightly) translated as ‘religious law’. Its basic meaning is. howcvcr. ‘the road that
leads to a water coursc or fountain', that is, the only road on which die traveller
can reach the water that is needed to survive; for in thc dcscrt, it is incumbent on
everyone lo follow the well-established path lest onc perish in the wildcmcss -
and the shaii'a offers diis guidance.
Thc concept of fañqa. ‘path’, which expresses the mystical path in general and
has becomc the normal term for Sufi fratemities, helongs to die same cluster of
images, with lile understanding that the narrow path, (nriyn, branchcs out from
thc highway. There can be no tarifa without thc jAart'n.*6
In this conncction, one may also diink of thc frequent use of thc word loAiZ, ‘way’,
in expressions like ‘to do something', ‘lo fighl’, or ‘to give alms’Jí tabll Allilh, in the
way of God’, that is, in thc right direction, guided by the knowledge that one's
'M DECIPHERINC THE SIGNS OF GOD

action is God-plcasing and will resull in positive valúes. The feeHng that the
eslablishincnt of fountains and the like is particulartv uscfuljf tMAlIih is lite reason
why fountains near mosques and in the streets are often simply callcd ¡M litcrally
’way’. Ftnally, the tertn for the legal school which Muslims adhere to. and according
to whose rules Muslims judge and are judged. is madhhab. 'way on which one walks’,
a temí often used in módem pariance for ‘religious persuasión’.
But the 'way' is also very real: the pilgrimagc to Mccca, ha¡j, is one of lite five
pillar* of Islam. Legend tclls that Gabriel taught the rites of the hnjt to Adam and
Eve,“ and rite decisive ritual was set by the Prophet's last pilgrimagc shortly
beforc he passed away. 'lite pilgrimagc has served numerous writers as a symbol
of the soul’s journey towards the longed-for goal, ‘the city of God at the other
end of the toad’ (John Masefieldj.s8 One’s entire lifc could be seen as a
movement through the maqibndL the stations on the journey, or the stalions of
the heart. in the hope of reaching the faraway Bcloved. The pilgrims’ progresa is
regulatcd on the normal level by the and, for the Sufts, by the Imh/a; it is
a dangerous undertaking whose cxlemal and internal diñicultics and hardships
are often described. The long joumrys through deserta or beyond lite sea made
the hay in fórmer times a very hcavy duty; many pilgrims died from fatigue,
illness, Bcdouin attacks and shipwreck; and yet, as Indonesia,! pilgrims state,
these long. strenuous joumevs served much better as a preparación for the final
experience of ‘reaching the goal’ than the modem brief, rather comfortablc air
travels.® And as the pilgrimagc to Mccca is fraught with dangers and hardships,
thus die inner pilgrimagc requires uninierrupted wakefulness. It is a journey
through the spaces of the soul which the sOik. the wayfarer, traversos, day after
day, ycar after year, for, as Ibn ’A,a Allah says:

Were there not the spaces of the soul. there would be no

journey from man to God.

Tile tnysúcs have always asked, as did Maúlan» Rflml:

Oh, you who’ve gone on pilgrimagc where are you? Where. o where?
Hcre, here is the Bcloved - O come now. come, o come!
Your fricnd, he is vour ncighbour; he is next to your wall
You. erring in the desert what air of love is lilis?
(Z> no. 648)

In this process, the actual landscapes are transfonned into landscapes of the soul:
when in the oíd Sindhi story of Sassui Punhun the lovesick young woman runs
through the deserts and steep rocks, braving all kinds of dangers, the poct makes
us understand that this is a perfect symbol of the difliculties that the soul has to
overeóme on her path to God.1”
 SACRED SPACE AND TIME 65

The topos of the joumey and the path predate Islamic times: the central part
of the ancient Arabic yajirfa describes most eloquendy the poet-hero's journey on
his strong carne! or his swift horse through the desert, and the theme of such a
joumey was taken over by later poets. Thus Ibn al-larid’s (d. 1135) major pocm,
che Ts’rtya, is oflicially called A'égm tu-iulnk, ‘The Order of die Progressing
Joumey’. Slighdy later, Rümí sang of the necessity of travelling in a poem whose
first fine he took over from Anvari (d. around 1 igo):

Oh, if a tree could wander and move with foot and wings!
It would not suffer the axc-blows and not the pain of saws!
(o no. 1,142)

Painful üiougli the separación from home may be, it is ncccssary for one’s
development: the raindrop leaves the or ean to retum as a pearl; the Prophet left
Mecca to become a ruler in Medina and retum victoriously.
It is the Prophet’s expericncc not only in the hegira but even more in his
nightly joumey, isrü’, mi'rty. that ofTered the Muslims a superb model for the
spiritual journey. The brief allusion in Süra 17:1 was elaborated and enlarged in
Üie course of rile centurics and lovingly embellished; the Pcrsian painters in the
fifteenth and sixteenth ccnturics represented the wondrous cvent in glorious
pictures, often with moving details, and almost every later Pcrsian or Turkish
epic contains a poetical description of the Prophet’s mi'rd/. The last epic in the
long list of works inspirad by die account of üle mi'rii/ is Iqbal's Jñiñdnbna (1932i,
which combines the difieren! traditional strands of the motif and weaves them
into a colourful fabric of modem Islamic thought. The assumption that the kMb
al-mi'ra/, Arabic tales about che Prophet’s nightly joumey through Hcavcn and
Hell, has infiuenced Dante’s Divmt Comafy to a certain extent seems to be well
cstablishcd thanks to Enrico Cerulli’s rcsearch.6'
Tlte soul’s joumey usually traversos seven stations; the cighth may be the
’heavenly earth of Hurqalva’. Henry Corbin has pointed out how the concept of
the qutb. the mystical 'axis' or ‘pole’, is closely connected with the theme of che
upward journey, for it is the point of orientación Ibr the soul on its ascent from
the Western exile.
The ascent through the seven valleys, well known in Christianity, is most
bcautifully symbolized in ’Aqár’s Pcrsian epic Mantú/ «Han. which sings of the
joumey of the thirty soul birds towards die Simiagh at the end of the world. Like
many oüier thinkers, 'Apar too found that the arrival at what looked like the end
of the road is only a mere beginning, for ’whcn the joumey to God ends, the
joumey in God begins".

Tliere are two joumeys, one to God and one in God, for God is infinite
and etemal. And how could there be an end for the joumey of die soul
that has reached His presence?6'
66 DEC1FHF.RING THE SIGNS OF GOD

But we are faced with a dilenuna. God is always describcd as lá-makán. 'there
where no place is'. or as being ip na kujá abad, ‘Where there is no Where'; and
yet the Koran describes Him as the Onc who is upright on tile Throne’ (Sara
7:54,13:2 et al.: and states that His Throne 'embraces the whole universc' (Süra
2:255,. His Throne is beyond Hcavcn and Earth and what is in thent, and yet
He. who is eloser to mankind than the jugular vein (Süra 50:16), dwclls in the
innemiosl sancluary of the human heart.
The experienee of tile joumey to God and into His deplhs is expressed in a
haduh. the Prophet. speaking of his own mi'rttj. admonished his companions: 'Do
not prefer me to Yünus ibn Malta because my joumey is into the height and his
joumey is into the depths'. Eor there are two ways to reach the Divine: the
joumey upwards to Mt Qaf and beyond. and the joumey' into the occan of one’s
soul. The same 'Altar who so eloquendy describes the birds' joumey lo Mt Qaf
in his Mantiq ul tayr has devoted another work, the Mutfbalndma, lo the joumey
ihat lcads the scckcr through the forty stations of seclusion into the occan of his
soul.6»
Both ways are legitímale - ihc onc into the hcights of Divine glory where tile
Divine light pcmicatcs cvcrything and bicornes invisible owing to its radiancc,
and the way into the dark abyss where all words fail and lile soul loses itself in
sheer ecstasy, drowned in the ladiomless occan of God,
Both ways also sccm corrcct whcn onc thinks of the conccpt of oricntation in
Islam: the corrcct dircction to the qMa, indicated by the Kaaba in Mecca, is
binding for everyonc, and yet the Muslim also knows that 'Whithcrsoevcr ye
turn. there is die Pace of God' (Süra 2:115).

SACRED TIME1’*

At the end of the road, the carpet of lime and spacc is rollrd up. But before this
point and this moment is rcachcd. we observe the same apparcnt paradox that
wc encountcred conccrning God’s 'place' and 'placelessness' when dealing with
dme and dmelessness in Islamic thought.
Time measures our lives. and cach religión has its own sacred times: times in
which the mystery that was diere at the beginning is re-enacted: festivities which
are laken out of the normal flow of daily lile and thus carey humans into a
diHerent dimensión; sacred scasons; and sacred davs and hours.
For the Muslim. the history of salvation iHálsgBthuhU begins with
Muhammad. as his essence is the ftrst thing created by God and. as mystics
would claim. thus precedes the 'first man’ zkdani. His appcarance in dme after
the long ages in which eariier prophets taught God's commands consritutes the
climax of human history; in him, the füllncss of time is rcachcd. This conviction
helps to explain the Muslim's constan! longing for the Prophel's time, for no
other time could have been or could ever become so blcsscd as the ycars that he,
 SACRED SPACE AND TIME 67

bearer of the Divine Word. was actitig on Earth. For this reason, all 'rcform
movements' are hound to reoricnt themselves back to the Prophet's time.
Pcople have looked for an explanalion why Muhammad appeared just
around die tum of the sixth to the scvcnth century ad, and Ibn ’Arabi found out
that the Prophet enterad history in the sign of Libra, which means that he
inaugurated a new age in the sign of justice, that is, he struck the balance
betwecn the legalism of Moses and the mildness ofJesús.6*
Historically speaking, Muslim time-consciousness begins with the hegira
which, as already mentioned, means the pracócal realization of the contcnts of
the rcvclation. Furthcrmore. an important new beginning was made as a purely
lunar year was introduced, which entailed a complete break with oíd Semitic
fertility culis connccted with the solar year and its seasons. To be surc, the solar
ycar continucd to be used for ñnancial purposes such as taxation, as the yicld of
the crops was dependerá upon the seasons and could not lie harmonized with
the lunar calendar, in which, contrary to earlicr systcms, no intcrcalation was
permitted.
The month begins when die cresccnt moon is sighted by two reliable, honest
witnesses. Although the appearancc of the first slim cresccnt can be mathemati-
cally determined in advancc. the prescription of actually observing the moon still
rcmains salid. The cresccnt was thus able to become the favourite symbol of
Islamic culture.68
Ncs’crtheless, some rites are still cclebrated according to the solar calendar.
Tile best-known one is Mawrtz, the Persian New Year at the vernal equinox,
which was and still is central in the Pcrsianate world but which was acccptcd, to
a certain degree, also by the Arabs. Some feasts of local saints again follow the
solar calendar, for cxamplc that of Ahmad al-Badawl in Tanta, Egypt, whose
dates are connccted with fertility, which means, in Egypt. with the rising of the
Nile.
Other popular measures of time may have been in use in various parís of the
Islamic world; thus, Christiaan Snouck Hurgronje mentions for the late ninctecnth
century a Hadramauti solar year which consistcd of twcnty-eight parts with thirteen
days each; the twcnty-eight parís corresponded one by one to Ote station in which
the moon rises.67 These lunar mansions were, as he states, well known among the
pcoplc. lndced, die importance given to the lunar mansions is a fascinanngaspcct of
Muslim culture, and numerous popular sayings and supcrsdtions express the
widespread acquaintancc with these conccpLs, which are echoed in high literatura.
Thus, one should avoid bloodletting when the moon is in libra, and 'moon in
Scorpio’ is the worst possible, most disastrous combination. as both Muslim writers
and Europcan observers tell.60 The poetical genre of Mro/rmára, Twelve Months'
poems’, in the Indo-Pakistani vemaculars shows a curious sliifting from Indian to
Muslim and recently even to Western months.69
68 DECIPIIEKING THE SIGNS OF COI)

Fcasts carry a special powcr with them. and drcreforc humans hehavc
dificrcmly on fcstive days, beginning with the custom of sporting ncw garments.
One may perform supcrcrogativc acts of picty, distribute alms, or sitare food and
swccts. That is particularly truc for the two grcat fcasts in thc Muslim worid
which are based on Koranic sanctíon: onc is the irf ul-fifral the end of Ramadan
(Turkish jato banml, ‘sugar feast'), thc other one the Id an nnht or Id al adlü
(Turkish qurhan bajTamt), when the sacrificial animal is slaughlcrcd during thc /np
on the tcnth day of the Iast lunar month.70
Ramadan is thc most sacrcd time of the ycar. for during this month die first
revelation of thc Koran took place. The gales of Hcll are elosed, thc gatcs of
Paradise open. The Mol alqadt. the Night of Might (Süra 97), is 'better than a
thousand months'; it is thought to be onc of thc Iast odd nights of the month,
probably the twenty-sevenüi. Many pious people thcrcforc spend thc Iast ten or
so days of the month in scclusion or in thc mosque, and even those who do not
fast gcncrally may try to fast at Icast 011 thc first and during thc Iast. ten days for
the sakc of blessing. The lailal al-qadr is thought to be fillcd with light, a light that
appcars to a few blesscd people who cxccl by their devntion.7'
Although a fasting day, Wital, was institutionalized at an early stage in
Mecca/' now a wholc month is devoted to fasting (Süra 2:1851, a hard discipline
which requires strong intention and is particularly difficull when it happens to
fall in thc hot scason, for thc fasting Muslim is not allowcd a single sip of water
(¡f possible, onc even avoids swallowing one's saliva) betwecn dawn, when one
can disccrn betwecn a black and a while thread, and the compleiion of sunsei.
Ñor are food, smoking, scx. perfume or injcctions permitted during daytime;
exemptions are possible for wcak, travclling or fighting people and menstruating
and pregtiant women; bul either the losi days have lo be made up for, or other
penilences such as feeding a cerlain nurnber of poor are required, following
cxact rcgulations. It scems that thc fasring along with che community. and thc
fcstive fast-breaking, ¡fiar, along with others. make the discipline for all its
diílicullics more joyful than an outsider can judge. Ramadan is a problcm tor
northem countrics, when surnmer days stretch for more than twrnty hours and
where many believers miss thc wider communal support that they would enjoy
in a Muslim country. According 10 some jaMi, the Muslim in such faraway
northem arcas (and that would be valid for southcm arcas as well. c.g. Muslims
in southcm Chile) could break thc fast at thc time whcn it is broken in the next
Muslim country; that would be Turkcy or Nordi Africa for Europcans. It svas
also claimed that bccausc fasting is not required during war, and hard labour in
factories or agricullurc is a ‘war against poverty', these workers should be
exctnpt from this religious duty; bul this suggestion by Presidcnt Bourguiba of
Tunisia was not favourably mcl with.
Aftcr breaking thc fast with an odd nurnber of dates and somc water, the
 SACRED SPACE AND TIME 69

pious Muslim will perform the evening prayer, then cal, ihcn perform another
set of prayers, the so-called tarituti which comprisc usually twenty, sometimes
twenty-thrcc rak'ah (eyeles). The nigltts used to be formcrly devoted to amuse-
menls and joyful entertainment; before the night is over, one may eat a light
meal : laAúr or and then formúlate the mtention for another day of fasting.
The W ul-fy' is celebrated with great joy, but diffcrcnccs in sighting the moon
may cause the feast to be celebrated with a day’s diíference in the same country
or in faraway areas, although dte sighting of the moon in Mecca is now
broadeast all over tile Muslim world.
The layial al-qadi is fillcd with light because the world was illuminated by the
rcvclation of God's Word, but the layial almilád, the birth of the Prophel, is
equally luminous, as popular and mystical picty have it, quite in harmony with
the general phenomenon that the 'birdt of the saviour' in the history' of religious
is surrounded by light.73 The exact date of the Prophet’s birth is unknown; the
twellth day of Rabi' al-awwal, the third lunar month, is actually the date of his
death, and in some arcas, such as in Pakistanas North-West Frontier, it is still
remembered as such harah ti-q/ál} without displaying the joyful aspects of the
birthday. Cclcbrations of the birthday are known first from Fatimid times, for
the Fatimids 1969-1171, claiming descent from Üte Prophet's daughtcr F3(ima,
had a dynastic interest in celebraúng at least in courtly circles tlteir ancestor's
birthday. Around 1200, the cclcbrations were already widespread and elabórate,
as can be understood from Ibn Khallikan’s account of the maivlid, ‘birthday’ in
Arbela (Irbil) in 1207. Praise-songs were competed on this occasion, and the use
of caedles and illuminations became popular a custom to which the tradi-
tionalists objectcd because of its similarity to Chmtian festivities. Lately,
however, the imaginativo poems in honour of the Prophet’s birth, as they are
known from Turkey to East Africa and India from the fourtccmh century
onwards, were discarded in many countries because their romanticism sccmcd
incompatible widt a modern sober mind, and instead of the great ‘Wclcomc’
which all of Nature sings to the new-born Prophet (as expressed in Süleyman
Qelebi's Turkish nmlúd. the Prophet's cthical and political achievements are
emphasized. But in Cairo, Muslims continué to celébrate the day with great
joy, and the sugar-dolLs, called 'bride of the mawluf, are still sold and cnchant
children.
The two Id are firmly rooted in Koranic tradition, and the celebration of the
Prophet’s birthday was a corollary of the incrcasing veneration which was fek for
the ‘best of mankind’, who brought the final revcladon. Another feast has no
Koranic roots and yet is connected with the Prophet who, according to some
fnduh. emphasized its importante. It was apparendy celebrated in the early
Middlc -Ages, for it is mentioned in SanS’i’s (d. 1131) Pcrsian poelry. This is the
layial al-barll’a (ykab-i barál in Persian), the night of the full moon of the eighth
70 DECirHERINC THE SIGNS OF GOD

lunar month, Sha'bán. Special swccts are made and, as usual for such nights.
lirecrackers and fireworks are used. Addidonal pravers are recommended, for
example 100 raía with ten rccitations of Süra 112 in each roi'a; for this night is
something like a New Year's Evo: God destines so many people believe
mankind’s fatc for the ncxt twelve monlhs, and, according to a delightful bclief.
the angels put on file the notes which they have writlen about each human's
action during the last twelve mondis. In Lebanon, the middle of Sha'ban was
celcbrated as the maulad, the birthday, of all those saints whose actual memorial
days were unknown, while among the Shia it is regarded as Imam al-Mahdi's
birthday.7* Saná’i not only mentions the ihab-i haril as a spccial sign of grace for
the Prophet but also singles out the ‘while nights', that is, the nights of the full
moon in general; the first thrce days of dte four sacred months Muharram,
Rajab, Ram.ujan and Dhu '1-hijja were also surrounded by a spccial sanctity;
fasting was recommended at these times,75
In the Shia community, more sacred days are known, such as 'Ali’s birthday
(13 Rajab) and the Day of Ghadlr Khum 118 Dhu ’l-hijia), when the Prophet
invested '.‘Vi as his successor. Most important. however, is the month of
Muharram. especially its firat ten days. Processions begin, people go 10 die majlu,
which are mectings (separated for men and women, of course; with standards,
llags and votive offerings placed in a comer, and the story of Husayn's suffering
in Kcrbcla is recited in poctry and prosc with increasing intensity day by day.
Pious Shiitcs follow the suITcrings of the imam, the dcath of the small children,
the wailing of the women and die final martyrdom of Husayn and his faniilv and
friends with evcr-heighlened empalhy, almost like the Christians who live
through the mysterics of the Holy Wcek.1*
In the processions on 10 Muharram, tübüls are carried, replicas of the
sarcophagus of Husayn. These are very liigh slructures yfim) made of wood or
paper, vcritablc works of an in whose preparation the pious compete from the
beginning of Muharram. A whitc horsc is also led in the proccssion in case die
Mahdi should suddenly appear 'see abose, p. 25). Everyone wants to particípate
in diese processions and the general atmosplu-re of mouming. S. H. Manto'*
L'rdu short story batí Shaktdlr, "flic black shalwar', tclls of a prostitute’s desire for
die black trousers worn during Muharram (for Muslims avoid wearing colourful
garments, jcwellery and make-up); in Ahmadabad in Gujarat, the prostitutos
have a spccial day for taking part in the cclcbration, during which they abstain
completely from their usual activities. For Muslims know that weeping for
Husayn is ncccssary for one’s salvation even though the idea is not thcologi-
caliy founded.
Tile Muharram processions with llagellaúon and even fire-walking have
tumed in somc arcas into something akin to a carnival: in Hyderabad/Deccan,
one finds buffoons dancing with the proccssion. and tilde boys may serve -
 SACRED SPACE AND TIME 71

usually owing lo their parent’s vow - as Husayn ki ma/nún. 'Husayn’s madman';

fumigation with fragrant woods is also practiseoL” As in other popular festivities,
such as anniversaríes of a saint's dcath, 'un, thc limits of normal bchasiour can
disappear, thc borden between different classes and groups of people can be
lifted. and everyone is carnet! away in thc waves of cnthusiasm, if not frenzy,
that tear apan thc sobcr rhythm of normal life.
Special food is connected widi Mulyarram: on 'Ashür4-Day, thc actual dcath
of Husayn, Muslims prepare a dish callcd mAñrd, which consists of grains, raisins
and numerous other ingredients 10 remitid üte pious of die last meal which the
poor members of the Prophet’s family prepared from thc lew «tibies that they
could scratch together. To send a bowi of 'ísharí to one’s ncighbours was
customary in Turkey and the countries east of it; now, 'áshüra appears as a
delicious everyday dessen 011 thc menú of many Turkish restaurants.
Pocts lovcd to sing of thc tragedy of Kerbcla, and the genre of marthiya,
ihrcnody, had its highest development at the Shia courts of India, cspccially
Lucknow; it rangos from simple luUabies for thc dying six-month-old babv ’AlI
Ayghar Thus in Golconda in the scvcntccnth ccntury; to thc famous marthiyas of
Anís (d. 1874: and Dablr (d. 1875). The latter two excelled in long poems of thc
tvpe musaddas, six-lincd stanzas, which enabled them to describe the gruesomc
details most accuratcly at epieal length. To this day, a good recitación of an
Urdu manhiya moves thc participants in a majlis to tcars, and such rccitadons
attract thousands of Indo Pakistanis, for cxamplc in London
In Irán, pocts have also devoted poetry lo the evenl of Kerbcla. Most
inipressive among their ballads is Qa’áni’s clegy in the rhetorical lortn of
‘question and answer',- which begins with thc lines:

What’s raining? - Blood! - Who? Thc cye. How? Day and night!
Why? - From grieí! What grief? Thc gricf of thc monarch of
Kcrbcla ...i8

This Ibrm points 10 the tendeney in Irán to dramatizo thc cvent of Kcrbcla,
There, thc an of ta'ziya, a kind of passion play, occupies a prominem place.” in
diese plays. thc sufferings of Imam Husayn and liis family ate placed at thc
centre of tile entire universal history, to bccomc an integral pan of salvation
history. Not histórica! truth bul the metahistorieal importante of Husayn’s
suffering is at thc base of this la'-na, in which thc most incongruous protagonists
are brought together to bccomc aware of Husayn’s sacrifico; Adam, MawlAnfl
Rüml, die martyr-mystic al-Hallaj and many others are woven into the
fascinating fabric of these plays which centre around an evenl that look place al
a wcll-dcfincd moment in history yet seems to belong to a different dimensión of
time.8” The poets, cspccially thc folk pools, have therefore been accuscd of
mentioning how Hasan. 'All's eider son, enterad die battlefield along with his
7¡ I1ECIFHERING THF. SIGNS OF OOD

brother Husayn, although in reality he had died (probably poisoncd. some

eleven ycars carlicr; but, for the poets, both appcar as 'princes' or 'bridegrooms'
of Kerbela.
Whilc Mufiarram is gcncraliy observed in die Sitia community, another
lendency among some Iridian Shiitcs was not only to commcmorate Kerbela but
also to celébrate all the death anniversaries as well as birdidays of the twelve
imams with dramatic performances: eye-witnesscs at the court of I.ucknow in the
18305 describe such uninterrupted iéstivities and tell with amazement that the
king’s favourite elephant was trained to mourn Imam Husayn during Muharram
with long-drawn-out trumpetings: Hitó Huwnaa, wmh Husavnaa, litó Husauvym
8‘

Much more in the general linc of festivo days are lite celebrations of saints'
anniversaries, called ’urr, 'wedding', becausc the saint's soul has reaehed dte
Divine Bcloved's presence. Tens and oven hundreds of thousands of pilgrims
arrice from various parís of the country or, as in dte case of Mu'inuddin Chishtl
(d. 1236) in Ajmcr, cvcn in special trains from Pakistán which, for the occasion,
are allowed to cross the odierwise closed burder. Common prayer. the singing of
hymns and, lasi but not leasl, dte participaron in dte common meáis which are
distributed weld them into one great fainily (the 'un al Ajmer has lately ticen
dcscribcd in detail).81 The religious events can go together with less religious
aspeets; the shrine of Lid Shahbáz Qalandar in Schwan, Sind, still bears traces in
the culi of its long-forgotten past as a Shiva sancluary, and die un of Salar
Mas'üd in Bahraich reminds the visitor not only of the spiritual marriage of the
young hero’s soul with God but also of his nuplials with his bride, Zahra Brbt.8’
Many peoplc regard a visit on the anniversary of ‘their special saint as almost
cqual lo a pilgrimagc lo Mecca,8* (To visit Mawlánft Rümfs mausolcum in
Konya scvrn times cquals onc At;/ - so they claim in Konya.) Muslims likc lo
visit mausoleums and ccmcterics on Fridays befare dte noon prayer, and in
general the gales are always open to welcome visitors. The days of the 'un of
cach saint are carefully printed in small calcndars in India and Pakistán,
although for the traditionalist the celebration of saints' anniversaries is nothing
short of paganism. and the legalistically-mindcd ulamí tried time and again to
curtail these customs.
For the pious Muslim, almost every monlh has special characteristics. Whilc
in Muharram Muslims think of the martyrdom of Husayn and avoid wedding
Icasts (even among Sunnis), the sccond month, Safar, is considered unlucky
becausc the Prophet's terminal illness began on its last Wcdnesday, and he
supposedly said dtat he would blcss the onc who gave him news that Safar was
over.
In Rabí’ al-awwal. the Prophet's anniversary is cclebratcd, whilc the next
month. Rabí adi-diáiii. is devoted at Icast for Suli-mindcd Muslims to die
 SACRED SPACE AND TIME 73

mcmory of 'Abdul Qsdir Gilaiii (d. 1166), the foundcr of the Qadiriyya ^afu/a,
henee in Indo-Pakistán it is simply called gyathü arytrhiñ, 'the clevcnth', because
'Abdul Qadir’s anniversary falls on die clevcnth of the month.
Rajab, the scvcnlh lunar month, is connected with die Prophet’s hcavenly
joutncy, mí’rat, which took place, according to tradition, on the twcnty-sevcnth.
The so-called raghi'ib nights at its beginning are especially blessed. This month is
prefcrablc for the sniallcr pilgrimage, the 'urna, which, howcver, is pcrmittcd at
any dme except during the days of the
Sha'bán is the month of the laylal aTbarü’a: and some pious people have
claimed that the letters of its very ñame point to fivc noble qualities of the
Prophet: sA: sharaf, dignity. honour; 'orn: uluui. eminence: b: birr, goodness; atif:
ul/'al, fricndship, aflcction: n: nür. light. It is also related that he used Ki fast in
Sha'bSn as a preparalion for Ram.itl.ín. The following Raniadan, as the fasting
moon, and linally the last month, DhO 1-bijja, as die time of pilgrimage, are
considerad blessed cverywhere.
In this connection, it is revealing lo have a look at a list of days during which
die Muslim sipahis in India (especially in the Dcccani wcre given home leave by
the British in the ninctccnth century: during the Muhairam festivitics, on the last
Wcdncsday of Safar, on the Prophet’s deadi anniversary (i.e. 12 Rabl'al-awwal),
on 'Abdul Qádir's 'ars, and on the ’un of Zinda Shíh Madár, as well as on die
memorial day of MawlS ’Alf and of GesOdarSz, the grcat Chishti saint of
Gulbarga (d. 1422). Lists from other parts of British India may have ineluded
other saints’ days.
Bul not only ‘sacred’ days which are taken out of die normal llow of time by
dint of their blessing power are observed; rather, cach day has its pcculiaritics
bccause it is conncctcd with planetary influcnccs, angcls, colours and sccnts, as
one can understand from Nizámi's Persian epie Hqft PayKar. If any sober critic
feels compelled to accuse Nizámi of poética! exaggeration, he sliould lum to the
works of famous .Muslim scholars such as the traditionist and theologian
Jalaiuddln as-Suyt>ti (d. 1505) in Cairo and the Icading haduh scholar in
seventecnth-century India, 'Abdul Haqq Muhaddith Dihlawt (d. 1645), for both
of them like many odien before and after diem have composed books about
the properties of the days of the week. As God created Adam on Friday from the
day dial die ángel 'Azra’il collcctcd by forcc from the earth, Friday is the best
day of die week. Hud and Abraham, so it is said, were born on a Friday (the
latter incidcntally on 10 Muliarram!;. and Gabriel gave Solomon his miraculous
ring on Friday, as Kisí'l tclls, Thus, the central posilion of the day on which the
congregaúon is supposcd to gather at noon in the mosque is dulv sirigled out,
although in classical úmes Friday, in contrast to the Sabbath and Sunday, was
not considerad a full holiday. Only comparatively recendy have some Muslim
statcs declarad it the wcckly holiday, while Sunday is a working day in Pakistán
74 DECIPHERING THE SIGNS OF GOD

and Saudi Arabia, for example. On Friday, so Muslims bclievc, there is an hour
during which God answers all prayers bul the exact moment is unknown to
moríais.11’
Monday is the day of the Prophet's birth as well as of his triumphal entrante
into Mecca in 630 - henee it is a most auspicious day. while Tuesday is
considered unlucky, for God created all unpleasant things on Tuesday. Thurs-
day is a good day for travelling, íbr military undertakings and also for fasting"’
(as a preparation for Friday. for the day begins at its eve: jum'a ral. 'Friday night’,
correspondí to the night between Tliursday and Friday).
The scholars dctccted auspicious days for shaving, for measuring and for
putting on new clothes; in short, one might organizo one’s whole life in
accordance with Üte aspeets of certain days. It is well known that the Mughal
emperor HumAyún (1530-56) fastidiously clung to the rules of the auspicious and
tnauspicious days and houts and would allow pcople to visit him in this or that
capacity or for specific kinds of work only according to die right hour of the right
day.’’
Most blessed are. in any case, the early moming hours the Koran urges
Muslims in Süra 11:114 10 pray al cn<^ of 'he day and at night). Thercfore
the mcrchant will solí the first Ítem at a special pnce to partake in this blessing;
the first customer’s arrival will positivelv determine the whole day.
The hours themselves were ftxed in accordance with the prayer times, whose
greatest possible extensión was exaetly to be measured by the length of the
shadow cast by the praying person Now, modern docks facilítate the exact
determination of die time, which. in any case, is marked by die mi’adhdhin’s cali
from the minaret. The Westemer who may be used to calling the time between
approximalelv 3 and 6 p.m. ‘aftemoon’ will have lo leant that, for the Turks,
‘aftemoon’, marks rather the hours between noon prayer and mid-aftemoon
prayer, 'ar>.
When speaking about time-consciousness in Islam, one Icnds to regard time
as linear, which is typical of ‘prophetic rcligions’: time begins with crearion, the
Yesterday, litish, of Persian poels, and leatls 10 the Day of Judgment, the
Tomorrow of the Koran (cf. Süra 54¡a6). But this linear time changos in a
certain way into a eyelieal movement, that is, ’the jountey of God’s servaros from
the place of beginning to die place of retum’, as SanS’í and Najmuddln Day.1
Rázi called üieir books conccming human beings’ progress.” Mystics would sce
it as a joumey from adam, 'not-being', into the second 'adam. die unfathomable
Divine Essence. Later Sufis have spoken of the are of descent from the Divine
origin to the manifestation of humanity and back in the are of ascent into the
Divine homcland, under whatever image frose-garden, occan. reed-bed) it may
have been symbolized.
A complete devclopmcnt of eyelieal time, however. has been ofléred by the
 SACRED ASFECTS Of NATURE AND CULTURE 75

Ismailis, to whosc system Hcnry Corbin has devoted a nurnber of studics - the
seven eyeles of prophets and their tótiqi. 'speakers', represent the cydical
movement in universal history.89
Yet, in our lives, we experience linear lime. However, die believers were well
aware that just as the road towards God ends in la matón. ‘there where no place
is’, thus there is a deep dilTerence betwecn die time we usually know and live in
and the Divine time. This is expressed in thc Prophet’s word: ‘1 have a órne with
God, li ma'a AUtó uaql (mi no. ioo) - a time to which not even Gabriel, who is
puré spirit, has access. The uaql. die ’culting sword', as it was defined by the
Sufis, is the mmr aitemum, thc time beyond time in which there is neither before
ñor hcrcaftcr. The expenence of die waqt which roughly corresponds to the
medieval Germán mystical term 'das Nu’¡ is central in Sufi writing because it
changos the seekcr's consciousncss radicallv. Pcrsian thinkers llave spoken, in a
fine úitcrprctation of Süra 41:53, of the ¿aman a/áqi and ¿aman anfuü. based on thc
signs in die horizons, ájaq, and in thc souls, anjiu, which serve to point to God’s
activities. Thc afaqi time, conncctcd with thc ‘horizons’, our crcatcd world, is die
level which we experience in daily life and in which we act; but once thc umqt
takes thc seeker out of himself, he experiences die anfuñ time, tile spiritual time,
thc moment when normal disceniment has no meaning any more, ll is lilis
timelessness out of which die mystics spokc their paradoxes, for the distinction
between generadons and ages exists no longer dius al-HallAj can sing. as did
many otliers:

My mother has borne her father,

and my daughters are my sisters,*’

and I-Súma is called umm abitó, "her falher's mother’. This Divine Now is the still
point that contains in itsclf all movement.
Perhaps thc most ingenious attcmpt to symbolize the two levels of time was
made by Iqbül who saw linear, created time as it comes into cxistencc with the
very moment ofcreation as a zunnm, an infidels girdle which has to be tom so
that one may rcach thc etcmal Now in God in a tare moment of ecstasy He
quoles Goedie's lines:

Wcnn im Uncndlichen dasselbe

sicli ewig wiederholcnd flir-Bt.
Das tausendfiiltigc GcwOlbc
sich kráftig ineinanderschlicBt,
stromt Lcbcnslust aus alien Dirigen,
dem grüBtcn wic dem kleinsten Stcrn,
und alies Drángen, alies Ringcn
ist ew’ge Ruh in Gott dem Herm.’’
76 DF.C1PHERING THE S1CNS OF COD

One may fintl in literature allusions lo dabr. the time, which had been
regardcd by both prc-Islamic Arabs and Iranians as the power ruling the
universo. It is a power through which everything is determined, a blind fate. Yet,
a Itidub qudsi maltes God say: 'Don't curse dahr. for I am the dahr'. that is, if onr
undetstands it correctly, then even the sccmingly cruel time is still subjugated 10
God. In later time, dahr was taken as coterminous not only with impersonal late
but even more with the material world d>e Dahnyya becomc, in Islamic
polemics, the matcrialists. godlcss and henee sinful.
Yet, Time as a power that 'weaves a gannent for the invisible divinity from
the two-coloured thrcad on the loom of davs and nighls' can be encountcrcd
among the poets and thinkers, and Iqb&l. who so ingeniously called people to
tcar tile girdle of created linear time, yet sings of Timc's activitics in more than
one poem. Bul Násir-i Khusraw remarlts, in a verse that sounds astounding in
the general Islamic conlcxt:

The Cativas of His An is 'rime and Hace

Henee Time is infinite, and boundlcss Space,9*

while one gcncrally acccpts the movement from eternity withoul beginning, atal,
to eternity without end, abad, as finito; for even time will end, as everything is
pcrishable, and only the Divine Now will remain.

SACRED NUMBERS99

Space and time are measutrd in numbers, and Islam, like all religions,
emphasizcs the importancc of certain numbers, in many cases lollowing
Pythagorcan ideas, thus in the cmphasis laid on odd numbers. The Pythagorean
preference for odd numbers (which are regarded as masculine wiiile even
numbers are feminine and fraught with negativo connotations) is reflected in the
saying lana Aliaba ’untr yuhibbu ’l-mlr, ‘Vcrily God is an odd number (i.e. One]
and loves odd numbers'. For this reason, many acts are performed in odd
numbers such as tliree or seven times: the Prophet, so it is said, brokc his fast
with an odd number of dates; and Snouck Hurgronjc tclls that in his time in
Arabia the visitor was oflered one cup of tea after the other, but if he should
drink four cups he musí have a fililí one lest the number be even.9*
ll was casy, as can be clearly sccn from the above-mentioned saying, to
conncct the odd number with the central dogma of Islam, namely that God is
One (although, properly speaking, One is not a real number). lite prohlem of
honcstly attesting God's absoluto unity and Oncncss, however, posed grave
problcms to mystical thinkers, for die very act of pronouncing the profession of
God's Unity presupposes die existent e of a speaking subjcct. Henee, according
lo mystical thought, only God can attest His Unity; only He. as Khan-Sz (d.
around 896) stated, ‘has the right to say “Z”’.
 SACRED SPACE AND TIME 77

But crcation requires the cxistcnce of duality, of the Creaior and the crcation;
and. as space and serial time come into existcncc only with tlic act of crcation.
God reveáis Himsclf in the contrasdng pair of jalál and jamil, majesty and
beauty, in the change of day and night, in brcathing in and breathing out, in the
heartbeat and in the positivo and negativo polos that makc the clcctric current
flow. Is not the Divine creativo word kun (written in Arabic kn) like a lwo*
coloured rope that hieles the Divine IJnity, as Rtiml asks (seo bolow, p. as6)?
For those who understood the signs. it seemed revealing that the Koran (as
does the Torah) begins with the letter b, that is, with the formula búmVM ....
and the numerical valué of b as 2 points to the duality inherent in evctything
created, while the first letter of tlic alphabet, ahj with its numerical valué i, is dio
ciphcr for the One and Unique God.
Islam lias fought fiercely against the Trinitarian conccpt of the deity, tlic
apparent 'tri-deism' in Christianity. However, Trinitarian tliinking is dceply
rooted in human beings, as we live in a three-dimenstonal worid. It is therefore
not surprising dial one encounters a considerable number of concepts which are
grouped in thrcc, leí alone the many customs and rites which have to be
performed thrice, such as knocking at the door, or repeaüng ccrtain questions or
polite formulas; for the Prophet used lo repeat his words thrice (aw no. 192).
'Die life of piety itself is divided, according to the hadUh. into thrcc phases:
islbm, the externa!, legal, practical aspcct; Imán, the interiorized faith; and ilbdn,
‘doing good', that is, acting in tile knowledge dial God is always watching, so
that every act has lo la* performed as beautifully, hasan. as possible. 'lile Koran
offered the Muslim the thrcc stages of the nafa, the sclf, beginning with the nafa
amml'a bi ’í-st. the ‘soúl incidng to evil' (Süra 12:53), then higher stage, nafa
lauuáma. *die blaming soul', which can be takcn as corrcsponding to our
consciente, but sometimos even to consciousness (Süra 75:2), and finally the nafa
mumm ‘urna, the ‘soul al pcace’, the stage from which it will be called back,
salisfied and satisfying, to its Lord (Süra 89: 27, 28).
Tlic way to God was seen as jAari'a, ihc Highway of the Law, gtrl^u. the
narrow path of the mvslic, which leads in its end lo Itufiija. ‘Divine Truth', or lo
ma'nfa, ‘intuitivo gnosis’. Each step on die path could be divided, again, into
diree degrees: the rules for the normal believer, the elite, and die élite of the
rlitr. And as Thrce is ihc overarching principie, the first number by which a
gcomciric figure, ihe triangle, can be constructcd, contrasts and tcnsions are
solved through the introduction of a third clemenl: lover and bcloved are united
in Love, and in the last stage of rccollcction, dhikr. the one who recollects is
united with the recollected objcct in the very act of dhikr
One finds - outside Strnni orthodoxy - thcological trinities. In Shia Islam,
God, Muhammad and 'All are named logether; in the tripartitc Shia cali to
prayer, though not based on official texis, one adds to tile general formula of the
78 DEClPHEttlNG THE SIGNS OF GOD

thaháda die words '.4Z¡ noli Allñh, "All is the frieiid of God’, The Ismailis know the
gToups of Muhammad, ’All and ihc Imam In other sectarian groups, similar
formations of dtrec sometióles amazing oncs!: are found, for cxamplc when the
ñame of Salmán al-Faris¡ is addcd to that of Muhammad and ’.AlI.
From ancicnt times, Four was the number of the ordcrly universo, of the
square, a number by which chaos is formed into something tangible: dte four
directions and the four clcments are the bcst-known cxamples of chis ordering
powcr of Four.” In the spiritual spliere, there are four otiíárf, ‘pilláis’, of the
hierarchy of saints, as there are also four atrhangels. Kisá’i even spcaks of four
castes of Icarncd djinns,96 The ‘four books’, Torah, Psalms, Gospel and Koran,
are as well known as die four takbtr, that is, the fourfold AUthu Mar pronounced
in die funeral rice. Iliat diere are ’four righdv guided caliplis’ as che first
successors of the Prophet may be an accidcnt, but one wonders whether it was
jusc by chance chai only four legal schools, madhhab. crystallized out of a large
number of schools dial existed in earlier times. L’p to four legitímate wives are
permitted, and four witnesses are required to lestiíy in a case of adulierv.
The structuring of cides or buildings according to the cosmológica! rnodel of
the square or the cross exists in Islam as well: the city of Hvdcrabad/Dcccan,
with its centre, die ChSr Minar, the fourfold minare!, is one of die linest
examples of this ordering principie, The ordering powcr of four is clear from a
number of sayings in the Aalg al-balígha. a work attributcd to All, such as:

Faith tests opon four pillare padence, ccrtimdc, justicc and slriving;
and paticncc rests upon four pillare longing. kindness, asceticism and
walchfulness ... [and so on],

The same stnicturc is repeated in the description of inftdelity, or in sayings likc:

There is no wrallh bul intellect; no poverly but ignorance; no heritage

but good behaviour; no helper but good counsel.”

A particularly interesúng number in Islam is Five, connected from time

immemorial with the goddess Ishtar or her later counterpart Venus, and central
in Manichean cosmology. Fivefokl struclures do not oceur in crystallinc fonns,
but oceur in many vegetable fonns, and thus Five is connected widi the five
senses.
In Islam, five is the numérica) valué of the letter A, the last and essential letter
of the word AUoh, but it occurs on a more praedeal Icvcl in faidi and ritual: there
are five so-callcd pillare of Islam (profession of faith, ritual prayer, alms tax.
fasting in Ramadan. and pilgnmage lo Mecca:, as well as five daily ritual
pravers. In the inilialion rites of the Jutiwua sodalitics. the aproo is folded five
times to remind the ncophyte of five basics: the ntual prayer; die ahí al'abn (i.e,
the five members of Muhammad s household which are under his cloak and who
 SACRED SPACf. ANO TIME 79

are often callcd Panjtan, 'five pcoplc'. namch Mutiammad. Fapma. "All, Hasan
and Husayn); thc five tila ’l-'mm, the lawgiving prophets Noali, Abraham, Moses,
Jesús and Muliammad; the five pillara of faith; and thc five parts of thc creed: ‘I
believe in God. His angels. His books. His messengers, in resurrection and in
God's decree'; not forgetting ihc five 'prcscnccs', Mrtt, of thc Divine in Ibn
'Arabi's thcosophy. At thc inidation of a Khaksar dervish, five ghusl (complete
baths) of tlte candidate are required, and thc nesveomer his to bring five gifts
and is reminded of his fivcfbld dudes.’8
Pcntads rcign supreme in pracücal life and belief, but can also be encoun-
tered in several philosophical systems devclopcd by early Muslim philosophcrs,
as well as by thc Ismailis.
God crcatcd the world in six davs (Süra 25:60 et al.), and in metaphorical
language this world is often described as a cube in thc tnidst of whose six sides
lite poor human being is fettered by thc four elements and thc five senses. The
Koranic rcmark that God ‘revealcd to the bce' (Süra 16:68} can perhaps be
takcn as pointing to the hexagonal shape of the beehive, which is a fitting symbol
for the created world. The hexagram, an oíd magic sign. also plays a role in
Islamic magic literatura, as does thc six-pointed star, which combines thc
macrocosmic and microcosntic triangle.
In most religious traditions, Seven is pariicuhirly im|x>rlant. Tile sevenfold
circumambuladons of thc Kaaba and the seven stonings of Satan ncar Mina
.repeated thriccj are central rites in Islam. Seven was sacred both to Semitas
from the days of Babylonian astronómica! reckomng, 10 which W'e owc thc
concept of tile seven sphcresl and to Iranians, and Islamic lore and psychology
have takcn over many ideas from both sourecs and addcd to them.”
Tile seven steps, or seven valleys, on thc mystical path are common to
mystical traditions in most parts of the world. bul it is a typical Pcrsian custom
to have hajt ¡in on thc Nawruz tahlc; these are seven objccts (Ibod. ílowers or the
like) whose ñames begin with an s.
But while this is restricted to Iranian arcas, many aspeets of thc sacred seven
are commonly observed; the Koran has a sevenfold meaning. and there are
seven canonical ways to recite it. not forgetting that a rak'a, a eyele in prayer,
consistí of seven parts. There are in csotcric Islam seven 'angels ecstatic with
leve’, which are explained as the thcophanic forms of thc Divine Ñames, and
there are seven major prophets. The higiily complicatcd speculanons aboul the
heptadie cyclcs of prophets and 'speakers', atigy, the role of thc seventh imam
and its philosophical implications in Ismaili Sitia Islam, have been discussed
several times by Henry Corbin.1”" Thc Ismaili cmphasis on Seven is beautifully
symbolizcd in thc heptagonal fountain in thc Ismaili Centre in London. For
Seven is in numcrological intetpreuttion an ideal combination of the spiritual
Three and the material Four and thus points 10 the perfect way through life.
8o Of.CIPHF.RING THE SIGNS OF GOD

But while there are seven steps required to lead the wayfarer to his goal, and
there are seven gales of Hell (Süra 15:44), Eight has been, in the history of
religions, the nurnber of complction and etemity. of cternal bliss, Is not the
Divine Throne earried by eight angels (Süra 69:17)? There have been attempts to
explain the octagonal fountains in the centre of a mosquc’s courtyard as recalling
the heavenlv Throne. Paradise has eight gales, onc more than IIcll, for God’s
merey is greater than His wrath (cf. a.w no. 64). The eightfold path (comparable
to die eight blessings in Ule Sermón on thc Mount or thc eight teachings of Ule
Buddhai has a counterpart in the eight advices in thc ‘Patli ofjunayd', thc eight
rules of thc Naqshbandi Sufis, and thc eight words of wisdom which the Khaksár
novice receives al his initiation.
Hasht bihishl, ‘Eight Paradises’, is a Pcrsian epic by Amlr Khusraw which tries
to cmulatc Nizami’s Haft Paitar. 'Seven Bcauties’, and gardens, cspeeially those
surrounding a mausoleum. are often laid out in an eightfold shapc reminisccnt of
Paradise, while books with lides like fMutan. ‘Rose Carden', or IMiiMñn,
‘Spring Carden', consist of eight chapters each, recalling the ideal garden's
shapc.
Ninc, the glorified sacred Threc, is prominent among Turks and pcoplcs
under their influence; thc concept of nine spheres appears in Muslim astronomy,
henee Pcrsian literary works with thc tifie AuA Sifñhr, 'Nine Spheres’. Among
Turkish dynasdcs, ninc remained important in etiquette and official lifc, so much
so that in Mughal India the custom of bringing nincfold gifts to a high-ranking
person transformed die word toqui, 'nine', into a temí for 'presen!, gift'.
Ten has been, from thc days of thc Pythagoreans, thc nurnber of pcrfcction
and complctcness, and thc Arabs and Muslims uscd thc decimal system.
Pcrfecüon was reached by die 'asluua al-mubashshara. the ten companions of the
Prophet who were prranised Paradise. and famous Sufi masters surrounded
themselves, as legend has it, with ten favourile disciplcs. That Sultán Süleyman
thc Magnificent, thc tenth Ottoman rulcr, was boro at die beginning of the tenth
century of the liegira and liad ten sons, induccd Turkish historian» to attributc
all kinds of decades to him: for example, he conqucrcd ten countries. Military
units, incidcntally, were also arranged in tens and muldples of ten (as in ancient
Romc). For the Shia, on die other hand, ten is usually reminisccnt of to
Muharram, thc day of Husayn's martyrdom, and Dfhnüniai, ‘books ofTen', were
composcd to be rcad during thc first ten days of Muharram.
Twelve, die nurnber of thc zodiacal signs, appears most promincntly in thc
twelve imams of thc Shia, betwecn whom and the signs of thc zodiac mysterious
rclations were cstablishcd. Ibn ’Arabl also speaks of twelve categories of angels
mentioned in thc Koran.
Thc importance of FouHccn is understood from its being a lunar nurnber,
and a beautiftil boy of fourtccn was often compared 10 die full moon in radiant
 SACRED SPACE AND TIME 81

beauty, while the Fourtccn Innoccnts in Shia Islam are perhaps connccted with
ancient groups of fourteen protecting spirits, angcls or saints. Fourtccn, as the
number of the full moon, has more pcculiaritics: títere are twcnty-eight lunar
mansions as well as letters of the Arabic alphabet; fourteen of these have
diaeritical niarks and are. in esoterism, connccted with mdk, the crcatcd worlds,
while the other fourteen are plain and are related to die malatílt, the realm of
angels and powcrs; again, fourtccn of them are called' turíif shamsifya ‘they
assimilate with the / of the Arabic anide aíi and fourteen are qamarina, ‘moon
letters', The correspondence between the twcnty-eight lunar mansions and the
Iwenty-cight letters induccd the grcat medieval historian and astronomcr al-
Btrünl to claim that the ‘word of God' (as revealed in die letters'. and ‘work of
God' as shown in die lunar mansions are intrinsically intertwined.
Seventccn, rather unimportant clscwhcre, plays a significan! role in Islam: the
number of all the rak’as to be prayed during one day is seventccn, and, in the
ninih century, Jabir ibn HayyAn developed a highlv interesting syslem built on
die Seventeen.“,‘ In Turkish Muslim iradition, it is connccted with the number
of héroes and battlcs but also the number of the patrons of artisans' guilds, while
Eightccn is loved by the Mcvlcvis on account of the cightccn mtroductory verses
of Rílml's Malkmm. The concept of die 18,000 worlds was known from a rather
early time.
Ninctccn is the numérica! valué of the word wáhui, ‘One’, and thercfore
highly appreciated; it is the sacred number of the Bahais. But also it plays a role
in general Islam, not only because of the nineteen henchmen of Hell (Süra
74:30), but also because many interpreten connccted it with the number of
letters in the basmalah (others, however, countcd only eightccn letters in this
formula). And in Shia speeulation it occupicd a prominent place as it is the sum
of the twelve zodiacal signs and the seven planets. which corrcspond to the seven
prophets and twelve imams."” But when a Muslim, a few years ago, tried to
prove with the help of a computcr that the entirc structure of the Koran relied
upon Nineteen his work was met with grcat mistrust, even hatred.
Among the larger numbers, Forty is exceptionally important. Not only is it
the numérica! valué of the letter m, a letter specifically connccted with the
prophet Muhammad and in particular with his ‘heavenly ñame’ Ahmad: as
Aliñad is distinguished from Alud. ‘Onc’, only by the m. human beings have to
rcach God by means of forty steps.
The general meaning of Forty in Middle Eastem traditions is preparation and
purificaúon, an often painful preparation for a rite of passage: the forty years
during which die Childrcn of Israel erred dirough the descrt symbolize, as it
were, the numerous odier asccóc feats that humankind has to undertake, and
Moscs’ forty-day fast (Süra 7:14a) prefigures the forty days of sedusion (arbaln,
c/nlla) that the Sufi has to practise to achieve maturc spirituality.
82 DECIFHERING THE StCNS OF GOD

In everyday life, forty days are required for purification aftcr childbirth nr a
case of death to gct rid of the taboo connectcd ividi diese sutes. Many major
events are measured in forties: the deluge lastcd tony days; ldrts, Hüd and Salih
were called to act as prophets at the age of forty, and so was the Prophet
Muhammad; for forty is the age of full maturity, as is borne out not only by
legends and proverbs but by histórica! fací as wcll. At the end of lime, so
Muslims bclicvc, the Mahdi will appear aftcr forty caliphs have rulcd. and will
rcign for forty ycars.
Forty saines the Ktrklm of Turkish piety are an important group in the
mystical hicrarchy, and il is claimed that the uld a^-\ujfa. die pious poor ‘of the
veranda' in Muhaniniad's housc in Medina and prototypes of later Sulis,
consisted of forty people; to commemorale them, die rope around the KhaksSr
dervishes' headgear consista of forty threads twisted togedier.10’
Forty could also be used as a general round number, that is why 'Ali Baba
had to deal with forty thieves, and die gnat that entered Nimrod's brains
brought about his death aftcr forty days. Fairytales abound in forties: someone
gives birth to forty daughters at once; feasts always last forty days and forty
nights; die hero is victorious in forty baldes; and the siudeni may vow to recite
forty limes Süra i asín provided he passes his examinations. There is no end lo
partly bcautiful, partly amusing uses of Forty in Arabic, Persian and especially
Turkish folklore and litcraturc. Aftcr ali. to drink a cup of coffcc with someone
créales, according lo Turkish belief. a relalionship that will lasi for forty years!
Among the higher numbers, seventy-two and seventy-three are wonhy of
menrion; scvcnty-two is the number of diversified plurality like the seventy-two
disciples ofJesús, or of Kungftitse). In Islam it appears as lite number of Muslim
aceta, one of which will lie saved.
There are nincty-ninc Divine Ñames. Parallcl lo them, there wcre also
cstablishcd the nincty-ninc ‘noble ñames' of the Prophet, and the prayer beads
point by dieir división into thirty-three or ninety-nine to diese Divine Ñames or
remind the pious of the neccssity of repeating formulas of praise and peritions
nincty-ninc rimes or a múltiple of that number. .And cvcryonc is aware of die
role of 1,001, die ‘infinite’ number of die tales of’i,ooi Nights'.
As was the case in other cultures, Muslim writers likcd to arrange their works
in mcaningful numbers of chaptcrs or verses: as books dcaling with Paradise or
its carthly replica, the garden. were preferabiy arranged in cight chaptcrs.
Ghazzáli’s llpd' 'ulüm ad iün. "lile Revivification of the Scicnccs of Religión', that
is, of Thcology proper, is divided into forty chaptcrs in four parís to lead the
rcader slowly from lile basic teachings necessary for a Iruly God-plcasing life to
mystically deepened aspeets of life such as lovc, longing, trust in God. etc. While
the central chaptcr is devoted to the Prophet Muhammad, the last one dcals
svith death, when the soul meets its Lord. That is the end of the fortyfold path
 SACRED SPACF. AND I !.ME 83

through human life. 'A||ár’s Muflbatnáma. again, describes poetically the forty
days of the chilla with (he souTs final submersion in the occan of the soul. And
when the Indo Muslim poct Ghálib d. 1869} composcd a na't. a culogy for the
Prophet, in 101 verses, he sings that his real intention was to write 100.000 verses;
lot is. then, at least a step toward this goal; for each rhymc shall resound a
thousand times ...

NOTES
1. S. H. Nasr (ed.) (1987), Islamic Spintuahty, vol. 1, p. 4- A general survey isjamie
Scotl an<l Paúl Simpson-Housley icdsi 1991, Sxrrrd Ptaces and Profane Sports.
Essays in the Geographus ofJudaitm, Otnstiami?, and hlam. A fine introduction is
Attilio Petruccioli ¡«985). Dát al-Islam, Architettm del tontuna wi paest nlamui.
2. H. Bassct 1920 , /z cuite dn grottes au Mane. For the a<háb al-kahf scc S.
Scligmann 11914;. ‘Das Sicbenschlafcr-Amulctt*
3. C. E. Padwick H960), Muslim Deroltons, p. 22.
4. M. G. Konicczny 1976), ‘Unbcachtctc muslimischc Kult-Mattcn in Pakistán*.
5. F01 a diflerent approach, set Juan E. Campo 1991), The Other Side of Paradise.
Exploratums into the Religious Meaiung, of Domestu Sport m Islam.
6. W Braune (>960), Der islamische Onent zunchen lergangenheit und ^uÁunfl, p. 81. Scc
also J. C. Bürgel 1991), AUmacht und Macktigkeit, p. 23.
7 P Nwyia (>97°), Exígese <»ranu¡iu. p. 3208*.
8. F. Taeschner (1979;, Zunf,,< P- 53a-
9. Ibid., p.574.
10. H. Klopfer (1989'. Da» Traumbuch des fím AS/Jw. p. 71.
11. C. E. Padwick 1960 , Muslim Dcvotens. p. 2158.. ch. 13b.
12. Scc H. Grotzfeld (1970), Das Had m arabiuh idamiuhen Miltelalto
13. P. Nwyia 11970;, Exígese coranique. p. 3328'.
14 A. Schimmel '1983;, ‘The Sufis and the shahádd, p. 107.
15. C. E. Padwick :196o', Muslim Devotens. p. 22.
16. Rudolf Otto .1932), Das (Jefuhl des l'benceltliíhen. p. 258L
17. J. Horovitz <1905 ¡o), 'A list of pubfehed Mohainmedan inscriptiotw of India*, p. 15.
18. Christel Kcsslcr 19841. ‘Mccca-oriemed urten architecture in Mamluk Cairo;
The Madrasa Mausoleum of Sultán Sha'bán II'.
19. M. Hortcn 11917b, Die religuise (¡edankenutlt des l'clket im hadigen Islam, p. 332C
20. C. H. Becker (1924), ‘Die Kanzel irn Kullus des alten Islam* The Sufis loved
the legrnd of the hanndna, the palm tmnk on which the Prophet used to lean
while preaching, when the first minian was erected, the deserted picce of wood
cried and sighed bccausc it missed the Prophet's touch.
21. F. Taeschner (1979). Z^fa- P- 533-
22. Gésüdarftz (1937), Jau&na al-lalam, note of 16 Dhü'l-qa'da 802 / 21 July 1400;
transí, in Schimmel 1986), Lube zu drm Einm. p. 87.
23. For the development of saint-worship and its paraphemalia, I. Goldziher
.1890), Muhammedanisehe Studien, vol. 2, pp. 275 378 is still the classical source.
The literature about saints and sacred places in islam has incrcased immensely
in rccent years. with studies ranging from psychological approaches to cxact
lista of income and expenses in a Sufi convcnl. E. Dermenghem (1924 , Et cuite
des saints daru ¡‘Islam maghrébin, is still valuable, a very fine collection of árdeles is
Christian W. Troll ed.: 1989 , Musbm Shrines in India.
24. L Massignon 1958), ‘La Cité des Morís au Caire: Qarafa. Darb al-ahmar’; A.
Schimmel (1982c) Makh HUI; Cari W. Emst (1992a). Eterna! (larden Mystuwm,
History, and Politus at a South Alian Sufi (lento.
84 DECIPHF.RING THE SIGNS OF GOD

25. Ibn IyJs (1935). Badaí a^zuhüt fi uxuflV addtdtía. voL 5, p. 82.
26. Kri« and Kriss-Hrinrich (1962), Volksglaubt im islam. vuL 2, p. 33.
27 Iqtidar Husain Siddiqui (1989a), 'Die carly Chishti darglhs', cspccially p. 13.
28. Simón Digby (1990) writes, ''l"hc territorial uildyal of the Sufi shaykh was
considerad as having a diract influencc on the political and material destiny of
the realm over which 11 was exerciscd'. In 'Thc Sufi Shaykh and the Sultán: a
conflict of ciaims to aulhority in medieval India*.
29. P. Jackson (1989), ‘Pcrceptions of thc dar¡¡áht of Pama’, p. It.
30. J. A. Williams (1984), ’Thc KhanqAh of Siryáqús: A Mamluk roya! religious
Foundation*.
31. Iqbil (1915). .4.’rdr-t Utudi, line 502.
32 C. Snouck Hurgronjc '1925), Versptnde Gtsehnjien, vol. 5. p 44.
33. For the iheme of omfduths, ser W. II Roscher {1913), ‘Omphalos*; idcm (1915),
‘Ncuc Omphalos-Studicn*.
34 For the mystical interprctation of the Kaaba, scc F Mcier ¡1944), 'Das
Mvstcrium dcr Kaaba: Symbol und VVirklichkcit in der islamischcn Mystik"; H.
Coibin 19651. 'La configurado!! du Temple de la Ka'ba commc secret de la vic
spirituelle" ¡Énglish translation in Corbin (1986), Temple and Grtemplahon\.
35. A. L F. /V Bcclacrt 11988 9, 'The Ka'ba as a woman a topos in classical
Pcrsian literatura". For a study of prrscnt-day imagcry añil actions among thc
pilgríms to Mecca, src William C. Young 1993), ‘The Ka'ba, gender, and the
riles of pilgrimagc’, in which thc imagcry of thc Ka'ba as woman or bride is
described by a social anthropologist.
36 David A. King (1986), 'The m< red diraction in Islam. A study of thc intrraciion
of religión and scicncc in thc Middlc Ages'.
37 Christel Kessler (1984), ’Mecca-oricnted urban architecture’, deais with this
thrrnr.
38. C. E Padwick (1960), Muslim Daotums, p. 59.
39. Hasan Dihlawl, in IkrSm 1953., Jnngjfebr-i AlÁ. p. 135. But thc term occurs
«orne 200 years earlier in ’A«Sr ,196o cd. , qarf'id ua ghazaltydf. p 26.
40. Compare thc dcscription in Claudc z\ddas >'1988'!, ibn *.4raM* La quite du Soufrt
Rouge.
41. IqhlJ (1961), Stray Reflettums. no. 19, takes ‘thc fací that thc Prophet prosperad
and died in a place not his birthplace’ as an indication of the unnccessary
clinging to one's native soíl.
42. A parlicularly fine account is Emcl Esin (1963), Metía ihe Blessed, Medina the
Radíant. Dcscriptions of Europcans who sccrady panicipatcd in the pilgrimage
(such as Richard Burlón «ir stayed in Mecca for a long time such as Christiaan
Snouck Hurgronjc are now increasingly complcmented by travelogues and
aulobiographics of Europcan and American convcrts to Islam.
43. For poctry in honour of Medina, ser A. Schimmel 1988', And Muhammad ú Hu
Mtuafp, pp. 189 94.
44. J3ml 1962', ífluán-t kdmtl. pp. 88-9, no. 61.
45 Ymus Entre Dúani, p. 567, no. CXXXIX; for Bhatti, scc N. A. Bakxh íed.,
(1961), Maulada, p. 23, no. 54.
46. Publishcd in min ijAqifya. Germán translation in A. Schimmel 1975b),
atabiuhe l.ynk. p. 95. For the idea that the Prophet's tomb radiales
light. scc also E. W. I-inc 11978 cd.), .Afanneri and Customs, p. 236.
47 Iqbal (1938), Hijáz. p. «9-
48. According to popular sayings, onc prayer in Jermalem is bettcr than 25,000
prayers clscwhcre, one in Medina is 50,000 times better, and onc in Mecca is
100.000 times better.
49. H. I-azarus-Yafch 1981). ‘The sanctily of Jenisalem in Islam’; L. Massignon
 SACRED SPACE AND TIME 85

(1964), 'L'oratoira de Mane a l'Aq^a, vu sous le voilc dr dcuil de Fatima’ spcaks

of the importancc ofjcnj-salcm as ‘(he qibla of Muhammad's hrart’ and rrfrrs
too to the bclief that the Kaaba will he transponed tojerusalcm at the end of
time.
50 Kixil (1977). The Talo of the Prophet' trandatcd by Whcelcr M. Thackstoni, p.
<8.
51. S. Múrala (1992b), ¡he 'loo o] Islam, ch. 3.
52 II. Corbin (1971), I.homnw de Inmúte, deais with this problem.
53 For a thcmc from Siraiki literatura, see C. Shacklc 1978), ’'lite pilgrimagc and
tlic extensión of sacred gcography in the poetry of Khwája Ghulám Farid*.
54. litis «heme is elaborated in H. Corbin <1971), i.’hmmt de lamine
55. G. Fohrcr 1939), Un Heihgt IMg K. Goldiunincr i 1940), Wcge aufwarts und
Wege abwáírts'; Hady Roger Idris Í1974), ‘De la notion arabo tnusulmane de
voie salvatricc'; Frcdcrick M. Denny (1984/, ‘The problem of salvación in the
Quran: kcy lenns and concepta*.
56 A good example is E. Kohlberg .1979:, Manahi) al ’ürtfin. A trcatisc on Sulism by
Abñ ’Abd al-Rahmán al-Suhml*. where it is stated: ‘Sufran has a starting point,
an end, and stages in between'.
57 Kisá'l (1977), 7Ac 7alet oj the Profdvts, p. 66. He derives the ñame of the hill of
Marwa Irom mar'a, ‘woman’, as it was Eve’s place, and that of 'Arafat from
uTtaafo, the two [Adam and Eve| racognizcd each other* when they met on this
spot after the FaJI and their rcpentancc. 1 he ñame of the hiílock bala is
sometimes derived from Adam’s nkkname, Allüh.
58 E. Undcrhill 1961', Shstuum p. 132, beautilully sums up the prcdilection for the
idea of pilgnmagc: 'Through all these mctaphors of pilgnmage to a goal nins
the defmitc idea that the travelling self in undertaking the journey is fulfilling a
dcstiny, a law of transcendental life’,
59 For the actual hy¡. ser C. Snoitck Hurgronje (1888), Htt Mtkkaanrche Prest M.
GaudcfroY-Dernombynes ¡1923), pélninage a la Xíecqtte\ J. Jomier (1953}, 7/
malmal et la catatan, épptunne des péleruu de la Mexqtu en XII XX \ieikr. D. E Long
1.1979). The Hajj loday: A Sunry of the Gonlemporary Metea Pilgnmagr. H. l^azarus-
Yafch 1981), ‘Modera altitudes 10 the Hadjdj* in Some Religious Aspecto of hlam.
See also Juan E. Campo 1987), ‘Shrincs and talismans domcstic Islam in the
pilgrimagc paintings of Egypt’.
60. Shah ’Alxlul Latlf Í1958 , Risiti. especially in the eyele about Sama Punhwr, cf.
A. Schimmcl 1976a,, Rain and Grate, parí 2.
61. For the ascensión, see Schimmcl 1988:, And Muhammtid ú Hu Menenger. ch. 9,
and bibliography there; somc oí the most important studics are W. Boussct
(1901), 'Die Himnielsrcise der Serle'; G Widcngrcn (¡950;, 7he Ascxnnon to
Hcaim and the Heaimh1 Book. Marie-Rose Séguy (1972), The Miroculous Joumty of
Mahomei (based on a fiftccnth-ccntury Chagatay miniatura manuscript in the
Bibliothéquc Naüonalei; R. Ettinghauscn ¡1957), ‘Pcrsian ascensión miniatures
of the fourtecnth ccntury*. The most fanious ascensión miniatura a genre that
proliferated in the hftccnth and even more so in the sixteenlh ccntury is that
by Sul(3n Muhammad in the Rntiih Mweum which is available on
pastearás from the British Museum, See also S. C. Welch (1979b), Monden of iht
Age, no. 63.
62. Sultán Walad (1936), Valadn&ma, pp. 238, 356.
63. rA|{£r 11959). Mu^halnirtui, Franch translauon by Isabcllc de Gastincs \1981), Le
láve de Tipnuu.
64. For some interpratations of lime in Islam, ser I., Massignon (1952 , ‘Le temps
dans la pensée islamiquc*; Lennart E. Goodman 1992;, ‘lime in Islam'; H.
Corbin (1983,. (ftlual 7une and ¡tmaili (moni.
86 DEC1P1IERING THE SIGNS OF GOD

65. H. S. Nyberg 1919J. Kltmtit Sthnfun dei Ibn al'Arabl, p. 113.

66. Ser u s.v. MUtl. To point with the fmger al the new moon was common, henee
the expresión *1 became so famous that pcople pointed at me as though 1 were
the new moon’.
67 C. Snouck Hurgronje (1925), lajpreidt vol 5, p. 70. lítese lunar
mansión» are often explained with ¡xipular interprctations; thus imbula, ‘Virgo’
is thought to mean samm u bald. ‘poison and aflhclion'. becausc it falls in the
hottest time of the year.
68 Thus Mr» Mecr Hassan Ali 1984:. Obsmahoru on tht Muuuimauns of India, vol. 1,
p 294; at about the same time, the poet GhiUib in Dclhi uwd the expression
‘moon in Scorpio' to explain his misfortune 11969a, Kulliyát-iJUrrt. vd. 4, p. 2131.
69. C. Vaudevillc (1965), liaiahmaia, thantom ¿ti dota moú dans lt\ hUéraluw indo
arytnnci. I hh genre is very popular in the regional language» of Pakistán such as
Sindhi and Panjabi. where it is sometimes used to point to the course of the
Islamic year in romantic imagts, beginning with mouming in Muharram, until
the longing ‘brida! soul’ finds her goal cither at che Kaaba or at the Prophet's
•anda in Medina in the lasi month of the Muslim year.
70. G. E. von Gruncbaum 11958, MuhammtdaN hítuah.
71. S. D. Goitcin 1966). ‘Ramadán. the Muslim month of fasúng’, in Studui, pp
90-no. Klaus lx*ch (1979 devoted an extensivo «udy to the institution of
faslmg. Gtiíhuhle dei ulámischm Kultui t, 1: Das Ramadán-Faslen
72. For ‘üihüiü as a fasting day, see S. Basheer 1991 , "AshfiriL An eariy’ Muslim
fast’. According to BukhAri ímwwi 69), ’AthüTb was cclebrated Ixcause on this day
Muses and hú folk werr released from Pharaohs servitude.
73. E. Mntwoch 119261, ‘Muhammad* Gcburts- und Todestag*. Süleyman Gelcbi's
mndüd was often printed in Turkey in Arabic and, after 1928, in Román lettera,
a good English translation is dial by Lyman McCallum i 19431. The Madtdi Shtnf.
For módem maulid, see P. Shinar (1977), 'Tradicional and Reformist maulid
celebrations in the Maghrib*. For the whole topic, ser A. Schimmel. ¡988), And
Muhammad u Hú Mt-tienget, ch. 8.
74. According to tradition, mid-Sha'bán also marks Muhammad'» victorious rctum
from Medina lo Mecca in 630. In Indonesia. Sha'biln is used 10 commemoraie
the saints and to look after the graves.
75 SanA'i (1950). Hadiqat al-lpufiqa. ch. 3, p 209. Ser alvo Suhrawardi (1978), 'Aicdrif
(transí. Gramlich), p. 292.
76. A fine study is M. Avuub 119781, Rrdmpttvt Suffering m hlam. Ser also Irene
MelikolT 119661, ’Ix drame de Kerbrla dans la litteraturr epique (urque'
77. Jalar Sharif 1921 , hlam ui India, pp. 160ÍF. A picture of an eighteenth-ccntury
represcntation of chis ‘camivaT is in /V Schimmel 1982b!. hlam in India and
Pahslan dconography of Religión •. píate XXXVlIa.
78. E. G. Brownc 1924!, .1 IjUtary Hútorp oj Perúa. vol. 4. pp 177 8
79. Petcr J. Chclkowski i.ed. , 11979) Ta'ziyt (Ritual and Drama m han). A considerable
number of to'¿py-texts have recently bren published in both ihe West and Irán
80. A typicai exampie is tlic la'zna play edited by /V G. Rawan Farhadi 1195*1). ‘Le
moflís de al-Halláj, de Shams-i labren, ct du Molla de Roum'.
81. Descrilicd by Mrs Mecr Hassan Ali 1973 ed.l, Obtewaóon*, p. 88, as well as in
Alienad ibn Muhammad ash-Shlrwání 1821 , Al-manáqib al ha^daAyya.
82 P. M Cumc (1989), The Shnnt and Culi pfMtnn ahDm Ckuhtio/-íjwr.
83 Ser Fallir Mahmood <1989). ‘The dargñh of Sayyid Salar Mas'üd GhkZI in
Bahraich; legend, tradition, and realiiy’; Iqtidar Husain Siddiqui 198961, ‘A
note on the of Salar Mas*ud in Bahraich in the light of standard histórica)
sources'; Kerrin Gnifin Schwerin 1976;, ‘Heiligenverehrung im indischen
Islam’.
 SACRED SPACF. AND TIME «7

84. Nowadays, onc can advcnisc inviutions to an un in thc hopc of accumulating

M»inc Ixtraka. An example from Mommg fitas, Karachi, 20 Novembcr 1978
’Ur» mubarak of Hazrat Abdulah Shah Ghazi Rchmatullah claihi will be
celcbratcd at Clifton Karachi Hawa Bundar from Novembcr 22 to 24Ü1
1978. Reputcd qawwal Ghulam Farid Sabri and other leading qawwals will
particípate. All are cordiallv invited lo attend in large numbers and be blesscd.
Sfiace donaled by Rusi 5. Paúl. [author's italics)
85. S. D. Goitein (1960:. Beholding God on Friday*. deais with thc pouibihty that
thc blcssed in Paradise may ve God on Frídays; somc other pcculiaritics of
Friday are also mentioned.
86. According to Firmidlii ¡aum 44). human acúons are presented to God on
Mondays and Thursdays.
87. Jafar Sharif (19211. Islam ui India, p. 280.
88. Najmuddtn DáyS Rází 1893 , Mirfád al-'ibád mrn al-mabda’ iiá’l-ma'ád, transí,
by Hamid Algar '19821, The Path ofGod'i Bondsmtnfrom thf fíegmmng to the Retum;
Sanfi’i (¡969), ‘Sayr al-*ibad’, in MaiAnasViá-, cf. J. C Burgel 1983. ’SanáTs
Jcnscitsrcisc der Gottcskncchtc ais poesía do:la.
89. H. Corlan (1983). Qv&o/ Time and Ismaili Gnasis.
90. al-l.lalláj 1931), ‘Divan*, qafida no. X.
91. For Iqbal’s concept of time and his use of thc ’«raidr motif cspccialh in thc
Jávidnáma. 1932;. sce A. Schimmel 1963a!, Gabriel'* H’ú^, p. 295Í!.
92. Na?ir-i Khusraw, translated by E. G Brownc '19211. in .4 Liteiary History of
Pasia. vol. 2, p. 234.
93. For a general introduction, see A. Schimmel (19931. Mystety ofNumbers
94. C. Snouck llurgronjc (1925), l’erspreide Gesehnften, vol. 5, p. 33.
95. Henry Corbin 1986), *Thc scicncc of thc balance*, in Temple and Conkmplatim,
ch. 2, dcah with thc 'conjugal imagery* of Süra 4:35 by juxtaposing thc four
eiemenis.
96. Kina’l 1977 , 7Ar Totes of the Praphtís, p. 307.
97. .¥«A? albaláglia (1963, nos 30. 31, 38, 47. 54. One may also think of thc four
levéis of Divine manifestanons, i.c. ZaAfit, malafáu, tabana and nasur. cf. thc paper
byjamal Elias, '"rhc four faces of God ...’, rrad at the Ameritan Oriental
Society meeting in Cambridge, ma, in Match 1992.
98. F. Tacschner '¡979,1. <wr/ír. p. 474; R. Gramlich (1981:, Dte sthntuthen
lirr.imhorden, vol. 3, p. 77
99. U. Hartmann-Schniitz (¡989), Du ^ahl Suben m .namituthat Islam.
¡00. H. (.ájrbin 1983), Cyetieal lime and Ismaih Gnosts, p. 75.
101. Irene MélikoíT 1962., 'Nombres symboliques dans la litterature cpico-
religieuse des Tures d'Anatolic'; Tacschner ( 1979!, ¿ta/Zr. p- 44.
¡02. F. Roscnthal 11959;, ‘Ninctecn*.
103. Gramlich ( 1981:, Du sehuúsehen Denriscborden, vol. 3, p. 6.
104. A. Schimmel 11979b), ’Ghálib's qa\ida in honour of the Prophet*.
 III

Sacred Action

And of His signs is the crcation of the heavens and the earth and the
dilference of your tongucs and your colours.
SQra 30:22
9» nr.ClPHFRlNG THE SIGNS OI GOD

Life consistí of numerous actions, many of which are decply rootcd in religious
fecling or cxpcriencc, or are explaincd by actiology, as rcprtiúon of once sacred
cvents. For actions are thoughl to gain weight by repetition.
The custotn, ama, of the ancestors was one of die yardsticks of social life in
pre-lslamic Arabic sodety. After the advent of Islam, the ruana of die founding
fathers of the religión regimented all aspeets oí life Whatcver contradicts or does
not conform with the ¡urna as set as a model by the Prophet is abhorred because
it is probably misleading. henee dangerous; thus Wi, 'innovalion', could often
be simple classificd as mere heresy. The imilatio Muhammadi. as Armand Abel said
correcdy, consistí of the imitation of the Prophet’s actions, not, as in die imitatio
Chruti, of participating in the role model’s sufleríng.
The Koranic rcvclation itself had cmphasized right conduct and salutary
action, and to cling lo the nmna of the Prophet and the ancient leaders of the
community, the salaj, became increasingly important the further in lime one was
from the first gencrations who still had a lising cxpcriencc before their eyes.
However, the undcrstandablc tendeney to sanctify the Prophet's cxamplc could
leatl to a fossilizalion by strictly adltering lo given models without realizing the
spirit expressed through these models. But while the imitation of die Prophet is
termed iltibii', or ii/tida. both of which mean 'to act in conformity with ' rather
than blindly ‘imitating* and diereforc possess a salutary quality. the simple taqtid,
imitation of legal dedsions made renluries ago under diflerenl social and
cultural circumstanccs, could be dangerous for the growth of a hcalthv commu­
nity. Iqbal blaines thosc who blindly follow the once-and-forever determined
dedsions:

If diere were anydiing good in imitation,

the Prophet would have takcn the ancestors’ path.’

In tile framework ofinhcriled valúes and traditions, dassified by thcologians and

(in part even more strictly) by Sufi leaders, onc can discover a tripartición, similar
to that in other religious diougli not as clearly and outspokenly delincatcd as, for
cxamplc, in Christianity or Buddhism. It is the organization of material and
spiritual life into the na purgativa, na ¡Iluminativa and na unitiva, each of which is
again divided into steps and various aspeets.

i7.t niMunra
The lia purgativa compases the diflerent ways of purifying oneself in one's
anempt to gct in touch with the sacred, dtc Divine, the Numinous. These
 SACRED ACT1ON 91

inelude apotropaic rites, such as noise to shy away dangerous powers. That
involves, for instance, the use of drums during eclipses to frighten the demons,
or, as in parís of Muslim India, gunshots when a son is born in order lo distract
possible envious djinns from hurting the baby.1 Muslims also use firccrackers (as
in the Western tradirion) during important and especially lintinal times, such as
the night of mid-Sha'bün when die lates are thought to be fixed for the eoming
year, or in royal weddings, as can be secn in miniatures from Mughal India.
Eumigation is parúculariy popular: wild rué. sipand, is burnt against üic Evil
Eye,’ as is storax, lútiú. In lormer times, Muslims fumigated with the precious
W. aloes-wood, still used today on rarc occasions thus in Hyderabad/Dcccan
during the celebrado™ of the Prophet’s birthday or in Muharram miyluei).
Certain kinds of scent were also considercd to be repcllent to evil spirits and evil
influences. The custom of pouring a fragrant lodon over the guest's hands aftcr
a mea! might originally have had such a protecúve valué.
Tile idea that scent is an expression of die bearcr’s character is common in
various parís of the world, and the ‘odour of sanctity’ is also known in the
Islamic tradidon. A story told by both 'Altar and Rümi !M IV 257-305 points 10
die role of scent as revealing a person's predilection: a tanner carne to the
perfumers’ bazaar and, shocked by the wonderful fragrancc, fainted; he revived
only aftcr his brother rubbcd some dog cxcrcmcnt under his nosc for the swcct
fragrance did not agree widi him; he was used only to the stench of the tannery.
Thus, evil spirits whose being is permeated with ’sdnking’ characterisiics shun
the fragrancc of incensé or fragrant lotíons.5
The belief in the Evil Eyc,b which probably bclongs among the most ancienl
concepta in human hislóry, is based. among the Muslims, on SOra 68:5>fT.. wa m
ra/cádu. ‘and they nearly had made You glide by means of their cyes‘; that is, ill*
intendoned cnemics dircctcd their eyes upon the Prophet whorn God saved from
their meanness. And Bukhan (a(-(itó 66; statcs: ‘The Evil Eye is a reality,
Based 011 Koranic statemenis, tile words wa ui yafádu are often written on
amulcts against the Evil Eye. Generally, blue beads, frequendy in the shape of
eyes, are thought to protcct people and objeets, and die recitadon of die last two
Süra, al-mu'aumdhatan. has a strong protcctive valué. The words a'üdhu bi-'llah, 1
scek refuge with God’, act, as it were, as a general protcction against evil.
A simple form of averling evil or sending off unpleasant visitors (humans or
djinns) is to sprinklc some salt on the floor' or, as in Turkey, secretly lo put some
salí in die shoes of a visitor whorn one does not want 10 come again. Salt,
howcver, has a twofold aspeen it preserves food and is higlily appreciated as a
sign of loyalty, similar to the Western ‘eating bread and salt together'.
One can ward offevil by drawing a circle around the object which one wants
to protect; walking around a sick person usually three or seven rimes) with the
intenrion of taking his or her illness upon oncsclf is a well-known custom. which
92 DECIPHERING THE SIGNS OF GOD

was pcrformcd, for cxamplc, by the first Mughal emperor, Babur, who thus took
over his son HumXyQn’s illnejs; the heir apparent was indecd hcalcd, while the
emperor died shortly aftcrwards.
Tying knots and loosening thcm again was a way of binding powers.
Thercfore, Süra 113 teachcs the believer to seek refuge with God 'from the
women who blow into magic knots'. In some societies, such as Morocco,
tattooing is also used to ward olí evil.
There are also power-loaded gestures to shy away evil. To this day, a Muslim
can be decply shocked when shown the palm of the right hand with the fingere
slighdy apart, for this is connccted with the Arabic curse khamsf ’aynak, 'five [i.e.
the five fingere] into your eye’; that is, it means to blind the aggrcssor. The bclicf
in the efiicacy of the open hand is expressed in one of the best-loved amuléis in
the Islamic world, the so-called ‘Hand of Fápma’, a litdc hand wom as an
eleganl silver or golden piecc ofjewellery or else represented in red paint, even
drawn with blood on a wall to protcct a house. Often, it íbrms the upper part of
Sufi poles or staffs." This hand is also connccted. especially among Shiites, with
the Pan/tan, the 'Gve holy persons' (see above, p. 79) from the Prophet's family,
and their llames. Also, the ñame of ’Ali or thosc of all tile twelve imams are
sometimes engraved in a metal 'Hand of Estima1.
If the gesture of showing the open hand to someone is more than just shying
away a prospectivo adversan- but involves a strong curse, another way of cureing
is connccted with the prayer rite: while onc opens the hands heavcnwards in
petitional prayer to receive as it were the Divine Grace, one can tum thcm
downwards to express a curse. An extensivo study of gestures in the Islamic
world is still required.
A widcly-uscd apotropaic matter is henna, which serves on the one hand to
dye while hair and beards, giving the red colour of youtliful cncrgy. At
weddings, especially in Indo Pakistán, the bridc’s hands and feet are painted
with artistic designs in the henna [m/hndi} ccrcmony, and the young women and
girls attending the festivo night happily throw henna at each other to avert ovil
iníluences. For Ule same apotropaic reasons, henna is also used in the Zar
ceremonies in Egypt to kcep away the evil spirits and djinns? Among Indian
Muslims. yellow turmcric can have the same function of protection of the bride,
and betel, chewed by so many Indians and Pakistanis, is supposed to contain
some barata (one can even swcar on bcicl)."1
Bul one has nol only to use protcctive means to keep away evil influences;
rather. onc has also to elimínate negativo aspecis and taboo matter before
approaching ihc sacred precincts. Here, again. various rites are used to get rid of
the evil, the sin, the taboo - whatever may cling lo one’s body or soul. There is
nothing comparable 10 the scapegoat in Islamic lorc, but the custom, known
bodi in the Indian subcontinent and in Egypt, of sending ofF litdc rafts or boats
 SACRED ACTION 93

of straw into a rivcr is thought to carry off evil. Often, this is done in the ñame
of Khidr, and the tiny vehicle is loaded with some lights or blessed foodstulfs
over which the l’atín has been rccitcd. This scnding-ofT of evil is usually done at
weddings and on fesúve days. One may even look from die viewpoint of
elirnination at a well-known histórica! cvcnt: whcn the ashcs of the martyr-mystic
al-Hall4j wcre casi into the Tigris after his cxecution, it was probably not only
tile extemal act of getting rid of him, but subconsciously* it may also have been
hoped that the ‘evil’ influenccs of the man which might continué to disturb the
community should be catried off by the water.
A widelv-known rite for eliminating evil is the confession of sins. This custom
is unknown in normativo Islam, for there is no mediator between God and man
to whom one could confess one’s sins and be absolved. However, in Sufi and
fiduuwa circles, a brother who had committed a sin had to confess it either lo his
master or in front of the brethren, assuming a spccial ’pcnitent's position’ íi.c.
keeping his left car in his right hand and vice versa, with the first toes of cach
foot touching each other, the left one on the right one).1*
Onc could also try to gct rid of any evil that might cling to one’s body or soul
by taking off one’s dothing, especially the belt or the shoes. Moses was ordered
‘to take off his sandals’ (Süra 20:12) because, in the sacred area which he was
callcd to cnter, nothing dcfilcd by ordinary dailv life is admitted. The expression
khal' an-nalayn, ‘the casting-off of the two sandals’, bccamc a favourite term
among the Sufis. One thinks immetliately of Ibn Qasy’s (d. 1151) book by this
very tille, but the use is much wider: the seeker would like lo casi off nol only the
material shoes but evcrything worldly, even the two worlds, in order to enter tile
Most Sacred Presencé of the Lord.
The Turkish expression dunda boj afmak, ‘lo bare one’s hcad in petition’, is
reminisccnt of the custom that formeriy a sinner wore a shroud and approached
the one whose forgiveness he implored barefooled and bareheaded/' Thus, lo
take off one’s shoes whcn entering a housc and, even more, a mosque is not so
much a question of extemal purity lest the strect's dust sully the floor and the
rugs but basically a religious act, as the house is in its own way, a sacred place
whose spccial charactcr one has to respecl and to hónour see above. p. 49). The
fines! Islamic cxamplc of casting off one’s everyday clothes when entering a
place filled with special batata is the donning of the ihrbm, the pilgrims’ dress
which enables a person to enter the sacred room around the Kaaba. In pre-
Islamic times, the circumambulation of the Kaaba was probably pcrfbrmcd
naked, as sacred nudity is wcll known in ancienl religious traditions. Islam,
however, strictly prohibits nudity. and only a few more or less demented
dervishes have gone around stark naked, such as Sarmad, the ecstalic poet of
Judaeo Persian background, who befriended the Mughal hcir apparent Dará
Shiküh (d. 1659) and was executed two years after his master in Dclhi. As
94 lll.CIPIU.RING THE SIGNS OF COI)

contrary as nuditv is to siria Islamic prescriptions, it is ncvcrthelcss used as a

metaphor in mystical language, and authors like BaliS-i VValad id. 1231) and his
son. Jalaluddln Ruin!, as well as Nasir Muhammad Andalfb and Siríj
Awrangabádl in cightecnlh-ccniury India (to mención only a lew:, used this term
to point to the moment when die everyday world and its objeets have, as it were.
been discarded and only God and the soul are left in a unión attained by the
absoluto ’denudation’ of the soul.
A dilTerenl way of eliminating ovil powers is exactly the contrary of taking oíf
one’s clothing; namely, covering. As human hair is regarded in most traditions as
filled with power (cf. the story of Samson in the Oíd Tesiament), women are
urged to coser their hair. Bul this rule is also s alid for men. for one musí not
enter a sacred place with the head uncovered. A pious Muslim should essentially
always have his head covered by whatever it be - cap, fez, turban with a small.
light prayer cap undemeath. When a prayer cap is wanting and one has to grect
a religious leader or any wortliy man, or enter his house, one may simply use a
handkerchief lo avoid oílending him.
The problcm of what to coser and how to interpret tile Koranic statcmcnt about
the attractivc parís which women should veil (Süra 24:31) has never been solved
complelely. But even the modem Muslim woman, dressed in Western style, will
covcr her head when listening to the Koran, even if only with a hastily-grabbcd
ncwspaper when site suddcnly hears a recitation of the Koran 011 the radio.

Punficatwn

After the evil influcnces have been averted and previous sins or taboo matter casi
out, purification proper can begin before one draws near the Numinous power,
tile sacred space.
One way of puriíication is to swccp a place, especially a slirine; and while
pilgritns from India and Pakistán could (and perhaps still can) be observed
sweeping quietly and gendy ’Abdul Qádir Gilani's shrine in Baghdad. modem
Turki have found an easier way to purify the shrine of Ankara'* protective saint,
Hacci Bavram: one simply vows a broom, which is oflered to the Itecper of the
mausoleum when one’s wish has been fulfilled.
The Ghagatay minister at the court of Hcrat. Mlr 'All Shtr Navü'i (d. 15011.
called himsclf the ’swceper of 'An§arl’s shrine' to expresa his veneración for the
Sufi master ‘Abdullah-i Ansar! (d. 1089V3 a remark which should not be taken at
face valué, as Iiltle as the hyperbolic expression found in literature that one
’swecps chis or ihai ihrcshold with one’s evelashes' (and washes it perhaps with
one’s tcars. But some credulous audiors seem to believe that this was actually
done.
Sacred buildings were and still are washed at speeial times: to wash the
Kaaba's interior is the Saudi kings’ prerogative, and many shrines are washed at
 SACRE!) ACCION 95

the annual cclcbration of thc ’urs. Often, thc water is scented with sandalwood or
other substances lo enhance its purifying powcr. In Gulbarga, thc sandalwood
used for such a purification is carricd around the cily in a festive procession led
by the tajadaniilfín of the shrine.
But much more important than these customs is the constant admonition that
onc has to be ritually deán to touch or recite the Koran, for 'only thc purified
touch it', as Süra 5679 statcs.'1 This is takcn very scriouslV: no-onc in a statc of
impurity (thus, for cxamplc, menstruaiing women; may perform the ritual prayer
in which Koranic verses are recited. Particularly metieulous believers would not
even mention the ñame of God unlcss tltey werc in a ritually puré statc. Among
thcm was thc Mughal emperor Humiivün. who would avoid calling people by
their ñames such as Abdulláh or 'Abdur Rabotan Icst the sacred ñame that
forms thc second part of thc ñame be dcsccratcd. Similar expressions of
vencration are also known when it comes to the Prophet's ñame: 'Urfi (d. 1591)
claims in his grand Pcrsian poem in honour of the Prophet:

If I should wash my mouth a hundred limes with rosewater and musk,

it would still nol be clean enough to mendon your noble ñame.'5

Purification means, in a ccrtain way, a ncw beginning on a loftier spiritual level.

Thc Prophet's biography fbased on Süra 94:1) tclls how* thc angels opened
young Muhammad's breasl to take oul a small black spot from his heart and
wash it with odoriferous lluids: lilis is a very convenient way of pointing to his
spiritual puriíicadon beforc he was callcd to act as God's messenger.’6
Puriíicadon can be achieved by difTcrcnt means. Onc. not very frequent in
the Islamic svorld. is by' fire. It survives in sonie arcas where. as for cxamplc in
Balochistan, a truc ordeal is enacted in thc case of a woman accused of adultery,
who has to walk barefool over burning charcoals. Eire-walking is also practised
among some Indian Shiitcs during thc Mubarram procession: a young Muslim
friend from Hvderabad/Deccan joyfully described to me this experience, by
which he felt purified and elaled. Purification through firc is spiritualizcd in
thc iniage of the cruciblc in which the base matter of tile soul suflers to turn
finally into gold one would have lo refer here to the entire, and very svide.
alchcmical vocabulary of medieval Islam whose centre is, indeed, puriíicadon
by firc. A branch of this puriíicadon - comparable to Europcan midsummer
night customs - is jumping through firc ai Nawruz, the celebration of thc
vernal equinos, as is sometimos done in Irán; but diere is no obvious 'Islamic'
aspcct to this tradition.
Purification, howcvcr, is a central Islamic tradition, based csscntially on the
Divine order 10 thc Prophet: 'And your garments, purify thcm.' Süra 74:4). To
he in the water is, as was secn above (pp, 7-8), to be quickened after dcath.
and thc use of water before prayer or thc recitador! of the Koran (and in fací
9*> DEC1FHERING THE SIONS OF GOD

before any important action) is not only a bodily but also a spiritual rcgcncration.
Modemists claím that thc cmphasis on proper ablutinn proves that Islam is
tile religión of hygicne, but the truc meaning is ntuch deeper. To gct rid of
extemal din is one thing, to puní)' oncsclf before religious acts is another: as
Nizimuddin Awliva of Delhi remarked: ‘The believer may be dirty. but never
ritually ondean'.'’ For this rcason. ablution is still lo be pcrfomtcd after a
‘normal’ bath or shower. It is rccommcndcd, according to a hutilh, also in times
of anger and wrath, because wrath comes from the firc-bom devil, and tire can
be exlinguished by water !atr no. 243).
Ablution is a sacrcd action, and for cach of its pans taking lite water in
onc's hand, washing one's face, onc's arms, onc's feet etc - spccial prayers are
prescribcd which point to the role of this or that lirnb in thc religious sphcrc. A
look at thc cxamples in widcly-uscd religious manuals such as Abo Hafs 'Ornar
as-Suhrawardl's (d. 1234! al-ma'áhf helps onc to understand thc deeper
meaning of purification.'8 Ablution after minor deftlements, mu/S’, is required
after slccp and after anything solid, liquid or gaseous has left the lower pan of
thc body. Somc legal schools require it after two people of oppositc sex, who are
not related, shake hands or touch each other’s skin. After major pollutions such
as sex. emission of semen, menstmation or parturition, a ful) bath, ghusl, is
required during which no pan of thc body, including thc hair, may remain dry.
Thc ablution has 10 be performed in running water (or by pouring water over
one’s body), and the volunte of tile water places, ponds or lanío, as found near
mosques, is exactly defined.
Mystics could be induccd into ecstasy during thc first moment that water was
poured over their hands, and one reads of saindy people who would perform
ghusl even without previous major pollution in the icy water* of Central Asían
rivers. Often, such acts were done not only for thc sakc of ritual purification but
also with thc intcntion of cducating onc’s obstínate nafs, the lower sensual
facultics. the ‘flcsh’. Ghusl should be performed before putting on the ilrim, and
a good numlier of people like to pcrlórm it before thc Friday noon prayer. For
ritual purity is rccommcndcd for every important act; thus onc should not sleep
with one's spousc in a statc of impurity, ñor should thc mother suckle her babv
without previous ablution.
Ablution has been takcn as a metaphor into literary language, and poets and
mystics alikc have called on their rcaders to wash not merely their bodies, their
shirts and their turban* bul rather their souls. Násir-i Khusraw says:

Onc has lo wash off rebellion from the soul with 'thc water of)
knowledgc and obedicncc.

He even spt-aks of the ’soap of religión’ or ‘soap of intelleet’ which is needed to

purity thc human mind."*
 SACRED ACTION 97

But like all riluals, purification too could be overslressed, and it sccms dial
particularly law-abiding pcople were obsessed with what can almost be called
‘idolatrv of water’. Shabistari thus writes:

Although the mullah takes sixty kilogrammcs of water to malte

his ablution for prayer,
his head sccms hollower than a calabash in Koranic meditación.1”

Similarly, the Buddha had made some dcprecativc remarks about diose who
concéntrate almost exclusively upon ritual clcanlincss, for, if water rnhanccd
one’s piety, dtcn fishes and frogs would be the most religious crcaturcs on Earth.
In 'AttSr’s Mantú/ ut-tap, then, die duck refuses to partake in die quest for die
Slmurgh because she is constandy in the state of ritual purity (sitting on the
'prayer nig of water-) and does not want to spoil this state.
lile scareitv of water in Arabia led to the possibility of replacing water by
sand in cases of dire need ilaiammum',.
Cinc of the prerequisites of ritual purity in Islam is die abscncc of blood: not
even the smallcst bloodstain must be found on one's clothing during prayer. The
Christian concept of ‘being washed in die blood of the lamb’ would be utterly
repellen! to Muslims. And yet, in the history ofSufism one finds that the martyr-
mvstic al-Hallaj elaimed that he had performed his ablution with his own blood;
that is, after his hands and feet had been amputated, he wiped the blccding
hand-stumps over his face. This expression was taken over by later poets for
whom this meant the lover’s absoluto purification through marlyrdorn. For die
body of the martyr, who is killcd ‘in the way of God’, that is, in religious war
(and on a number of other occasionsl, is not washed befbre burial; die blood of
die martyr is sacred.
Mctaphorically speaking, onc can ’perform the ablution widi one’s tears’,
which llow so profuscly that they can serve, as it were, as purifying water
streams. Some Sufis even thought that their rcmorscful wceping served ‘to wash
the faces of die paradisiaca! houris ,”
Not only during one’s lifetime is ablution required befóte important actions,
but also when the Muslim is laid lo his or her last rest, the dead body is washed,
preferably with wann water (cxccpt for martyrs). It is repeatedlv related that
pious calligraphers who had spent most of their Uves in copying the words of the
Koran or fndUA would carefully eolleci the picces of wood that fcll down when
they sharpened their rced pens, and diese innumerable minute scraps would be
used lo heat the water of their last ghuil because die liaraka of the pens with which
they liad written the sacred words might facilitare their way into the next world
and inspire them to answer correcdy the questions of the interrogating angcls in
the grave.”
As abluúon can be spoiled by any bodily impurity, so Muslims feel that one’s
9» DECIPHERING THE SIGNS OF GOD

ntual purity (which is more than ihc bodily) can also be spoilcd by looking al or
listcning lo diings prohibited; when a Turkish woman friend of mine saw a
couple kissing each other inlcnscly in a crowdcd strecl in Ankara, she cried out:
'aMoftm bozulacaak' 'my ritual purity is going to be spoilcd!’'5
Not only by water or, rarclv, fire can one become purified, but also by
abstincnce, whether from sleep, from íóod or from sex.
Giving up sleep to perform the nighlly supererogaúvc prayers, tahaijiuL which
are recommendcd in ihc Koran (Süra 17:79!, is a custom practised by pious
Muslims who enjoy the deep spiritual peace of the nightlv convcrsation with
their lord- Mysúcally-minded people will use the time between 2 and 4 a.m. to
medítate and perform their dhikr. In the Ismaili community, the very early
morning hours serve Ibr the daily galhering of lile believers in quiet meditation.
Asceticism as such, however, is basically un-lslamie. The aversión of many
traditionalist Muslims lo cxaggcratcd forms of asceticism is onc of the rcasons for
the tensions between the normativo orthodox circles and Sufis. Iqbal had once
stated that asceticism is incompatible with Islam, for 'the Koran is brimful with
life'.'1 There is no diabolization of the 'flesh'; and, as diere exists no priesdy casto
whose members have to administer tile sacrament and therefore have to abstain
from sex, celibacy has never bren accepted as the norm. Radier, the fulftlmenl
of religious obligadons requires that onc musí not mortify the body bccausc it
enables die human being to perform die ritual dudes. Thus die Muslim can pray
before eating: ’My intenlion is to eat this food to strengüicn my body so that 1
can fulfil God’s commands’.*5
Yet, both in mainstream Islam and in Sufism, various kinds of abstincnce were
and are practised. The intentional avoidance of food is, basically. a meaos to gadier
greater 'power’ or buraka by giving up a less important source of power, bul (he
fasting month is not observed for rcasons of pcnitcnce, ñor for atoncnicnt, ñor for
‘gaining power', bul siniply beeause it is God’s decree, henee a duty*6 a duty, to be
surc, that involved other, spiritual lx-nelits/; The Sufis, considering fasting to be 'the
food of angels', often oventtrcsscd it both in the form dcscribcd for RamadAn and
additional fast days and in the intake of minimal quantities of food, for 'hunger is
God’s food by wliich he leeds only die élite' ,iuno. 4601. Hagiographical litcranirc
contains cxamples of the rcduction of food-consumption diat sound almosl
frightening, and yet it is quite possible dial the ranarkable longcvity of a
considerable number of medieval Sufis is a rcsult of their uttcrlv abstinent life, which
led to an incrcasing spiritualization. To make fasting more diflicult, some Sufis
practised paun dü’üll. that is, eating for one day normally and fasting on the nexi
day lest the body gct used 10 one of ihc two forms. In the medieval Maghrib (and
perhaps elsewhere too). Sufis knew the ion al-witñl. a fony-dav fast which was
supposed to lead to the unitive experienee.*7
During RamadAn, ihe Muslim should not only abstain from food during
 SACRED ACTION 99

daytime but also avoid evil thoughts and actions, wrath and angcr. trying to
follow the oíd adage iMiaUa/u bi-Mlüq Allüh, ’qualify yoursclves with the
qualitics of God', that is, exchange one’s lowly charactcristics for better ones
unúl one attains complete equanimity.
Modero intcrpretaúons of the fasting in Ramadán state that it is a good
training in self-control bul also a practical way to prove one’s solidaricy with the
hungry in the worid. But diere has been and still is criticism of lite instituúon of
a fasting month, which seems not suited to a modcm industrializcd socicty as it
makes people unablc to work cnough during daytimc. A typical case is President
Bourguiba of Tunisia’s attempt to declare work as yitórf, a ’holy war’ against
hunger and poverty, claiming that as the rules of fasting are liftcd in war times
the same should be done for modern hard-working people (see above, p. 68),
Abstinence from sex has never bren required in Islam. Although the virginity
of the unmarried girl is striedy protectcd, ncvcnhclcss celibacy was never
encouraged. On the contrary, marriage is the lunnu, die sacred cusiom of the
Prophet’s community, and numerous storics tell how the Prophet appeared to a
cclibatc ascctic in a dream, urging him to get married in order to become a rea)
follower of his suma. Most Sufis blessed by such a dream accepted his order,
even though they might consider married life a foretaste of Hell. Hiere were
some Sufis who had no interest in marriage; but the majority were certainly not
ascctics - ’Abdul Qadir GrtAnt, the epitome of the Qadirivya luñyu, had forty-
nine children.
The positive atritude toward marriage as recommended by the Prophet was
probably facililatrd by the fací that Islam does not know die concept of an
original sin that is inherited from gencration to gencradon through the very act
of procreación.
Abstinence is a kind of sacrifice: one abstains from a pleasure and gives up a
custom in the hopc of obtaining in exchange something more valuable.
Characteristic of sacrifice is giving up something particulariy dear to please or
appease die Divine powcrs (an idea underlying the ancicnt sacrifice of the first-
born son);
The replaccmcnt of human sacrifice by animal sacriGcc is at the centre of the
story of Abraham’s willingncss to offer his son (Isaac, according to the Oíd
Tcstament; Ismi'il, according to the Muslims). The Muslim rcmemliers this
beginning of a new era widiout human sacrifice every ycar at the 'id ul aiili on to
Dhu ’l-hijia during the pilgrimagc to Mecca when a lamb. a ram or the like is
slaughlered. Modero crides as well as ordinary Muslims llave often asked why
the enormous waste of animáis at the pilgrimagc site in Mecca was necessary
and why every Muslim family at lióme should slaughtcr an animal. Would it not
be more logical, in our time, to give the price for the animal to the poor instead
of distributing the meat and the hides? But the lasvyer-divines insist on the
loo DECtFHERINC THE SIGNS OF GOD

slaughtering which is noi in the Koran but is suma becausc only thus the real
intention, the remcmbrance of the substitution of an animal for a human
sacrifice, is rc-enactcd by the believers.'’ The sacrificed lamb or ram - so some
people believe will reappear on Doomsday to carry its owner across the f'dp
bridge into Paradisc.
Tlte sacrifice of blameless young animáis (two for a boy, one for a girl) during
the aipqa. the first haircut of a seven-day-old baby, is part and pared of domestic
rituab, and the sacrifice of a sheep is also customary belore a Muslim builds a
house or conslniets any major building. as onc may sacrifico animáis at saints’
shrines; the blood is sometimes smeared on the threshold lo increase its barata.
Among some Sufi orders. the novicc is likencd to the sacrificial ram of Abraham:
he otfers himself complctely to the master.
The highest form of sacrifice is that ofone’s own life, as practised for example
by the martyrs of faith. Onc thinks also of the fida'is in medieval Islamic history
whose appearance is initially connected with the Ismaili groups centrad in
Alamul (Irán) and northern Syria (the so-cal[ed Assassins). However, the
disciplcs of a Sufi shaykh could also willingly perform self-sacrifice at the
master’s order: a modern example is the Hurr, the hard core of dervishes around
die Plr PagSrO in Sind, who were particularly active from the mid-nineteenth
century to the Second World War.5"
Self-sacrifice lives on in spiritualized form in mysticai tradition; the story of
the lover whose beloved tdls him that his very existencc is the greatest sin,
whereupon he immediately dics 'with a smile likc a rose' (o no. 2,943), *s found
in different variaras in dassical Sufi literatura. Furthcrmore, al-Hallaj's song ’Kill
me, O my trustworthy friends' served poets such as Rflml for pointing lo the
constara growth and upward movement of the creature, which, by 'dying before
dying' in a series of sclf-sacrificcs, slowly *dies from mineral to become a piara’ (.«
III 3,901) until it retums to the Divine Essence.
Instead of substituting an animal for human sacrifice, one can also perforen a
pus pn loto sacrifice; that is, one ofiers a small part of one’s body. The typicai
form. as it survives in Islam, is the sacrifice of hair,:)l beginning with the first
haircut of the newbom baby. Both sexes have to shave their pubic hair. The hair
is cut before the pilgrimagc to Mecca (but is not touchcd during the Arff rites). In
former times, a disciple who wanted to enter a certain Sufi order such as the
Chishtiyya had all his hair shaved, and lo this day dervishes devoted to the
tradition of the Turkcstani saint Afimad Ycscwi (d. 1166) shave dteir heads, while
the medieval qalandars and a number of br-sbar’ dervishes (that is, those who
consider themselves as standing outside the religious prescriptions) used to shave
not only the hcad but every trace of hair, induding the eyebrows.
An even more importara pars pro tolo sacrifice is circumeision, something
which originally was probably done to inervase the boy’s sexual power. The
 SACRED ACTION IOI

Koran does not mcntion circumcision, but it was apparendy taken for granted,
as lcgcnd lells that the Prophet was bom cirtumciscd. The Turkish ñame of
circumcision, lúiwa, shows that it is done according to the Prophet's turma, while
the Arabic icrm lahára points to lite ‘purification’ aspen; the Urdu exprcssion
munilmiini shows that it is by circumcision that the boy becomcs a full mentber of
the Muslim community. The act is usually performed when the boy is seven or
eight years oíd, so that he is fully awarc of its importancc, and the pride of now
being a truc Muslim as Turkish boys told us with beaming faces outwcighs
the moments of pain during the operation. Othcnvise, to distrae! the boys, the
adults ofien organizcd muse, shadow plays and the like, and had a number of boys
árcumcised together to divert them. The circumcision of the sons of a niler or
grande? were usually celebrated with parades and cntcnainmenl.
Ibe question of whether or not the prayer of an uncircumciscd man is valid
was answered diflerendy. A number of theologians consider it permitted. which
is important especially when it comes to adult convertí lo Islam.
Fcmalc circumcision is practiscd based on a haduh which speaks of the
‘louching of the two circumcised parís', which requires gliu.il. It is probably more
widespread iban is thought, but is never done as a ‘public feast’.3’
The complete sacrifico of one’s sexual power by castration was never an issue
in Islam. Eunuchs, usually imponed from Africa and Europc, were kept for
practical reasons, such as guarding the women's quaners. They could also serve
in the army and reach high ranks in the mililary liierarchy; bul no religious aim
was connected with castration.13 Ñor did Islam know the custom of sacred
prostitulion, which playcd a considerable roie in some other, carlier religious
traditions.1*
Simpler types of substituir offerings are common: among them are the
flowers and swcets which are often brought to a saint's tomb and then
distributed to Ote poor as well as to the sisitors; and before setting out for a
joumey, ludían Muslims might ofler to their ncighbours and friends special
swcets over which the l’alihi was recited in the ñame of a particular saint in the
hope of securing a speedy joumey.
Such distribution of foodstufl's leads to another kind of 'sacrifice' which is
central in Islam, namely alms-giving. The prcscribcd alms tax, which constitutes
one of the five pillars of Islam, is called catar, a term which is, typically, derived
(rom the root z-k-y, ‘to purify’; and to give it is a truc act of purification.
However, not only the prcscribcd alms tax but also alms in general, uuiai/ai, is
important in Islamic piety. Not only material gifts in cash and kind can be
'sacrificed', but also ethical behaviour and prayer: one ofiers oneself complelely
lo God in the hope of rccciving His merey. The linest exprcssion of the sacrificial
charactcr of ritual prayer, in which the lower self is slaughtered like a lamb, is
found in the story of the Suli leader Daqúqi in Rúmi's Mallmawi ,,w III 2,i40ff.).
102 DF-CIPHERING THE SIGNS Of GOD

While alms are an exacdy organized, Icgally prcscribcd action, the gilí is a
frcc act of thc individual, and yet it can also Ih- scen as a kind of sacrifico. For to
give means to part with something that is dcar to onesclf, to distribute as it were
a small pan of one's being. Gifts bind people together and thus help in shaping
and institutionalizing a community. A person with whom one has shared "bread
and salí', as Westerners would say, is supposcd to rernain loyal, henee the
Pcrsian term iwnai. harñm. "whose salí is prohibited'. for a disloyal person.
One musí not forgel. howcvcr. that thc recipient of the gifl is under a certain
obligación towards the giver. Jusl as by offering a lamb onc hopes to attract
Divine gracc. thc giver - even if secretly or unwittingly hopes for a
reciprocation. The Pcrsian expression bar-i mimtat. "thc burden of owed grati-
tude’, expressed this feeling on the part of thc recipient very well. By giving
gcncrously, one’s power is strengthened. and therefore one loses to give lavishly:
anyonc who is blcsscd with Muslim friends knows the largesse of their generositv
and often near-despairs under die burden of gratitudc To give in order to
receive underlies for example! the Panjabi custom of va/im banji, the cxchangc of
gifts in evcr-incrcasing, cxactly measured quantities, cspccially at weddings.»

ru luiuuarm

A ccrtain bordcrlinc between the profane, which is exeluded by die act of

purification. and thc ritual statc, is thc nina, ‘intcntion’. F.vcry religious act mtut
begin with the formulation of the niyytt, and the (anious saying ‘Al-a'mal bi'n-
ntrrSl ‘Works are judged according to the intentions', does not mean, in the
first place, that it is thc spirilual intcntion. as most readers would interpret it. but
rather that it is thc formulated intcnt to ‘perform a prayer with thrce cyclcs" or
to "perform the fasting for the day". Thus, when 1 asked a Turkish friend during
Rarnadan whether she was fasting, she simply answcrcd ‘nirvetónm’, ‘I have
formulated thc ninfa', that is, "I ccrtainly am fasting".
The customs mentioned hitherto belong lo the prefiminary rites which
prepare men and women for thc approach to thc Numinous. For even in a
religión in which Divine transccndcncc is as central as in Islam, human beings
still crave an approximation to the objecl of their vencration or lovc ¡henee the
developmcnt of saint-worshipi, and for this rcason somc Sufis sought the
thcophany. la/ain. of thc Lord whom "the looks can never reacli' (Süra 6:103) 6y
gazing at a beautiful youth. ihilhid, a witness to tiiis invisible Divine beautv.
In certain religious. plays were invented to makc a sacred cvcnt visible in thc
here and now. In Islam, this happcned only in the ta'zna plays among thc
Shiitcs. in which thc drama of Kerbcla is re-enacted and thc spcctators are as it
were participating in this evenl as though thcy were rcally present. This however
is, again. a custom incompatible with normalice Sunni Islam.
Yet, diere are always new attempts to bccomc unified, or at Icast to come
 SACRED ACTION 103

cióse to thc objcct of devotion or thc powcr that is hiddcn in it. I'hc simplcst way
is to touch thc sacrcd objcct or thc saintly person. tabanukan, for blessing'* salte.
I'hc believer clings lo thc helper’s skirt. and when Mawláná Rurni sings:

O seize the liem of His kindness,

he expresses this fecling in an oíd symbol. Thc believer ¡nuches sacrcd objeets
such as stones, tombs or die thrcshold and. tnost importahdy, thc copy of die
Koran in which God’s word is contained, or else is softlv touched by the saint’s
or the venerable clder’s hand which he may put on the believers hcad, or
perhaps by somc peacoek feathers that carry his baraka. l ite ritualized clasping
of hands at the beginning of thc Mcvlcvi samá' bclongs hcrc.
A typical case of transíérring thc baraka is thc baya. the oath of allcgiancc
given to a Sufi master. The novice takes die master’s hand (often in a specially
prescribed form of movement:. and this act guáranteos that thc curren! of
blcssing that goes back to thc Prophet maches him through thc proper channcl.
If a woman takes thc bay'a, thc shaykh may touch her hand or find somc other
way to transfer the baraka; he may stretch out a rtxl which she grasps, or make
her touch his slccve, or perhaps place his hand in a bowl with water, lest a dircct
contact, prohibited by the ¡han'a, should happcn.
A special kind of transfer of power is the custom called in lidu Aetó’ói fánü, ‘to
takc away afllicúons': one passes one's hands over an ailing or suffering person,
areles thcm over thc hcad and then takes thcm onto onc's own body; thus the
evil is takcn away and blcssing powcr substituted.
A11 even stronger way to avail oneself of blessing powcr is kissing. Touching
or kissing thc feet or khecs of clders, of important people or of die mystical
leader is common practice, as is thc kissing of the thrcshold al a saint’s slirine.
The best-lcnown ritual of this kind is die pilgrims’ attcmpt to kiss thc hlack stone
of thc Kaaha lo parlakc in its blessing power. The same is trae for thc practico
of kissing the copy of the Koran, filled with die baraka of God's word - and whcn
poets compare dieir belovcd’s bcaudful face to a puré, llawless Koran copy. thc
idea that thc Koran should be kissed may llave playcd a role in this imagen.’6
The kiss betwecn two people is. as was known in classical antiquity, an cxchangc
of souls; thc soul, which is often thought to lie contained in thc breath, comes to
onc’s lips when one expires, and can be restored by die life-giving breath of die
befoved. That is wliv Jesús, whosc breath could quieten die dead Süra 3:44^..
jtnoffj, bccame in poetical language the prototypc of the bclovcd who quickens die
near-dead lovcr with his or her kiss. Mystics like Baha-i Walad extended thc topic of
the spiritual kiss to contact with God: ’Go into God’s bosom, and God takes yon to
His breast and kisses you and displavs Himsclf so that you may not ran away from
Him but put your whole heart upon Him day and night1.57
As both breath and saliva are fraughl with blcssing powcr, thc custom of
104 DECIPHF.KING TIIE SIGNS OF GOU

breathing upon someone after recidng a prayer idamldan, ujlaridi is common in

the Muslim world. One can also breadle certain religious formulas or invoca-
dons over water in a bowl, which thus bccomes endowed with healing power. In
Shia circlcs. the invocadon .Votfi ’Aliyyan ... is frequendy used lor this purpose,
and among the Ismailis die ib-i slá/i is ‘healing water’ over which the ¡mam has
breathed to lili it with baraka to bless the believers.
Such aitempu ai establishing a closer connection with the sacred power and
its representative were and still are praclised among Muslims: but certain
praclices arr restricted to only a scgmcni of the believers, and are disliked by
others. One of these is the sacred dance, which bclongs originally to the rites of
circumambulation by which one either ‘sains’ an objcct or tries to particípate in
its power. Orthodox Muslims are still as aversc to dance as a religious experience
as were the early Christians - so much so that Origen (d. 354’1 w’ould clairn:
‘Where there is dance there is die deviT.3"
Dance, especially die whiriing dance, goes together with ecstasy, dial sute in
which the scckcr sccms to be Icaving the eanhly centre of gravity to enter into
another spiritual cenire's attracting power. as ihough lie were joining the angelic
hosts or die blessed souls.
Ecstasy could thus be induccd by whiriing dance, which was praclised as early
as the ninth century among the Sufis in Baghdad, some of whom would abandon
themselves lo die rapture caused by music, their ‘hearing’, umi',» Such
spontaneous dance is known among a number of mystical fratemides (and has
almost becomc a hallmark of Sufi movements in the Wcst - as much as critica!
early Sufis disliked it:. .Savvf was insiitutionalized only in the Mevleviyya, ihe
order dial goes back lo Mawlánü Rüml and which was organiaed in its actual
form by his son and sccond successor. Sullin Walad (d. 131a). Rüml had sung
most of his poetry while listening to music and whiriing around his axis, and 10
him the whole universe appcared as caught in a dance around the central sun,
under whose influencc the disparate aloms are mystcriously bound into a
harmonious whole. Thus, to enter the whiriing means to come into conuct with
the eternal source of all movement so much so, dial Rüml saw even the very
act of crealion as a dance in which Not-Bcing lcapt forward into Existcncc (D110.
1.83a) when it hcard the swcet mclody of the Divine quesdon Alada bi-iabbikumt,
‘Ain I not your Lord?’ (Süra 7:17a); and lilis dance which permeates all of nature
revives even the dcad in their graves, for:

Those who know the secrct power

of die whiriing, live in God
Lovc is slaying and reviving
thcm - they know it. Allah Hu!

Tile mystic tnight fccl the bliss of unificadon when he had lost himsclf
 SACRED ACTION ■°5

complctely in the circling movement, and thus dance can be scen as ‘a laddcr to
heaven' that leads to the truc goal, to unilication. But, as diis goal contradicts lite
sober approach of normativo thcologians, who never ceased to cmphasizc God's
Total Othcrness and who saw lite only way to draw doscr to Him in obedicnce
10 His cotnmands and rcvealcd law, their aversión to musió and dance is
undcrstandable.41’

>74 v.rnivt
In ancient strata of religión, sexual unión was conceivcd as a symbol for spiritual
unión, and even the Upanishads, abstrae! as their teaching may sound in many
places, describe the highest bliss as comparable to being embraced by a bcloved
wife. But as the normativo thcologians disliked the ccstatíc dance as a means to
‘unión’, they also objccted to a tcrminology in which ‘love’ was the central
conccpt.1' Nomos-orienled as they were, they sensed the danger of eros-oricntcd
forms of religión which might wcakcn the structure of the House of Islam, They
could interpret ‘love' mcrely as 'love of obedience’ but not as an independen!
way and goal for Muslims, and expressions like ‘unión’ with Üte One who is far
beyond description and whotn neither oyes could reach ñor hands touch scemed
an absurdity, indeed impiety, to them, The thcological discussions about the
tcrminology of ‘Love’ continued for a long tinte in the ninth and tenth centuries,
long before the thought of a human being as target of one’s love appeared in
Sulism a love which, lo be sure, was never to be fulftlled bul remained (or at
Icast was supposcd to rcmain) chaste and spiritual. The mvstics then became
awarc that ‘the metaphor is the bridge to Rcality' and that love of a beautiful
human being was, as they say, 'ishq majdzi, 'metaphorical love', which would lead
to 'uhq hmfiqt, 'the truc love’ of the only One who was worthy of love.
From this vicwpoint. the frank use of expressions like 'naked unión' in Rüml's
poetry can be understood, and his father Baha-i VValad, who cncouragcs the soul
to east itself into God’s bosom widiout reluctance, compares die intimacy
between God and ihc soul with an cxplicit reference to the play between
husband and wife in which even tile most prívate parts do not rcmain hidden.**
Six centuries later. the SuC master N’asir Mubammad 'Andalib in Dclhi uses
similar words, comparing die soul’s unión with the Divine Bcloved to the
experiencc of the virgin whose hymen is pierced by 11er husband so dial she.
accustomed to his gendeness, becomes awarc of his power and strength.•)', The
overwhelming shock of the last ecstatic experiencc is thus symbolized. h seems
also (according to an authentic report by someonc who underwcnt the forty
days’ seclusion and spent most of die time in dluh dial this residís in a strong
'sensual' and even sexual fecling - a fací which perhaps also accounts for the
icndcncy to describe the final unión in sexual imagery.
Although the scekers tried to reach the statc of blcsscd unión in this life, the
106 DK ll-HERING THE SIGNS OF GOD

truc ’itrs. die 'wcdding' of the soul. is rcachcd in death whcn the soul is finally
rcunited with God.
The Koranic dcscriptions of Paradisc, with the large-eyed heavenly virgins.
the houris. can be mieqireted as a him of the highest bliss of spiritual unión
which cannot be expressed in other terms, just as one explains die joy of sexual
unión to a child by comparing it with sugar !,w III 1406).
•■Vi intcrcsdng aspee! of tlús imagen- is die conccpt of the woman soul, which
is encountered mnst outspokcnly in the Indian siibconünenl.*4 The Indian tvpc
of mMm. the longing bride or young wife, was takcn over into popular and at
times also high literatures of the Muslims in Sindhi, Panjabi and other
indigenous languages. Such a choicc of images would have been difficult, had
not a predisposition existed to compare the soul with a woman. After all, the
Arabio word for ‘soul', itafi, is feminine, and the remande stories of young
women, liraving all difliculdes on the path that leads thein through deserts and
mountains or into the depth of the Indus, fonn excellent symbols of the soul’s
wandering in the mysncal path where shc has to overeóme the most terrible
obstados to lie united, through death, with her pre-etemal bridegroom. The
predilcction of Sttfi writers for the topic of Yüsuf and Zulavkha 'Süra latajff.)
seems to point to the same experienee: the love-intoxicated woman who tries to
reach Absoluto Beauty, and is chasdsed and as later legend has it repents and
is finally united with her erstwhile beloved, may have served the mysrics as a
prefiguration of their own longing. This becomes particularly olear in Rtlml's use
of the Zulavkha dieme, through which he seems to expresa his deepest leelings «
Many uncrances of mystical lose become indecd much more meaningful if one
rccognizcs the scckcr as the female parí who eras-es for unión and longs to be
filled with Divine grace. The Beloved. the lord and etenial Ring, is the truly
acting power. while the mystic is the recipienl of His grace: God is, as mystical
Iblk poetry ofien says, m-SaMr, the ‘Onc Who Covcrs' the lonely woman That
in popular Indo-Pakistani poetry the Prophet appears sometimes as the soul's
bridegroom. just as the Imam is die longed-for beloved in Ismaili ginñn.s, is part
of this imagery.
These ideas wcre symbolized by dervishes who donned women’s garments to
show dial they were the Lord's modcst handmaidens, and it also underlics. to a
cenain extent. Rümi's paradle, in /•W má JUli-, of the birth ofJesús in the human
being whcn the soul, like Mary, is pregnant with die Holy Spirit *6 Intercstingly,
the bond between master and disciplc is callcd among Kháksár dervishes izdiutyi
ríllM, 'spiritual marriage’, a marriage that shall lead to the 'engendering of
lovc'.-*’
The Sufis' love of and admiration for a beautiful young boy, ideally of
fourteen vears of age, has been expressed in thousands of Unes of poetry- and is
thus an integral part of the tradition. They love to quote the apocryphal Intlth: ‘I
 SACRE» ACTIOX '07

saw my Lord in the most beautiful form’ (and, as is often addcd, ‘with his cap
awry'J, This admiration of a young, ‘moonlike' beloved, a shñhul, witncss' to
Divine beauty, aróse in parí from the strict sedusion of women in Muslim
society, but could lead also to pederasty, as even eariy sources state with anger
and chagrín. As pederasty was condemned in the Koran (cf. Süra 87:55!.), the
very imagery was disliked by many of the pious, who tried to interpret such
allusions as pertaining to women (neither Persian ñor Turkish has a grammatical
gender). The problent of how then to transíate concctly the young beloved with
*a sprouting green facial down and moustache' is discussed time and again.48
Sexual unión is not the only was to allude t<> one’s unión with the Numinous
powcr. One can eat or drink the matter that carnes blessing and sanctity-, one
can ‘eat powcr’. When the Muslim boy in southem India al the Bumllih
ceremony (which takes place when he has reachcd the age oí four ycars. four
months and four days has to lick the words ‘In the ñame of God ...' from the
slate on which they are written with some blessed stuff such as sandalwood paste,
he takes in their powcr, as does the ailing person who drinks water from a bowl
that is inscribed with Koranic verses and formulas of blessing.
The pilgritn who visits saints' shrines and participares in cating the food that
canica, as it were, the saint's barata is another example of 'cating the sacred',49
and die huge cauldron from which everyone, vaste or rank notwithstanding,
receives some blessed food has certainlv playcd a role in expanding the rcalm of
Islam in arcas where food taboos were strict (as is the case in Hindú India.
Scraping out the enormous cauldron in Mu'inuddln Chishti’s shrine in Ajmer is
one of the most importan) rituals during the ’urj. and peoplc try lo scrape some
morsels from it without caring whether they burn their lingers.48
Communal meáis were and are customary at the initiation ccrcmonics in Sufi
brothcrhoods and in the /ütuuwa, and in certain orders very elabórate communal
meáis are líele! once in a while; then one usually takes borne some of the food for
one’s lamily to give thcm their share of the blcssings. The power that can be
ascribcd to such food, and here in particular 10 swccts, is understood from Ibn
Baltüta's travelogue, when he tells that Rüml's whole inspiration was causcd by
a picce of blessed irita.4' The astounding number of allusions to food in Rüml’s
poetry makes this amusing story sound almost correct - and Konya is still famed
for its fnlua I
Even though tfie 'sacramental' idea of partaking of sacred food may be largelv
forgotten, lite language has still, as so often, preserved the underhing feeling: the
Sufi tastos' or expericnces the 'tasto' of spiritual bliss .And may one not be
allowed to see in the wondrous friáis which the blessed will eat in Paradise a hint of
dio Numinous character of 'spiritual' blessed food? To rcach a higher stage by
being caten' underlies Rümi's story of the chickpeas III 4,1580!).
.Although the prácticos and the symbolism just mentioned are certainly
1<>« DECIPHEKINC THE SICNS OF COD

important, much more widcspread even than Ibod imagery is the symbolism of
drinking. It is inderd a strange paradox that, in a religión that prohibirá
intoxicante, this particular image bréame the favourite of pious writers, The
Koran first ordered: ‘Don't approach prayer when you are drunk!' (Süra 4:43),
because intoxicación hinders the person from perfomting the rites correctiy; in a
later stage of the revelación, winc was completclv prohibited (Süra 5:90); only in
Paradise will the believers enjoy sharüban (Qhii'an, 'a puré winc’ or ‘drink’ (Süra
76:31).
However, the theme of sacred intoxication Den hehge nutm, as Nadtan
SOdcrblom’s weil-known sludy is called)'' was an exccllent symbol for the
spiritual state which Germán mystics would cali GotlafiiUe, ‘being fillcd with
God’, Intoxicación involves a loss of personal idenlily; che soul is complelely
fillcd with spiritual power, and the boundarics of legal prescriptions are no
longer observed.
Ibn al-Faritf's (d. 1335) great Miamnna. the Wine-Odr. describes the wine of
Ixivc which the souls drank before the grapes were crcatcd and by which they
are guided and refreshed; it maltes the deaf hear and the ailing healed.“ It is this
wine that is memioned even in a Itidilh. according to which God gives lo His
friends a wine by w hich they becomc intoxicatcd and finally reach unión (a.ií no,
5711. It also lilis Sufi poetry in manilbld variante: ’dte Atontan wine, not the aggOrt
wine’, as Rümi savs. is the wine by which the martvr-mystic 'Mansar al-Halláj
was so intoxicatcd that he joyfullv sacrificcd his life in the hope of rcaching
unión with his Beloved, while the grape wine. angüri. is connected with the
Chrisiians ii> no. 81) and. lo a errtain extent, the Zoroastrians. Rümi also called
his friends not to come to his grave wilhout being intoxicatcd. for the whcat that
will grow out of his gravc's dust will be drunk; the dough made of it will be
cqually intoxicatcd: and tile baker who works on it will sing ecstatic hymns so
much is he permeated by the wine of Divine Lave. This imagen', praising winc
and intoxication, continucd through the ccnturics, and even Ayatollah
Khomeini’s small collection of Pcrsian verse bears the surprising tille Sabú-n 'úJuj,
'Tlie Pitcher of Love’.M
Twn types of Sufis are often juxtaposed: the sobcr and the intoxicatcd. Tlte
former are those who fulfil all obligations of Ütc law and the paih and are in
complete sella ontrol. while the imoxicated prefer the state ofccstasy and often utter
words that would be dangerous in a state of sobricty. The bordees, however, are not
always clearis dclincated. Sobricty, again. is of lwo kinds: the first sobricty is the
human being» normal state and can Icad, for a moment to an intoxication, a
rapturr in which the mystic scems to cxperiencc the absolute Unity; bul when he
retum» from there, restored to his senses, in his 'sccond sobricty' lie seos the wholc
universo dilli-rently not as one with God bul cntircly permeated by Divine light,
l'lie symbol of intoxication scems most fitting for the ecstatic state when the
 SACRED ACTION I09

wine of Lovc filis one's whole being and causes infinite happiness which may,
howcvcr, be followrd by Ion? periods of spiritual dryncss.
It is interesting that thc imagcry of wine and dninkenncss is also used lo
symbolize the Primordial Covcnant, mtfüq, in which God asked His crcaturcs:
‘Am I not your Lord?’ iSüra 7:172). Everyone from die future gencrations whom
God drew from the loins of thc childrrn of Adam in prr-rtrmity had to trstify
that God is the Ixird, lest thcy deny this whcn asked on Doomsday. ’l*hc Sufis
saw this moment in poetical imagcry as a spiritual banquet in which die wine of
Love was dislributed lo humamty so that everyone rrccivrd the sharc which he
or she will have in this life. Herc, thc imagcry of wine is used not for thc final
goal of die mysdc’s unification with God and his being fillcd with Him, but
rather as the starting point of the flow of Divine gracc at the Ixrginning of lime.
«•Vid thus it is writtcn around thc dome of Gc-südaraz’s mausoleum in Gulbarga:

Thcy, intoxicatcd from Lovc's goblct,

Senscless from the wine of ‘Am I not?’
Strive at times for piety and prayer,
VVorship idols now, and now drink wine ...55

Ihc lovcrs of God are beyond bcginninglcss etemity and endless etemity, there
where no place is. all submerged in thc Divine Bclovcd.

NOTES
1. A recent attcmpt to interprct various aspeets of Islam is M. E. Combs-SchiUing
11989,. Sacred Performance* hlam, Semahtv, and Saenfiíe.
2 Iqbal 1923!, /Wct i mashnq, p. 264 ilast pocm).
3. Jalar Sharif (igai), hlam m India, p. 23.
4. Wití Rut has lent its ñame to Bess A. Donaldson’s very useful (19381 study
of Pcrsian customs and supentitions. Onc may also remember that severa!
mystical works have tules alluding to fragranté, such as Najmuddiri KubrA’s
Faivá al-jamdl. the 'fragrant breczc ofbeauty', or KhwSja Khurd’s notes callcd
simply Faua'df. A translation of Rümi’s Maihnaui is callcd Ptrahan-¡ TüMfi,
'Yusufs shirt', to convey thc idea that it bnngs thc hcaling fragrancc of the
original to the reader whose spirilually Wind eyes will l>e opened just as the
fragranté of Yusufs shirt hcalrd his blind father.
5. Por thc theme, see E. Ixthmeyer (1919'. Vom gottlichen Wohlgcruch' Thc
odour of sanclity is well known in Christianity, and die Muslim should pray,
following thc Wj.’A m no. 383,: 'Oh my God. quicken 111c with the fragrancc of
Paradisc’ In Rümi’s poctry, following the cxamplc of Shams-i Tabrfzl,
concepta likc sccnt. fragrancc and odour pby an cxtremdy importan! role.
Rümi’s storx of thc tanner is inspired by Attár’s dmtmdma liee H Ritter i 1955).
Al< Afm dei Stele, p. 92), where the hero is a swccpcr, dcaning thc latones. Thc
conncction of fragrancc and thc 'sccnt of acquaintancc’ with thc Prophet’s love
of perfume is important. and onc even finds that thc maudid singers in Egypt
sometimes sing a ’perfumed', ¡a'flr, maulid: ‘Send down, O lxird, perfumed
blessing* and pcacc on his totnbi* (infonnation from Dr Ramal Abdul Malik.
Toronto). I hopc 10 deal with thc whole complex of ' sccnt' in my fortheoming
lwok Juutfr Fragrant Shirt (Ncw York. Columba L’nivcrsity Prc«
l!O DECIPHERING THE SIGNS OF GOD

6. S. Scligmann ,191o , Dtr bost Blu)., R Kóbert 19481. Zur Lchre des tafür uber
den bosen Blick'; Hihrud Shcikh-Dilthey :199o. Dcr bose Blick': Jan Rypka
1964:, -Dcr hosr Blick bei Nizamf.
7. E. W. Lañe 11978 cd. , Mannrrt rnd Cuslomi, p. 227.
8. An cxccllcnt cxamplc of this tnovement is the tille page oí Roland and Sabnna
Michaud 1991 . AtruArr du Hmd rt du Stnd.
9 For the Z3r, sce Kriw and Kriss-Hcinrich 1962:. l'olksglaubt un Islam. vol. 2, ch. 3.
10. Jafar Sharif (1921), Islam in buha, p. 62.
11 R Gnunüch 19811. Du Hhtiítuhm Dentist/unden. vol. 3, p. afiff.
12. I. Goklzihcr 1915b), ‘Die Entblossung des Hauptcs’. Sce also A. Gólpínarli
1977;, Tataivuftan dilimize ffftn tonmler, pp. 46 7.
13 M Subtelnv 'fonheoming , ’The cult of’AbduDah Ansári under the Thnurids’.
14 G. H. Bousquct 1950!. *La purcté rituellr en Islam' Sce also the unanributrd
anide What ihc Shiahs tcach their childrcn'; in general: 1. Goldziher 1910),
'Wasscr ais damoncnabwrhrendes Mitlel'
15. 'Urfi (d. 1591), quoted in Süjid SiddTqui and Wall 'Asi 1962 .l/m^Adirí na’l, p.
49-
16 H. Birkeland <1955 • offyamg 0/Muhammad's fíreasl.
17. The diflcrcncc between ‘worldly' din and ritual unclcanliness underlics the
story dial a Sufi's maidscrvanl in ninth-century Baghdad cxclaimed: ’O Ix»rd -
how dirty are Your friends!' Jaml 1957), Na/ahli a! uns, p. 621) and yet a Sufi
would never neglect his ritual purity.
18. Suhrawardl ¡978;. '.luán/<transí. R. Gramlich), p. 243C
19. Násir-i Khusraw 1929.. Diidtn, pp. 38. 421, 507, 588. and in (1993) ir. Schimmel,
Mato a Shuld from Hudom, p. 36. Bakharzl 19661. too. speaks in the JuTdrf ai
ahbáb. vol. 2, p. 311. of ‘the soap of rrpcntancc'.
20 Quoted in L lx-uiM>hn ed 1992 . Du lagaty Mnhaetal En¡tan .Sttfum, p 23
21. Richard Gramlich 19921, “Abú Sulaymán ad-Dáráni’. p. 42.
22. Sce A. Schimmel 1984 . (dlligraphr and Islamu Culture, p. 180 note 167.
23. According lo Kharijitr opinión, evil talk and slander require an ablution.
24. Muhammad lqb.ll 1917 . 'Islam and Mysticism’, 'DuMav Era, 28July 1917.
25. F. Tacschner 1979,', Zúnfte, p. 516.
26 H. Wagtendonk 1968), Fastin¿ in tiu Koran
27. A hadtth mentioned by Bukhan janvn 2, 91 daims that *the bad breath of one
who fasts is swectcr to God iban ihe fragrance of musk’
28 Oral communication from Professor Vincent Cornell, Duke L'nivcrsity, Dur-
ham. NC, usa.
29 Sce H. I^zams-Yafeh 1981), Some Rthgtout Asfifíts of Islam, p. 20: according to
the well-known theoiogian M Shal(ü(, money cannot be substituted for a
sacrifice because the slaughtering of the animal ‘is a statute given by God'.
30 H. T Lambrick (1972), The Tarorist, ghes an excellent introduction into the life
and thought of the Hurr, baxed on personal papen and records of the triáis
which he. as a British offidal, conducted.
31 I. Goldziher 1'1886). 'Ir sacrifice de la chcvclure des Arabes'
32. Fcmale circumcision is rather common in Egypt, but is abo praclised in some
Panjabi tribes :sce Jalar Sharif (1921 . Islam m India, p. 50Í and among the Daudi
Bohoras.
33. D. Ayalon 1979), 'On the Eunuclis in Islam’.
34_ A rcflcction of Hindú practices is probably the former custom of 'marrying' a
girl lo the shrine of I¿l Shahbdz Qalandar in Sehwan Sind), an oíd Shiva
sanctuary. In Sind, giils from noble familie* are sotneiimcs ‘married’ to the
Koran and remain virgins, rcspcctcd by their families and fncnds. Sce R.
Burton 1851 , Smdh, p. 211
 SACRED ACTION 111

35. For notan banft and many more custonu in rural Indo Pakistán, see thc uscful
book by Zekiye Eglar 196»!, A Dmjabi Villagf tn Pakistán. 'Che still-prrvailing
CuMom <>C cclcbrating a wedding as grandly as possible, even if that mrans
incurring hcavy dcbts, reflecta thc perhaps subconscious hopc of acquiring
more powcr by spending whatever onc can afibrd (and often cannol afford ...).
36. Sce s.v Kiss; «x; (3rd ed.: s.v. Kuss.
37. Bahá-i Walad (1957), Ma’Onj. vol. 4, p. 28.
38. For a general introduction, sce W. O. G. Oestericy 1923:, The Sacred Dance, G.
van der Leeuw :193o), /n dm Hmel ¡si cenen daos; F. Mcier (1954). "Der
Dcrwischtanz'; M. .Mole 1963/ ‘La Dansc cxtatique en Islam’.
39. For thc use of dance and music in Rüml's work, see A. Schimmel 1978c). The
Tnitmphal Sun, and ídem 1982a!. / am Wmd, Tou are Fue, in general: J. During
(1989). Munqw el mystique dans leí traditwns dirán.
40. Ibn Hanbal mentions even a hnduh: ’l was sent to eradicate musical instru­
menta'.
41 W. Schuban (19411. Religión and Enr. A. Schimmel 1979a., ’Eros hcavenly and
not-so-heavenly in Sufism’.
42. Compare thc chapter ’Hicroi gamoi' in F. .Mcier (1990a). Rahá-i Walad(ch. 23;.
43. 'Andalfb >1891.1, Sála-i Andahb, vol. 1, p. 832. I'hc motil'of wounding thc female
by means oí an arrow permeates lilerature and an from classical antiquity. A
fine way of pointing to thc purcly symbolic aspec.u of 'brida) mysiicism’ is
Rüml's vene that ‘No ablution ú required after thc unión ofspirits' (O no. 2207:
44. I’hc theme of thc woman soul as it occurs in thc regional languages of Indo
Pakistani Islam has been takcn up several times by Aii S. Asani (1991, el al.|.
45. See A. Schimmel (1992c), ’Yusof in MawlAna Rüml's poctry’
46. Fihi má JIM, end of ch. 5.
47. R Gramlich 11981;, Dte schuiuchm Daiitschorden, vol. 3, p. 101.
48. See thc remark ofjoseph von Hammrr 1812 i-j< in his Gemían Iranslalion of
Der Duian des ... Hafis, Introduction. p. vii.
49. For the role of dtg and /anjyrr. cauldron and open kitchcn, among thc derviches,
sce R Gramlich (1981), Du tchntuchat Dentiuharden, vol. 3, p. 49c
50. See thc descripción in P. M. Curric (1989), The Shunt and Culi oj Mitin al Dui
Utuhti oj Ajmer, and thc anide by Syed liaqat Hussain Moini (1989), ‘Rituals
and customary practices at the Dargáh of Ajmer’
51. Ibn Batuta, RMi, translatcd by H. A. R. Gibb, 7he Tratéis of Ibn Battñla. vol. 2.
1962. For Rüml's use of ‘kitchcn imagery', ser A. Schimmel (1978c,, The
Thumfthal Sun, ch. II
52. N. Sodcrblom .1915), t:r religwwns Mstona.
53. A translación of thc Khamrvpa is E. Dermenghem (1931), L'ecloge dun vtn ftoeme
mystique d'Omcu ihn al-Fañdh.
54. Publishcd in Teherán (200,000 copies; on the occasion of thc fortieth day after
Ayatollah Khomcini's dcath in 1989. Bakharzl 1966, Ait-rüd al ohbab, vol. 3, p
24OÍT. <, as well as vinually all Sufi thcorcticians up to Dr J Nurbakhsh ¡1988)
in his Sufi Symbohsm cxplain the írequent use of terms like ‘winc’ Isharilb.
muiidm as ‘winc of Ixivc', and ‘that is the “puré winc”. ash-Juuüb at uhítr'
55. Gfsüdaráz, in IkrSm (ed.) (1953), Armaghán 1 Pák, p. 151.
 IV

The Word and the Script

And of His signs: He shows you the lightning, for fear and hope, and that
He senda down from the sky water and revives by it the earth after it was
dcad.
Süra 30:24
. "4 DEC1FHERING THE SIGNS OF GOD

THE WORD - ABOUT GOD, AND FROM GOD

The Primordial Covcnant shows very cleariy that the Divine word precedes the
human word: after hcaring the Divine addrcss 'Am 1 not your Lord?’, the future
human beings answered with 'Yes, we give witness to it' (Süra 7:172)?
The word. as it comes from God and reveáis Him and His will, is central in
Islam. But gcnerally speaking, the sacred word is ¡alten out of ordinary daily life
and íes confused noise by means of a special kind of recitaúon which underlines
its sacred character.
There are primordial sounds. Numinous ‘Uriaute* like the Indian am, and
nohody who has heard the long-drawn-out cali Huuu Oiterally ‘He’) at the end of
a dervish ceremony such as the Mevlcvi tama' can forget this sound. whose
vibrations move body and mind cqually. Listcning to such sounds, one under-
stands why 'sound' could be regarded as Creatíve Power, and it becomcs
perfectly elear why musical therapy with sacred, íaraAa-loaded sounds was well
known in Islamic culture and is still practised among ccrtain Sufi groups.
Given this imponancc of the proper sound pattems, and as their corollary,
proper recitation, it would be astonishing if special reciling styles were not
applied to the Koran, which should be 'embcllished' by human voices.’ For
sound pattems and meaning in the Koran are closcly intcrtwincd, one of the
rcasons that account for the prohibition of a 'translation' of the Koran into other
languages, as then the inimitable sounds and the truc spiril would be lost. Tile
arts of Koranic recitation. lilóuvil. tajuid or taóí/, that is. delibérate cadenees, and
urdid, rhythmical repetitions, are highly devclopcd. and nowadavs compeütions
of Koran reciters from all over the worid are convened every year. But even in
the normal recitation wilhout the psalmodizing tec.hnique, a number of rules
have to be observed in order to display the Divine word's full beauty.
By applying certain musical and rhelorical tules to religious texis, a very
spccial atmosphere is created. Tisis can l>e observed in popular religious songs all
over the Islamic worid: the Turkish dáhi or rufa are characterizcd by repetitive
fórmulas such as the form of four-lined stanzas, the Iburth fine of which is
repeated cithcr in full or at Icast in its rhymc-schcmc. In Indo- Pakistani qauuali
sessions, the altemating voices of the leader and die small choir slowly submerge
the listener in an undulaling sea of sound until he or shc is transponed to
another sphere far away from daily life, As repetition serves to give form to die
intangible, in languages such as Sindhi and Panjabi the dieme is given by an
initial fine which is then repeated after every one or two fines by the choius. This
 THE WORD AND THE SCRIPT "5

ineludes ihe repetition of the congregation’s drnln after the master, or leader, has
uttered a lengthy chain of small prayers.
Paralktismus mmbmmm is a literary form well known in the anciem Oriental
and then Christian tradition, and is found in a stvle reminiscent of that of the
Psalms in the great prayers transmitted from religious lcadcrs of eariy and
medieval Islam. In Jazfllf's (d. 1495) Dala’il al-kharMI, a very widely-uscd religious
text in which blessings are called down upon the Prophet, who is describcd in
ever-changing and yet similar, often rhyming, invocations, the blessing lallü ’llah
’ahnln wa mllam, ‘God bless him and give him peace’, is repeated hundreds of
times, very mucli like the hundredfold Be grcctcd' in Christian litanies.
Furthermore, lite constant repetition of this sacred formula is thought to bring
the Prophet cióse to the reciting believers: ‘the Prophet u widi his community
when they recite the blessings over him many times’, says a prominent mysticai
leader of the eariy nineteenth century. Thus, such a session in which the ¡alduüi
shañfa are reeiled hundreds of times can load to what can be called a
‘sacramental’ experience.
Melodious songs in honour of saints follow a similar pattem, thus the
invocación of the Chishti saint GCsúdarAz with its constantly repeated alim:

Aj-uilámu 'alaykayñ (üsüdarüz,

as-salámu almka mirl Handanaiiñz ...

Whole litanies exist in which the ñames of mystics are enumerated, as the
powerful invocations in Rozbihan Baqlf's Shiiib-i ihatl/ytll show;’ the same is truc
for the invocations of Shia imams.
The tendeney to highlight dte core idea by repetition can be observed in high
poetry as well. There, the nufí/, the repeated rhyme word or phrase, seems as it were
to circumambulatc the Lord, whom the author uses all rhetoñeal decires lo praise,
in particular tile juxtaposition of ovo contrasting aspeets of God, such as His merey
and His wrath, His guidance and His 'ruse', or His capacity to grant lifc and to take
lifc. Eulogios of the Prophet, or, in Shia poetry, of 'All, are slructured according to
the same principie. A fine example is the great hymn in honour of the Prophet by
Násir-i Khusraw, in which the ñame Mulpmmad forms the rceurrent rhyme no less
than forty-three times. Constant repetitions of exclamations likc ‘My soul’1 or of
questions iike kü kü?, ‘Where, O where?’, of invocations that are almost an epielesis
- ‘Come, Come!' or ‘Hither, Hithert’ - especially in the emoúonally highly-charged
verse of Rümi, are excellent examplcs of repetitive structures in the rhyme.'' Long
chains of anaphors can serve the same pulpóse; sufficc it to read the chain of
exclamations ¿ató zaJü ‘How beautiful! How beautiful!’ in the introductory praise of
God in 'Attar's IlbhUuma By the use of both anaphors and repeated rhymcs. the
poet tries to approach the Divine from all possihle new angles lo give at least a faint
idea of His greauiess.
. "4 DEC1FHERING THE SIGNS OF GOD

THE WORD - ABOUT GOD, AND FROM GOD

The Primordial Covcnant shows very cleariy that the Divine word precedes the
human word: after hcaring the Divine address 'Am 1 not your Lord?’, the future
human beings answered with 'Yes, we give witness to it' (Süra 7:172)?
The word. as it comes from God and reveáis Him and His will, is central in
Islam. But gcnerally speaking, the sacred word is ¡alten out of ordinary daily life
and íes confused noise by means of a special kind of recitaúon which underlines
its sacred character.
There are primordial sounds. Numinous ‘Uriaute* like the Indian am, and
nohody who has heard the long-drawn-out cali Huuu íliterally ‘He’) at the end of
a dervish ceremony such as the Mevlcvi tama' can forget this sound. whose
vibrations move body and mind cqually. Listcning to such sounds, onc under-
stands why 'sound' could be regarded as Creatíve Power, and it becomcs
perfectly elear why musical therapy with sacred, íaraAzt-loaded sounds was svell
known in Islamic culture and is still practised among ccrtain Suft groups.
Given this imponancc of the proper sound pattems, and as their corollary,
proper recitation, it would be astonishing if special reciling styles were not
applied to the Koran, which should be 'embcllished' by human voices.’ For
sound pattems and meaning in the Koran are closcly intcrtwincd, one of the
rcasons that account for the prohibition of a 'translation' of the Koran into other
languages, as then the inimitable sounds and the truc spiril would be lost. Tile
arts of Koranic recitation. tiláuvU. tajuid or taóí/, that is. delibérate cadenees, and
urdid, rhythmical repetitions, are highly devclopcd. and nowadavs compeútions
of Koran reciters Irom all over the world are convened every year. But even in
the normal recitation wilhout the psalmodizing tec.hnique, a number of rules
have to be observed in order to display the Divine word's full beauty.
By applying certain musical and rhelorical tules to religious texis, a very
special atmosphere is created. 'litis can l>e observed in popular religious songs all
over the Islamic world: the Turkish dáhi or rufa are characterizcd by repeüdve
fórmulas such as the form of four-lined stanzas, the Iburth line of which is
repeated cithcr in full or at Icast in its rhymc-schcmc. In Indo- Pakistani qauuali
sessions, the altemating voices of the leader and die small choir slowly submerge
the listener in an undulaling sea of sound until he or shc is transponed to
another sphere far away from daily life. As repetition serves to give form to die
intangible, in languages such as Sindhi and Panjabi the tíreme is given by an
initial line which is then repeated aftcr every one or two lines by the chotus. This
 THE WORD AND THE SCRIPT "5

ineludes ihe repetition of the congregation's drnln after the master, or leader, has
uttered a lengthy chain of small prayers.
Paralktismus mmbmmm is a literary form well known in the ancient Oriental
and then Christian tradition, and is found in a stvle reminiscent of that of the
Psalms in the great prayers transmitted from religious leaders of early and
medieval Islam. In Jazflll's (d. 1495) Dala’il al-kharMI, a very widely-uscd religious
text in which blessings are called down upon the Prophet, who is describcd in
ever-changing and yet similar, often rhyming, invocations, the blcssing lallü ’llah
’ahnln wa mllam, ‘God bless him and give him peace’, is repeated hundreds of
times, very much like the hundredfold Be greeted' in Christian litanies.
Furthermore, lite constant repetition of this sacred formula is thought to bring
the Prophet cióse to the reciting believers: ‘the Prophel u with his community
when they recite the blessings over him many times’, says a prominent mystical
leader of the early nineteenth century. Thus, such a session in which the ¡alduüi
shañfa are recitcd hundreds of times can Icad to what can be called a
‘sacramental’ cxperience.
Melodious songs in honour of saints follow a similar pattem, thus the
invocation of the Chishti saint GesOdarAz with its constantly repeated alim:

Aj-uilámu 'alaykayñ (üsüdarüz,

as-salámu almka mirl Handanaiiñz ...

Whole litanies exist in which the ñames of mystics are enumerated, as the
powerful invocations in Rozbihan Baqlf's Shiiib-i ihatl/ytll show;’ the same is truc
for the invocations of Shia imams.
The tendeney to highlight die core idea by repetition can be observed in high
poetry as well. Therc, the nufí/, the repeated rhyme word or phrase, seerns as it were
to circumambulate the Lord, whom the author uses all rhetorical devices lo praise,
in particular Ule juxtaposition of Ovo contrasting aspects of God, such as His merey
and His wrath, His guidance and His 'ruse', or His capacity to grant life and to takc
life. Eulogios of the Prophet, or, in Shia poetry, of 'Al¡, are structured according to
the same principie. A fine example is the great hymn in honour of the Prophel by
Nasir-i Khusraw, in which the ñame Mulpmmad forms the rccunvnt rhyme no less
than forty-three times. Constant repetitions of exclamations like ‘My soul’1 or of
questions iike kü kü?, ‘Where, O whe.re?’, of invocations that are almost an epiclcsis
- ‘Come, Come!' or ‘Hither, Hithert’ - especially in Ote emotionally highly-charged
verse of Rümi, are excellent examplcs of repetitivo structures in the rhyme.'' Long
chains of anaphors can serve the same pulpase; sufficc it to read die chain of
exclamations ¿ató zaJü ‘How beautiful! How beautiftill’ in the introductory praise of
God in 'Attar's IlbhUuma By the use of both anaphors and repeated rhymcs. the
poet tries to approach the Divine from all possihle new angles lo give at least a faint
idea of His greauiess.
116 DECIPHF.RIXC THE SIGNS OF GOD

Such pocms should be recitcd with high volee to enjoy them fully; but besides
the loud recitation and even shouting aloud, one may also find a recitation of
sacred words with low voice, or in silence. That can be done lcst the outsider
understand the secreta expressed by the reciter, or to give lile listener an
opportunity lo pray in the spiril. as in the silent recitation of the /-atiAi at the end
of prayers, or in meetings. The mumiuring of lile Zoroastrian priests, zamzama,
was well known among the Persiana, and sometimes poels compare the
twittering and chirping of the birds to this practico (for they praise the laird in
their secret language, which only Solomon could properly understand). The
question of whether ihe dhikr, the recoliection of God, should be performed with
loud voice (and even in a kind of screaming, as in the so-called dhib i ana.
‘sawing dhikr'. of some Central Asían Sufis) or should rather be done quietiy
caused major discussions and tensión* in medieval Sufi cireles.
The word - the language in itself, as Muslims fclt - was something special:
the word is a messenger from God. as Nisir-i Khusraw siatcd? From carly
times, people llave known sacred and secret languages. Hunters and fishermen
had their own idioms, as have somc mcrchants, or thieves still today, and each
group jcalously concealcd its intentions under the cover of mctaphors lcst the
power of the 'real' word be broken.6 Tile same is true in htgher religions whose
scriptures are revealed in a specific language which then tended lo hecoine
sacralizcd. Prime cxamplcs of sacred languages are Sanskrir and Arabic, as
much as Arabic was lile common language at the time the Koran was revealed
and is still one of the most widespread languages in the worid. Yct, the language
of the Koran is something difieren!; its proper and rcligiously valid recitation is
possible only in Arabic because that is how God revealed His will; therefore
ritual prayer must be performed only in the language of the Koran. The
attcmpts of Ataturk in Turkcy to have the cali to prayer rccitcd in Turkish
caused much grievancc in the Muslim community, and mosi traditionally-
minded Turks rejoiced when tile Arabic cali to prayer was reintroduccd after the
eleelions of 1950. Arabic is filled with baraka, and there is even a hadUh that
Knowlcdge of Arabic is part of onc's religión'? The i’jdz al-qw'dn. tile
inimitability of the sacred Book, was the incontrovertible proof of its Divine
character as well as the proof of Muhammad’s prophclhood. For as the Arabs
were so fond of their powcrful language, Muhammad’s miracle had to be
conncctcd with language, as Jahiz argued, while Moses performed 'magic'
miracles in consonancc with the Egyptians' trust in magic. and Jesús was the
hcaler in a culture where hcaling was highly appreciaicd.8
The feeling of Arabic being ’du language' par excellcnce could lead to ccrtain
problema, for the question aróse as to whether or not a non-Muslim Arab should
be permitted to tcach Arabic, or whether a non-Muslim should leam and teach
il at all. A shade of filis feeling that tlie non-Muslim cannol teach .Arabic
 THF. WORD AND THF. SCRIPT "7

properly as he or shc is cxcluded. as it were, from fiiUy appreciating its sacred

mystcrics can be observed even today despite the grcat number of Arabic-
speaking Copts and Syrian and Lcbancsc Christians. many of whorn are lirst-
class scholars of Arabic.
But when the language of the Koran could and should not be translated
owing to its sanctity, how was one to inform people about its contenta as Islam
condnucd to spread into arcas outsidc Arabia? Commcntarics and interlinear
translations, however insufficicnt. wcre one means, and die role of Muslims of
non-Arab background in the development of Koranic scicnces, not to mention
philology, ltistory and natural scicnces, is immcnsc.
Another way, which is important whcn onc has to deai not with the elite but
with the masses, was to develop the diflerent languages which the Muslims
encountercd during the expansión of their rule. As in Europc St Francis and
Jacoponc da ’fodi stand at the beginning of Italian, and Germán nuns and
mystics, in particular Meister Eckhart (d. 1328) and Mechthild of Magdeburg (d.
1283), used their mother tonguc to speak of religious subjeets to the general
pulilic instead of using the church's Latín, so mystical preachers in the medieval
and post-medicval Islamic world contributcd largcly to the development of
various tongues.» When early Sufis in Baghdad and Egypt fiUed Arabic with
emotion and transformed it into a language of loving experienee, the same
happcncd later on a much largor seale in the arcas beyond the Arab world.
•Mimad Ycscwl in Turkcstan (d. 1166) composed sayings about religious wisdom in
his Turkish mother tongue. while 150 veáis later the Anatolian bard Yunus Emrc
was as far as can be ascertained - one of the firsl poces (and certainly lite most
succcssíul) to sing moving religious songs in Anatolian Turkish, thus opening a
whole literary tradition which has retnained alive to this day. From this vantage
point, Bosnian and Albanian versions of religious Muslim literatura also dcvclopcd.
Even stronger is the Sufi influence on languages in the Indo Pakistani
subeontinent, where mystical leader* like Molla Da’üd, the writer of Lir Chanda
in Awadh (d. 1370), and Muhammad Saghir (author of an early versión of TüsuJ
JatikhB) in Bcngal, utilized dteir humble mother longucs to sing of Divine Love in
images which even die simplest villager or die houscwife could understand, while
other* at least praised the sweetncss of the indigenous idiom without using it for
their own poetry. The short verses which often induced mystics into ecstasy were
ultered neither in the Persian of the intcllccnials ñor in the Arabic of theologians
and jurists bul mainly in die regional languages such as Hindwi or Sindhi. In
Pashto, Plr-i Rawshan (d. 1575) expressed the conviction that God understands
every language. provided it is the language of the heart; and his own work is the
first dassic in his mother tonguc. For. as Rümi had told much earlicr, God
prefers the scemingly stupid babbling of the loving shepherd 10 theological high-
falutin ... :.»/!! t,72off.).
118 DECiPHERING THE SIGNS OF GOD

The activitics of wandcring prcachers and Sufis probably also account for (he
spread of Islamic themes not only into Muslim majority arcas such as Kashmir
and Gujarat and their respective languages but also into Tamil, Tclugu and
Malayalam. not forgctting 'somcwhat later) Malay and lndonesian, C. H. Beckcr
once stated that the use of Swahili and Bausa as lingua francas for large parís of
Africa amounted to an lslamization owmg lo the great amount of Arabic phrases
containcd in these languages. through which, then. the knowledge of Islamic
culture reachcd African pcoplcs."' Onc may assumc that a similar devclopment
took place in India and in Central Asia.
The goal of the Muslim prcachers, Sufis and religious bards was lo familiarize
peoplc with the central conccpts of Islam by translating them into the difieran
languages except, of course, for the basic formulas of the creed and the Sfiras
required for the corred performance of prayer, wliich had to be in Arabic.
If it is the ‘language of the hcart’ that matters, then another way of
transmitting the contení of the rcvelation, though much rarcr, is giossolalia. or
speakitig in longues. For when dte heart truly speaks, dte words that gush forth
can often be understood even by thosc who are not acquainted with the adual
language of the speaker. Thus, Mawlana ROml relates that he talkcd to a group
of Greeks who, without understanding his Persian sermón, were ncvcrthclcss
deeply moved by it. More cases of such heart-toheart speaking can probably lie
found in Islamic hagiography.
The mystics were often blessed with wiiat one might cali automatic speaking or
singing: an inspiration, derived from ’ibn ladum íSñra 18:65), I*lr wisdom that is
‘with God', overéame thcm and made thcm speak or sing, often without their being
aware of the contení. Ibn al-Farid's Arabic poerns are a case of such an inspiradon,
although they look like the result of cxtremely sophisúcated rhetorical polishing,
Ríimi’s lyrical and dkladic work is the best example of such an experience: when he
frcqucntly compares himsclf to a reed Ilute which sings only' when the lips of his
beloved touch it, he has expressed well dte secret of inspiration.
'lite genre of u’úridár, ‘arriving things', appcars still in literatura, and some of
the uáridit that have come to Turkish mystics in our time are good examples of
what must llave happened during the Middle Ages. Ismail Etnre, called Yeni
Yunus Emre becausc he wrote in a stylc similar to that of the histórica! Yunus
Emre, was an illiteratc blacksmith from Adana, and I myself observed several
times the ‘birth'. of some of liis simple mysticai poems which one of his
companions noted down whilc he was singing."
But how can humans understand the Divine words at all? How does onc
draw ncarer to the meaning of rcvelation? The Prophet, as Muslims felt, it a
word from God, who liad placed His word into the souLs of all prophets,
incamated it in Jesús'1 and finally inlibrated it in tile Koran, whose promulga-
don he cntrusted to Muhammad.
 THE WORD AND THE SCRIPT >9

The Divine revelation, which radiales through the prophets. is called uu^.
while thc inspiration which poets, thinkers and human beings in general
experience is ilhárn a disdnetion that must always be kept in mind.
Muslims knew that truc revelation is always fraught with mystery: one can
never fully understand and comprehend it; and, dear as its wording and sense
may appear, they always nced ncw intcrprctations, íor whcn thc Word is indecd
of Divine origin, humankind can never completely discover all the possible
meanings which it contarás. A revelation that is fully understood would not be a
true revelation of thc unfathomablc Divine being.1’ That is another reason why
a ‘translation* of thc Koran is regarded as impossible: neilher its miraculous
linguislic beautv ñor all the shades ofits meaning can be reproduccd in a versión
in another language.
One approach to drawing closer 10 the mystery of revelation is üte attcmpt
to give God, who is its originator, a ñame. As God calis Himself AUih in thc
Koran, His ‘personal* ñame is known; and, in prccious copies of thc Koran,
one may find this ñame written in gold, or heightened by somc other
calligraphic means.
It is the so-called ‘prophetic* religión that tends lo addrcss God with a ñame,
for He has to be ‘namcable’ (as Kcnncth Cragg puts it) so that He can be known
and obeyed.1’ This ñame can be a sacred cipher, likc thc Hcbrew vhwh, but
even then it helps to constituir an I Tllou relalion, enabling the creature to cali
upon the Creator. Mystical religión, on the other hand, tends to hide die Divine
ñame, as Princc D.ira Shikóh (probably based on, or at least inspirad by, an
identical saying in die Upanishads; sings at thc beginning of his poetry:

Be-nám-i dnki ü nim> '¡adorad ,..

I11 die ñame of Him who has no ñame,
Who fifis His head ai whichcver ñame you cali ...

Bcsidcs. myslics, like all lovers, were very well aware that onc condidon of lovc
is not to reveal thc beloved's ñame:'5

Sometimes I cali you ‘Cyprcss’, sometimes *Moon*

And sometimes 'Musk-deer fallen in thc snare* ...
Now. tcll me, friend, which one do you prefer?
For out ofjcalousy, l’U hide your ñame!
('Aynul Qudít Hamadhiní)

Even diough thc Muslims knew thc Nincty-ninc most beautiful Ñames of God,
thc amñ'al dutnS Süra 7:180). dicy also knew that thc greatest Ñame of God
must never be revealed lo die uninilialed, as someone who knows it would be
able to perform hcavy incantadons and magic, for thc ñame has a strong
powcr:
120 DECIPHEKING THE SIGNS OF GOD

Someonc who pronounccs His ñame,

his bones-don't decay in the grave,

as MawllnS Rüm¡ sings (o no. 3,107).

While the dcmentcd person in *A|0r's Muiibatnáma claims dial His Greatcst
Ñame musí be 'bread', since everyunc cries out diis word during a famine, fór some
people the Greatcst Ñame consistí of'the perfecdon of humanity', kamil-i insinrfya.'1'
In many respeets, the ñame rescmblcs the garment: it is idendeal widi the
named one and yet distinct from him. That is why God revealed the ñames of all
things to zkdam so that he might have power over them (Süra 2:31), just as
someonc who owns a picce of somconc's garment can perform magic with it.
But according to another interpretaiion of the Koranic verse about 'teaching
the ñames’, God revealed to Adam His own ñames; for, as Rütnl explains:

He taught Adam die ñames out ofjealousy;

He wove the vcils of the particulars around the all-cmbracing endty.
(D 1. 2423)

That is, dte beautiful N'ames of God faindy poinl to Him and His nincty-ninc
(i.e. innumerable) qualides, while they do not reveal His Essence.
The role of the asmt' al-busná in Muslim picty was and still is very important.
The thousandfold repetidon of one or sevcral ñames in the dhiki is one of the
central dudes of the Sufi, for whom as for the loving Zulaykhü in Rüml's
Madinawi the Beloved’s ñame becotnes food and clothing. It shows the mastcr’s
wisdom in choosing for his disciplc the right ñame to repeat (similar to the Hazir
Imam, i.e. the Aga Khan, who gives the Ismaili a secret ‘word’, shabad}. For the
selecdon of the Ñame depends upon the station in which the wayfarer finds
himsdf; ñames which may be wholesome and strengthening for one person may
be dangerous for another. The properdes of the Divine Ñames as they are used
in many-dtousandfold repeddon have been pointed to in important works Irom
the later Middlc z\ges onwards, onc of the finest being Ibn ’/Xpl Alllh's Miflñh al-
falah, ‘The Kcy to Well-bcing'. There is no lack of poedeal versions of the Ñames
and their special powers, and recendy Sufi masters have publishcd sevcral
collecdons with cxplanations as well as fine calligraphics of the Ñames.
The Divine Ñames were also important bccausc they contained and pointed
to ethical qualides. Ghazzall urged his readers to dwell upon the ethical aspeets
of the Ñames: when rcciting al-fíafli, ‘The Sccing', onc should become aware
dial God sccs evcrything that one does; the ñame al-Haklm speaks of His all-
cmbracing wisdom. and so on. Mawlani Ritmi follows his argumentadon in this
rcspcct, and (contrary to many of his contemporarics) does not dwell upon the
dhifa of the Ñames as, for himself, the constant repetidon of the ñame of his
mystical friend Shamsuddin was enough to induce ecstasy.1’
 THE WORD AND THE SCRIPT 191

ln thc üieosophy of Ibn ‘Arabi and his íollowcrs. crcadon is seen as a result of
thc ‘primordial sadncss of the Nantes’ which wanted to be manifested; and
everything and everybody is ntlcd. marbüb, by a certain Divine Ñame, acts
according to it and rcachcs his goal by means of it, for Divine activity is, as it
were, channelled through the Ñames to the things named.1"
lite active role of the Divine Ñames can be discovcred in another, less
mystical aspect of lile; that is, calling children 'abd, 'slave of, followed by any of
thc ninety-nine Ñames.1» Thc llame ’Abdur Rahm.ln, so Muslims fecl, connccts
the boy with thc qualitv of ar-ratman, thc ’All-Merciful', and believers hope that
an amal al-kartin, ’handmaiden of thc Generous’, might display the characteristics
of generosity in her lifc. Many proper ñames have thcrcforc as their second parí
onc of thc ‘Ñames of Kindness'; and when an American baseball player, at his
conversión to Islam, took the ñame 'Abdul Jabbár, 'Slave of thc Overpowering’,
the intendon was clcar: he hoped to overeóme his opponcnts. Similarly, when a
family whosc children have died in infaney ñames the new-bom boy 'Abdul Bíql
or 'Abdud Da'im, ‘Slave of the Evcrlasting’ or ‘Slave of the Evcr-Remaining’,
they ccrtainly hope that thc Divine Ñame may keep thc child alive, for a strong
bond exists betwecn the Ñame and thc named onc.
That is also truc when it comes to the Prophet's ñame.

Adía güztl imán guztl Muhammad

Your ñame is beaudful, you are bcautiful, Muhammad,'"

sings the medieval Turkish bard; and, six ccnturics latcr. Iqbal in Lahorc calis
out:

Light the world, so long in darkncss,

with Muhammad’s radian! ñame!"

‘llie Prophet's ñame has been uscd for boys from thc carlicst times of Islamic
history, for thc la/Uh promises that everyone who liears this blessed ñame would
enter Paradise. Yct. Muslims were also al'raid lest this ñame la- polluted by
frequent use or in inappropriate connections; henee, they tended to pronounce it
with different vocalization. Best-known is Mehmct in Turkish, but onc also finds
Muh, Mihammad. Mahmadou etc. in the western Islamic lands. Often,
Muhammad’s other ñames such as Mustafí, ’The Chosen', Ahmad, 'Most
Praised’ (which is his hcavenly ñame), or his Koranic ñames Talla 'Süra 20),
YAsín (Süra 36), Muzzammil (Süra 73) etc. are uscd for thc sake of blessing."
The ñames of rhc prophets mentioned in the Koran, and of thc Prophet's
companions, espccially thc ten ’who were promised Paradise’ and thc fighters in
thc balde of Badr (6241, are frcqucntlv uscd: espccially in amuléis, the ñames of
his cousin and son-in-law 'All and his two grandsons l.iasan and Husayn occur
innumerable times in both Sunni and Shia familics. Thc same is truc for the
122 DECIPHERING THE SIGNS OF GOD

Prophet's first wife, Khadija, his daughter Fapma and, less prominently, his
daughters Lmm Kulthüm, Ruqaiya and Zaynab. Shiitcs will never use the
ñames of the first thrcc caliphs, considerad usurpen, ñor that of Muhammad's
youngest wife. 'A'isha.
Ñames that show a relation with che Prophet or a Saint - perhaps the one
thanks to whose prayer the child is bom are frequent, especially in the eastern
part of the Muslim world, such as NabI bakhsh, ‘Gift of the Prophet', or Ghauth
bakhsh, 'Gift of the Help‘ i i.e. ’Abdul Qáilir GllanI), while opprobrious ñames
are used - mostly in the lower classes - to aven the Evil Eye or djinns whom the
parents hope might not care to hurt an Egyptian boy called Zibálah ‘gariiage’ or
else would take a Panjabi boy by the ñame of Bulíkl as a girl, for balM is a
woman’s nosc-ring.
The conven is given a new ñame, often corresponding to his or her previous
ñame. When a Wilfred embraces Islam, the syllable útil can be connected with
A/unW, 'will, wish’, and many a 1-rieda or Fricdrich is now called Parida or
Fartduddln. When someonc embarks on the Sufi path, the master may selcct a
fitting ñame.
The custom of assuming religious thronc-names as a sign of a político
religious programme begins with the Abbasids. who chosc ñames like ar-Rashld,
'The rightly-guided one’, or al-Mutawakkil, 'the one who trusts in God’. The
Fatimids boasted ñames like al-Mustarqir, ’the one supported with victory by
God', etc.
Ñames combined with ad-din, 'religión', appear first in ofiieial sumantes in the
tenth century in the central and eastern Islamic arcas; from the elevendi century
onwards, they pcrcolatcd down into general nomenclatura, and the numerous
Shantsuddln. 'Sun of religión’ as well as other luminarics such as qamar, ’moon',
badr, full moon*. na/m 'star' and so on), and ’adud, 'support', continued down
through the centuries. The further a country is from thr Arab heartlands, the
more fanciful religious ñames appear. and thus one finds Mchraj (= mira/ addin.
‘tksccnsion of Religión', or Mustafiz- iirrahinán. 'favoured by God’s effusion', in
the ludían subcontinent.
'Hiere ara also astrológica! ñames which depend upon the zodiacal sign. the
day and the hour of the child's birth. and a given ñame can later lie changed
into an astrological one if the first one is thought unfitting, even ‘too hcavy', and
dangerous for the person.
Often, ñames were selccted by opening the Koran at random and laking the
first word on which one’s eye fell, even though it might not make any scnsc. The
figura of Mirza A lam nashrah, 'Did Wc not open ...?' beginning of Süra 94) is a
famousexample from India, and L'zlifal, '[when Paradise] is brought near’ (Süra
81:13), ‘s found in Turkev. One could also extend the first letter of the Koranic
page into a new ñame, or combine the first word with ad-din.
 THE WORD AND THE SCRIPT 123

This custom of opcning the sacred Book leads lo lite central problem faced by
a pious person: how to lind God’s will and understand His working? How to
learn something about one’s own future in the vast plan of God’s order?
To resort to oracles. usually wiüt arrows, was common practicc in ancicnt
Arabia and iherefore ruled out by Islam. Bul the wisc word attributed to ’AJl.
taja'‘al bi ’l-Hian tanalhu, ’ftnd something good in the oracle and you will get it'
that is. one should interprrt orarles and signs in a positivo sonso - shows an
important attitudc to lile.
The Koran offered itself as the infallible source for divination. Just as one
could find proper ñames by mcrcly opcning the Book. thus religious and política!
events could be discovcrcd in its words, and dte cabalistie arts ofjafr and taj'q,
counting and changing letters, was a wídely-used means of finding out the
future. The numérica! valué of the letters and the possibility of changing the
scqucncc of the letters in a three-radical root offered specialists infinite ways of
finding what they were looking for.
Secondary sources for prognostication in the Pcrsianatc world ineluded
Rflml’s Malhnaut and the Ditítn of Hafiz. This latter oracle is still widelv used
among Persians. Muslims also tried to discover remarles about the future in the
mystcrious words of carlicr sages such as the seven martvrs of Sind who. while
dving in the fourteenth century. allegedly uttered some verses which wcre
interprctcd for centunes aftcrwards in tile hope of understanding or forelelling
events in the country.
A spccial way of Icaming about the future, and in particular of finding a
Divincly-inspircd answcr to a question that bodiers one, is iuMilra, dial is,
periorming two units of prayer and then going to sleep, if possible in a mosque:
the dreams of that night should be interpreted as pointing lo ihe solution of one’s
problcms.
For dreams are an important part of Muslim life.®3 A dream, it is said, consists
of one forty-sixth of prophethood; a woman’s dream, however. is supposcdly
only half as true as a man’s. The idea underlying this important role of dreams
relies upon the Koran (SOra 39:42 and 6:60), where it is said that the spirits in
their sleep are takcn back by God into His presence. Thus they have been in
immediate contact with the sourcc of all wisdom. The fact that Yüsuf appears as
the interpreter of dreams in Sora 12 has ceriainly enhanccd the high regard for
dreams.
What one sccs in one’s dream - so Muslims believe is real; ii has only lo be
interpreted properly. The dream-book of Ibn Sirin (d. 728) has formed a
guideline for inteqiretalions for many ccnturics. Mystical Icadcrs, then, would
interpret ihcir disciplcs’ dreams according to their deep psvchological insight.
It is often told how friends appear in dreams aftcr their death to inform die
slecpcr about their post-mortem statc and to give the rcasons why God has
124 DECIFHEKING THE SICNS OF GOD

forgiven thcm. A dcad calligraphcr may vcrify the saying that 'he who writcs the
basmala bcauüfully will enter Paradisc', and the ecccntric Sufi Shibli (d. 945: told
his friend that it wat not all his meritorious acu, his fasling and prayer that saved
him but the fact that he cared for a kitten that was shivering on an icy winter
day. 'rite same Shibli is crcdited with a visión of God in his dream: he asked
Him why He had allowcd His dcvotec, til-Hallaj, to be executed so cruelly. and
God's answcr was: 'Wliotn My love kills, I'll be his blood money' (.t.w no. 407).
Of greatest importance is the Prophet's appcarance in dreams.'* Such a
dream is always tnte, as Satan cannot asume the Prophet's form. The Prophet
may appear to remind a celibatc Sufi that marriage is his luana; or he approves
of mystical works minen by the drcamer; he may show the dreamcr his future
grasa- or boast of the presente of a certain scholar, for cxamplc Ghazzaií, among
his community.^
Politital ideas could also be promulgated where a reformer (or a rcbcll
daimed to have rcccivcd dream instructions from the Prophet?0
I have seen many cxamplcs of the grcat role which dreams play in Muslim
life: what appears in a dream musí come truc in onc way or another. and when
my faithful help FSfima in Ankara told me that shc had seen me in her dream,
presenting her with a dress. there was no way out; I had to give it to her.
A Mlh stares dial pcople are asleep and when dtey die they awakc' (.eu no.
222). This saying. along with its parallel that 'dtc world is like die dream of a
slccper', was lovcd by the Sufis, who cagcriy awaited the truc intcrprctation of
their dreams, that is, of their life in die world, in die morning light of etemity
where die truth will become manifested.
In the liopc of rcading (he future as it is foresccn in God's universal plan,
some Muslims tumed to astrology because the script of the stars might tcll of
positive and negatíve currenu in personal and communal life. In some arcas, an
astrological reckoning of muñes and clcmcnts was thercfore performed before
arranging a marriage. But, all the dilTcrcnt human attcmpts to prediet the future
notwidistanding. die central sourcc of knowledge is the word through w-hich
God reveáis His holy will in die Koran.
The prophet is lorccd to speak; he cannot resist the Divine power that makes
him fccl like an instrument without a will of his own. The first revelaüon that
carne over Muhammad is typical of the prophet's initial cxpcriencc: he was
ordercd: u¡ro\ 'Rcad!' or 'Recite!' (Süra 96:1!. to which he answcrcd: T cannot
rcad' or I do not know how to recite'. The deep shock after this cxpcriencc,
which his faidiful wife Khadija understood well cnough to consolé him, as well
as severa! other instaures, prove that his case fits exaedy in the general paltcm of
a prophet’s initiation.
This is also truc for the contcnts of his prcaching: the revclations spoke of
God's absoluteness - there is no deity save Him and ordercd rcpcntancc and
 THE WORD AND THE SCRH'T ■»5

puré worship, and gave ethical maxims about lile treatment of the poor, the
widows and orphans again typical of the 'prophetic' pattcm of cxpericncc. Thc
prophet always comes as a warncr ¡nadJilr, Süra 33:45 et al.) to his peoplc; he is at
the same time the one who announces glad tidings Ibattír, Süra 2:119).thaI “• *•“
promise of salvation for those who accept dtc Divine word and follow thc now
rcvcalcd order of life: finally, the prophet brings with him a message about the
future (often a terrible future if peoplc do not repent), which eulminates in thc
description of rctribution for human acdons in eithcr Paradise or Hell. All thesc
themes are fully dcveloped in Muhammad's preaching (see also below, p. 237).
Yet, some of diese points needed a wider claboration.
Human beings have always tried to understand die world, its creación and its
why and how, and an expression of this scarch for more than sheer histórica!
knowledge is the myth, which contains - or rather is thought to contain -
answcrs to such questions. Myth speaks of typical events, somediing that
happened at a certain time; of an cvcnt that can be rccalled to memory, often by
ritual acts; vire versa, ritual acts are cxplaincd by actiological myths.
Islam is in its csscncc a religión with but litdc mythological material; but thc
interpreters of üte Koran and the tradition could not help enlarging the
mythological germs found in thc revelation, while mystical thinkers and pocts
often dclvcd deep into thc ocean of ancicnt mythological traditions to reinterpret
dtem for themselvcs.
There are, of course, no theogonic mydis in Islam, for diere was 110 need to
cxplain how a deity, or deities, carne into cxistcnce: ‘God was. and He still is as
He was', as thc famous tradition says,
Much more common are cosmogonic myths that tcll how and why crcation
carne into existence. The clear and simple statement that God needs only say
hm, 'Be!' to sornething, and it becomcs (Süra 2:117 et al,), as well as the remarte
that He creatcd thc world in six days (Süra 25:60), were claborated in various
and olien íánciful ways. Pcrhaps thc most fascinating onc is Ibn ‘Arabi’s grand
visión of creation by means of the Divine Ñames that longed for manifestation.
Widcsprcad stories such as die creation of the Muhammadan Light, thc
primordial luminous substance of the Prophet out of which everydiing appcared,
belong hete. And did not God addrcss him: lawláka ma khalaqtu Ta/lMa. ‘But for
your sake I would not have creatcd the spheres!' (a,w no. 546)? Orthodox Islam
would barely agree with such mythological cmbcllishmcnts of thc Prophet’s
creation. yet thcy occupy an importan! place in literaturc and Sufi poetry.
Anthropological myths are not lacking eithcr: the creation of Adam and Eve,
thc details of Adam’s first transgression and his Fall were repeated with various
details in the (¿raí al-anbiya and alluded to in literaturc up to Iqbkl's daring
interpreiation of thc ‘Fall' as a necessary precondition for man's dcvclopmcnt
into a truc human being.
136 DECIPHERING THE SIGNS OF GOD

Cultic myths are (requent: for example, how die Kaaba was buill and what
place it occupicd in the oldcst history of mankind. Shiite tradition imagined that
the site of Husayn's martyrdom, Kerbela. was prcdestined for this cvent
millennia before the actual tragedy, so dial prophets and sages of yore were
already aware of its central role in the sacred history of mankind.
Islam knows no saviour figures, yet the ideas that grew around Muhammad
as the interccssor on Doomsday and around 'Ali and Husayn m Shia piety,
furthcrtnore the role of Fátima as a kind of mata dolmosa whose intcrccssion will
save those who weep for Husayn all these are formally quite cióse to
soteriological myths.
Actiological myths have becn crcatcd to explain the origins of the prcscribed
riles, and as the pilgrimagc to Mecca is projected back to the time when Adam
and Eve, altcr being expclled from Paradisc, found each other again on Aralat
near Mecca, thus fonns of prayer and fasdng are likewisc traccd back to earlier
strata of human history; for as all the prophets before Muhammad brought
essentially the same message, it was natural that they too had performed similar
rites.
Particularly rich is the genre of eschatologicai myths, for die Koran dwclls
intensely and extensively upon the Lasi Judgmem and the fate in the Hereafler.
Thus, commcntators and fancilül poets alikc found a fertilc ground from which
they could elabórate the details of the eschatologicai instrumentarium (the
Books. the Scales, the Bridge) and spin oui delightful storics of paradisiaca! bliss
or horrifying descriptions of the tortures of the damned. A special addition was
the introduction of the Mahdi, the rightly-guidcd leader from the Prophet's
family, who will arrive before the end of the world; he, or Jesús, whose second
coming is also connected with the last decades of the world, will finallv overeóme
the dajfál to reign for a short whilc to bring pcacc before Rcsurrcction is
announced. As long as such myths were not supportcd by exact data in die
Koranic rcvelation, they were usually spiiilualized by the philosophers and die
mystics.
Mythological molifs connected with the Prophet, such as his heavcnly journev
iurá'. mi'rfij, which was dcvcloped out of Süra 17:1, were understood by mystics
as prefiguring the soul's flight into the Divine Presente. Did not the Prophet
himself compare his feeling during ritual prayer to his experience during die
mi'rái. when he was standing in God's immediate presence? The colourfiil
dcscriptíons of the mi'tQ have inspirad poets to see dieir own way as a kind of
replica of his lofty experience with the difTcrencc. however. that die Prophet's
mi'ráj took place in the body while the mystic's or poet s heavcnly joumey can be
only made in the spirit. Artisls never tirad of creating pictures of the m'ri$ some
of which are of truly dazzling beauty (see above, p. 85 note 62}.
Whilc many pious souls and imaginative people extended and expanded the
 THE WORD AND THE SCRII-I 137

reairns of mythological tales over die centuries, there is also a tendency to

demythologizc the Koranic data and even more the popular stories connected
with lile Prophet. This tendency is not new, but has increascd latelv. Modemists
would criticisc the maulüd poetry which told how all of Nature welcomed the
ncw-bom prophet who had becn sent ‘as a merey for die worlds' (Silra 21:107),
with birds and beasts participating in the praise. Was it not nonsensieal, even
dangerous. to teach childrcn such stories instead of cmphasizing die ralional
character of the Prophet’s message, and his ethical qualides as he, a vcritablc
human being, carne to lead the community to better social and cultural
standards? During the relevan! discussions in Egypt in the early 193OS, it was,
typically, the wcll-known author TShS Husayn who defended the ‘mythological’
elements in these songs, for as an arrist he was ablc to grasp their deeper
meaning. For rationalists do not understand die symbolic character of myth and
strive to explain away whatever seems lo he contrary to 'normal' common sense,
trying, at best, to purify die kerygma from the mythological accrctions, while
dogmatists, on the odier hand, raquirc absoluto faith in the externa! words or
statcments by which lavcrs of deeper meaning are covered.
While myths dwell upon an event in a ccrtain lime, in iUud ttmfmc, saga,
legend and fairytales batidle temporal relationships very freely and. to produce
the hoped-for elléct, often connect historical persons who have no rclations with
each other but are woven ingcniously, or carclcssly, together.
The saga is part of Arabic, Persian, Turkish and Indo Muslim literatura, but
rarely has a trulv religious contení. Beginmng with the arfám al ’arab, the Arabs
liked to tell of the hcroic feats of people, and the ñames of'Amara, Shanlara and
Ta’abba(a Sharran, the prc-lslamic warrior poets (and often outeast-heroes), are
known to this day. The saga assumes a more Islamic character in the tales
conceming Harnea, the Prophet’s únele, whose adventures were told and retold
especially in Pcrsian, and were illustrated in grand style under the Mughal
emperor Akbar. The adventures ofTamlm ad-Dari, another historical figure
from the Prophet's environment in Medina, were likcwisc spun out with highly
picturesque details. and this traveller’s retum forms a dramaüc story of a type
well known in folklore. Such stories were apparently quite attraclive for new
convcrts to Islam, for the llaniza nanui and even more the story of Tamim ad-
Dan became integrated in Southcrn Indian literatura and were rctold even in
Tamil. A comparable saga deais with Mubammad ibn al-Hanafiyya (d. 700/, a
son of ’Ali from a wife other iban Fa(ima, which has long been famous even in
die Malayan archipclago.2'
Tile comparativcly scant saga material from Arabia was supplemenlcd by
sagas from Irán, and Firdawsi’s (d. toao Sháhnüma. the ’Book of the Kings' in
which the ancienl history of Persian kings and héroes is told. oflered Muslim
authors of the Pcrsianate worid much narrative material and remained an
>28 DF.CIPHF.RINC THK SIGNS OF GOD

mcxhaustíble source for new elaboradons of certain thcmcs. Thc hkandamñma,

bascd on thc Pscudo-Kallisthencs, was suceessfully integraied into thc narradvc
tradition of thc Muslim peoplcs. while sagas alive among the Turks, as well as
Iridian thcmcs, inlluenced thc general Muslim literaturc only to a small dcgrcc,
Thc word ‘Oricnt’ will malte most people think of the ¿rabian .\ighls. thc
'Tales of the 1.001 Nights1. which appcared to the Europcans as thc most typical
expression of thc Oriental world and have inspired, since their first translation
into French by A, Galland d. 1715), numerous poets. musicians and painters.
while in the Islamic world these popular fairytales were never considered to be
real ‘literaturc’; their glittering charm was not attractive to educated Muslims (in
part owing to their non-classical language).
On the other hand, animal fables of Indian origin, from the Panfalantra and
Hitopadeia, were regarded as uscful modcls of human hchaviour. After these
storics had been translated under the tide H'atila u a Dirima into Arabic by Ibn al-
Muqafla’ id. 756), they were illustrated; several Pcrsian translations were made
latcr. They becamr known in Europe at a rather carly point in history, and form
a sourcc for many latcr fables up to Lafbntaine. Similarly, thc Indian Tlltindma,
'The Book of the Parrot', was widely read in the Iridian, Pcrsian and Turkish
arcas after its first Pcrsian versión by Nakhshalii d. 1350), and it reached Europe
by difieren! routes. Thc growth of tales among people who can skilfully weave
religious and polideal criticism into their narratives can still be observed in somc
arcas and slieds light on dassical narrative lechriiques?8
Howcvcr, onc would hesitate to cali most of thc works just cnumeratcd
‘Islamic’ in thc striedy religious sense of thc word, The situadon is quite difieren!
when one comes to another widespread literary genre, that is, legends?9
Lcgends were told about thc early wars and fights of thc Prophet and his
companions, but even more about thc pious, saintly people in thc Muslim
world, Richard Gramlich's comprehensivo work about Die líánrfrr der Freunde
(rolles (‘Tile Mirados of God’s Friends’) is the best study of thc phenomenon.
Lcgends tcll of thc bardmá( thc charismata, of saints, from food mitades
(important in a culture where hospitality is so highly valued) 10 thoughl-
reading, from helping an aged eouple to gct a child to healing all kinds of
ailments. They makc the listencr or rcader awarc that thc entire cosmos
particípales in Ule saints’ lives because they, being absolutely obedient to God,
are obeyed, in tum, by everything.
legends of Muslim saints generally resemble legends in other religious
tradidons, but it is important to rememlicr that many of thcm deal with
dogmatir mirarles by which infidcls or hypocrites are drawn into die une faith:
whcn ’Abdul Qadtr Gllanl as a baby refused to drink his mother’s milk during
daytinie in Ramadan, or when a saintly person could walk unhurt through a
pyrc to prove to his Zoroastrian countcrpart that fire can buril only with God’s
 THE WORD AND THF. SCRIPT 139

permission; or when a Sufi's cal discovcrs a 'materialist' posing as a pious

Muslim, the success of such mitades is clear. And diose who do not fulfil their
vows, desecrate sacred places or incur the saint's wrath by some flippant remark
will ccrtainly be exposcd to terrible punishments.
Tile same lcgcnd is often told about diflerent people, whether in Morocco,
Turkey or Sind. A good example is the story of the saint who wanted to setde in
a certain place but was rcfused by the scholars. When they showcd him a bowl
brim-full with milk to point out that there was no room, he silendy replied by
placing a rose petal on top of the milk - and was, of course, gladly admitted.
Anothcr common thcme is die saint's illiteracy: many of thosc who are known as
proliftc writcrs appear in legends as illitcratc (following the example of the umrrn.
‘unlettered’ Prophet) and acquainted only with the lettcr ah/. the first lettcr of the
Arabic alphabet and cipher for die Onc God.
Tile Shia developcd a spccific religious litcrature such as die Maqatil Husajn,
stones about the martyrdom of Husayn and his family; the IMmama, or IM
Mrgüs. ‘Books of Ten', are recited during the first ten days of Muharram,
RawzaUiuáni, the recitation of the martyrologia in highly-charged style, is
likewise parí of the Muharram cclcbrations. Works like Rawz at ash-shuhadá, The
Garden of the Martyrs', enjoyed great popularity, and in later times the literary
genre of the mmlhifa, lengthy Urdu poems ahout the tragedy of Kcrbcla, bccamc
increasingly important and dcscribcd the martyTs' suffcring with cvcr more
heart-rending dctails. In Bcngal, this kind of litcrature, which may be called a
subspccics of lcgcnd, is called jartndmr, from gdr, ‘lament’.
Agewild wisdom is condensed in proverbs, which play (or ralher played) an
important role; in former times, with a greater number of illitcratc people
(especially women) around, onc could listen to an amazing varicty of words of
wisdom or inherited proverbs from simple villagcrs in Turkey, Sind and other
arcas.5"
Tile same can be said for the treasure of poetical quolations with which even
the Icast ‘cducatcd’ people wcre acquainted. Anyonc who has hcard how Persian
villagers quote verses of Hafiz, or how Turkish or Pakistani oflicials have
hundreds of fitting poetical quotations rcady, will agree dial love of poetry is
(and now onc probably has to say was) a hallmark of traditional Muslim culture,
as much as the Prophet wamed of poetry which was often understood as dcaling
primarily with die frivolous aspeets of life such as frce lovc and drinking (cf. Sora
26:22fiff.).
Sagas, fairytalcs, legends and poetry are parí of the tradition in which
educated and Icss cducatcd people participatc; but veritablc religious instruction
is of a diflerent kind, Ad-iiln naslltí (AM no, 282), 'religión consists of good adrice'.
Tlic nobles! science after the study of lile Koran, namely the study of IridM,
oflers a good example of the tcchnique of teaching; for, in all branches of
130 DEC1EHER1NC THE SIGNS Or GOD

sdence, art and religión, the maintenance of the isn&l is central. That is the
spiritual chain from the present tcachcr or student back to the founder of tile
specific science or art (who is, ideally, the Prophet himsclf, or 'All); and, just as
scholars of Mil/i had to know the it’iád of a tradition to lead it step-by-step back
to its origin, thus musicians, calligraphers and in particular Sufis would always
place themselves in the chain of transmission that guarantees the correctncss of
their own performance, as it is blcssed by the spiritual curren! that fiows from
generation to generation. The reliability, ‘soundness' as the tcchnical term is, of
a Milh is svarranted by die uninterrupted chain of transmitiera Imen and
women) whose biographics and personal circumstanccs have been rigorously
examined so that the chain is unbroken and (lawless. The oral transmission of
hadith, and other sciences, is important even though notes may have been used
and even though the ‘sound’, so/fl/t (that is, doubtlcssly authentic) hadith were later
collected in books. Tile most famous antong these are the íjMtwn, the ‘two
sound ones’, by Bukhári id. 870) and Muslim id. 875). Yet, the ’hearing' of ítidith
was considered essential, and scholars would wander through the world of Islam
in quest of hadith not only to find, perhaps. new material or an isttdrf unknown to
them, but also to meet a famous scholar whose presence was a blessing in itself.
Many manuscripts of Islamic sciences bear notes in the margin or at the end
which show' which scholar ‘heard’, tamh', this text from the author and the
author’s disciples and successora.
Oral instruction svas the rule not only in the teaching of hadith but also in
other sciences and arts, and this applies even more to the csoteric teaching in
mystical circlcs or the interpretation of philosophy. This could take the forni of
person-to-person teaching, and not in vain is ¡Mal, the 'being together’ between
master and disciple, required; lór only by proximity to the guiding master could
011c hope to understand the truc sccrct, and only through intense concentration
upon the master, intugMA, could one expect lo receive a sharr of his spiritual
power and knowledgc. For this reason, the Sufis and the sages in general insisted
upon oral transmission of classical texts, for ‘reading the white between the fines
of the wrilten text'>' was as important as reading the actual letters; a truc
inlroduction into deeprr and deeper levéis of a sccmingiy simple text could only
be achicvcd by listening to the master's words, by observing his speech and his
silent actions.
When one keeps in mind this viewpoint, one understands why Shah
Waliullíh of Dclhi rcmarked that ‘the books ofSufism are elixir for ihe élite but
poison for the normal believer’. That is, the uninitiated rcader will most
probably lie caught in tile externa! sensc of the words and the svmbols (such as
wine> love, unión., which he will take at face valué and then go astray, while the
iniuated understand at least some of the meaning hidden bcncath the letters.
lqbal’s aversión to Sufi poetry stems from the same expcrience, and when one
 THE WORD AND THE SCRH'T 131

looks at thc history of translations of sacred texts in the VVest, from thc Koran to
mystical Persian verse, onc understand* easily that a good knowledge of thc
‘white between thc lines’ is ncccssary lcst one distort die meaning. Therefore it is
not easy for a late-born reader to relish thc collections of malfinil. ‘sayings’, of
medieval masters,’’ or lo understand thc full meaning of dicir letters lo their
disdples.59
Tile teachcr taught not only thc sccking individual btn also whole groups of
students in thc general tradition. This happened in the madtasa, thc theological
college where sdences such as haifilh. exegesis and law, as well as thc auxilian'
ftclds like Arabic grammar and literature, were taught. Thc madiasas served in
thc Middle Ages to countcract Shiile inlluences and were often supponed by the
govemment as institutions lo maintain mainstream Sunni orthodoxy. The fací
that thc students very often uscd classical works on thc central subjeets in
abbreviated form, midJilasar. and depended on scholia more than on original
texts, led to a delerioration of scholarship in the coursc of time.
Thc mystical master gcncrally gathered his disciplcs at certain hours of thc
day to teach them. A widespread legendary aspect of die instruction of a group
of disciples is that, in die end, each of ihose presen! claims dial thc master talked
exclusively to him and solved exaedy his problems.
Thc mystical tcacher’s mediod consists, among other ways, of thc use of
paradoxes he tries ‘to catch an elephant by a hair’, for thc mystical cxpcriencc,
being beyond time and space, can be expressed only in words that defy lile limils
of ñmebound logic. That is truc for a good number of apophthcgmaia of eariy
Sufis, as thcy are liandcd down in ihc classical handhooks of Sufism such as
Sarraj’s Kiláb a/-/uma‘, Kalábidlifs bMb at-ta'amif and numerous others.
Many of these sayings may yield more meaning when thcy are takcn as
expressions of a supra-intellectual expcrience and not analvzed according to our
normal grammatical and logical understanding. Thc whole problem of thc
¡batbniil, the Iheophatic locutions or, as Henry Corbin calis them in thr sense in
which thr Protestan! spiriluals had used thc term, ‘paradoxa’, bclongs hcrc.rt
Thc mystic, whose mind rescmhles a canal into which suddenly an ovcrwhclm-
ing amount of water is poured, says things that are not licit in a normal state of
mind. Yet, similar lo die Zcn lo'on, somc such wilful paradoxes can also lead the
disciplc to a loftier level of understanding.
Thc famous ttktrlmt of the Turkish medieval poct Yunus Emrc is a good
example of mysrical instruction by means of paradoxes:

Qiktím erik ¿aliña ...

1 climbcd upon thc plum tree
to pluck grapes there -
The master of thc garden scrcamcd:
13-’ DECIPHERING THE SIGNS OF GOD

‘Why do you takc my walnut?’

This is intcrpreted by a later Turkish masler, Niyazi Misri, as pcrtaining to the

shari'a (plum), (ariqa (grapc and haqiqa nut): the attempt to attain reaiity or truth
is often likencd to the hard work that is needed to brrak a nut before one can
rnjoy the sweet, wholrsomc kcmel. The poet himself eloses his pocm with the
lints:

Yunus said a word which does

not rcscmblc other words:
For he hides the face of Truth
from the ryes of hypocrites.

Onc sometimos wonders whclher the oxymoruns and paradoxical images

used by the Sufis derive from a common root that lies bcncath all mystical
expcrience. The line in Yunus’s libérteme.

Tlie fish climbed on die poplar trcc

has its exact parallel in Indo Muslim poetry; and as the Moroccan story' tclls
that a cow had caten a presumpluous Sufi’s lion, an Egyplian poet of the
ninctccnth century claims, Ínter alia, that *thc lion is devoured by ajenny ass’.35
lite world of timclcssncss, where all contraste are obliterated and the weakest
creature cquals the strongest onc, inspires many a mystical teacher. For this
rcason, riddles and conundnnns were also jian of tcaching. It seems not unlikely
that the Hindi riddlcs. fiahtliyüñ, ascribcd to Amír Khusraw (d. 1325) may have
been a genuino contribution of his 10 mystical tcaching, as he was a disciple of
the Chishti masler Nizámuddin Awliyá.
While the mystical teacher tried to introduce his disciplcs to cvcr-dccpcr new
layen of reaiity by means of unusual literary forms, die ta'hnt, the theoretical
dictation of religious tcxLs by die Shia imam, is of a diífrrrnt charactcr; it is a
highly sophisticated inlroduction into the mystcries of the faith. and has an
absoluto validity for thosc who are exposed to it.
Besides the various types of tcaching, scholarly or mystical, the sermón
occupics an important place in Muslim religious life.36 The sermón, khu(ba.
during the noon prayer on Friday in the grcat mosque was cstablishcd in early
times, and so were the khufbas at the two feasts. The Prophet himself used to
preach; rulen or govcmors followed his cxamplc and the khufba became a
literary genre in itsclf, sometimos of extreme brevity, sometimos delivered in a
brilliant stylc in which the strength and density of the Arabic phrases is
admirable; sometimos it became highly elabórate The Abbasid caliphs did not
preach thcmschcs, while the Fatimids did at times. The khu(ba was never a
lengthy homily but was 10 concéntrate on eschatological themes; but in more
 THE WORD AND THE SCR1PT '33

recent times it can go on for a long tinte, depending on the talents of the
preacher (Wuifli), who might comment intclligcndy opon current issues. In its
second half, the prayer for the rulcr was said so that it was also a highly political
allair: to be rncntioncd in dte Ftiday sermón mcant bcing acknowlcdgcd as the
truc rulcr of the country.
The oflicial khutbo is interrupted by a very brief pause bctwccn its first and
second part during which the preacher sita down íso that ‘shortcr than dte
preacher's silting' carne to mean ‘just a momeni'). To attend dte Friday prayers
(which consist of only two rak'a instead of the normal four at noonj and the khufba
is a duty for the eommunity.
Títere were also other prcachcrs, the fttftdj. popular speakers who attracted
dte tnasses by their fánciful interpretadnos of Koranic data and surpassed all
limits in their detailed descriptions of futurc lifc. Although - or perhaps becausc
- their fantastic storics colourcd popular picty to a considerable cxtent, they
were sharply criticizcd and rejected by sober dteologians. Ibn al-Jawzi (d. izoo),
ccrtainly a spokcsman of many odter serious belicvers, docs not hesitare to cali
diem liara; he even gttes so far as to cali a wdl-known mysticai preacher ‘onc of
God's manéis in lying
In times of crisis, speakers delivered sermons that reminded Muslims of their
duty to repent; diese are called nuuu'i^a, a term often used for the Koran itsclf,
which warns and edúcales people (cf. Süra 2:66 ct al.). Onc of the eariy Sufis,
Yahya ibn Mu'adh (d. 871), is known by the nickname of-ud'i;, the 'preacher
calling to repcntancc'. As all his biographers emphasize that he mainly preached
about hope, one can suppose dial on die wholc the theme of fcar was prcvalcnt
in such sermons, Even women could act as prcachcrs, for example onc
Maymúna al-wS'iza (d. tooa) in Baghdad.311
Tcachers as well as prcachcrs availed thetnselves of all kirids of hieran' forms,
in particular of parables lo malte dieir specches more impressive; sufTice it to
mention Rümi's use of the parable of the moon that is reflccted in cvcry kind of
water, be it the occan or a small pond.
Allegorical storics offered vast possibilitics for preachcrs and teachcrs to bring
the central truth closer lo their listeners under die guise of memorable tales: onc
glancc at the poética! works of SanA’i, 'Altar and Rümi shows their talent of
catching the attention of their audiences by a scemingly incxhaustible treasure of
allcgories. Att.Tr is ccrtainly the greatest master of this art, whilc Rflmi is often
carried away by the flow of inspiration and rctums to the original story only after
long digressions.» The delightfu! allcgories of Suhrawardi the Master of
Ulumination are jcwels of medieval Persian prose.
Bcsidc, and corrccdy speaking above, all diese ütcrary forms through which
the Muslims triad to approach the Divine mystery and the world in onc way or
another stands the clear-cut dogma, first of all the profession of faith. the shaháda.
>34 DF.CIPHF.RINC THF. SIGNS OF GOD

la 'latía illa IJah Mufaminad rasül Allah. To prono unce it means to ntakc a
decisión, and that is shown by lifting the right Índex linger. The shahüda is the
verbal heart of Islam. Tile graphic form of its first pan with its ten vertical
strokes oflcrs infinite possibilitics for the calligrapher; the twenty-four leners of
the full profession of faith 'There is no deity save God. Muhammad is God's
messenger' seem lo point, for the believers, to the twenty-four hours of the day,
while the fací that none of the letters bears any diacritical marks proves its
luminous character, and its seven words atonc for the transgressions of the seven
limbs and cióse the seven gales of Hell. Tile ihabada. the fortress into which the
believer enters to be protectcd from every evil, Ibrmed a convenient lopic for
never-ending mcditations.*,
A longer form of the profession, a true creed, was devcloped out of Koranic
staiements, especially Süra 4:136. Thus the believer says: amantu bt ’UAhi ..., ‘I
believe in God and His books and His angelí and His messengers and die last
Day, and that what happcncd to you could never have failed you'. There is a
typic.al placement of the books, as the true words of God, beforc the prophets,
who are only the instrumenta through whom the rcvelation is brought to the
worid."
This creed, which was formulated in the cighth ccntury, apdy sums up the
basic faets in which it is the Muslim’s duty to believe. Calligraphets, especially in
'I'urkcy, likcd to write these words in the form of a boat, the connccting partidos
toa, ‘and', forming the rows. This is called amantu gmisi, ‘the boat of amantu, “I
believe'", and is supposed lo be fiUed wiüi batalla, carrying as it were the believer
and ihe artist to the shores of Paradise.
In order to instruct the community in the contcnts of the rcvelation, onc
needed 'iZm, ‘knowledge'. which was adminisicrcd by the ’ubtmlt, the caretakers of
religious insiruclion and learning. The Prophetic saying, that 'secking ’ilm is a
religious duty-’ law no. 6761, and its more famous form, 'Seck knowledge even in
China', triggcrcd olí much investigation into various aspeas of knowledge, but
onc should nol forget that the real meaning of ibn ivas religious knowledge, a
knowledge meant not for 'practica! lile' but for the worid to come. A ItMli has
the Prophet say: 'I ask refiigc by God from an 'ibn that has 110 use', that is, a
knowledge which may cnablc its owncr to find a good job in mixlem society but
does not liclp him to fulfil his religious duties which, as the believer hopes, will
lead him to a peaceful and happy deatll and a blesscd life in Paradise. The
contení of 'ibn is to know how to utilize each moment of life in the service of
God. and how to do cvcrydiing, even diough it may look a profane action, in
conformante with the Divine láw. 'lilis interprelalion of 'ibn has cut ofT some of
the most pious segments of the Muslim community from contact with the
developing worid, and onc reads with sadness dial in the 18505 a southcm Indian
Muslim benefactor of his co-religionists, who had Ibunded a collcgc in Madras in
 THE WORD AND THE SCRIPT «35

which not only traditional scicnccs were taught but also English and other
‘modem sciences’, was foreed by the 'ulamá to cióse down this ‘worldly’
institución.4* Hiis may be an cxccptional case, but it shows thc difficulties which
many Muslims from traditional families have to overeóme when trying to livr in
modem Western sociedcs-
Besides 'ilm, the grcat power that serves to prepare the believer for a happy
life in the Hereafter, Muslims also know vfán, a term often translated as ‘gnosis’.
But one has to bcware not to understand ’gnosis’ in thc sense of thc histórica]
gnostic trends in the Hellenistic Christian tradition. Rather, hrjñn is the inspired,
mystico philosophical wisdom which permeates latcr Sufi and ‘thcosophical’
writing, espccially in Irán.
But everything is dominated by the moral law which is rxpressed, for thc
Muslim. in the diañ'a. To obey thc law means to obey God. who, as some
scholars say, has rcvcalcd not Himsclf but rather His law’, which is then
intcrprcted by the 'ulama or, in the Shia tradition. by the imams and their
representatives. the mujtahids. That is why the ’ulamá. who are ablc to inteipret
God’s will. are so imjxirtant for the maintrnance of thc House of Islam: they
stand for the right approach to everything in life. even though progrcssivc
Muslims attributc thc decline of Islam to “self-styled 'ulamá'. as for example thc
Malaysian Prime Minister said at the inauguration of the Intemational Institute
of Islamic Thought and Civilization in Kuala Lumpur on 4 October 1991.

THE WORD TO GOD43

I have prayed so much that I mvself turned into prayer

cvcryonc who sccs me requests a prayer from me.
(o no. 903)

Thus says Mawlana Rüml in a verse which is perhaps his most beautiful self-
portrait and, at the saíne time, the ideal porlrait of a God-losing human soul.
Thc word has thc powcr of realization: coming from God in its beginning (as
docs everything. it is thc sourcc of all activity, bul the human answer to it has
strong power as well. Ancient peoplcs (and to a certain extent modem man as
wcllj knew the magic power of the word, which can be realized in thc efleets of
blcssing and curse, of greeting and command: to speak thc word can heal or
hurt.
That is why thc formula of greeting is so important. The Koran orders thc
believers to greet each other with thc formula of peacc, and the Prophet urged
thcm to answer with an even more bcautiful formula. Thcrcforc the Muslim
greets you with as-salimi ’alaykum, 'peacc be upon you’, to which you should
answer: as-salámu 'alaykum ira rahmatu ’UAhi uw barakátuhu, ‘And upon you lar
peace and God’s blcssings and mere/.
136 OECirHERINC THE SIGNS OF COI)

The Arabic language uses the same word for blessing and cursing: da'a. ‘to
cali', is done li 'for' someone, that is. to bless the other person, or 'ali 'against',
which means to cali down a curse, Blessing means to turtt over good fortune by
means of the word, and the blessings upon the Prophet, the lathta or lalauil
¡harija (or in the Persian Indian arcas durfrd ¡harif. ‘sets in motion heavenly
forcea', as Constancc Padwick writcs The religious singer in Egypt even knows
a la'fira. 'perfumed' blessing for the Prophet: he asks the lord to send down
‘perfumed blessings and peace' on his tomb. Tile ioi/rra was thought to
strengthen a pctition’s valué or to Icad to forgiveness of sins; it could be used in
oaths, and also to silence people: in every case, its power becomes evident.H
To appreciate die eflicacy of formulas like rahanahu Alláh, ‘may God have
merey upon him1, or gjwfara ’lJüh ’alayhá, ‘May God forgive her’, one has to keep
in mind that in Arabic the past tense does not only express a completed action
but can also be used as an optative. That is, when one pronounces the words of
blessing or curse, the intention is, as it were, already fulfilled. Tile same holds
truc for the participial form: al-marlim is the ‘onc upon merey is shown’ but at
the same time, and perhaps in a more realislic sense, the one for whom onc
hopes and prays dial God will show him merey.
Islamic languages are replete with formulas fbr wishing well or averting evil:
¿'árcAu AHahu fik, ‘may God bless you', is as general a wish as Allah razl olsun, ‘may
God be satislied with you’, as the pious Turk says to thank someone, upon which
onc is supposcd to say hffnnuzden, ‘with all of us’. The Muslim blcsscs the hands
that have prepared a dclicious meal or produccd a fine piccc of embroidery:
rhmzr ¡aJIiÁ, ‘healdi to your hands’ in Turkish. dasl-i ¡huma dard ¡¡afamad in
Persian, ‘May your hands not see pain Among traditional Turks, one could
conduct an cntirc convcrsation with these blessing formulas until the honoured
visitor leaves and one thanks him for his coming by saying A-iagtniza ¡agKIt, ‘May
your feet (which have brought you to us) lie healthyf
Important as these bcautiful wishes are, the curse, on the other hand, can be
as clficacious as !and perhaps even more so tllan the blessing, especially when
uttered by a powerful person.** It is contagious, and Muslims avoid contad w-ith
an aecursed or allli< tc.l person. To avoid its evil inílucnces, Muslims again use
numerous formulas such as, in Turkish, Allah goilrrmrsin. ‘Mav God not show it’
(i.e. the illness or disaster with which someone elsc has lieen smiltrn), or, in
Persian, khuda na khudsla, 'God not willing'. Whcn mendoning some misliap or
disaster, Persians used to say ha/i hth or ha/i ifur'dn dar mniín ‘may seven
rnountains’ or ‘seven Korans lie between it (and us)’.
As Muslims are careful not to mention evil or opprobrious diings, they also
try (o circumvent the taboo connected with death. Where the Arab says or
writes. for example, umvffña. 'he was cotlsumed’ (in (he merey of God), the
Persian writer may say intáidl kard. 'He was moved' (to another place). It would
 THE WORD AND THE SCRIPT '37

be a fasdnaüng study to collcct the different exprcssions in Islamic languages

that are used to speak of a person's dcath, In classical literatura, such
exprcssions are often worded according to the dcceascd person's rank, character
and interests. One of the most interesúng and moving forms, which 1 encoun-
tered in Turkey. was mlm mió, 'may you live!' instead of saying 'he passed
away’ (which of course is also an ellipsis). 'I*hus one says: 'Osman Bey nzkre ómur
Mu, has become may you live on’, that is ‘he died’.
Blessings and curses work on others, while the oath is a kind of curse that has
rcpercussions on the speaker: when one breaks the oath or solemn promise, one
will be punished 46 Therefore, one takes an oath by the object or person dearest
to one’s heart: 'By the head of my father!1; ‘By the Prophet!'; 'By the beard of the
Prophet!'; ‘By the Koran!' In Suli cirdes, one may Itnd formulas like 'By the
cloak of my shaykh’, and a member of the formerJútumva sodalities might swear
‘By the Júluuwa trousers!’4' The most frequcntly-uscd - and therefore somcwhat
wom-out- formula is Hafla/u, ‘By God', which is often strengthened in threefold
repetition: Ifa/ÜAi. billñhi, talláhi. Superficial and irresponsible swearing was, it
seems, common among the Arabs, for one finds a Inibib which looks at first sight
somcwhat mysterious: ittaqü '1-uiHtM, "basare of the WV, that is, the swearing
partide iva used in such formulas. It would then mean: ‘Do not take an oath
casily’. Another Itufílh stares: ‘He who swears a lot goes to Helf (au no. 669).
Part of the oath is the vow.4* One can vow anything - 'a candle my body’s
length' or üte recitation of forty limes Sata Jrlíl» for the vow is a kind of
contract with the one in whose power one trusts. It is therefore often done in the
presence of an important person endowed with batallo, or preferably before a
saint's shrine, or else at a sacred time, for instanee in Mubarram. One can vow,
for example, that a child bom by the blessings of the saint will be called after
him - henee the numerous ñames like Ghaulh bakhsh, ’Gifl of die Heip’, namely
'Abdul QAdir GilSni. The most prominent example is Akbar's son, later the
emperor Jahangir, whose proper ñame was Sallm after the pious Salím ofSikri,
whose prayer had worked to give the emperor an hcir. One can also vow to 'self
the child to the saint’s shrine: in Turkey, such childrcn bear the ñame SatUrnl).
'sold'. It is possible to vow the celebration of a mawlui or to feed soand-so many
people, or to prepare a special meal, as in thr Turkish Jakarta sojrañ lo which
forty people are insited and svhcre forty kinds of food are prepared. From üte
vow to sweep the saint's shrine (or at least to bring a new broom) to the offering
of a new cover for the sareophagus, every thing can be tumed into a votive gift
(although I have never sccn countcrparts of the silver hands and feet which one
may find in Cadiolic churches). The numerous places such as trees or window
grills, on which litde rags are hanging to remind the saint of the 'contract'
established by the vow, prove how common diese customs are, as much as
orthodox areles may objcct to such supersütions which betray people's craving
>38 DECIPHEKING THE SIGNS OF COI)

for somc power mcdiating between man and God, and thus, as it were,
contradict Islam's puré monotheism.
The belief in demonio powers led to conjurations and exorcism, which are
particuiarly elabórate in thc Zb’ ritual practiscd mainly among Egyptian
women.» Similar practices are also found in parts of Muslim India, and
probably elsewhere. It is the magic word that serves along with complicated
acdons to drivc out the spirit that has takcn posscssion of thc woman.
Before beginning the 'verbal sacriftce’, i.e. the prayer, it is nccessary to invite
God by means of an epiclesis. Islamic prayer has no actual epiclesis unless one
were to cali thc beginning of thc prayer rite, thc attestarion Alláhu akbar, ‘God is
greater (than everything)' such, for it brings once more to mind the overarching
power of God in whose presence thc praying person now slands.
It is a somcwhat difieren! case in mystical writing. Rümi’s verses, with their
repeated invocations such as:

toa Apa dildto-i man dildái-i man

Come, oh come, my Beloved. my Beloved!

serve as an invocalion and invitation to the mystical Beloved. In connection with

Rúmi. in whose poetry and the later Mevicvi ritual thr reed Ilute plays a central
role, onc may remember that in ancicnt Anatolia the ílutc-player had a sacred
function: his tunes accompanied the spoken epiclesis, and thus the person who
plays the Hule is indeed tile one 'who calis the deity’.5" Rümi’s use of thc symbol
of (he rrrd Unte at thc very beginning of the Mathnaui may have been bom from
a subconscious memory of these traditions, for he. too, wanted lo cali cali back,
that is - thc mystical Beloved.
Prayer is thc heart of religión: la mandi la crrdmdi, as thc saying gocs. Prayer
is, as mentioned, a sacrificc, thc sacriftce of the word, as Rüml says:

When they pronounccd taktür, thcy went away

Irom our world, just likc a sacrificc:
thc meaning of iMlr, my friend, is this:
O God, we have bccomc Thy sacrificc!'
(,w III 2,14oIT.)

As a sacrificc, a sacred action, it has to begin with purification, whether with

water, as in thc ritual ablution. or purification by repentance. Thr human being
who calis to the Powerful, Rieh l-ord sccs himsclf or hcrsclf in thc invocations as
a poor. lowly sinner. and such epithets al-faqlr al-luqu al-mudhnib are frequent
in religious poetry: the Sindhi barrí 'Abdur Ra’Of BhattI in thc cightccnth
century assumed the pen ñame al- ’dii, 'thc rcbcl’, for his prayer poems.
The ollicial confcssion of sins, central in Christianity, has no room in Islam as
a preparation for prayer. It is practiscd, howcvcr, in somc Sufi orders among the
 THE WORD AND THE SCRIPT '39

brethren and in the prcscncc of the master, who gives the penitent a special
formula and may or may not impose a punishment upon the sinner. Bul the
contritional outcry of the penitent, mentioned in the Koran (e.g. Sara 27:44;
28:16) is repeated time and again: lo rabbi ¡alamtu nafñ, ‘O Lord, I have wronged
myselfl’ Even more importar», if one may say so, is the formula of iitighftr. ‘I ask
God for forgiveness’, which can be given to a person as a dhibr at die first stages
of the mysticai path. One of my Pakistani friends, a major in the army,
constantlv murmured the utiRhjbr whilc walking, driving or riding in order to
clean his soul, for if repeated 3.000 or 5,000 times a day, it is supposed to puriíy
the heart.
Some of the most moving Islamic prayers are inspired by the hope of
forgiveness. The seeker’s heart is hovering between fear and hope fear of God's
justice bul hope for His merey, fear of ihc Onc who is not hurí by human sins
and hope for Him who can easily forgive the miserable creature's mistake. The
short dialcctic prayers of Yahy3 ibn Mu'adh Id. 871 are die mosi beaudful and
tender examples of this Iceling, which finds its perfect expression in his prayer:
‘Forgive me, for I belong to Thec‘.
Ritual prayer is armounced by the cali to prayer, ailhán, which serves to
remitid the Muslim that he or she is now entering the realm of sacred time; it
leads him or her into a sacred prcscncc, similar to the cnclosurc that proteets the
spatial sanctuary from defilement. Proper ature is required: for nien, the arca
between navcl and knee, for women the whole body except face and feet has to
be covcrcd, as has the hcad; the dress should be beautiful (Süra 7:31).
After the purifteation with water, tile actual prayer rite begins with the words
Allálm Mor, the so-called iMlral al-i/rUm which seáis off the sacred time (just as
the donning of dte ¡Aróni seáis up the sacred space,. For now one finds oncsclf in
the prcscncc of the All-Holv King and is even more overawed than one would
be in the prcscncc of a worldly rulcr. There are very many descriptions of wlial
a Muslim expcrienccs when entering the prayer rite: it could be seen as
sacrificing one's whole being 10 the Lord, or it could inspire the feeling of
alrcady participaling in the Resurrection, standing between Paradisc and Hcll;
and thosc whose thoughts perhaps wander to worldly üiings instead of com­
pletéis concentrating upon the prayer are scvcrcly admonished, for 'diere is no
ritual prayer without the prescncc of the heart’ {4M no. tog).
Onc can peribrm the ritual prayer (jetó/, Pcrsian/Turkish rnrnái, on any clean
spot, but it is prcfcrablc to use the prayer rug (and pious Iravclleis would have a
small rug with thetn; even woodcn slatcs of the size of 60 to 120 cm are used in
some places}.
The five daily prayers are not mentioned in the Koran, but musí have been
practised in the Prophet's day. Their number is connected in legend with
Muhammad’s heavcnly joumey: God imposed a heavy duty of prayers upon the
>38 DECIPHERING THE SIGNS OF COI)

for some power mediating between man and God, and thus, as it were,
contradict Islam's puré monotheism.
The belief in demonic powers led to conjurations and exorcism, which are
particuiarly elabórate in the Zb’ ritual practised mainly among Egyptian
women.» Similar practices are also found in parts of Muslim India, and
probably elsewhere. It is the magic word that serves along with complicated
actions to drive out the spirit that has takcn possession of the woman.
Before beginning the 'verbal sacrifice’, i.e. the prayer, it is nccessary to invite
God by means of an epiclesis. Islamic prayer has no actual epiclesis unless one
were to cali the beginning of the prayer rite, the attestation Alláhu akbar, ‘God is
greater (than everything)' such, for it brings once more to mind the overarching
power of God in whose presencc the praying person now stands.
It is a somewhal different case in mystical writing. Rflmf’s verses, with their
repeated invocations such as:

toa biyü dildto-i man dildái-i man

Come, oh come, my Beloved. my Belovcd!

serve as an invocation and invitation to lile mystical Beloved. In connection with

Rúmi. in whose poetry and the later Mcvievi ritual the rrr-d Ilute plays a central
role, onc may remember that in ancient Anatolia the flute-player had a sacred
function: his tunes accompanied the spoken epiclesis, and thus the person who
plays the Hule is indeed die one 'who calis the deity’.5" Rümt's use of the symbol
of (he rrrd Unte at the very beginning of the Mathnaui may have been bom from
a subconscious memore of these traditions, for he. too, wanted to cali cali back,
that is - the mystical Beloved.
Prayer is the heart of religión: la mandi la crrdmdi, as the saying goes. Prayer
is, as mentioned, a sacrifice, the sacrifice of the word, as ROml says:

When they pronounced latbfr, they wrnt away

Irom our world. just like a sacrifice:
the meaning of iMlr, my friend, is this:
O God, we have become Thy sacrifice!'
(,w III 2,14oIT.)

As a sacrifice, a sacred action, it has to begin with purification, whether with

water, as in the ritual ablution. or purification by repentance. 'Ilir human being
who calis to the Powerful, Rieh bird sees himself or hcrsclf in the invocations as
a poor. lowly sinner. and such epithets al-faqlr al-hufii al-mudhnib are frequent
in religious poetry: the Sindhi barrí 'Abdur Ra’Of Bhatil in the eightecnth
century assumed the pen ñame al- ’dii, 'the rcbcl’, for his prayer poems.
The official confcssion of sins, central in Christianily, has no room in Islam as
a preparation for prayer. It is practised, however, in some Sufi orders among the
 THE WORD AND THE SCRIPT '39

brethren and in thc prcscncc of thc master, who gives the penitent a speeial
formula and may or may not impose a punishment upon the sinner. Bul the
coniritional outcry of thc penitent, mentioned in thc Koran (e.g. Sara 27:44;
28:16) is repeated time and again: lo rabbi ¡alamtu nafñ, ‘O Lord, I have wronged
myselfl’ Even more importar», if onc may say so, is thc formula of iitighftr. ‘I ask
God for forgiveness’, which can be given to a person as a dhikr at die first stages
of thc mystical path. One of my Pakistani friends, a major in the army,
constantly murmured thc Hti^hjbr while walking, driving or riding in order to
clean his soul, for if repeated 3.000 or 5,000 times a day, it is supposed to purify
the heart.
Somc of thc most moving Islamic prayers are inspired by the hope of
forgiveness. Thc seeker’s heart is hovering between fear and hopc fear of God’s
justice bul hope for His merey, fear of thc Onc who is not hurí by human sins
and hopc for Him who can easily forgive the miserable creature's mistake. Thc
short dialectie prayers of Yahy3 ibn Mu’atlh Id. 871 are die most heaudful and
tender examples of this feeling, which finds its perfect expression in his prayer:
‘Forgive me, for I bclong to Thec‘.
Ritual prayer is armounced by the cali to prayer, ailhán, which serves to
remitid the Muslim that he or she is now entering thc realm of sacred time; it
leads him or her into a sacred prcscncc, similar to thc cnclosurc that proteets thc
spaüal sanctuary from defilcment. Proper ature is required: for nien, thc arca
between navcl and knee, for women the whole body except face and feet has to
be covcrcd, as has thc hcad; thc dress should be bcautiful (Süra 7:31).
After the purification with water, thc actual prayer rite begins with thc words
Alláhu Mor, the so-called Ukblral al-ítrám which seáis off the sacred time (just as
the donning of die ¡Aróni seáis up the sacred space,. For now one ftnds oncsclf in
thc prcscncc of thc All-Holv King and is even more overawed than one would
be in thc prcscncc of a worldly rulcr. There are very many descriptions of wlial
a Muslim expcrienccs when entering thc prayer rite: it could be seen as
sacrificing one's whole being 10 the Lord, or it could inspire thc feeling of
alrcady participaung in the Resurrection, standing between Paradisc and Hcll;
and thosc whose thoughts perhaps wander to worldly üiings instead of com-
pletely concentrating upon thc prayer are sevcrcly admonished, for 'diere is no
ritual prayer without thc presence of thc heart’ {4M no. tog).
Onc can peribrm thc ritual prayer tjalál, Pcrsian/Turkish namái, on any clean
spot, but it is prcfcrablc to use thc prayer rug (and pious travcllers would have a
small rug with them; even woodcn slatcs of thc sizc of 60 to 120 cm are uscd in
somc places}.
Thc five daily prayers are not mentioned in thc Koran, but must have been
practiscd in thc Prophet's day. Their number is connccted in legend with
Muhammad's heavenly joumey: God imposed a heavy duty of prayers upon the
'4° DEC1PHERING THE SIGNS OF GOD

Muslims, which was rcduccd after much pleading to live. lite Koran speaks of
tlic praycrs ai the cnds of the day and in the afternoons (SOra 11:114) and
recommends nightly prayer, iaha¡]ud, which is still performed by pious people but
which never bccamc a duty.
When someone’s »/<ií is fmished, one wishes him or her taqabbala Allüh, 'may
God accept it', bccausc it does not consist of a petition which should be
answcrcd but is ralher a sacrifice which has to be acccptcd. Each fatal consists of
two, three 01 four unilies or eyeles, raA a, which comprise bodilv movements such
as standing, genuflexión and prosiration. as well as the recitations of sevcral
SOras of the Koran. The (ive daily praycrs together comprise scventcen <ak'a.
The recitations of the Süras and formula alwavs in Arabic - have to be
absoluu-ly corree!, yet Muslim hagiography knows of saints who, being foreign
or illitcratc. could not articúlate the Arabic praycrs corrcctly and were therefbre
despised by people, although their proximity 10 God was greater than anyonc
could percebe.51
It is left to the individual to recite longcr or shorter picccs from the Koran
during the falta. and most people will prefer tile short Saras which are the first
that onc leams by heart, but once in a while onc hears of people, especially
among the Sufis, who recite the whole Koran in onc or two rata, This, ofcourse,
requires an extensión of tlic prayer which is not recommended for the rank and
file, for 'Tlic Ix-st prayer is lile briefest one’, as the Prophet said.
Onc can perform onc's prayer in the quict atmospherc of one’s home, in the
middlc of maddening trafile noise or in die lonelincss of the desert or the forest;
yet tlic community prayer is even more esteemed, because Islam is a religión in
which the individual is generally conccived of as an integral part of the
community, the imurui.'1 The cquality of tlic believers in the mosque, where there
is no ranking of rich and poor (some pious people would even avoid praying in
the first rows in order not to look ostrntatious), induced Iqbál to makc an
important remark aboul tlic social function of the congrcgational prayer:

The spiril of all true prayer is social. Even the hermit abandons the
society of men in the hopc offinding, in a solitarv abodc, the fellowship
of God ... It is a psychological truth that association multiplies the
normal man’s power of perception, deepens his emotion, and
dynamizcs his will to a degree unknown to him in the privacy of his
individuality ...
... Yet wc cannot ignore the important consideration that the posture
of the Ixidy is a real factor in determining the attitudc of the inind. The
choicc of onc particular dircction in Islamic worship is meant to secute
the unity of feeling in the congrcgatton, and its form in general crcates
and fosters the sense of social cquality, as it lends lo destroy the feeling
 THE WORD AND THE SCRIPT ■4'

of rank or race supcriority in the worshippers. What a tremendous

spiritual revolution will takr place, practically in no time, if thc proud
aristocratic Brahmin of South India is daily made to stand shoulder lo
shoulder with die untouchablc! ...a

Ritual prayer is an important pillar of thc House of Islam, and tradition says:
'Betwecn faith and unbelief lies thc giving up of lite ritual prayer'. A person
about whom one says tá ¡alai lah, 'He has no ritual prayer’. or in Pcrsian and
Turkish, he is br aamiz, •prayeriess’. is someone who docs not rcally belong to the
community.
The ¡alai has been compared to a stream of water that purifica thc believer
five times a day, but even without this poctical interpretation one can see that it
(idcallyi edúcales people to cleanliness and punctuality.
As Iqbal bricfly mentioned. the body's position in prayer is important, for, as
Abü Hals 'Ornar as-Suhrawardl says, ‘Onc has to pray with all limbs’.M Thc
prostration meaos to give away everything, lo empty oneself completely from
worldly concern*; genuflexión means lo turn away from oneself, and standing is
thc honoured position of the human being. That is, onc expresses onc’s humility
and onc's fecling of being one of thc people who are 'honoured by God' Süra
17:70) by being human. Onc can intcrprel the npright posilion as expression of
the spiritual aspeets of thc human being and thc prostration as expression of thc
cardtly pan in us, while genuflexión is a bridge betwecn thc two. Othcrs have
seen in die movement* of ritual prayer the human being’s participation in die
vegetal, the animal and the human spheres. One can also understand prostration
as thc attitudc of thc person who, wondcr-struck, licnds his or her back beforr
God - just as thc sky is bent in worship. It is thc attitudc of elosest proximity, as
die Koran ordered thc Prophet: uijud ma 'qlarab, 'Fall down and draw ncar!’
(Süra 96:19). Therefore, the dark mark on one’s forehead, caused by regular
prayer, carne to be regarded as the sign of the truc believer.
Thc varicty of positions is important, as it means that humans can panicipate
in the diflerent levcls of crcation while the angels, it is said, occupy only one
position of die prayer rite diroughout etemity. And whcn the praying person lifts
his or her hands, thc spiritual current llows into them to lili body and soul.
Somc pious souls found that the movement of the ¡alil are performed in the
ñames of Adam or Muhammad 5^* when written in Arabic characters
an interpretation that shows that prayer is thc central function of humans.
Muslims have also cxplained its three movements as pertaining to youth,
maturity and oíd age.
The word jalil was conncctcd, though grammaticallv incorrecdy, with traíala.
'to reach, to attain', as thc praying person hopes to rcach God’s presence or, in
thc case of ccstatic Sufis, lo be united with Him. Abü flaf§ 'Ornar as-
I<2 DECIPHERING THF. SICNS OF GOD

Suhrawardi, on ihc other hand, combines the word with >alá, to be bumt: he
who prays is corrected and purified by die ftre of contemplation, so that Hcllfire
cannot touch him.
The number of rak'a for each prayer is prcscribed, but one can add eertain
extra rak'as or extend one's prayer by additional recitation: the farñ'id^ the
absolutely binding dudes, can be followed by the nauüfil, supererogatory prayers.
An cfFcctivc prayer must have at least two tak'a. That is the kind of prayer which
should be offered, ideally, on every oecasion: liefore leasing the house; when
entering the mosque; when going to bed; during an eclipse; or when putting on
a new dress. On such an oecasion, one may pray:

Oh God, to Thcc be praise who hast clothed me with this. I ask Thcc
for the good of it and for üte good for which it was created, and I take
refuge with Titee from the evil of it and the evil for which it was
created.55

The wording of this prayer is apical of many others: one always asks fór God’s
protecdon from any evil that may be connected with that object which one deais
with. Special rites are practised in the communal prayer for rain.
For the Prophel, ritual prayer was a repetition of his expeliente during the
mi'rAj which brought him into God's immediate presence. And when he craved
this cxpericnce. he would cali BiJal. his Ethiopian muezzin: 'Oh Bilal. quicken us
with die cali to prayer!' (.<« no. 48 . The time of dmelessness in prayer made him
say li ma'a AUih waqt, '1 have a rime with God in which neither a God-scnt
prophet ñor an ángel brought near has room ...’ (,t.M no. too). It is this ecstadc
cxpericnce which some souls were granled while bowing down in üicir ritual
prayer.
Once more, the most eloquent spokesman of this cxpericnce is Rümi, who
sings in a pocm with breathless rhythms, quick as a lieartbeat:

At the time of cvcning prayer

ev'ryone sprcads cloth and candles
Bul I dream of my bcloved,
scc, lamcndng, grieved, his phantom.
My ablution is with tcars, see,
Thus my prayer will be ficrv,
And I bum the mosquc's doorway
when my cali to prayer hits it ...
Is the prayer of the drunken,
tcll me! is this prayer valíd?
For he does not know the uming
and is not awarc of places.
 THE WORD AND THE SCKIPT ‘43

Did 1 pray perhaps two cycJes?

Or is this perhaps the cighth one?
And which Sora did I utter?
For 1 llave no tonguc to speak it.
Al God's door - how could 1 knock now
For 1 have no hand ñor heart now?
You have carricd heart and hand, God! *
Grant me safcty, God, forgive me ...
(o no. 2,83:)

Prayer, properly spcaking, begins with praise. For in praise one tums away
from oncsclf and directs one’s heart towards Him lo whorn all praise belongs.
Will not the Muslim exclaim, even when admiríng a man-made object, Subhán
Allah, 'Praise be God', instcad of admiríng the artist first? For he knows that God
is the real sourcc of human art, and that one has to praise Him first and only in
the second place the instrument through which He works. Out of praise of God,
then, grows ethical bchaviour bccausc onc attcmpts to rcach a place among
those who approach Him as it bchovcs.
The Fattha is used among Muslims as much as, if not more than, the Lord's
Prayer in Christianity, and for this reason 'h'uihi often becomes a general tenn (br
a religious rite, a celebración and a mecting in which numeróos prayers can be
rcdtcd: but the fiuHpi, often repeated silcntly by those prescnt, is the truc centre.56
It is for this reason that the Fhltlii, the first Sora of the Koran, begins with the
words, al ltmulu lillah, 'Praise be to God'. and by praying so, humankmd joins the
ranks of those whose proper destinación is praise of God. Minerals, planes and
animáis praise Him with the Usía ul-lñl, ‘the tonguc of their statc', that is, by
their very existence. To be sure. not many have dcscribcd this praise in such
amazing detail as did Bahü-i Walad, who tells how he heard all die food in his
stomach praise the Creator:

I had caten much. 1 saw in my stomach all water and bread. God
inspired me: ‘All this water and bread and fruits have tosigues and
praise Me with voices and supplications. That means human heings
and animáis and fairics are all nourishments which have turned into
voices of supplication and praise for Me ...’.5’

His son, JalSluddin Rumi, then translated into human language the prayer of the
fruit trees in the orchard which utter, as it were, by means of their naked
branchcs and later by dint of the plcntiful fruits the same petition as do humans
when they speak the words of the F¡tiha:

‘We worship Thee!' - that is the garden's prayer

in winter time.
■44 DECIPHF.RING THE SIGNS OF GOD

‘We ask for help!' that’s what it ultcrs

in time of spring.
‘We worship Thee’, that means: I come imploring.
imploring Thee:
Don’t leave me in this sadncss, Lord, and open
the door of joy!
'We ask Thee, Lord, for hclp' — that is, the fullness
of ripe, sweet fniits
Brcaks now my branchcs and my twigs protect me!
My 1-ord, My God!
(o no. 2,046)

Tlie hymnic prayers of the Egyptian Sufi Dhü'n-Nün in the ninth century are
among the first attcmpts of Muslim thinkers to makc the material reaiity
transparent for the laúd that is on cverything's tonguc, even in 'tonguclessness'.
The laúd expressed at the very beginning of the FStiha was translatcd into
poetry by the grcat mastcrs of Islamic litcrature mainly in the genre of poems
usually called lawtld, 'acknowlcdgcmcnt of God's Unity'. This laúd was ex­
pressed in the choiccst words diat they could think of: they praisc God's
unfathomable wisdom and tell of the wonders which He created in tile universe;
they also ponder the rcasons why God has created things so diflerently: why is
the Negro black and the Turk whitc? Why are humans to bcar heavy burdcns of
obedience while the ferocious wolf is not asked lo account for his bloodshcd?
Why is there sufl'ering, and why does the Earth now appear in lovely green and
now in wintry whitc? But tlic poets always cnd with the praisc as they began with
it the wisdom of the Crcator is too grcat to be doubted. In everything, there is
a Mana, a wisdom; and thercfore when die Muslim is aíllicled with a disaster or
laces some sad events, loss of friends or illness, and is asked how he fares, he or
shc will most probably answcr: al-hamdu h ’Uihi 'ala kulb M, Praiscd be God in
every state (or: for everything]'.
The greal hymnic poems, be they qafuiat with monorhymc or doublc-rhymed
poems at the beginning of major Persian, Turkish or L'rdu cpics, have a
psalmlikc quality in their majestic sounds: suflice it to think of the poems of the
Pathan poet Rahman Baba (d. after 1707), of the loving songs of Indian yauudZt,
or of Turkish iláhis with their repeated fines al-hamdu lilhlli or die like.
Such poems often begin with die descripüon of God’s greatness in the third
person and then tum to the personal addrcss 'Thou', again in consonancc with
the pattern of the FiUiiia. which starts widi praisc and then turns lo the personal
God: ‘Thee we worship, and Thee we ask for help’, as though onc were drawing
closer and closer to the goal of worship. The poet will be careful to address God
with appropriatc Divine ñames: when he writes the introduction to a lovc epie,
 THE WORD AND THE SCRIPT W5

he will choose ñames that reveal His attributes of beauty, while in a hcroic story
the attributes of majesty are to be used. Large scctions of religious poetry can
indeed be seen, so to speak. as elaborations of the Prophet’s saying la ufa 'alayka
thana'm, ’l cannot count the praise due to Thee!'
Ritual prayer lias a preferred place in Muslim piel)' not only because it is one
of the five pillars of religión but also because the praying person uses the verses
of the Koran, which means that he or she addrcsscs God with His own words:
this cióse relationship bctwccn the reciting person and the Divine recipient of the
prayer creares a very special hond.
At the end of the ritual prayer, after pronouncing the greetings to angels and
humans, onc can utter personal prayers, petitionary prayers, du'a or munqil,
intímate conversations. Such prayers can be spoken, of course, at any time, but
they are considerad mora cfléctivc after the ritual prayer when one is still in the
state of bodily and spiritual purity.
The contení of these petitionary prayers is as variegated as are the nceds of
human beings. One can pray for any worldly good. for health, for relief from
worries, Ibr succcss, for children, or when seeing lite new moon, and so on and
so forth. But besides these practica! human wishes, there are prayers (or ethical
valúes, like the prayer ‘Dress me in the garment of piety!' The Prophet's prayer
ya rabbl .'¡dni ’ibnan. ‘O Lord, incrcasc me in knowledge', inspirad peoplc as well.
and the sinner's hope for forgiveness, the longing for Paradise, is expressed as
much as the fear of Hcll. although ideally both should be transcended by the
loving trust in God's eterna! will and wisdom.
And yet, one finds rebcllious outcrics against God: Hcllmut Rittcr gives
cxccllent examples from ’A«ar’s cpics, outcrics which the poct puts often in the
mouth of mcntally deranged peoplc, but which onc can also observe, at times,
when listening to a ‘village saint’ in zknatolia.58 ln addition, some of lqbal's
poética! prayers express a strong rescnlment lo God’s actions and underiine
man's will to otganizc lifc on Earth according to his own will.
One prayer üiat is always answered is that for others, and not only the family
and the friends are included but also all those whom God has created, even one’s
cncmics, for they may have served lo tlivert the praying person from his or her
previous evil ways, thus Icading him or her back to God and helping to acquire
a happier and more blessed sute, as Rtimi tells in onc of the storics in the
Malhmwl (u IV s6f.). Many manuscripts from Islamic lands have a short prayer
formula at the end or ask the rcader to inelude the author and/or the copyist in
his prayers. Likewise, tombstones often bear the words al-Jtüiha, or, in Turkey,
ruhuna Jaüha, that is, onc should recite a Entiba for the dcccascd pcrson’s spiritual
welfarc because prayers as well as dte recitation of the Koran can help to
improve dcad pcoplc's state in their loncly grave.
According to tradition, frac prayer should he spoken in plain words and
i+6 DEC1FHF.RING THF. SIGNS OF GOD

without rhrtorical cmbdlishmenl; bul in later times, the Arabs’ love of high-
flowing, rhyming sentcnces is evidcnt. Thus, many such prayers are masterpieces
of Arabio and ai a later stage Persian or Turkish high-soaring prosc.59 Sulfate
it to mcntion thc prayers ascribcd to Imam Zayn al-'Ábidin in as-
Sqfldipa, which is available now in an excellent English versión. Ghazzall’s /Asá
'ulím addin contains a vast trcasure of prayers which are inhcritcd from thc
Prophet, his companions and his family, and from certain pious and saintly
members of the community in the carly centuries of Islam; such a prayer, du'á
ma’thüi. is thought to be particularly eíTective similar to classical prayer formulas
in Chrislian prayer booksi. In the Pcrsianatc world, ’Abdullah-i Ansáris id. 1089,'
Munijál are the first example of short, rhyming Persian prayers, interspersed by
prayer poems. and in thc coursc of thc centuries the mystical prayers of Sufi
masters likc Mlr Dard of Dclhi (d. 1785), or thc long chains of invocations used
in the tradition of tome Sufi orders, are beautiful examples of thc never-resting
longing of the human heart.60
Onc of thc forms found in such traditions is thc prayer with thc Icttcrs of thc
alphabet which, being a vessel into which the revelation was poured, have a
sanctity of their own (sce below, p. 152). Thus, onc finds chains of‘alphabeticaT
prayers which implore God. for cxamplc bi-dhál dháiikn ‘by thc letter dh of Thy
essence, dhát', or ‘By the letter jarf of Thy reliability, fidi/', and so on.6'
Again, in somewhat later times, one finds the closing formula bihaqq
Muhammadin or bi-sharqfMuhmmadm, 'For Muhammad’s sakc' or ‘For thc sakc of
Muhammad's honour ...*. Tile ñame of the Prophet becomcs, as it were, a
warrant for the acceplance of prayer. Ibn Taymiyya objected to this formula;
onc should rather begin and cióse the du'á with thc formula of blcssings for thc
Prophet. Onc can also find prayers in connection with the Koran: ‘For üte sakc
of the Koran ... 1 beg Titee that ...'.
During the petitionary prayer, onc opens thc hands, with the palms showing
hcavcnward as though to attract thc cffusion of gracc (or, in a more primilive
interpretaüon. one ihinks that God would be ashamed not to put sornething into
thc open hands of a bcgging creaturc). Thcrcforc the pocts sce thc plañe tree's
leavcs liftcd likc hands to ask for God's gracc.
But, like all peoplc in the world, the Muslims too wcrc plagucd by the
problem: can prayer rcally be heard and answcrcd, and why does God not
answcr all our peútions? Somc radical mystics, overstressing the concept of
surrender and absolute trust in God, voiced thc opinión that prayer is of no use
as evcrything lias been prc-ordained since pre-etemity. Only ritual prayer as an
act of obedicnce is permissible.6* Howcvcr, most Muslims reminded such
sceptics of the Koranic promise: 'Cali upon Me, and I will answcr!’ (Sora 40:62),
or God’s statcmcnt: ‘Vcrily 1 am ncar, 1 answcr the prayer of thc worshippcr
whcn he pravs" (SOra 2:186).
 THE WORD AND T1IE SCRIPT '47

The concept of God as a personal God, a caring and wise Lord, ncccssitatcd
the dialogue between Him and His creaturcs a dialogue which, naturally, was
initiated by Him. When a hadith claims that 'God does not opcn anyonc's mouth
lo ask for forgivcness unless He has decreed to fórgivc him’, then prayer is not
only permitted but also rcquircd. Prayer and aflliction work against each other
like shield and arrow, and il is not a condition in war that one should not carry
a shield, says the traditional adage.
Yet, diere remains the problcm that many a prayer is not answered. In this
respect, Qushayri and others quote a hadith that sutes that God likcs to listen to
the s'oices of those who implore Him, just as we enjoy listening to the voices of
caged birds; that is why he does not fulfil their wishes immcdiatcly but kccps
thctn at bay to enjoy their swect voices somcwhat longcr ... (aw no. 730:. This is
certainly a very anthropomorphic explanation, not compatible with high theo-
logical rcasoning. But since prayer often evades theological definitions and has
apparcntly its own law of gravity, one necd not be surprised that despite many
rules and regulations dcvclopcd even for the so-called ‘free’ prayer, believers
concede that God accepts every sincere cali even, as Rümi savs, the prayer of
the menstruating «ornan (who, due lo her impuritv. must not touch or recite the
Koran’. He maltes this rcmark in the contcxt of the story of Moses and the
shepherd, when the stern, proud prophet chastised tile simple lover of God who,
as becomcs dcar, was about to reach a much higher spiritual rank than Moses
himself. Tile trae aim of prayer is, as Iqbal says in a fine Urdu poem. not that
one’s wish be granted but rather that the human will be changed to become
unified with the Divine will; the Divine will can then flow through the human
soul, filling and transforming it, unlil one reaches conformity with one’s destined
fate.6»
Just as free prayer can be uttered at the end of the ritual prayer, one can also
often scc pious people sitting after finishing the faldt, counting their prayer beads
while they repeat either a Divine ñame or a formula given to them by their
spiritual guide. The so-called taiblk (literallv, the pronouncing of praise formulas
such as suhhün Allah' or ruMn, a thread with thirty-three or ninety-ninc beads
made of ritually clean material, w*as probably introduccd from India into the
central Islamic lands in tile ninth century,6* bul the custom of dhih, ’mentioning’
or ‘recollecting ’, goes back to the time of the Prophet. Does not the Koran -
where the root dhakara. ‘remember’, occurs dozens of time - speak of 'remember-
ing God after finishing the ritual prayer (Süra 4:103) and promise: ‘Vcrily by
remembering the Lord, hearts become quiet' 'Süra 13:28)?
This 'remembering' meant in the beginning simply thinking of God (dhikr)
and His gracc and blessings, isomcthing a believer should constantly do), but it
developed rather early into a whole systcm of meditation in which ccrtain
formulas were repeated thousands of times.65 The very ñame of Allah was
148 DECII'ltERING THE SIGNS OF GOO

probably the first formula to be used for such purposes, for after ah, the Koran
rcminded die bclievers ‘to remembcr Allah'. Furthermore, die formulas of
asking forgivcncss. istighfhr. or subhin Allah, or al-hundu lillih, were repeated many
times, and the profession of faidi, or at least its first part with its swinging from
the negación tó to the aflirmation illa, was an ideal vehicle for long meditations,
all the more as it can be easily combincd with breathing: ¡a iláha, ‘there is no
deity’, is said while exhaling, to point to ‘what is not God', while the illa Allah
during the inhaling shows that cvcrything retums into the all-cmbraeing Divine
Being.
The Sufis developed psychological systems to understand the working of each
of the nincty-ninc Divine Ñames Icst the meditating person be afllicccd by the
use of a wrong ñame. The dhikr could be loud or silent; the loud onc is gcnerally
used in the meecings of Sufi broiherhoods and ends in the repcdtion of the last
h of Allah after every other sound has slowly disappeared; this last stage resembles
a deep sigh. The silent dhikr too has been dcscribcd as a joumey through the
letters of the word Allah until the meditating person is, so to speak. surrounded
by the luminous cirele of lilis final k, the greatest proximity thal one could hopc
to reach.**
The dhikr should permeate die cntirc body and soul,67 and the mystics kncw of
refmed methods of slowly opcning the centres of spiritual power in the liody -
the five or seven luminous points, lalaif, These tcchniqucs, along with the proper
movements or attitudc in sitting and the corrcct breathing, have to be learned
from a master who knows best how the hearts of lile disciples can be polished.
For the dhikr has always bren regarded as a means of polishing the mirror of the
heart - this heart which can so easily lie covered with the rust of woridly
occupations and üioughts; constant dhikr. however, can remore the rust and
make the heart dcar so that it can rcccivc the radian! Divine light and refiect the
Divine beauty. How much even a simple dhikr permeates the whole being
bccamc clear to me in a Pakistani home: after a stroke. the oíd mother was
unable lo speak but repeated - onc may say breathed - the word Allah hour aftcr
liour,
During the dhikr, special positions of the body are required. Onc often places
one’s head upon one’s knces the knces are, as Abú Hafy 'Ornar as-Suhrawardl
writcs, ‘the meditating person’s Mt Sinai' where one reccives che manifestación
of Divine lighc as did Moscs.** How widespread chis thought was is underatood
from Shah 'Abdul Latlfs great Sindhi Kisálh, in which this cightcenth-century
Sufi poet in the lower Indus Vallcy compares che knces of die truc Yogis, and
that means, for him, the truc lovcrs of God, lo Mt Sinai where che cpiphany
takes place.
Prayer. as the Muslims kncw, is an answer to God's cali. Western readers are
best acquainted with Rümi's story of che man who gave up prayer bccause lie
 THE WORD AND THE SCR1PT '49

never received an answer but then was taught by Gtxl that in every ‘O Lord!’ of
his, there are too ‘Here 1 am at your scrvicel’ from God’s side (.w 111 iSgff.). This
story, translatcd for the first time in 1821 into Latín by the Germán theologian
F. D. A. Tholuck,69 helped Nathan Sóderblom and those who studied his works
to understand that Islam too knows the concept of the orado infusa, the prayer of
gracc; but few if any authors were awarc diat this idea had occurrcd in Muslim
literatura long befare Riimf. There are a number of haduh dcaling with prayer as
initiated by God. and mystícs such as al-Hallaj (who sang: ‘I cali Thee, nay,
Thou callest me') and shortly after him Niflari (d. 965) used this concept
frequendy. In Rüml’s Mathmwt, not only does this famous story point to the
secret of prayer as a Divine gift, bul also the poct repeats tíme and again:

Thou madest prayer grow from me, for othcrwise,

how could a rose grow out of an ash pit?
II 2,443)

ROtni, like other mystícs widiin and outside Islam, knew that prayer is not
fettercd in words. In his elaborarion of the above-mentioned liufílh, ‘1 have a time
with God’, he points to the fact that ritual prayer (and, onc may add, frac prayer
and dhikr as well) is an outward form, but the soul of ritual prayer ‘is rather
absorption and loss of consciousness, in which all diese outward forms rcmain
outside and have no room any more. Even Gabriel, who is puré spirit, does not
fit into it.'
There is only silence sacred silence is die veritable end of prayer, as Rüml
says:

Become silent and go by way of silence toward non-existcncc,

and when you become non-existent youll lie all praise and laúd.

For silence is very much pan of the religious experiencc,w and, like the word.
has different shades and forms. There is the 'sacred silence’, which means that
ñames and formulas musí not be menrioned: neither will the person involved in
true dJiikr reveal the ñame which he or shc invokes, ñor will the non-initiated be
admitted into tile Ismaili Jamaatkhana where silent meditation takes place. Even
the use of a sacred or foreign language in the culi is, in a ccnain way, silence:
one feels that something clse, the Numinous, speaks in words and sounds which
the normal observer does not understand.
Often, silence grows out of awe: in the prcscnce of the miglity king, the
humblc servant would not daré to speak. In the silent dhikr, tlic rcpctition of the
ñames or formulas is complctely interiorized and has no signs or words; in fact,
as especially the Xaqshbandis have emphasized, true worship is khalwat dar
aniuman, ‘solitude in the crowd’; that is, the continued recollection of God in
one’s heart while doing one’s duty in die worid - dast bi-khr dil biydr, ‘The hand
>5° DECIFHERING THE SIGNS OF GOD

al work, the heart near thc fricnd', as thc Pcrsian saying goes. The Koran liad
praiscd those whom neither buróes ñor work keeps away from remembering their
Lord (Süra 24:37), who arejl lalñlin di'imün, ‘persevering in prayer1 (Süra 70:22 3).
One may think in this connecúon also of ascetic silencc, alludcd to in thc Iast
plirasc of the oíd tripartitc rule of‘little cating, lidie sleep, litde talking’ (yi/ZoZ al­
fa ’ilm. qiUal al-manOm, qiUal al-kalim} - a rule that could Icad to near-complete
silencc in die case of somc Sufis. In Turkey, silencc is pan of thc fulfilment of
certain vows, such as in the ¿ahtrwi ¡ojrasi.
Bul whcn onc speaks of silcnr prayer, as Rúmi does in the verse quoted
earlier, his remark emerges from die fecling that the inefTablc cannot be fettered
in words. Many of his poems thcrcforc end in die cali klOmUh, 'Quiet! Silent!'
because he could not express thc sccret of thc loving interior dialogue with the
Divine Beloved. To do that, one has to lcam thc 'tonguc of tongudessness'.
Howcvcr, it is a paradox found in many religious traditions, and ccrtainly in
Islam, that thc mystics. who were so well awarc of thc nccessity and central role
of silencc, wrotc the most verboso books and prayers to cxplain that they could
not possibly express their thoughts. They knew that to speak of one’s experience
is basically a treason to thc experience; for, as Dhü’n-NQn said, die hearts of thc
frcc (that is, the real men of God) are thc tombs of the sccrets, qulib alahrir gubia
al-airai. Those who have reachcd thc highest ranges of intimacy with thc Lord
keep closed thc doors of expression. Was not al-Hallaj executed becausc he
committcd thc major sin of j/cfoi aí-sirr, ‘divulging thc sccret' of loving unión?
That is at Icast how latcr generations interpreted his death on the gallows,
pointing by this interpretation to the impórtame of silence.
They are lien- in unisón with the representatives of theological silencc, of thc
apophatic thcology whosc roots go back. in thc Western tradition, to Dionysius
Pseudo-Areopagita, whosc thcology has influenced Christian and Islamic mysti-
cism owr die centuries.
Thc mystic - verboso as he may be, with howcvcr many paradoxes he may try
to pour out his experience - has yet to be silent, for he is trying to fathom thc
unfathomable depth of tile Divine Ucean, thc deui absconditus, and cannot speak,
rcsembling a dumh person who is unablc to tell of his dreams. The prophet,
howcvcr, has to speak, musí speak, musí preach die tiras rmlabu. And thc revelation
hapfiens in Islam dirough the sacred book, die Divine Word inlibratcd.71

SACRED SCRtrrURE’’

Thc centre of Islam is die Koran. Its sound, as has been said. defines thc space
in which thc Muslim lives, and its writtcn copies are highly venerated. I11 no
other religión has thc book/Book acquired a greater impórtame than in Islam,
which is, most importandy, thc first religión to distinguish betwecn thc ahí al-
kilñb, those who possess a rcvcalcd scripturc, and the people without such a
 THE WORD AND Ttlt. SCRIPT ■5'

Book. The Koran is, for the Muslim. the ttrhm liíiMe, tile Word Inlibrate, to use
Harry Wollson’s apt expression, which corresponds to the Word Incamatc of the
Christian faith.
However, it is not only lite Koran, written down and recited innumerable
times over the ('entuñes; since time ¡inmemorial, the very act of writing has been
considerad sacred. The letters, so it was felt, had a special power, and in ancient
civilizations the scribes, thosc who could and were aliowcd io handlc the art of
writing, formed a class in themsclvcs: they were the guardians of sacred and
serrar wisdom.
The mystery of letters has inspirad many Muslim thinkers, and most of thcm
would agree with Ja'far as-Sadiq Id. 765), the sixlh Shia imam, who said:

In the first place a thought surged in God, an intcntion, a will. The

objcct of this thought, this intendon. and this will were the letters from
which God made the principal of al! things, the indices of everything
perceptible, che criteria of everything diflicult. It is from these letters
that everything is known.”

Even Asicenna is crcdited with a rúala nayrüziyya that deais with the letters,
and mysdcal philosophcrs and poets never ceascd using allusions to the letters or
invented fascinating relaüons between letters and events, between the shape of
the letters and the shape of humans, and might even see human beings as iofty
letters’ which were waiting to appear, as Ibn 'Arabí says in a wcll-known verse.
A haduh according to which man’s heart is between two of God's fingers was
poetically interpreted as meaning that the human heart resemblcs a pen in God’s
hand with which the Crealor writes whatever is necessary on die vast tablel of
crcation. This imagery of the human being as a pen, or elsc as letters, written by
the master ealligraphcr, is commonplacc in Islamic poetry, as Rüml sings:

My heart became like a pen

that’s in the Bclovcd’s fingers:
Tonigbt lie may write a &
perhaps, tomorrow, a B.
He cuts and prepares his pen well
to write in ñqa' and naskh',
The pen says: 'Yes, 1'11 obey,
for you know best what to do’.
Sometimes he blackens its face,
he wipes it then in his liair.
He kccps it now upside down,
somedmes he works with it too ...
(o no. 2,530)
¡52 DECIPHERING THE SICNS OF GOD

Sevcn centurics later, Ghalib in Delhi (d. 1869) translatcd into L'rdu poetry
lite outcry oí tile letters whichjebel against God who wrotc thcm in such strange
forms: the paper shirt they are wcaring (ix, the lact that they are penned on
paper) shows that they are plaintifls, unhappy with the Divine Pcn’s adivines.
But the same poct also sighed at the thought of deaüi - after all, he is not a letter
that can be casily repeated on the tablct of time.'*
Tlie Arabic alphabel, in which die Koran is written, followed first the ancicnt
Scmitic scqucnce, that is, a, b, j, d, h, w, z etc., and is still used in this so-callcd
abjad sequence when dealing with the numérica! valué of a letter, Beginning with
ali/ = 1, it counts the single digtts up to_y = 10, die tens up to q = loo and the
hundreds up to gh = tooo, so that the complete decimal system is contained in
the twenty*cight letters of the alphabel and can then be used for prognostícation
or for chronograms 10 give die dates of importan! events, from the birth of a
princc lo the dcaths of pious scholars (for which Koranic quolaúons often
offered filting dates by their numérica! valué) or of poliricians, chronograms for
whose deadi were often made up from less Hattering sentences.
The Tala oj the 1‘rofJuV gives various storics about the inner meaning of the
abjad letters. which are traccd back to previous prophets; the most spiritual
explanaron is ascribcd to Jesús, according to whom cach letter points to onc of
God’s qualities: a = Alláh', b = baha Allñh, ’God’s glory’; j = jalill AlÜh, ‘God’s
majesty and srrcngth'; d = din AllAh, ‘God’s religión'; h = huwa Alláh, ‘He is God';
and so on,;> while in Ismaili cosmology aljfstands for the ndliq, b for the trig, and
I for the Imam.
A very special role was attributcd to the groups of unconnectcd letters which
precede a considerable number of Koranic SOras and whose meaning is not
completely dear. Thus, many mysterious qualides were ascribed lo diem; they
could also lie seen as pointing to die special ñames of the Prophet such as TU,
Taha (Süra ao:t), or JS, Tásln (Süra 36:11, or other sccrct abbrcviadons; thus the
sevenfold HM, hd-mlm, was sometimes read as hiblbl Muhammad, My beloved
Muhammad’.
These isolatcd letters were often used in religio-magieal contexis, and along
with the iaudqit al-fdtihi, the seven letters which do not oceur in die first Süra of
die Koran, they can be found in talismans engraved in agate or camclian.'fi
Inscribcd in metal bowls for hcaling water, they are mixed with a number of
Koranic verses and/or numbers. The ailing person could thus ’drink the powcr'
of the letters, just as in the Deccan the basmala kü dulháñ, 'the bridegroom of the
basmala’, was supposed to lick ofl'thc letters of the formula bismdlüh (see above, p.
107). Frcqucntiy used in amuléis and talismans are the last two Süras of the
Koran, the muawwidhatán, 'by which onc secks refuge' (with God) from assorted
evils. Another protccting word is the scemingly meaningless budüh which one sccs
on walls. at cntrance gales and in many talismanic objeets; even Ghazzall
 THE WORD AND THE SCRIPT '53

cmphasizcd thc importante of AiuffiA in certain cases such as childbirth.” Budüh

corresponda to thc four numbers (b = 2, d = 4, 0 = 6, b = 8) which form thc
comen of thc most frequently-used magic squarc (thc one built upon lite central
five and resulting in cvcry dircction in the number fifteen).
The shaháda, thc profession of fáith, likewise contains sacred powcr. For this
reason, its words are often woven or embroidered into coven for sarcophagi or
tombs, for thcn, it is hoped, the dcceased will have no diflicultics in answcring
thc questions of the interrogating angels Munkar and Naklr in the grave. Whcn
Koranic venes and sacred letters are used to decórate a entire shirt. it is hoped
that thc hero who wean it will retum safely and victorious from thc battlcficld.
In our time, one finds stickcrs for can and Windows with üte most eflicacious
blessing formulas such as the bamala, the Tlirone Vene (Süra 2:255), or thc mi
día Allih, 'What God willeth', which is recited against thc Evil Eye. Thcy are
also used in pendants, prcferably of camelian, embroidered on various material,
repeated on tiles and printed on thousands of posteards in ever-changing
calligraphic dcsigns. This can result in strange surprises, as whcn an Amcrican
firm offen T-shirts with a decorative dcsign which thc Muslim immcdiatcly
undentands as the word Allih or part of thc shaMa. (One is reminded of the
medieval use in Europc of Arabic religious formulas in Kufic lettering to
decorare woven fabrics or even the halo of lite Virgin Mary.?*'
In houses and sometimes in mosques, onc can find thc tifya thaflfa. that is, the
dcscription of thc Prophet’s noble bodily and spiritual qualities as recorded in
thc oldcst sourccs; this -Arabic text is written in fine calligraphy, usually after a
famous Turkish model from lite seventeenth century, and serves the Muslim as
a true picture of die Prophet, whose pictorial representation is prohibited.
To Muslims who use a script difTcrent from thc Arabic alphabct, such as
Bcngali. thc very sight of Arabic letters sccmed to convey the feeling of sanctirv,
and when Josef Horovitz obseived, at the beginning of the twenüeth century,
how Bcngali villagers would piously anoint stones with Arabic inscripúons, one
could sce later that peoplc carefully pickcd up matchboxcs with Arabic words on
thcm Icst pcrchance a sacred ñame or word be desccratcd.^ During the time
that Bengal was still part of Pakistán, a movement callcd Aura/' ai-gm’an. ‘the
letters of thc Koran’, gained momentum: Muslims wanted to write Bcngali in
/Arabic letters to show their loyalty to thc Islamic heritage, and thc diflcrencc of
script doubdess contributed to the break-up of Pakistán in 1971.
For wherever Islam sprcad 10 bccomc thc ruling religión, thc Arabic letters
formed a strong bond. To rejcct the Arabic alphabet means a complete break
with one's religious and cultural past; Ataturk’s Turkey is a telling example.
Even diough Arabic writing is not idcally suited to thc Turkish grammar and
sound systems, the large number of Arabic and Pcrsian words and grammatical
elements in thc classical Ottoman Turkish language made it a natural chotee to
'54 DECIFHERING THE SIGNS OF GOD

use this script from the time of the Turki* conversión to Islam. A retuni to
Arabic letters can be observed in modem times in the former Central Asian
Soviet rcpublics, where Muslims are trying to shake off the disliked Cvrillic
alphabet and reintégrate their culture into the glorious Islamic past, Tajikistan is
a cypical case. Attcmpts by individuáis lo write Arabic itself in Román letters
caused a wild outcry among Arabs, and a timid attcmpt to do the same for Urdu
in Pakistán was likewise doomed to failure.
The Arabic letters in which the first copies of the Koran were noted down
were rather ungainly, bul in a short time the script was arranged in fine, well-
measured forms, and various styles emerged in centres of Muslim government
both for preserving the Koranic rcvelation and lor practical purposes such as
chancellery use, copying of books, etc.8”
VVe are used to calling the majority of the heavy, angular styles of early
Arabic as they- were used for copies of the Koran and for cpigraphical purposes
Kufic' after die city of Kufa in Iraq, a stronghold of 'All ibn Abl Talib and his
partisans - and 'AH is usually regarded as a kind of patrón saint of calligraphy,
so that the sihiku. the chaira of initiation, generallv go back to him. The early
Korans, written on vellum, have, as Martín Lángs states correcdv, an 'iconic
quality* to them.8* Onc looks at them and seems to discover through them the
living clemcnt of revelación, awc-inspiring and cióse to one’s heart. ¡he
veneración shown to the copies which, as Muslims believe, are the origináis
collected and edited by the third caliph, ’Othmán. is remarkable.
The are of calligraphy dcvclopcd largelv owing to the wish to write the Divine
word as bcautifully as possible, and the majcstic large Korans in cursivo writing
(which was shaped artístícally in the tenth ccntury) from Mamluk and Timurid
times are as impressive as the small, elegant copies of the Book made in Turkey
or Irán. In Turkey, the Koran copies written by Hafiz Osman rd. 16891,
leading master in the tradition of Shaykh Hamdullah !d. 15191, were taken by
pious people as equal lo the original and were therefore used for prognostication.
Most printed editions of the Koran in Turkey are based on Hafiz Osman's svork.
The belicf in the baraka of die Koranic letters is attested first during the battlc
of Sillín ((>57¡, when Mu'üwiya, fighting '/Mi, fcared deféat and asked his soldicrs
to place pages of the Koran on their lances - the Divine word should decide
between the two Muslim leaders. Onc may see here an attcmpt to utilize the
baraka of the Koranic letters, if not to guarantce victory then at least to aven
defeat. A ccntury later, a Sufi history about Ibrahim ibn Adham (d. around 777)
tclls that a boat was saved during a slortn thanks to the pages of the Koran that
were on it,8' and stories of this kind are frequent in Muslim legend, as are similar
legends about an icón or a crucifix in the Christian tradition.
In diinking of the Koranic letters and words’ baraka, one should be careful not
10 spoil any page of the Koran or folios on which a part of it is written; the
 THE WORD AND THE SCRIPT '55

Jornal of the Pakutan Hútrnúal Sotuty 39, 1 (1991) contains, after the Table of
Contentó, the warning:

The sacred anal from the Holy Qur'an and ahadúh have been printed
for Tahligh and for incrcase of your religious knowledge. It is your duty
to cnsure their sanctity. Therefore, the pages on which these are printed
should lie disposed of in proper Islamic manner.8’

Tlte careful preservation of pages and fragmenta of oíd Korans has led to the
discovery, in 1971, of a considerable number of bags in the Great Mosque of
Sanaa, Yemen, which containcd thousands of fragmentó of early Koran copies
mainly on vcUum.
People have pondered the origin of seriptures that contain such power, and
while in India the Veda, are regarded as having emanated, and. in other
traditions, tile authors are, according to legend, supematurallv begotten, a
widespread belief is that of lite pre-cxistence of the Scripture.
Tile Koran is pre-existent; the umm al-kM (Süra 43:4) is preserved in the
hcavcnly original on the lauf maJfut, the Well-preserved Tablet, and thus the
Koran, once it appeared in this world, makes the Divine power prrscnl among
liumans. It is, as G. E. von Grunebaum says with a fine comparison. ‘an anchor
of timclessncss in a changing world',8’ Its message has no end, for, as Süra 18:109
says: ‘If the sea were ink for my Lord’s words, verily die sea would be exhausted
before the words of my Lord even üiough we would bring the like of it’. And
again, each word of the Koran has an endless meaning, and the world will
forcver understand it anew.
For decáeles in the early nintli century, the struggie between the Mu'tazila
and the traditionalistó raged, for the Mu'tazilites, jealously insisting upon God’s
absolute Unity, would not allow anything to be pre-ctemally coexisten! with
Him. The Koran, they held, was the primordial Divine message. but it was
created and not, as Ibn fianbal (d. 855) and the majority of the believers
claimed, uncreated. The dogma of the Koran's being uncreated is maintained to
this day; thus, one can correcdy say that every Muslim is a lündamentalist, as
this term was first used to desígnate those American evangélica! groups who
firmly believed in the divine origin of the Biblc.
Whether one took die side of die Mu'tazilites or the ordiodox, it was acceptcd
that the Koran is the Divine word which was ‘inlibrated* dirough the médium of
Muhammad; and, just as Mary had to be a virgin to give birth to die Word
Incarnate, thus Muhammad, it was felt, had to be ummi, ‘illiterate’, to be the
puré vessel for the 'inlibration' of the Word. That was why Muslims interpreted
the temí ummi as illiterate while its original meaning was probably ‘the Prophet
sent to die ummei, i.c. the gentiles’.85 And, as he was a vessel for the revelación,
'his character, ttu/ug, was the Koran', as his wife 'A’islia said.
'56 DECIPHERING THE SIGNS OF GOD

The Koran is ccrtainly not the first book ever given by God lo humankind.
The Torali. Psalms and Gospcl are believed to have been divínele sent. and the
■four books' are the proud properly of the ahí al-kiiáb although, as the Koran
holds, previous pcoples have altcrcd their rcvclations (Süra 2:75 el al.i. Some
even know of other books, and when the Koran mentioned the book' which was
given to Moses, i.c. the Torah (Süra 11:110,41:45), the so-called fuhuf. ‘pagos', are
also given to Abraham (Süra 87:19). To this day, some Sufi leader* claim lo have
sccn ihese pages and lo be aware of their contents.
In traditional religions, the bclievers knew that seers and propheu either see
or hcar the Word. In Muhammad's case, both cxpcricnccs intcrpcnctratc: he
saw Gabriel and he heard lile word iyra', ‘Read! Recite!', although later,
auditions wcre more frequent and also stronger than his comparatively raro
visionary expcrienccs.88 Abo Hals 'Ornar as-Suhrawardl has bcautifully de-
seribed the experienee of those who hcar the Koran as the Divine word as it
behoves:

To listen 10 the Koran means to listen to God; hearing becomes seeing,

sccing becomes hearing, knowing tums into action, action tums into
knowing that is the ‘fine hearing'."7

Tile fací that the Koran is. for the Muslim. God’s word resulted in a major
controversy whcn the phonograph was first introduccd: can one recite the Koran
by means of the phonograph or not? How should onc in such a case perform the
prescribcd prostrations at the required places?88 This controversy, which hap-
pened around die turn of die twentieth century, is today absolutely obsolete, and
the adversarios of mechanical recitation would he horrified to leam that the
Koran is availablc through radio, over loudspcakcr and on tapes which can be
playcd evcrywherc and al any time which entails also that non-Muslims will
listen lo iu Tapes and records made at the animal competitions in Koran
recitation, in which rnen and women particípate, are now covctcd Ítems.
The Koran was rcvealcd in clcar -Arabic language (Süta 16:103, 4,:44*
26:192(1;:, and it is iu literary superiority which is several times emphasizcd. The
rjfe, its unsurpassable stvle, is its truc miníele (cf. Süra 17:88). Each of iu so-
callcd 'verses', the smallcr units of which a Süra. or chapter, consistí, is an óya.
a ‘sign’, a Divine miracle lo prove the Prophet’s veracity, the ‘signs’ of the Koran
are his fííglaubigungmwidei. The i'jáz ‘which incapacitares men and djinn' to
créate anything comparable to it (Süra 17:88) also tnakes a transladon iinpossi-
ble: nobody could bring into another idiom its linguistic beauty, die numeróos
cross-relations and the layen of meaning. The text ‘was verbally revealed and
not mcrcly in iu meanings and ideas’. Thus stares one of the lcading Muslim
modemisu, the late I'azlur Rahman. whose words cmphasize the mysterious
rclañons between words. sound and contenu of the Book.1*9
 THE WORD AND THE SCR1PT «57

The text, so Muslims believe, contains the solution of all problems which have
alisen and still will arisc. Sanñ’i, taking the first and the last letter of the Koran,
namcly b and r, understood from thcm that the Koran is bai, ‘cnough’ (in
Persian).’" Unknown mysteries are hidden in lite scquencc of its letters. To come
cióse to it. whether to touch it and rcad from it or to recite it by heart, means to
enter the Divine presence, as tile badllh qudsi says: ‘Someone who reads the
Koran is as if he were talking to Me and I were talking with him' (aw no. 39).
When quoting from die Koran, onc begins with che phrasc or qála
'a¿za imjalla, ‘He, Most High’, or 'He, Mighty and Majcsác, said ..When reciting
the Koran or referring to it by quoting a Süra or an <S>n, onc should begin with the
baimala after pronouncing the formula of refuge, a’iuOai bi 'IM m a¡h-¡hay<lm ar-
raftm. I serle refuge with God from the accurscd Satan'. Each Süra, excepl for Süra
9, begins with the baimabi. a formula which should also be uttered at the beginning
of each and every1 work. Thus bis-mtllah kaniá simply means, in Urdu, ‘to begin', and
when the Turk says Hadi bismillah he means: ‘Let's start!'
The single letters or elusters of letters in the Koran have a sanctity of their
own; but, even more, certain Süras or verses carey spccial baraka with them,
primarily the Fiihba, whose use in all kinds of rites was mentioned above (p. 143).
Süra 36. JSrta, is rccitcd for the deceased or the dving and dieir benefit in the
world to conic; it is called the 'heart of the Koran’. And die Throne Verse (Süra
2:255) is frequendy used for protcctivc purposes. The thousandfold repetition of
Süra 112, the allestation that 'God is Onc, neilher begotten ñor begetting’, is
another way of protecting oncself from all kinds of evil.’1
The pious may lx-gin the day with briefly listening to die Koran before or
after die moming prayer, for the Koran was, as it were, 'personified', and
appeared in some prayers as the truc intcrcessor for the belicver.

O Lord, adom us with the omament of die Koran,

and favour us through the grace of the Koran,
and honour us dirough the honour of die Koran,
and inven us with the robe of honour of the Koran
and make us enter Paradisc through the interccssion
of the Koran
and rescue us from all evil in the world
and the paúl of the Otherworld for the sakc of die
honour of the Koran ..
O Lord, make the Koran for us a companion in chis world
and an intímate friend in the tomb,
and a friend at the Day of Resurecction,
and a liglit on the Bridge.
and a conipanion in Paradisc,
158 DF.CirilERtNG THK SIGNS OI GOD

and a veil and protcction from the fire,

and a guidc to all good dceds
by Thy grane and kindness and favour!

This prayer was espccially recited when onc had performed a khaona. a complete
rccitation of the Koran, which is considerad to carry with it many blessings. One
can do that in one sitting or by reciting each day of die month ajuz', that is, one
thirtieth of thc whole book. Often, the reward of such kAatma is offercd to a
deceascd person. Thus, onc may also hire profesional luffaz plural of hifiz to
repeat so-and-so many kfiatmai for someonc’s soul. or onc can vow to recite or
have recited a khatma. When a child has gonc through thc whole Koran, or even
mora whcn hr or shc (usually ai a tender age < has commilted the Holy Book to
memory and become a tó/iy. a fcast is given.
One has always to keep in mind that the Muslim not only sccs thc Divine
Presence when contemplaling dtc Koran bul also feels honoured to be able to
talk lo God with thc Lord's own words whcn reciting thc Koran: it is the closest
approximation that a pious person can hope for, indecd a 'sacramental’ act.’"
As God has rcvealed His will in die Koran, it is also the source of law. Thc
problcms of thc abrogating and abrogated verses 'niúkh. umüh have occupied
thcologians and jurists down through thc ccnturics. but there is no doubt that. as
Bernhard WeiB writes correcdy: 'Islamic law is based on texis which are
considerad to be sacred and therafora as absolutcly final and not subject to
change'.” Thc language in which thc ttrbum fín is expressed is ‘determined for
all times’, and it is the duty of the jurists to find out the cxact meaning of the
grammatical fonns: whcn thc Koran uses an imperative, does that mean that thc
act referred lo is an obligation or is only rccommcndcd, or is the form meant
mcrcly for guidance? These ara problcms which have been discussed down
through the centuries liecause their understanding is central for legal praxis.
But abrogated and abrogating scntcnccs aside, thc Koran wiclds absolute
authority, for the hcavenly Book, al-kiub, is faithfully reproduced in the mufbaf,
the copy, which human hands can touch and which yet contains thc uncreatcd
word. Should a scribe tnakc a mistake in copying thc Koran, thc page has to be
takcn out and rcplaccd. (Such so-called muhrac pages by major calligraphers
could become collector’s Ítems in Turkey.l And just as the scholars were of
divided opinión about the mcchanical rcproduction of thc Koran's sound, the
question was raised much carlicr as to whether or not printing or nowadays)
photocopying was pemiissible. Tliis is particularly important whcn it comes to
mushaji printed in non-Muslim countries, where thc printing facilities and
tcchniqucs were, in most cases, superior but who would know wliat might
happcn to thc text in die hand of the infidels? An arricie issucd in South Africa
Iast year states very clearly:
 THE WORD AND THE SCRIPI ‘59

Thosc responsiblc for scnding the Arabic text of the Qur’aan to impurc
kuffam are guilty of a major sin. They are guilty of sacrilege of die
Qur’aan. They are guilty of deftling and dishonouring the Qur’aan and
Islam by their dastardlv act of banding copies of the Qur’aan to kujjaae
who are pcrpctually in tile state of hodth and jmaabal [tninor and major
impurity].9*

The conviction that whatever is bctwccn the two covcrs is God’s word led,
underslandably. to a strong bibliolatry. It is said that die vizier Ibn al-Fur.1t d.
934: did not slccp in a hou.se where a Koran was kept, out of respect for the
sacred word,'» and even though not too many peoplc would go so far, the mufhaf
should still be niccly wrappcd and kept in a high place, higher litan any other
book. Sometimes it is hung from the ceiling or from the door framc which
secures its blessing for anyone who enters , and it can also be kept above the
marital bed. The muihaf is kissed that accounts for the comparison of the
bclnved’s ílawlcss face with a beautiful muiltif. and in Persian poetry the black
tress that hangs over the radianl cheek of the beloved could be compared to an
impudent Hindú who stretches his foot over the muihaf- a doublc sacrilege. as
the Hindú has no right to touch the Book, and as the mufaf must never be
touchcd with the foot.’6
The reverence for che muihaf led to the high rank of the calligrapher who
specialized in writing dte Koran: be is the quimessential Muslim artist, for
cvcrything clsc, including architccturc, could be done by a non-Muslim, whilc
God’s word had to be written by a pious believer who was constandy in the state
of ritual purity.
The high vencration of the Koran could lead to exaggeradons, and as earlv as
the tcnth century, Niflarl. «he Iraqi mystic, hcard in his auditions that God is far
beyond the fetters of words and letters. and that the Muslims of his time were
caught in, as Pére Nwvia puts it, ’the idolatry of letters'. that is, they secmed lo
worship ihc letters of the Book while missing its spiril.97 Did not the Koran
become. as Clifford Gccrtz says with a daring formulalion, *a Irtish radiadng
baraka' instead of being a living powcr, rather the heartbcat in the community’s
lifc?9" But in all scriptures, die reiftcaüon began as soon as the rcvclanon was
written down: as Schleiermacher says in dte second of his Reden uber die Religión.
‘scripture is a mausolcum’. The free-Doanng rcvelation was cut off with the
Prophet’s dcath, and what he had brought was encascd in the words on vellum
or later on paper and yet, to recur to these written and rccitcd words was the
only way to understand God’s eternal will, and therefore scripturalism was
deemed ncccssary for the preservation of Muslim identity.
When die scattcrcd pieccs of the rcvelation which had ticen noted down on
every kind of material available to the believers were collected and organized by
,16o DF.CIFIIERING THE SIGNS OF GOD

lite caliph 'Othman (reigned 644 56), the excgesis began, for the very compila-
tion of the text and its arrangement can be seen as a kind of first exegesis. The
arrangement of the Saras was done according to the length; they were preceded
by the short Faliln and elosed. after SOra 112 which contains the quintessential
staternent about God's Unity, with the two praycrs for Divine succour against
evil powcrs. This arrangement makes it diflicult for non-Muslims to finid their
way through the Scripturc, bccausc it is not arranged according lo lite historical
scquence in which tile res elations appeared: to begin from the last. short Süras
which contain somc of the earliest revelations is easier for the untutored reader
than to start with the very long SOra 2 with its numerous legal instructions.
'Othman's text is as cióse lo die original wording as can be, even though seven
minor rrading variants are canonically accepted Bul despite the great carc that
’Othmán took in arranging the sacred words. the Shia later accused him of
having excluded numerous revelations in which 'Alt’s and his family’s role was
positively mentioned; and the Shia theologian Kulaynl in the tenth ccntury even
claimed that tlic mufl/aj Htima, (he copy in the hands of the Prophet's daughter,
was thrcc times larger than the 'Othmanic recensión. On the other hand, the
Kharijitcs, ethical maximalists that they were, found ‘the most bcautiful story’
that is Süra 12, which deais with Yñsul’s life. too worklly for a sacred btxik.
The hislory of Muslim excgesis has becn studied by a number of important
Europcan scholars,'" beginning with Thcodor Noldekc id. 19301. who for the
first time in die West attempted to write a'history of the Koran, which was
cnlargcd many times aftcrwards. Ignaz Goldzihcr’s (d. 1921) Richtungtn dn
ülaimschm Koranausltgung is still a elassie when it comes to the diflerent strands of
exegesis as they developed down through the centuries among traditionalists,
mystícs, rationalists, Shia commentators and modernists. Hclmut Gátjc cora-
posed a ttscful rcading book in which the diflerent cxcgctical methods are oflered
10 Western readers, and J. M. S. Baljon has devoted studies to modcm excgesis,
in particular in the Indo- Pakistani subcontincnt, not to mention the greal
number of scholars w’ho approached the Book from diflerent vantage points,
whether by trying to retrieve the Christian and Jewish influcnccs or by
merrilcssly doubting the inherited traditions conccming the rcvelation; valuable
studies about the formal aspeéis of the Koran stand beside siatislics of ccrtain
temis as a liasis for reaching a betier understanding of tlic kcy concepts of Islam.

But. as NSsir-i Khusraw writes:

A difficuh task is to seek the la'ml [esoteric interprciation] of the Book
lt is a very easy thing to read down this Book!"1'1

That is in particular truc for the ‘unclear’, mulaihdbifál verses which are open to
diflerent interpretations, contrary lo those with clear and fixcd meaning (SOra
3=7)-
 THE WORD AND THE SCRIPT l6l

There were several ways to overeóme dogmaüc or other difficultics when

intcrpreúng the Koran, for the Arabic script in its carliest forms did not
distinguish between a number of consonante by using diacridcal marlts, ñor were
sigrts for vocalization used. Onc has, in this respect, to remembcr that thc early
Kufic Korans probably mainly scrvcd as visual hclp for thc many who knew die
sacred text by heart and perhaps only every now and thcn nceded a look at thc
consonantal skeleton; thcy would casih know whether a sequcnce of consonante
that lookcd like mtl had to be read as yanohi, 'he comes down', or yuitazzihi or
jmzilu, 'he setlds down’, oryúnzala (passive).
Scholars distinguish. in thc ficld of dogmatic exegesis, thc lafrlr. cxplanation.
and the csoteric ta'utl, litcrally 'bringing liack to die root’, which was predomi-
nandy practiscd in Shia and Sufi circlcs. The first comprebcnsivc M/iir was
compilcd by thc grcat historian 1'abart (d. 923), and among leading exegetes of
thc Níiddlc Ages onc has to mention az-Zaniakhsliarí (d. 1144), who, though an
excellent philologisl, was sometimes crilicized for his tendeney to use Mu’tazili
argumentations.
Without going into details, onc can say that Koranic exegesis provided thc
basis for almost all scholarly undertaking in the medieval world. The pliilologists
had to explain the words and grammatical structures, all the more as thc
number of Nco-Muslims whose mother tongue was not Arabic incrcased
constandy to surpass thc number of Arabic speakers by far. Historians studied
the historical setting of the Koranic stories and thc history of thc prophets.
AUusions to natural sciences entailed thc necessity of discovering their cxact
meaning (reccndy, a book about thc plante of thc Koran was published in Delhi).
To find the direction of the corrcct qibla. to ponder the way of thc stars which
aré placed for guidance into the firmament (Süra 6:97) or die animáis whose
charactcristics have to be understood, and, much more dian all the sciences
connected with ’the world’, thc ctcmal questions of frec will and predestination,
of the lights and dudes of human beings, of thc rclationship between God and
His crcarion could and should all be derived from die Koran. Thus. wc would
agrec with Lotus Massignon’s statcmenl that die Koran is indeed the kcy to die
Muslims' Wdtmsdunrung.
While die theologians, die muMlallmün, tried to use rational discoursc,
through which thcy attempted to solve die major problcms of the Koran’s
interprctation, thc csoteric scholars, though not denying thc importancc of
reason, found infinite possibilitics for inteqireting die Divine word by turning, so
to speak, into another channcl of revelation. It is probably an cxaggerated
slatcmcnt that one of thr early Sufis could find 7,000 meanings in a single verse
of thc Koran (for, as God is infinite, His words must also have infinite meanings),
but the deep lovc of thc Sufis for the revelaüon is an attested fací. Thc long-
cxpcctcd edition of SulamI’s Tafslr will shed light on much of early Sufi exegesis.
IÓ2 DECII'HtKINC THE S1CNS OF CO1>

Thev kncw that it necdcd paticncc to understand the une meaning, for the
Koran is, as Romt once said. like a bride who hidcs hcrsclf when one wants to
unveil her in a hurry.101 Rümi has also pointed out how the exotcric and csotcric
meaning of the Koran go togcthcr:

The Koran is a doublc-sidcd brocadc. Some enjoy the one side, some
the other one. Both are trae and correct, as God Most High wishes that
both groups might have use from it. In the same way, a woman has a
husband and a baby; each of them enjoya her in a difieren! way. The
child’s pleasure comes from her bosom and her milk, that of the
husband from kisscs and slceping and embrace. Some people are
children on the path and drink milk - these enjoy the externa!
meaning of the Koran. But those who are trae men know of another
enjoyment and have a diflerent understanding of the inner meanings
ofthe Koran

In Shia circlcs, a tendeney to interpret certain verses as pointing to the

Prophet's family is natural, and verses like Süra 48:10, which deais with the
treaty of Hudavbiva (629;, were given spccial wcight, as one can see from Nísir-i
Khusraw's autobiographical pocm, in which he describes his trac conversión
when he understood the meaning of the contract 'when God’s hand was above
their hands’.105
Mystics often explaincd spccific verses or shorter SOra as pertaining to the
Prophet. whether by understanding the unconnected letters at the beginning as
sacred ñames of his (see above, p. 157) or in the interpretation of the oath
formulas of Süra 92 and 93, which were scen as referenccs to his black hair (‘By
the night!) and his radiant face ('By the morning light!’). As early as in che days
of lite commentator Mucptil (d. 765), Üte iamp' mentioned in lite láght Verse
(Süra 24:35} was scen as a symbol for the Prophel through whom the Divine
Iáght radiates into the world.
A good example of the diflerent explanations of a single Süra is Süra 91: 'By
the sun when it shines, and the moon that lollows, and the day when it opens.
and the night when ir darkens ...!' A Shia ía/hr secs in the sun and its radiance
lite symbol of Muhammad, the moon that follows is 'Alf, the day when it opens
is ’Ali’s sons Hasan and Husayn, and the darkening night is the Omayyads who
deprived 'All and his family of the caliphate. The Suli 'Aytiul Quclat id. 1131;,
however, saw in tile sun the Muhammadan light that comes out of che
beginninglcss East while the moon is the 'black light' of Satan that comes out of
the endless West.'“*
Trae taitíl, the esoteric interpretation, was and is, by ncccssity, connected
with the spiritual master who alone has full insight into the mysteries of faith.105
Por the Shia, it is the imams and their representatives on earth; in lsmaili Shia,
 THE WORD AND THE SCRIPT 163

it is the infallible Hazir Imam But the entire Koran was in fací only seldom
subjectcd to aldf. one rather selected verses in which onc tried to follow the
meaning of the revelation into its ultimate depths and to take cara of die
different aspeets. nvjüh, of the words. In most cases and ccrtainly in that of the
Sufis one tried to strikc a balance between cxotcric and esotcric sense, while in
certain Shiitc groups the exoteric sense ivas barely considerad important, and
layer after layer of 'inner sense’ was discoverad.
Tile early Muslims, and among them in particular the ascetics out of whom
the Sufi movement grew. lived constantly in the Koranic text, which Ird to what
Pére Nwyia has called 'the Koranization of the memory’,"’6 that is, they saw
everything in the light of the Koran, lilis permanent awareness of the Koranic
revelation was a reason for the fací that, to this day, even cveryday language not
only in Arabic but also in the other Islamic idioms is permeated by allusions to
or short quotations from the Koran. It is next to impossible to grasp fully the
whole range of allusions and meanings in a classical poem or piece of high prose
without understanding the numeróos allusions to Koranic figures, sentences or
prescriptions. lilis is truc even for fully secular themes or picccs: a single word
can, as it were, conjure up a whole plethora of rclated terms and créate a very
special atinosphere, which the uninitiated reader. whether Western or
secularized -Muslim, often misses.
But while pious souls and mystically-mindcd scholars tried to dclve into the
depth of the revelation, attempts at a ‘rallona!’ interpretation were always being
made. The Mu'tazilite al-Jubba'T is mentioned as one of the first to try a kind of
dcmythologization.1”7 However, rationalizing attempts at explaining the Koran
became more important towards the end of the ninctecnth century, doubtlcss
under the increasing influence of modern Western scholarship. That is in
particular truc for Muslim India. Sir Sayyid Ahmad Khan, the reformer of
Indian Islam d. 1898/, was surc that ‘the work of God cannot contradict the
Word of God' (he wrote ‘work of God' and 'Word of God’ in English in the
Urdu text of his treatise;, and ahhough this was a statement voiccd as early as
the cleventh century by al-Blrünl isee above, p. 16), Sir Sayyid went far beyond
the limits of what had hitherto been done in ‘interpreting’ the Koran."8 He tried
to do away with all non-scicntific conccpts in the Book, such as djinns (which
were tumed into microbes) or angels, which are spiritual powers in man and not
extemal winged beings. His traditional colleagues branded him thercfore a
lOchart, ‘naturalist’.
Some decades later, the former rector of the al-Azhar Univeraty in Cairo,
Muíais al-Marighl, wrote:

True religión cannot confiict with truth, and when we are posidvcly
convinced of the truth of any scientific retnark which seems to be
i(¡4 DF.CIPHF.RING THF. SIGNS OF GOD

incompatible with Islam, this is only because we do not understand

corrcctly the Koran and the traditions. In our religión, wc possess a
universal teaching which declares that, when an apodictic truth contra-
dicts a rcvcalcd tcxt. wc have to inlerprct the texl allegorically.

lite prohlem for modcrn Muslim cxcgetes is the constan! change in the
development of natural sciences, and while excgctes at the tum of the twentieth
century and later tried hard to accommodate Darwinism to Koranic rcvelation,
now some people trv to find the H-bomb or the most recent discoveries of
chcmistry or biologv in the Koran."* This process of ‘demythologization’ is very
visible, for example in a translation-cum-commentary of the Koran issued by the
Alimadiyva (at a lime whcn this movement was still considered to be part of the
Islamic community). In the exegesis of the powcrful eschatological dcscripúon in
Süra 81. 'And when the wild animáis are gathered*. the commentator saw a
mention of the zoos in which animáis would Iive pcaccfully logether in later
ages.
But one should be aware that the Koran is not a texlbook of phvsies or
biology but that its basic clan is moral, as I’azlur Rahman rightly states,"” and it
is the moral law dial is ¡inmutable while the discoveries of scicncc change at an
evcr-incrcasing specd.
Bcsidcs the dogmaric exegesis which by ncccssity follows the changos of times,
onc finds the historical critical exegesis. That means, for the Muslim, studying
the asbñb airnuzül, the rcasons why and when a certain rcvclation was given.
Thus, a rcmarlt at the beginning of the Süra nuiUl or rníidani indicatcs the place
where the piccc was rcvcalcd. The scqucncc of the rcvclations was thcrcby
eslablishcd lo a largo degrec of correctness, and Western acholan have some­
timos oven arrangrd their translations of the Koran in this scqucncc ;thus Bell’s
translation). A historical-critical exegesis of the typc to which the Oíd and New
Testamenta have been subjectcd during the last 150 years means, for die Muslim,
that the Koranic words conceming die falsification by Jcws and Ghristians of
their respective Scripturcs (Süra 375 ct al.’i is now proven by scientiftc method;
however, in the case of die Koran, such crilicism is considered impossible
because the Koran is preserved as it was whcn its tcxt was sent down upon the
Prophet: the Divine word cannot be subjectcd to critical approach as it has never
changed.
Tito discu.ssions tum around the problcm of whether the Koran rules tile
times as ‘an anchor of timclessness', to take up G. E. von Grunebaum’s
fomiulation once more, or whether it should rather be interpreted according to
the cxigcncics of time. Iqbal speaks in his JíOdnama of die 'Ularn al-ijur'in. the
‘world of the Koran' which reveáis more and more possibilitics every time onc
opens the Book; and. as reading and rcciting the Koran is a dialogue with God.
 THE WORD AND THE SCRIPT l<>5

the irue speaker of thc Word, thc possibilities of understanding are as infinite as
is God Himsclf, and He and His word may appcar to thc reader in a ncw way.
as though the meditaling pcrson's eyes and cars were opened for a ncw
understanding every time. Thc Moroccan scholar ’Aziz 1-ihbabi has expressed it
thus: ‘Not the text in ilself is the revelation but that which thc believer discovers
every time afresh while rcading it’.
It is possible to change the exegetical methods or to change thc cmphasis in
order to convey the message of thc Koran to modem people, but a change of thc
God-given text is impossiblc. To recite thc Koran, the Word lnlibrate, is, so to
speak, a sacramental act because it is in thc Word that God reveáis Himsclf - or
His will 10 humanity.
This 'sacramental1 quality of thc Koran also accounts for the rule that
basically no trandation of die Koran is permissible or possible. not only because
of die lingüista: superiority, i'jiz, (scc above, p. 156) of thc Koran, but also
because thc meaning may be coloured by die personal approach or prcdilection
of thc translator even if he gives only, as Muslims say carefully, 'die meaning of
the glorious Koran'. Not only does a comparison of English, l'rcnch and
Germán translations Icavc thc Wcstcm reader confuscd and bcwildcrcd, but
cvcn whcn rcading translations into Islamic languages such as Persian, Turkish.
Urdu, Sindhi or Pasillo, one becotnes aware of these problema.'" It is the
inadequacy of translations which has caused and still causes so many misunder-
standings about thc Koran and its message, espccially whcn scntcnccs are takcn
out of context and set absolute; for, according to die Muslims' understanding, not
only the words and ñ>ál but also thc entire lábric of the Koran, die interweaving of
words, sound and meaning, are parí and parre! of thc Koran. Furdicrmore, for
thc grcat esotcric interpreten of thc Koran such as Ibn 'ArabI, thc apparent
'unconneetcdncss' of words and reveáis in rcalitv a higher order which only
those understand who have eyes to sce - that is, who read thc Koran through
lahqiq, dircct experience, not through laqlid, dogmatú: ünitation."1
Onc 'cxtcmal' remark rcmains: as a sacrcd text musí never be sold (as litde as
the teachcr who instruets children in thc Koran should be ‘oflicially’ paid), onc
calis the price of a Koran in Turkey halife, 'gift*, and thus onc finds thc
bcautifully printed copies with die remark: 'Its gift is (so-and-so many) lira'.
The Koran's role as the centre of Muslim life is unconiested, important as thc
veneration of thc Prophet may have become in Muslim picty. Nevertheless,
besides the canonical, unerring Scripturc, onc also finds a considerable nurnber
of sccondary literary works in die Islamic world. A spccial group is thc so-callcd
AaA/A garfil, Divine words revealed outside the Koran."’ This genre bccamc
rather widespread among thc Sufis. although die earliest sources are not
spccificallv relaled lo mysdcal circlcs. Yet, somc of thc most important scnlences
of mystical Islam appcar first as Indlth qud¡}. such as thc famous Divine saying:
166 DF.CIPHKKING THE SIGNS OF GOD

kimlu kanzan makhjiyyan, 1 was liidden treasurc and wanted to be known,

dicreforr I creatcd the world' i,u( no. 70). Tile growth of such ‘prívate
levcladons', as one may cali ihcm. seems to continué up lo the twelfth century,
for there were many mystics who expericnccd what they understood as direct
Divine rcvelation The works of Nillári, with their long chains of Divine
addrcsscs, are a case in point, but the inspirational process is repeated time and
again in Sufi poetry and prose. Nevertheless, after 1200, onc looks in saín - as it
seems to me - for ncw examples of hutilh qudsi.
More importan! for the general history of Islam, however, is the /yidilh in
itself In order to explain the Koran and elabórate tiic statcmcnts given in its
tcxl, onc nreded a solid set of intcrprelations. of examples from die Prophet, the
unerring leader of his community. How did he understand this or dial aya of die
Koran? How did he act in a ccrtain case? His sayings and thosc of his
companions about his actions and his behaviour were collected and retold from
eariy days onwards so as to help the community to leam how he had acted
under ihis or that circumstancc.
What did he like 10 eat? How did lie clean himsclP What did he do if a
servant was disobedient? These and dtousands of other problems aróse before
the belicvcrs becausc. as the Prophet was the tutea /insana, the ‘beautiful modcl'
■'Süra 33:21), Muslims wanted to emulare his example and to follow him in every
respect. The further the community was in space and lime from ihe Prophet's
time, die more wcight was giren to the haihth, and it is small wonder that the
number of Witó grew stcadily. The proper chain of unid is central for the
verificalion of a hadith. as die isnüd is importan! in all Islamic sdences. The unñd
in hadllh had lo look like this: ‘I hcard A say: 1 hcard B say: I hcard from my
father dtat C said: 1 hcard from ’A'isha dial the Prophet used to recite this or
that prayer before going 10 bed'. The veracity of the transmitters had 10 he
investigaled: could B indeed have met C, or was he too young to hace been in
contad with him, or did he perhaps never visit C's dwclling-placc? The ’ilm ar-
n)dl. the ‘Scicnce of the Mcn’ although there are quite a few women among the
transmitiere), developed into an important branch ofscholarship; bul in the mid-
ninlh century die most trustworthy, olten-siftcd hadUh were collected, and among
the six canonical collcctions that of Bukhart and, followtng him, Muslim occupy
die place of honour."1 To complete the rccitation of dte SaUhalIlMM (khatm al-
fíukhdñ} was considered nearly as important as the complction of the rccitation of
die Koran although, of course, not as blessed as the khatm al-gurín. I11 Mamluk
Egypt, to give only onc example, the khatm al-Bukhiti during dte month of
Ramadan was celebraled sumptuously in dte citadel of Cairo,"5
In the later Middle Ages, numerous sclcctions from the classical collecúons of
hadith vtm prepared. To makc diem less cumbersome, the uñad were gcncrally
left out Collcctions like Saghani’s (d. 1252) MaMriq al-anu/lr and Baghawi’s (d.
 THE WORD AND THE SCRIPT 167

iround tara) Afajtói al suma were copied all over the Muslim world and were
iaught not only in theological collcges but also in the bornes of the pious.''*’
Yet, the collccdons of AMÍ/A were somedmes met with criticism: was it
neccssary to waste so much ink on writing down traditions instead of cstablishing
a living connection with the Prophet? Thus asked some medieval Sufis, and
while certain currents among the Sufis especially the Suhrawardiyya - gavc
hadith studies a very eminent place in their teaching, othcrs. like the Chishliyya in
India, were less interested in this field. At the beginning of modem Islamology in
Europe, the works by Ignaz Goldziher created an awareness of the development
of hadith: what he highlighted was that the collections. instead of reflecting
Muhammad’s own sayings. rather reflected tile diflerent trends in tile expanding
Muslim world. and this fací accounls for the diflercncc among the traditions,
some of which advocated, for example, predestination while othcrs dwclt upon
free will. Political movements - which always mcans ‘politico religious’ in early
Islam - used hadith to defend or underline their own positrón. Thus, hamioniza-
tion of conllicting rórfliA was an important dutv of the scholars."’
Many Muslims objectcd sharply to this dismanding of the sacred Prophetic
traditions. and yet, before Goldziher and probablv unknown to him, the Indian
Muslim Chiragh 'AS of Hvderabad had refused rórfidí almost wholesale and
cridcizcd it even more accrbically than did Goldziher. Only some MbA
connected with strictly religious topics were binding for the community. but
there was no need to follow all the external rules that had become hallowed in
(he course of ¡flirteen centuries. Chiragh ’Ali was one of the foliowe es of Sir
Sayyid, the ’althañ' reformen and this may be one of the reasons why the
tradidonalist ahí al-hadith reactcd so sharply against Sir Sayyid's reformist
attempts. The maintenance of hadith in tolo seemed to guarantec, for the ahí al-
hidilh. the integrity and validity of the Islamic tradition. Later, it was Ghulam
Parwfz in Pakistán who. with an almost Barthian formulation. declarad that 'the
Koran is the end of religión' and rcjccted all of hadUh, an act that led him, lo be
sure, to a very idiosyncratic interpretation of the Scripturc. Parwíz's compatriot
Fazlur Rahman tried another way: his concept of the living luana taught thr
Muslim not to imilate mechanically the words of the tradition but rather to keep
lo the spirit of the luana, the knowledge of how the first generatróns of Muslims
understood and interpreted the sray in which the Prophet acted should enable
modem Muslims lo interpret the imita according to the cxigencics of their own
time.
Thus the problem of the validity of hadith continúes to be one of the central
problems that beset modem Muslims, and it seems that especially in minority
arcas ludllh is still one of the strongholds of Muslim identity. Collections of Forty
Hadith - sometimes with poética) translation - were often arranged and
frequently calligraphcd 'for the sake of blessing', tabarrakan.''"
>68 DF.CIPHERING THE SIGNS OF GOD

'Die first grnrrations of Muslims were afraid of writing down sayings of the
Prophet lest their text be confüscd with that of the Koran. In later times, a Inrtllh
which is called, like everything connected with the Prophet, shaAf, ‘noble’ - was
introduced with the formula ¡jóla taita Alláh ‘alayhi iva lallania, ‘He may God
blcss him and give him peace - said’. This eulogy for the Prophet, which should
actually be utlered after each mentioning of his ñame and is often printed cithcr
in full or in abbrcviation over his ñame, distinguishes the hadith also visibly from
the words of the Koran.
Less ‘orthodox’ and gcnerally accepted than these collections in Arabic is
another group of sccondary seriptures, which bclongs to the mystical iradition.
JStnf (d. 1492I called Mawlánl Rüml’s MaÜuuWt ‘the Koran in the Persian
tonguc', a remark perhaps inspired by the remark of Rümi's son, Sultán Walad,
that ‘the poetry of God’s friends is all cxplanation of the mystcries of the
Koran'."5’ Much of Rümi’s lyrical and didactic poetry indeed betrays its
inspirational character. In a much ntotr outspoken way, Ibn 'Arabi saw his own
Fufühñt at'Makhyya as an inspired book: 'I has'e not written one single letter of
this book other Ulan under the eflect of Divine dictation ... It was not from my
personal choice that I relamed that order ...*. In fací, Ibn 'Arabi felt a genuine
relationship between his Futúhat and the Koran, and the amazing cross-relations
between the chaptcrs of the Futülül and Koranic Süras have been lucidly
explained by M. Chodkiewicz (1992).”' More than five centuries after Ibn
'Arabi, the mystical poet of Delhi, Mir Dard, made similar claims conccming his
Persian prosc works and his poetry, and stated repcatcdly that he had nothing to
do with the arrangement of the verses ñor with the exact numlx-r of paragraphs
in his ruólas.'1'
In the Arab world, Bñyiri’s Huida in honour of the Prophet and the healing
propertics of his cloak was surrounded by a special sanctity and was repeated,
written and enlarged innumerable times everywhere between North Africa and
southem India (see above. p. 36). Perhaps even greater is the veneración of
Jazüll's Dald'il al Khavtiit, the coUcction of blessings over the Prophet, to which
miraculous powers were ascribed.
In Sindhi, the Rutiló of Shah ‘Abdul La|if’d. 1752I is probably the most sacred
book in the entire literary iradition, and its stories and verses have influcnccd
Sindlú literalure both in its Muslim and its Hindú branches for more than two
centuries.
Among the ‘secondary sacred books', onc should not forget dial in the Ismaili
iradition the pitia. poems in diíTerent idiorns of the western subcontincnt (Sindhi,
Gujarati, Kuchhi, Panjabi) and written in a spccial sccret alphabel, Khojki, are
regarded as the inspired work of the Ismaili pirs of die fourteenth and fifteenth
centuries and have been redled for centuries in the Ismaili community of the
subcontincnt. A historical analysis of these poems, which refiect the deep
 THE WORD AND THE SCRIPT 169

mystical tradition of Indian Sufism, is still viewcd with mistrust by the tradition-
alist Ismailis even in Cañada and the usa.'”
Texis of mawlids, pocms recited during die Prophet's birthday and inter-
spcrsed with Koranic quotations, have assumcd a sacred quality in many
countries, and whether a Turk listens to the recitation of Suleyman (¡lelebi's
mevlúd-i shaiif or a singer in Kenya recites a maulad in Swahili, the feeling of
being cióse to the heavenly abodcs prevails everywhere.
Books that deal with die Prophet's qualities, such as Qflrii 'lyStJ’s (d. 11491
KiUb ash-dufi, were regarded as a talismán to prolcct a housc from evil, and even
texis of thc calcchisms could inspire such feeling. A certain person, so it is lold,
was scen being punished in his grave by Munkar and Naklr becausc lie had not
read the 'agida lanHám."3 thc central dogmatic formulare of thc later Middlc
Ages. Even sAa/aras, spiritual lincagcs of Sufis, could sene as amuléis owing to
their inherent power.
Finally, one can also niention the rare phenomenon of ‘heavenly letters’
which, as their rccipicnts claimed, had been sent from the Unsecn to admonish
the Muslim community to persevere and fight in the way of God. as happened
during die Mahdist movement in East Africa and the Sudan.
The importante of the written word ivas, howcvcr, often dc-emphasized
wliat is the use of studying Kanz Qudürl Khfiya, thc tradicional works on With,
religious law and Arabic grammar as taught in the madrasasi Should one not
rather wash olí' all Ixxiks or casi them in a river, as somc Sufis indeed did? W'liai
matters is the visión of thc Divine Beloved, and not only thc Indo-Pakistant
crides of diese scholarly works but also thc Turkish minstrcl Yunus Emrc knew
dial dart kúabm manad bir alifttdn, ‘The meaning of the four sacred books lies in
onc alif, that is, the first letter of die alphabel, which points with its numérica!
valué of 1 to thc Onc and Unique God. And thc legends lelling that many of die
great Sufi pocts were illilera te, as was thc Prophet, are takcn as a proof that thcy
derived their knowledge txit from books bul from thc fountainhead of all
knowledge. from God. Thus, Qadi Qadan could sing:

Iñkañ tar/u nahv, muñ mulüli'a supnri

Leave grammar and syntax to die peoplc -
I contémplate thc Beloved!1'*

NOTES
1. For the ditlerem inlcrpretalions of the Day of die Covenanl, see R. Gramlich
¡1983a), ‘Der Urvettrag in der Koranauslegung'; he shows that thc formulatton
to which most Muslims (and ccrtainly the poete and mystics) are used occurs in
its classical form first in Junayd’s AiltlA aAmlxAay.
a. Lamia al-F.truqi (1979), Tarttl'.
3. Baqll (1966), Sharfri shatWd pp. 377'8-
l?0 DECIPHERING THE SIGNS OF GOD

4. J. C. Burgd 11992;, ‘Ecstasy and order: two stnictural principie» in the ghagal-
poctry ofjalal al-Dín Rúinf.
5. Nájir-i Khusraw 1929 , I)ü.án, p. 672.
6. G. van der Lecuw ¡1956). Phanomenologte der Religión. § 58. deais with secret
languages; one could add that in some communities women have developed a
spccial language. 'Iliat is particulariy important for women living in seclusion; a
typical example is rikha. the womrn’s dialect of Urdu.
7. S D. Goitcin 1966), Studies, p. 7
8. I'he same argumentaron is still used by Sháh Waliullah; see J M. S. Baljon
1986?. Religan and Thvughl ofStóh H'aíi Altot, p. 109.
9 See A. Schimmcl 1982a , thfough a Veil, ch. 4. Tlic elassie sludy for Urdu is
Maulvi 'Abdul Haqq 1953;, Urdu tí nashu u namá meü süfiya t kaám kü kám: see
also the rxamples in R F.aton (1978), Sufis of Bijapur, /yocr 1700.
10. C. II. Becker 1932;, íslanutudien, vol. 2. p. 199.
11. lou Tumi» Eme i* dagu.}lari (1951I. and Dofuslar 2 .1965). Turgut Akkaj’s Ozkaynak
was a short-lived joumal in the 19505 in which the author incidenlally a
banker published his inspired mystical verses. Slightlv earticr. a high-ranking
Turkish oflicial had published his inspiraüonal poems, which were commentcd
upon by Omer Fevzi Mardin ,1951., Vandal-i Suleyman ferhi. The genre of ¡«wuiM
was common in Indo Muslim literaturc, thus in Mlr Dard’s poctry; see A.
Schimmcl 11976a), Pain and Groa, parí 1.
12. Násir-i Khusraw 1929, DUún, p. 245.
13. G. van der Leeuw (1956 , ñumomenolope der Religión. § 85, referring in this contexi
10 Paúl Tillich’s remark that ‘Only what esscntiaJIy is conccaled, and accessiblc
by no mode of knowledge whatwever, is ímparted by rcvelation'.
14. K. Cragg 1984 . ’Tadabbur al-Qur’án: rrading and meaning’, p. 189C
15. 1. Goldzihcr 1928). ‘Vcrheimlichung des Namens’
16. R. Gramlich (1976;, Die ithntiuhen Derutuhorden, vol. 2, p. 3of.
17. The literaturc about the Divine Ñames is very large: see Abü Hámid al-Ghazzáli
19711, Ai-maqíad al-amñ fi sharh ma'irt asma AUah alfuma transí, in R. McCanhy
(19801, Freedom and FulfiUment. apprndix lili; Ibn 'Ata' Altóh (1961), Afifidh alfaláh
iva misbah al arud/r, ídem 1981 . 'hmtí jur le nom ‘Allah’ (Introduction ... par M.
Gloton ; al-Qushayrí (1969), Sharh asmá' Alláh alfusrdt, G. C. Anawati 49651, ‘Un
traite <les Noms divins Fakhr al-Din al-RjUTs ieatümt' al-fxáymM fi’l asma’ iva’l-
sifiil. See also Daniel Gimarct 11988), Zzi Aónu Divins ai islam, Exígese iexiíügrafduque
rt Ihéolagique. The Most Beautiful Ñames could be claborated in poctry, as C. H
Becker 1932) has shown for the Arab worid idamstudten, vol. 2, p. io6f.,. A
superbly and bcautifully produced book. The Attnbules of Duine Perfectiva. by the
Egyptian calligraphrr Ahmad Motistafa 1989 , is in particular worthy of mention
Many of the modem leader» of Sufi fratcmitics have published their own books or
booklets on the Divine Ñames and their use and power.
18. For the role of the Divine Ñames in crcation, see H. S. Nyberg ( 1919), Ríemete
Schnftm des ibn al 'Arabl, p. 92IT.; VV. C. Chitlick 19891, The Sufi Palh ofKnoukdgr.
H. Corbin 1958!, L'imagmatwn crtaina dans le Soufisme d'lbn Arabi. See also the
important ch. 22 in F. Mcier (1990a). Bahá-i Walad.
19. A. Schimmcl (1989), islamu Aiuw«. Jafar Sharif ,1921.1, islam ¡n india, p. 255, deais
with the numerical valúes and the astrological conncctions of proper ñames.
20 lunui Erate Dtvanl (1943), p 562, no. CCXXXIII.
21. íqbál 1924), 'Jauübi ihikuvh’, in Bdng-i Dará, p. 231.
22. A. Fischer 1944 , ‘Vergútiiichung und Tabuisicrung der Ñamen Muhammads*.
Ser also R Y Edicr and M. J. L. Young (19761. ‘A list of appcllations of the
Prophet Muhammad'.
23. G. E. von Grunebaum and Roger Caiilois (eds: . 1966, The Dream and Human
 THE WORD AND THE SCRIPT

Soatty, contains a number of highly interesting contnbutions by Islamicists such

as F. Mcicr. H. Corbin and Faxlur Rahtnan. See also H. Gálje 1959,,
‘Philosophischc Traumlchrcn un Islam'. Dcvin DcWeesc (1992), ‘Sayyid 'Ah
HamadhAni and Kubrawi hagiographical tradition', gives a number of accounts
about the dreams of the Sufi master HamadhAni d. 1385), especially on pp.
143 7. Iba Sírin's book on the intcrpretauon of dreams was translatcd into
Germán by Helmut Klopfer i 1989). /Ja.' arabische Traumbtuh des Ibn 5Wn.
24. I. Goldzihcr ¡921,, ‘ The ajjpearancc of ihc Prophet in dreams’. As-Safadl
J979:, Al-lVafi bil-icafayát, part 12, mentions under no. 47 that a Christian saw
the Prophet in his dream. 'and he became a Muslim and leamed the Koran by
heart' to become a leading Islamic scholar.
25. Thus ShAdliili’s dream as tokl by jAmi (1957.1, Nafahál al-uns. p. 373.
26. C. Snouck Hurgronjc 11923,1. 'De laatste vermaning van Mohammad aan zijnc
gemeende', about an appearance in Rabí al-awwal 1297/1880.
27. A few examples from diflerent grographical arcas are: John Renard 1993 ,
Islam and the Herou Image. Ihemes m hlerature and the Visual Artt; L. Brakel 119771,
The star) of Muhammad Hanafina. A medieval Muslim Romance, transí, from the
Malay; D. Shulman (1982), ‘Muslim popular litcrature in Tamil: l'hc ¡amimcan
malat; and E. S. Krauss 1913,:, ‘Vom Dcrwisch-Rcckcn Gazi-Scidi. Ein
Guslarenlied bmnischcr Muslime aufgezeichnet, vrrdeutscht und eriautert’.
28. Margarct A. Milis 19911. Rhetonc and Palitos in Afghan Traditional Story-tellmg.
29 The oldcst legends are connected with the Prophet and his companions; ser R.
Parct (1930;, Du legendare Mogha^i Ietaatur, Jan Knapprrt (1985:, Islamic legends
Histories of¡he heroes. samts, and fnophets ofIslam. The genrc of HetUgenluder, songs in
honour of Muslim saints, ¿s widesperad. For some Arabic cxamples, ser Enno
Littmann <1951). Islamisth arabuche Hedigmlieder, and idem 1950 , Ahmed d
Badaui: Em hed auf den a&ptisdun .\ationalheiligen.
30 Words of wisdom are often attributed to LuqmAn ¡based on Süra 31); in the
Pcrsianatc tradition, the wise vizicr Buzurjmihr appears as a model of wisdom
in many stories and poem*.
31. S. II. Nasr 19921, ‘Oral transmisión and the Book in Islamic education the
spoken and the wnttén word’.
32. For the importance of the malfuzat. ‘utteranccs’ of Indian Sufi master* for the
knowlcdgc of medieval Muslim life, ser K. A. NizAml ¡961), ‘Malfafit ká tarühl
ahammiyat'.
33. Typical cxamples are the crypuc letters by the Sufi master Junayd, as well as
the few fragmenta preserved from al-HallAj’s letters. Afimad Sirhindi id. 1624
tned 10 revive normative islam in India through hundreds of letters which he
sent to the grandccs of the Mughal empire as well as to members of his own
family. Scc Ahmad Sirhindi 19681, Selated hitéis, cd. by Dr Fazlur Rahman.
Severa! collections of letters have bren made available in transJation, such as
Sharafuddin Manen 1980 , The Hundred htttrt, transí. Paúl Jackson Ibn
AblxAd ar-Rondl 119861. Letters on ¡he Sufi Path. transí by J. Renard, and ad-
DarqAwí (1961), Letters of a Sufi Master. transí, by Titas Burckhardt. An
mteresting collcction of modem letters is Mohammad Fadhel Jamali 119651,
Zztten an Islam. umUen by a fathei in pruon lo hu son.
34. RüzbihAn Baqli (1966;, Sharlyi ihaifyüt, is the dassic work in this lield. See also
Cari W. Emst (1985), HWf oj Ecstasy in Sttfism.
35. A Schimmel 1982a , .4< through a Ved, ch. 4- See also idem Í1971 , ’Mir IJard’s
Gedanken uber das Vcrhaltnis von Mystik und Wort’.
36. J. Pedcrsen 11947,. 'The Islamic preachcr mudhakkr. Angelika
Hartmann 11987). ‘Islamisches Predigtwescn im Mittclalter: Ibn al-óauzi und
sein “Buch der SchluBredcn" 1186 ad‘: Patrick D. Gaflney ¡1988), ’Magic,
 172 DECIPHERING THE SIGNS OF GOD

miraclc and the politics of narration in the contemporary Islamic sermón".

37. Ibn al-Jawzí J971 . hitdb al qussils uv'l mudhahkiñn. ccL and transí, by- Mcrlin L
Swartz; thr prrachcr about whom he remarles is the famous mvstic Ahmad
GhazzAil (d. 1126).
38. A. Mcz 11922), Die Renánsanee des Islam, p. 319.
39. IqbAl makes an intervsting remark (1961) in the Strq) Rejleetuns. no. 37: "To
cxplain thc drcpcsi truths of life in thc form of homcly parablcs requires
extraordinary genius. Shakespeare, Maulana Rum ¿jalaluddin and Jesús are
proliably thc «nly illustrations of this rarc typc ol'genius.’
40. C. E. Padwick (1960), A/iufim Deivtwns, p. 131; A. Schimmel 19831, *The Sufi»
and the shahdda'.
41. A. J Wrnsmck <1932), /Az Musían Creed, deais with thr development of the
crcdal formulas.
42 Muhammad YumiI Kokan (19741. Arabx and Postan ut Cantata (1700-1950), pp.
25, 360ÍE The foundrr of thc madrasa was thc Nawwab of Arcot, Ghulam
Ghaus Kh&n Babador ’llic Muslim theologians, however. elaimed that onc
‘could not support a cause advocaung raming a hveiihood rather than
Mipporting religión".
43. 'Pie bas»c work on prayci is still Fnrdrith llcilcr (1923), Das Gebet. For thc
spiritual aspee ts of Muslim prayer, scc Constancc E. Padwick (1960). Musían
Devotinns. Scc also E. E. Calvcrlcy 1925), IforiAt/i tn Islam Thr shon
unattribulcd: anide ‘The significante of Moslem prayer’ in .un 14 gives a good
insight into thc feclmgs of Muslims. Scc also S. D. Goitein, ‘Prayer in Islam", in
Studies. pp. 79 89; A. Schimmel 1958). ‘The idea of prayer in thr thought of
IqbAl"; and ídem ¡ 1967!, "MaulAnA Rüml's story on prayer".
44. F. Mcier 1986). ‘Die Scgcnssprcchung ubcr Mohammed im Bittgcbct und in
der Bine"; J Robson (1936), "Blessings on thc Prophet"; Mohammed llyas
Bumey (1983), Mishkaal us udaicaat: J Bauquet ofBlessings on Muhammad the Prophet.
45. T. Cansan <1935). "'Ihc curse in Palettinian folklore'.
46. J. Pedersen (1914I. Do Eid bei den Semtlen in seuum íohaltnis zu ¡entandien
Erscheuuingen, soune du Stellung des Etdei un Islam. Onc of thr most famous oath
formulas of the Prophet was: ‘By Him in Whosc hand Muhammad’s soul is!’
47 A Sufi might even tell his disriplrs: ’Swcar an oath by me’, as did Sayyid 'Ali
Hamadháni. Scc Devin DcWccsc (1992), p. 248.
48 A. Schimmel 1959:, 'Das Gclübde im türkischcn Volksgiaubcn’ ;bascd on
Hikmct Tanyu’s dissenation, .In&mi w fetaesmdeki adakrolen}.
Kriss and Knss-Hcmnch • 1962), ¡‘olkiglaube in Islam, vol. 2. ch. 3.
? 8 $

G. van der Ix-cuw (1957), l om Háligeti in der Kunst, p. 23.

Compare the story lold in Hujwfrf (1911:, Kashf al-malgub, pp. 233 4.
‘Thc prayer in thc community is tweniy-scvcn degrres more valuablc than the
'fi

prayer of a solitary person’, says a Indilh. Twcnty-scvcn, thc third powcr of thc
sacrcd 'Ihree, has a spccial important c.
Iqbill (1930), The Recofistnutwn of Religious Thought tn Islam, ch. 5, espccially p. 93.
S ¥

Suhrawardl 1,1978). "Attdnf (transí. R. Gramlich), p. 266.

C. E. Padwick (1960), Muslim Daotions. p, 89.
"SU?

For spccial uses of thc bUtiha, scc W. A. Cuperus {1973), Al-Fátifa dems la ¡tanque
religteuse du Mane.
F Meier 1990a), Rahá i Walad. p. 250.
■&»

H. Ritter ¡1952!, ‘Muslim mystics’ strife with God'.

Somc collections of Muslim prayers are availabk* in translación. among thcm
8

Abdul Hamid Farid (1959), Pravos oj Muhammad; Zayn ai-’Abidin '.Mi ibn al-
Husayn (1988 , Ai-ta/k/at alkámilat as-saggádmn. The Psalms of Islam, transí. ... by
WiUiam C. Chittick; Krnncth Cragg (1972), Abre lo God, ídem 11955), ’Pilgrimagr
 THE WORD AND THE SCRIPT

prayer»*; ídem (1957}. 'Ramadan prayer»*; A. Schimmel (1978b). Denn Dan ¡sidas
Reuh. cnlargcd cdition as Dan Will/ geuhehe (1992); ALGhazali (1998), ¡mwaticms
and Supfduatums: Ktlñb al-adhkar ua'l-da' wál.... transí. ... by Kojiro Nakamura;
Al-Gazzali (1990), Temfts et fmáes. Pnars el úwocatwiu. Sxtrmts de l'lfyi' 'ulürn al-
Din. trad. ... par P. Cuperiy; 'AbdullAh AnsArt 1978), Afun^dC Intímale
Conrasatuns, transí, by Wheelcr M. Thackston Jr.
60. A. Schimmel (1976b!, ’Dard and the problem of prayer'.
61. Kriw and Kriss-Heinrich (1962), lolksglaubt tm Islam. vol. 2, p. 92.
62. Christian W. I'roll <1978), &r Sayrtd Ahmad Khan. a re-mlcrfrrrtation of hlamu
faotofp. .According to Sir Sayyid, God is pleascd with personal prayer as with
other fonns of servicc. bul He does not neccwarily grant the servant's pctition.
Sir Sayyid is hcrc cióse to the Mu'tazilitr viewpoint that God tdls His servaras
to invoke Him because He demands the attitude of adoration from them.
63. Iqbal (1937), <>*-< Katm, p. 267,
64. For the history of prayer beads, see W. Kirfel .1949). ZAr Rosmbanz'. Helga
Vcnzlaff (1975), Da ¡slamsche Rosmknmz M. S Belgucdj 119691, ‘Le chapeta
Islamique et ses aspects nord-africains‘, mentions, as do Knss and Kriss-
Heinrich (1960, 1962), tliat the tasblh is, in a certain way, sanctified by the
constant recitation of Divine Ñames or religious formulas and is thus consid­
erad to possess healing power and special baraka.
65. For the dhtkr, see L Gardet (1972-3), *La mention du Norn divin, dhth. dans la
mystique musulmane’. Most works on Sufism contain descriptions of varíous
kinds of dhikr. see A. Schimmel (1975a), Mystval Dtmmums of Mam, pp. 167-78
for referentes.
66. Thr description of the hcart’s joumey through the letters of .-l/iU is given in
Andahb Í1891,, .Kdla t Andahb, vol. 1, p. 270.
67. F. Meier (1963). 'Quíairfs Tartib tis-mlñk’, is an impressive description of how ¡he
dhtb permeates the whole being. A contemporary description of the cxpericnce
of dhtb in the forty days’ seclusion is by Michacla Ozclsel i 1993?. ¡age.
Erjahnmgen aus ana Sufi Klausur.
68. SuhrawardI (1978), ’Au&if (transí. R. Gramlich), p. 125; Shah 'Abdul I-apf
(1958), RMtló. 'Sur Rámakali* V, verse 1, 2.
69. F D. A. Tholuck • t8QI , Ssufumsti me iheosofdua pastmmt pantheutua. p. 12.
70. For the problem, see G. Mensching (1996), Das heiligc Sclnvagm
71 .An exccllent definirion of the diflerrnce between the ‘prophetic’ and the
‘mystic' approachcs to God is in Iqbal 11930), Thr RrcmtlrwhoN of Rehginui
W in hlam, beginning of ch. 5. In the PatOm 1 mashnq (1923). p. 186, Iqbál
sings in a ghazal writtcn in imitation of Rümí's poern n no. «pp:
They said: 'Glose your lips and do not tcll our mysteriesf
I said: ‘No! To shout AUáhu Akbar that is my wishf

72. For the importante of script and writing. scc A. Bertholct (1949}, IKe Machi da
Sckafl in (daubrn und Abaglauhm. F. DomsciíT .1922:, Das Alphabet in MystA und
Magtr. Jean Canteins 1981). La lvu da L/Ures For the Koran, ser Thomas
O'Shaughnewy (1948), 'The Koranic concept of the Word of God'; Ary A.
Roest Crollius (1974), The HW m üte bjcpaunce of Rmlatwn m ¡he Qur’an and Hindú
Scnfrtures.
73. G. Vajda (1961), ‘Ies leltres el les sons de la langur arabe d aprés Abü llAtim
RAzí’.
74. GhAlib :1969b;, Irdu Dirán. no. 1. See also A. Schimmel (1978a.!, A Dance of
Sports, ch. 4. and, in general, Schimmel 1984a . Calltgrapln and hlamu Culture
75. KisAl (1977), fhr 7ales of the Prophets. p. 6o(T
76. A-Jeflcry 1.1924.1. ‘The mystic letters of the Koran’. According to E. W Une
«74 DF.CIPHERING THE SIGNS OF GOD

(1978 ed.), Mamen and Custams, p. 256f., the Koranic verses most frequendy
used for hcaling and helging purposes are Süra 8:14; 10:80; 16:70; 17:82;
26:79 81; and 41:45. For Shia uses of the Koran many of which are the same
as among Sunnitcs), see B. A. Donaldson 11937 , ‘The Koran as magic’.
77. R. MeCarthy (ig8oj, Fradom and hülfilbwnt, p. lio.
78 R. Sellheim ¡1968), ‘Die Madonna mit der uüiádd.
79. J. Horovitz >9071. A list of publishcd Moliammcdan inscriptions of India',
vol. 2. p. 35.
80 For a discussion, ser G. Schoeler ( 1992;, ‘Schreiben und Vcróflcndichcn. Zur
Vcrwendung und Funklion der Schrift in den ersten islamischcn
Jahrhunderten'
81 M. Lings 1976), Quranu Caliigrafdty and lUummatum. See also A. Schimmel
(1984a.!, CalUfpaphy and Llama Culture, passim.
82. 'Aliar 1905:, Tadhkirat alaaliyd, vol. 1, p. 105.
83. lilis rtotice is apparendy based on ihe recent Shanal Aíl m Pakistán, where §
295B rcads:
Whoevrr wilfully defiles, damages or descerares a copy of the Holy Qur’an
or of an cxtract therefrom or uses it in any derogatory mannrr or for any
unlawful puqx>sc shall lx- punishable with imprisonmenl for life.

84. G. E. von Grunebaum 19691. Studim, p. 32. For the ‘world of the Koran', see
Iqbal (1932), jMdilwa, line 570ÍF.
85. Samuel Xí Zwemer 1921 , The illiteratr Prophet'. I Goldfekl (1980}, 'The
illiierate Prophet ¡itaól umnñ An inquiry into the devclopmcnt of a dogma in
Islamic tradition*. emphasizcs the rather slow devclopmcnt of the interpreta*
tion of ummi in thr ‘mysticai' sense. As in the case of the ‘mysticai*
inicrpretation of Süra 7:172 conccming the ‘Primordial Covenant’, the
crystallization of such deeper ‘mysticai* intcrprelations seems to lx* achieved
around ihc beginning of thr tendí century AD/fourth century ah similar to
the dogmatizaron oí Christological formulas at the sian of the fourth century
ad in Christianity.
86. William A. Graham (1987:, Htyand ü* linden IIW. (Au/dsjMrb Senfdutr in the
Hutorj oj Religión, shows very dcarly the twofold charactcr of rcvelation and
the important role of oral transmisión in the case of the Koran.
87 Suhrawardi (1978), 'Autirif (transí. R. Gramhch, p. 41.
88. G. Snouck Hurgronje 1923!, lenprnde Ctsdmflm. vol. 2, p. 438 (year of
rrferener: 1899); X jatea on broadeasting the Koran: 5.10.1933’, in .un 24
(1934). P 180 *■««■ «** ’ol<‘ of proper rccitation. set Lamia al-Faruqi 1979).
’TarüT; also Lahib as-Said 11975;. 7Ír Reai/d Koran. Transí, and adapted by
Bcrnhard Weiss. M. A. Rauf, and Morroc Brrgcr
89. Fazlur Rahman 11966/, ch. 2.
90. San.11 (1962.I, Dttan. p. 309.
91 Süra Ijtqmún is good for pregnant women; .Vfiroi al-Fath 48 and Sura Mutzammil
(73} avert illncss and calamitics.
92 W. C. Smnh :196o). ‘Some similarities and dilTcrcnccs between Christianitv
and Islam', p. 57.
93. Bemhard Weitt 1984). ‘Language and law. The linguistic premises of Islamic
legal thought'.
94 The Muslim Dtgril. Durban, South Africa. May-June ¡991, p. 29, repr from
’lhe Majlu, Pori Elizabeth, South Africa, no. 8.
95. A. Mcz (1922), Dte Renaissante dts Islam, p. 328.
96. For this imagery, ser A. Schimmel 1992b:. .4 Twa-coland Brocade, pp. 309, 373-
4, note 11.
 THE WORD AND THE SCRIPT >75

97. For the problem, sce Schimmel (1975a). Mystual Dmunstons of islam. Appendix
1 Ilie term is takcn from P. Nwyía's penctrating analysis ¡1970) of Niflari's
experiences which he wrote down in his Matvñqif wa Mukh/yabül 11935). in
Exégiit coranu/ue. ‘Des imagen aux symbdes d'expérience*. part II. ’Niffari’,
especially p. 370. Nwyia shows the repcrcussions of (he problem of the
doctrine that the Koran is God’s uncreatcd word in the debate between the
Mu’tazila and the traditionalistv
98. C. Gcertz .19711, islam Obtened. p. 73.
99. For the history of the Koran and Koranic exegesis, ser the Bibliography
under Ayoub, Baljon, Gatjc, Goldziher, Nagel, Ñókleke. Rippin and Watt
l’he best sursry is Angelika Ncuwirth ,1987:, Koran', in Gatje (ecL), Gnmdnss
der arabivlun Mdologie Sre also T Nagel (1983), ’Vom Qur’an zur Schrift. Bells
Hypothr.se aus rcligionsgcschichtJichcr Sicht*. For an approach from the
vantage point of literary criticism, see A. Neuwirth 198!,'. Studun ¿itr
Komposition der mekkanuchm Swtn\ and ídem ,1991), 'Dcr Horizont der
Oflenbarung. Zur Relevan/ der einleitenden Schwurscricn fur die Suren der
frúhmckkanischen Zcit'.
too. NRpr-i Khusraw 1909), Dtidn, p. 446.
101. Füu má JUu, ch. 35.
102. IM., ch. 43.
103. Nasir-i Khusraw 1929-, Arvln, in 1’1993) tr. A Schimmel, Make a Sidtidjhm
Wudam, pp. 44. 46.
104. Sachiko Múrala 1199261, Too »j islam. p. 262.
105. For the problem of mystical interpretatíon, sce P Nwyia (1970), Exígese
iMamquf, G. Bówering .1979). The Xfystual lísum of Exutmff in UmskoI islam, A.
Hábil 1987), 'Traditional csotcric commcntarics'. For a special topic, see P.
Bachmann 1988), 'Fin la/rfr in Versen. Zu einer Gmppe von Gedichten im
Diiíún Ibn al-’Arabís'.
106. P Nwyia 19721, ibn A(á' Alláh el la naissance de la conjrénr sádilite, p. 46.
107. C. Huart 1904 , ‘Le rationahsmc musulmán au IVe sicclc’. A. Mcz 1922 , Die
Raíaissanee des islam, p. l88ff. gives a survey of the different cúrrenla among the
interpreten» of the Koran and the scholars during the ninth and tcnth
centuries, mainly in Baghdad.
108. Aziz .Mimad and G. E. von Gnincbaum cds 1970), Muslim Selj Siattment, p.
34-
109. Ibid., p. 171, where the posilion of GhulSm Ahmad Parvíz and his Koranu
Lexiqut Techmque are discusscd.
110 Fazlur Rahman (1966 , Islam, p. 32.
tu. For some examples of interpretation in a rather lildc-known language, see A.
Schimmel (1963b), ‘Translations and commcntarics of the Qur’án in the
Sindhi language’.
112 M. Chodkicwicz (1992), ‘The /•kaiAtí Makkiyya and its commentaton: some
unresolved rnigmas', p. 225.
113. William A. Graham 11977), Dante Word and ñophttu Word in Eatfy islam.
114. Abü ’AbduUáh Muhammad al-BukhSrí 1863 1902), Atíflé jám¡‘ attallh, 4 vols,
cd. I.. Krchl and W.Juynboll. transí. M. M. Khan ,1978 801. Sahih al-fíukhan,
6 vols. Another useful work is Tabri/J (1964-6), Mishkát al matáWt, 4 vols,
transí. James Robson.
115. L Goldziher 1915a), 'Chaim al-Buchári’ Ibn lyls <1933), fíadá’t" az-ztddtt,
mentions this custom in vol. 4 at almost every Ramadíui, robes of honour
were distributed 10 the rcaders who had complctcd this task.
116. A. J. Wensinck (1936-71), Coneordanus et índices de la tradition musulmane, enables
the acholar to oricnt himself in the vast 'ocean' of fudlih.
176 ÜECIPHERING THE SIGNS O» GOI>

117. I. Goldzihcr 1888 90), Afuhammedaniífhr Studim. was thr ground*breaking

Western Mudy in hodith crilicism. For Chiriígh .-Mi, scc Aziz Ahmad and G. E.
von Gruncbaum (1970,1, hfuslim Srif Statmvnt, pp. 49-59. A survcy of modcm
approachrs can l>c found in G. A. H JuynboB 1969), Thr Aulhmttdn of
Tradihon Utaahur. ¡huuuwm in Madmt Egvpt.
118. Such collections can consast of forty kudith about thr uscfulncss of wnting.
about piety or about the pilgrimage, or forty fatiiih transmilted by forty men
by thr ñame of Muhammad, or by forty peoplc from thr same town, etc.
Lcaming such a collection by heart was considercd to rntail many blessings.
Ser A. Karahan .19541, Ttirk hlam tdtinyilínda KM Hadú.
119. Sultán Walad 11936,, l'aladnáma, p. 53ÍF. Romfs biographcr. SipahsalAr, also
quotes this statcment.
120. M. Ghodlócwicz. 1992), ‘lite Futtdtíl Makktyya and its commrntators: somc
un resolved enigmas'.
121. For Mlr Dard’s claims in this field, see A. Schimmel (1976a;, Paut and Orare, p.
H7ff.
122. Ali S. Asani (1991). The Muj Xiranjan /maih Mystual ¿Wi; ídem (1992),
Imaih Manustnpls in thr Colletnon of Harvard CoU/gt hbraty.
123. M. Horten 11917a). Du utigiou Gedankrmvtlt der gebildrlrn Muítmr tm krutigm
lilam. p. xxiii.
124. Qtór Qüdanjü kalüm ;>978), no. i.
 V

Individual and Society

(My merey embraces all ihings, and I will show ni lo ihosc who are God-
fearing and pay the alms-lax and ihose who believe in Our sgns
Sara 7:156
■78 DECtrHERINC THE SIGNS OF GOO

THE HUMAN BEING

‘Man’s situation is like tisis: an angels wing was brought and cicd to a donkey’s
tail so that thc donkcy pcrchancc might also become an ángel thanks to thc
radiante of the angel's company.'
Thus writcs MawlSnü Rüml in fíhi mí JVii to describe the Iwofold nalurc of
the human being, a duality not of body and soul but of possibililies, a situation
medilated upon down through the centuries whcncvcr Muslims discuss thc
human condition. On the one hand, the Koran speaks in various places of thc
high and noble rank of man: did not God breadle into Adam from His osen
breath to makc him alive (Süra 15:29)? Did He not tcach him thc ñames, thus
enabling him to ntlc over the creatures and as the mvstics would continúe to
understand thc working of thc Divine Ñames as well (Süra 2:31;? Man was
appointed ktuitifa. 'represenlative’ eithcr of the angels or, according to another
interpretarion, of God (Süra 2:30), despite the critica! remarks of üte angels who
foresaw his disobcdicncc. But God spokc: karmmnt, ‘We have honoured thc
children of Adam’ Süra 17:70). .And humans are thc only creatures who
accepted the amana. the good which God wanted to entrust to thc world bul
which mountains and hcavcns refused to carey Süra 33:72); man, howcver,
accepted it despite his wcakncsscs. Is it not astounding, asks Násir-i Khusraw,
that the weak human being was chosen over Üte animáis? Only to him were
wamers and prophets sent, while camels and lions, so much stronger than he,
were not blesscd with such rcvclations but are also not held rcsponsiblc for dteir
aclions?
Tile Irequcm use in the Koran of the term mkhkhara. ‘to submit, place under
someonc's order’, reminds thc reader of ntan’s position as thc God investeu ruler
over the creatcd beings. Man’s high position was liten emphasized by the hadllh
according to which God creatcd Adam ’ali í&rahk: MI no. 346). ‘according to His
form’ although thc ‘His’ has also been rcad as ‘his’. i.c. Adam's intended form).
Tile Sufis became increasingly fond of the hafít/i man ’arafa nafsahu Jaqad 'arajá
rabbahu Uw no. 529', a saying that could be and frcqucntly was intcrprcted as the
possibility of tinding thc deepest mystery of God in oneself. It could also be
understood in a more general sensc: üte N’orth African Sufi al-Muryi (d. 12871
says 'he who knows his own lowlincss and inability rccognizes God’s omnipo-
tcncc and kindness', and Rümi elabórales üte same idea in the moving story of
AySz: thc Turkish ofiieer AySz, beloved of thc mighty sultán Mahmüd of
Ghazna id. 1030 , entercó every morning a secrct dosel where he kept his wom-
 INDIVIDLAL AXD SOCIETV '79

out frock and tom shoes. That was all he owned beforc Mahmüd showcrcd his
favours upon him, and by recognizing his own unworthiness and poverty he
gratefully understood lite masler’s bounty (.« V s.lljff.).
The human being could, however, also become the atfal as-safitln, 'the lowest
of the low’ (Sora 95:5), and while one is constantly reminded of one’s duty to
strive for the education of one’s soul, the danger is always present that the
animal traits may become overwhelming in one’s lower sdf: greed, iré, envy,
voracity, tendeney to bloodshed and many more negativo trends makc the
human being forget his heavenly origin, his connection with the world of spirit.
For this reason. the Ikhwán as-safS as well as some Sufi writers have thought that
these animal qualitics will become manifest on Doomsday in the shapes of dogs.
donkeys and lite like. for the hadith says that everyone will be resurrected
according to the state in which he or shc dies {am no. 40; see above. p. 281.
To cxplain the mystcry of man is impossible: man is, as ROmI says with a
comparison that prefigures John Donne’s expression, ’a mighty volume': the
extemal 'words' lit with this world, the inner meaning with the spiritual world.
For man. created from dust and retuming to dust (Süra 30:20, 37:53), gains his
true valué only through the Divine light that slúnes dirough the dust, the Divine
breath that moves him.
As AvAz was a slave of MahmOd, the human being is first and foremost a
slave of God, and die feeling that one is nothing but a slave, abd. makes the poet
or the artist, the pelitioner as well as the prince, sign his or her letters and works
with terms like al-faqir, 'the poor’, alhajir, ‘the lowly’ and similar terms, while in
high specch one used to refer to onesclf. in Persian or Ottoman Turkish, as
banda, ‘die servant’.
The use of 'abd for the human being goes back to numerous verses of the
Koran, in which human beings and in particular prophets are called 'abd. as well
as to the repeated statcments that cverything was created to serve God.
Furthermore, die Primordial Covcnant Süra 7:172'. whcn God addrcssed future
humanity with the words: alaitu bi-rabbibum. ‘Am I not your Lord?’, to which they
answercd: ‘Yes, wc testify to that', implies that they, acknowledging God as the
eterna! Lord, acccpted, logically, their role as God’s servaras until they are asked
on the Day ofJudgnient whether they had remained aware of God’s being the
onc and only Lord whom they had to obey.
But the Koran also offers the basis for interpreting the word abduhu, 'His [i.e.
God’s) slave', as the highest possible rank that man can reach: was not the
Prophet called 'abduhu, His slave’, in the two Koranic sentcnces that speak of his
highest experienccs, namely in Süra 17:1. which alludcs to his nightly joumey
■'praised be God who travelled at night with His slave and in Süra 53:10,
which contaras the visión in which God ‘rcvcalcd to His slave what He
rcvcalcd’? That means for the Muslim that 'God’s servant' is the highest rank to
18o ÜECIPHER1NG THE SIGNS OF GOD

which onc can aspire; and, based on ccnluries of praise bestowed on

Muhammad as ’abdu/tu, Iqbáthas summed up these feclings once more in his
great hyinn in honour oí’the Prophet in his jáiñdnáma.
There is only onc situation when the human being is freed from bondage:
that is in the case of the menially deranged, who are not ‘burdened’ by the
obligaúons of law; they are, as the poets liked to say, 'God’s freed people'.
Thcrcforc. onc fmds that ’AR4r, in his Pcrsian cpics, puts all rcbcllious words
agaiitsi die Crealor, the outcry of the deliased and the unhappy, into the mouths
of madmen: they will not be punished íor their unbridlcd bcliaviour.*
Bul while the believer aiways feels himself or hersclf to be God’s servan!,
mystical Islam, especially in latcr centuries, has developed die idea of al-tnsdn al-
kámü. the Pcrfcct Man, who is manifestad in the Prophet but whose rank is the
goal of die truc mystical seckcr. Great is die number of Sufi leadcrs who elaimed
to Ix*, or whose disciples saw them as, the Perfect Man, and the contras! between
the feeling of humility as ’abd and the claim to have reachcd the stage of the
Perfect Man amazes the reader of latcr mystical textó time and again. The
extreme contrast between these two possiblc interpretadora of huinanitv has led
a number of scholars to claim that Islam has no "humanlsm’ in the European
sense of the word: man is not the normative being. the one whose rights are
central in inieriiutnan rclations and who works freely in the spirit of rralization
of the ‘human valúes', but appcars cithcr as the lowly slave or as the ‘inílated’
Pcrfcct Man.*
The Koran has spoken of man's crcation in sevcral instantes, most impor-
tantiy in the first rcvelation Süra 96. Man was crcatcd from dust and then an
alag, a blood clot. and the miracle of tlic begetting and growtli of a child is
mcnüoned sesera! limes. The first human, Adam, was crcatcd from day, and
latcr mythological stories have clalxiratrd this crcation in poctical images. It is
said, for example, that Adam was kncadcd for forty days by God’s two hands
before the Creator breathed His breath into the clay vessel (J.w no. 632). Iblis
refused to fall down belorv him because he did not pen eive the Divine breath in
Adam but kxikcd only to the dust-íonn and. being crcatcd from firc. fclt superior
to him.
The human being is made up, as can be understood from the story of
crcation, of body and soul. and the difTerent parts of the spiritual side of humara
are mentioned in varying forms see bclow. p. 183). Tlic rifa 'spirit', and nafí,
soul'. are central as the truly spiritual aspeéis that keep humans in touch with
ihr higher rralitics, but the body is indispensable for this life. It is made up of
four elementó and is perishablc as everything composile; it recurrís to dust, but
will be rcasscmblcd on Doomsday. And although many pious people have
expressed their aversión to the body, this oíd donkey or < aniel, to ncglcct the
body or kill it by exaggeratrd mortilication is ncvcrthdcss not acceptablc, for the
 INDIVIDUAL ASO SOC1ETY l8l

body is needed for thc performance of ritual dutics and should be kept intact to
serve for positive purposes, even though the mystics would radier cali it a town
in which tile soul feels like a stranger. Thc human body in its totality also carnes
power, baraka.
Onc of thc most important centres of powcr is the hair. Il has thcrcforc lo lie
covered. Not only women should veil their hair, but also men should not enter
the Divine presence with bare hcad (cf. above, p. 94). To tear one's hair is a sign
of utter despair, as women do in mouming rites: thc marihiyas which sing of thc
tragedy of Kerbela often describe thc despair of thc women in Husayn's camp
who carne to thc fore, their hair dishevellcd.
llie Kdfi>a, die 'forelock', which is mentioned twicc in tile Koran (SQra 96:15,
cf. Süra 11:56), belongs to thc same eluster of objects: to grasp someonc (or an
animal) by the forelock means 10 grasp his ¡or its) most power-laden parí, that is,
to overeóme him complctcly.
Thc offering of thc new-bom child’s first hair during the 'aqii/a should be
remembered in this context as well as the hair-ollcring of ccrtain dervishes and
the taboos connccted with hair during thc pilgrimage.
Sanclity is also contained in thc beard: ‘The beard is God’s light’, as a saying
goes. Thus Indian Muslims would sometimcs dip thc beard of an oíd, venerable
man in water, which was then given to ailing people to drink and was espccially
administered to women in labour.4
When the hair as such is considered to be so Cllcd with baraka, how much
more tire Prophet's hair and beard!’1 Muslim children in Sind had formerly lo
Icarn thc exact nurnber of thc Prophet’s hairs, while in thc Middle East some
authors ‘kncw’ that 33,333 hairs of thc Prophet were brought to thc Divine
Throne.6 Taking into considcration thc importancc of hair and beard, onc can
also understand, at least to a certain exlent, tire role of SalmUn al-FürisI in
Muslim picty: he, thc barber, was the one who could touch die Prophet's hair
and beard, and from carlicst times onc reads that a lew hairs of the Prophet,
sewn into a turban, served as a protecting amulet, Hairs of thc Prophet are
preserved in varous mosques: the Mamluk sultán Baybars (reigned 1266-77) gave
a hair of thc Prophet for the miháb of the Khünqüb SiryUqüs. thc Sufi hospicc
ncar Cairo,’ and riots brokc out in Srinagar, Kashmir, some years ago when
Ha; ratbil, 'Its Excellency thc Hair, was stolen; this hair was honoured by
building a fine mosque in the city around it, Usually, such a hair is preserved
in a fine glass vessel which is wrapped in dozens of fragrant silk covers, as in
the Alaettin Mosque in Konya, where it was hidden in a wall. But gencrally,
non-Muslims (and in Bijapur’s Athar Mahal also women) are not allowed into a
room dial contains such a treasure. Some Muslims believe that these hairs can
grow and niultiplv: as the Prophet, they contend, is alive, so also is his hair. And
as the rornantic lover in thc West carricd his beloved’s curl as a kind of amule!.
182 DECIPHERINC THE SIGNS OF C.OD

hairs from the beard of a venerated Muslim sainl can serve the same purposc.
Like the hair, the nails have special propcrtics. which is evident from the
prohibinon of paring the nails during the /»;/. There are special days rccom-
mended for paring one’s nails, and the comparison used by Persian and L'rdu
poets who likened the crescenl moon to a fingemail (which does not sound very
poetical to Wcsterncrs) might have a deeper reason than simply the external
shape.
As the soul is often thought to be connected with the breath (one need only
think of God’s ‘breathing’ into Adam), the nose and the nostrils play a
considerable role in popular belief; to sneeze means. as ancicnt Arabic sourccs as
well as Turkish Iblk tales mention. to lie quickened from deadi tile moming,
too, ’sncezes' when it dawns). Ahcmativcly, by sneezing one gris rid of the devil.
who was hiding in the nostrils: henee the custom of uttering a congratulatory
blessing to a sneezing person. Thr role of the nose as a sign of honour and rank,
as understood from many Arabic and Turkish expressions, also explains why one
of the ways to deprive a culprit of his or her honour is to cut ofT his or her nose,
a common punishment until recendy.®
Breathing is connected with the soul. It is therefore lifc-giving and healing fas
was. for example, Jesús’ breath: SOra 3:49). In an ingenious ta’uM, the
Suhrawardi saint Makhdüm Noli of Hala (Sind) (d. 1591) inleipreted the ’girl
buried alive’ of Süra 81:8 as the breath that goes out without being lilled with the
dhitr, the rccollcction of God.
The importante of saliva is weU known in religious tradición». When a saint
spits into the food, it brings blessings, and when the Prophet or a saint (whether
in rcality or in a dream; puts some of his saliva into somcbody's mouth, the
person will become a great poet or oratorJ* The saliva of the beloved is
compared to the Water of Lile owing to its barata, and man lid singers in Egypt -
to quote an example from modem times - sing of the ’licit wine of the Prophet's
saliva'.’0
It is a similar case with perspiration. Women in the ensironment of the
Prophet so it is told would collcct his perspiration to use it as a perfume, and
the legend that the rose grew from drops of the Prophet's perspiration which fell
to Earth during his nightly joumey shows the barata of this Iragrant substance.
Blood too can be a carrier of soul substance, and the avoidancc of blood in
ritual and food is likcly to go back originally to the fear of the soul posver
contained in the blood.
Head and feet are respected. and it is cspecially the culi of the feet or the
footprint which is rcmarkably developcd in Islamic folklore: touching the feet of
a venerable peison is an oíd custom to show one’s devotion and humility (to
‘become the dust for the beloved’» feet' is a widespread wish in Oriental poetry),
The s'encration of the Prophet’s footpriitl has been attributcd to inllucnccs from
 INDIVIDUAL AND SOCIETY 183

India, where Vishnu’s or the Buddha's feet are highly honoured; but the most
enthusiastic poems about the Prophet's sandals, as well as the eariiest memion of
the culi of his footprint, carne from the Arab world. The cuit of the Prophet's
vandal was substituled for the culi of his foot some time after his death.
Maqqari’s (d. 1624) voluminous Arabic work is a treasure trove of poems and
pictures of this cult,"
The feet of normal believers are also filled with power, and whether the Sufi
kisses his mastcr's foot or the son that of his mother, the wisli to humiliatc oncself
before the power inherent even in the lowest part of the person's body can be
sensed. That becomes very olear from the custom of dota' the shaykh of the
Sa'diyya laflqa (and in Istanbul formerly also of the Riñ'iyya) would walk or even
ride over the bodies of his followers who were Iving flat 011 the ground; thus they
were blessed by his feet's power.'1
I mentioned. at the beginning, the belicf in the Evil Eye ísee above. p. 91), and
the negative power of the 'look’ mentioned in the Koran (Süra Gftijif.) is
something to be reckoned with. However, the eye has not only dangerous
properties; rather, the look of the saintly person may blcss the visitor, and there
are numerous tniracles ascribed to the blessings of someone's ‘look’. Suddcn
conversions are ascribed tothe single glance of the spiritual master, and so are
healing miracles.'3 The rule that women should strictly avoid eye contact with
strangers reminds us of the danger of the glancc; women thercfore often wear
dark glasses to cover their eyes.
As the body is filled with power. certain bodilv states in which one loses, as it
were, some ‘power’ have to be rectified by a tnajor purification. Such sutes
inelude the sexual act or any loss of semen, as well as death. No food should be
cooked for drree days after a death; the neighbours will bring everything
required to the homc. Pregnant women should not be present during the
memorial rites for a family member (women in general never particípale in a
funeral).'-' They are also not allowcd, during pregnaney, into a saint's shrine.
The time for purification after parturition or death is forty days, the traditional
period of waiting and changing for the better.
The spiritual elements of the human being are classified in various ways, but
Muslims always know that there is the spirit, rüfi, and the soul, Bo/i. The spirit
gencrally appears as Üie paternal, that is, begetting and impressing power, while
the soul is usually laken as die feniale, receptivc pan. The spirit, as part of the
all-pervading Spirit. is onc, but the 'molherS* are different lór every being.'5 The
problem of whether or not bodies and spints were created at the same time is
answcred diflerenüy; philosophers and mystics usually agree dial die spirits were
created before the bodies.'6 The tensions between soul and body, or spirit and
body, are alluded to in numerous stories, especially by Rüml, whose psychology
is, however, not very consisten!. For him, as for many mystics, the most
I«4 DECIPHF.R1NG THE SIGNS OF GOD

imporiant pan of one's spiritual aspccu is the heart, lite organ through which
onc may rcach immcdiatc understanding of thc Divine prcscncc: a veritablc
heart, as many mystics liold, has to be born, or else it has to be clcaned of the
rust of worldlincss to bccomc a purc vcsscl, a deán housc, a radiant ntirrur for
the Divine Beloved. Rüml even compares die birth of die trulv spiritual parts of
thc human being to thc birth ofjcsus from the Virgin Man: only when die birth
|>angs suíTcrings and afllictions come and are overeóme in loving faith can
this ‘Jesús’ be born lo dtc human soul.'7
Both terms, ‘spirit’ and ‘soul’, have airy connotadnos: rfiA and rift ‘wind’, najs
and nafas, 'breath': thus die importance of the brcalh as a vehiele of thc soul can
l>c undeistood, as can thc frequent symbol of the 'soul bird', the airy, ílighty part
of human beings.
The classiftcatíon of die soul is based upon thc Koran, and thc thrcc
dcfmirions of thc nafs, found in thrcc different places, served die Muslims lo form
a general thcory of thc dcvclopmcnt of thc soul. Thc nafs animara (Süra 12:53), the
‘soul that incites to evil', is 'thc worst of all enemies' (aw no. 17), but it can be
educated by constant light thc veritablc 'Greater jiW against its base
qualirics to bccomc the nafs launima (Süra 75:2;, a concept not far from Western
‘conscicncc’. and ftnally it is callcd baclt to its Lord after rcaching thc statc of nafs
mulma’mna, The soul at peace' (Süra 89:27). When the word no/i is used without
qualification, it denotes thc 'sclf or thc reflexivo pronoun, but in litcrary texts,
cspccially in Pcrsian and Turkish, it is usually thc nafs ammba, thc negativo
qualirics of thc lowcr sclf, which is then symbolized in various shapes, from a
black or yellow dog lo a disobedient woman or a restive horsc.
F.vcryonc is made of body and soul-spirit; everyone also particípales more or
less in thc above-mentioned powcrs’, and yet, despite die emphasis in Islam
upon die equalily of all believers, who are distinguished only by thc dcgrec of
their God-fearingnrss and piety, somc peoplc are lillcd with more baraka than
others.1" Myths are woven around ancicnt prophets and saints who are thought
to be blessed with longevity: Noah lived for 900 ycars, and there is thc strange
figure of Raían, a Muslim saint who was discovcrcd in thc twelfih century in
India and elaimed to tcll authende hartilh as he had lived in die company of thc
Prophet; the haJuh collected from him are the ralanrryat.^ In fitaiwa áreles.
Salmln al-larisl is crcditcd with a lifcspan of 330 ycars." Legendary saints of
rimes long past were sometimes imagined to be giganiii•; the phenomenon of thc
lonibs of the naugaza, people ’nine cubits long’, is well known in Muslim India.
But to come to actual human beings as onc encounters them day by day, onc
has to single out as prime carriers of baraka die parents about whom thc Koran
(Süra 17:23) orders: ‘You shall not worship any but Him, and be good to lile
parents whether onc or both attain oíd age with you'.
Evcry clderly man can represen! die father figure and often funcrions as the
 INDIVIDUAL AND SOCIETY 85

role modcl for the son. The families are extremely close-knit, as everyone knows
who has lived with Muslim families. Yet, in the Koran, Abraham is the modcl of
those who scver the family bonds by luming from idol-wonhip 10 the adoration
of the One God (SOra 6:74): truc religión superscdcs ancestral loyalties :and one
can be shocked when hearing how recent converts to Islam sometimos merci-
lessly consign their non-Muslim parents to Hcli;.
The child grows under the mother’s protcction and reniains in her housc.
with the women. until he is seven years oíd. A beautiful tradition incúlcales love
of and respect for the mother in the believcr’s heart: ‘Paradisc lies under the fect
of the mothers’ (aw no. 488) is a famous hadith, and when the Prophet was asked:
‘Who is the most deserving of loving kindness, bin?’, he answcred: ‘Your
motheri' and repeated this thrice, only then mentioning the father. The role of
pious mothers in the formation of Sufis and other pious people is a well-known
fací and proves that they were given not only a religious education but, more
than that. an example by their mothers, and remained beholden to them all their
lives (see also below, p. 198).
In many early civilizations, die leader or king is blessed by a special power
which is called in the tranian tradition the khtvarma, The Jan, 'radiance', with
which Empcror Akbar was surrounded according to his court historiographer
Aba 'I-Faz I, is philologically and in iu meaning this very royal charisma.
Normative Islam does not know the concept of Divine or sacred kingship; the
leader in traditional Sunni lile is the caliph, the successor of the Prophet as
leader of the community in prayer and war, who has no religious authority and
is bound, like every other Muslim, to the commands of rite sAort'd and their
intcrprctation by the ’ulamá, The goal of the caliphate was not, as can sometitnes
be read, to cstablish ‘the kingdom of God' on Earth but rather to look after the
aíTairs of die community and defend the borders against intruders or, if possible,
extend them to enlarge the ‘House of Islam’. The caliph was regarded as a
'religious' leader only ai a later stage in history, namely when the Ottoman
caliph (whose office was in itself, scen historically, a construction withoul real
historical justification) was described as the ‘caliph of the Muslims’ at the time
whcn the Crimea, with its Muslim Talar inhabitants, was ceded to Russia in
1774; at this point, the Ottoman sultan-caliph was called to act as the ‘religious’
head of the Muslim community. This concept induced the Indian Muslims after
the First World War to rally to the khiláfat movement. in an attcmpt to declare
the Ottoman caliph their spiritual head while they were still smarting under
British colonial rule. But the khilajat movement, in which many Muslims
emigrated or tried to emigrate to Afghanistan and Turkestan, finally broke
down when Ataturk abolished the caliphate in 1924.
While the Sunnite caliph is at best a symbol of the unity of Muslims (as was
the case during the later centuries of the Abbasid caliphate of Baghdad, which
86 DF.CIPHER1NC THE SIGNS OF GOD

was terminated by the Mongols in 1258), the concept of divine ruiership can be
found to a ccrtain cxtent in Shia Islam. The retura of the leader of a community
after a long time in hiding is an oíd theme in human history , and this motif was
first applied to 'Aifs son from a wife other than Estima. Muhammad ibn al-
l.ianafiyya id. 700). The widesprcad belirf in die retum of the hero, who is
usually thought to live in a cave, grew among the Shiitcs to culminare, in the
Twelver Shia, in die concept of the hidden Imam who will retum at the end of
time ‘to fill the world with justice as it filled with injustice’. The Divine light
which the imams carry in them gives them a position similar to that of a ‘sacred
king’, but the dieme is even more pronounced in the Ismaili tradition, where not
the hidden but the living Imam is the centre of the community: the tógtr imam is
not only the woridly but also the spiritual leader through whom the light shines
forth and whose dars/ian, the ‘looking at him’, is believed to convey spiritual
blessings to tliosc presenl. Henee, the term ‘sacred kingdom' has lieen used for
Ismaili Islam, while this concept is totally alien to the Sunnitc tradition.”
A similar aversión lo a Divinely inspirad or religiously exceptiona) clergy is
tvpical of Sunnitc Islam. Therr is no pricst in Islam in the traditional sense of
someone to administer the sacramcnt, for the only sacramcnt, sil tenia verbo, is the
recitation of the Koran in which the individual listens and responds lo the words
of the Lord.
Ilie central role in the community at largo bclongs to the 'ulamt. the lawyer-
divines and interpretéis of the íhaii'a; for, as the haddh says, ‘the ’ulamd are the
heirs of die prophets'; they are responsible for the maintenance of the Divine
Law and die tradition. Thus they have contributcd to the stability of the umma,
the Muslim community," even though they are also blamed, especially in
modem times, as thosc who resist modemization and adaptation lo the changing
valúes and cusioms of die time because they see the dangent inherent in breaking
away from the sacred tradition while they themselvcs are, probably, not
aequainted with the opportunitics that a frcsh look inio tradition may ofTer the
Muslims who have 10 lind a feasible approach lo ihc modem world.
One could speak of a kind of clergy, for example under the Fatimids; and
Ismaili Islam, especially among the Aga Klianis or Khojas, has a considerable
number of ranks in die religious hierarchy, from the dñ'i, the missionary. and the
the ‘proof, down to the miMi, who is responsible for the organizalion of
the local communities. 'Intcrestingly, women can also be appointcd to any
echelon of these offices.) Vet, it sountis strange to a traditionist ear when a
lcading religious functionary of the Ismaili Bohora community (who has a
‘woridly’ profession as well) says: ‘I ivas trained to become a minister'.
The muitahid in the Twelver Shia can perhaps be called a dcric, as he lielps to
spread the wisdom of the hidden imam, guiding tile community in legal
dccisions based on a deeper religious insight.
 INDIVIDUAL ANO SOCIETY ■8?

The most important figure with religious charisma. the model and the
beloved whose prcscncc and che thought of whom spreads blessing, is. without
doiibt, the prophet. To be sure, more than a century ago, Aloys Sprenger
remarked sarcasñcally: in Gcrmany, onc has deprived the word “prophet" of all
is meaning and then claimed that he, Muliammad, is a prophet'.*’ Sprenger is
ccrtainly wrong from lite phcnomenological viewpoint; for, as much as
Muhammad’s contemporarics were prone to compare him to the kalun. the
Arabic soothsayer, or to die itó'ir, the poel, who by means of his magic
knowledge was ablc to utter satircs against the encmics and thus wound thcm, as
it were, with the arrows of his powerful words; and as much as Western crides
have been concemed not only with the Prophet’s numerous marriages late in his
lifc but also with his poliñeal role in Medina, which seemed to overshadow his
religious vocaúon - yet his way is exaedy that of a prophet according to the
definiüon in the history of religions. For the prophet is called and has no cholee;
he lias to speak whether he wants to or not (cf. Süra 96, the Divine order:
‘Rcad.1’ or •Recite!".
Islam dillerentiates between two kinds of prophets: the nM, who reccives a
rcvelation, and the nuil, who musí prcach the message; he is the lawgiver who
speaks according to the Divine order.*’ The miracles which the prophet shows
are called mujiza, 'something that incapacítales ochen to repeal or imitate them';
they prove not so much his powcr but rather the powcr of the lord whose
messenger he is, and whilc mu'ji&t have to be opcnly shown. the miracles of the
saints, karümüt, should be kept sccret. The prophet is also a poliñeal personality,
for he is concemed with and resjionsible for his people’s late In diis worid and
the worid to come: the archctypal rulcr among the prophets is Sulaymán
(Solomon), the ■prophet-king'.
The contents of the prophet's message are basically cthical and culminare in
absolute obediente lo God, who reveáis His will through him. Often, the
prophet is an Unhnlsfmplur. he has to wam peoplc of the impending disaster if
they do not listen, for only the rest will be saved. The tales of the carlicr prophets
which appear in the Koran dme and again bear witness to this aspcct of
prophcrhood.
The prophet has to be a vcsscl for the Divine word, henee the importante of
the interpretañon of the word umml as ‘illiterate' even though its priman'
meaning is diflcrenl. But he musí líe illiterate lest his knowledge be stained by
intcllcctual activity such as collccñng and adapting pres-ious texis and stories.
One could also see him as a mirror that takes in itsclf the immediate celestial
communicarion; the concept of the hryar baht. the absolutcly puré polished stone,
bclongs to this set of images.
The prophet - so the thcologians cmphasize - lias to possess 'urna, that is, he
has to lie without sin and faults; for, had he sinned, sin would be a duty for his
iB8 UECIPHERING THE SIGNS Of COI)

community. As thc Sanbslra,’5 thc widesprcad dogmatic catcchism stresses

lürthcr, thc prophet mut bring thc mcssagc and cannot hide it. Furthermorc,
fadái/a. 'vcracity'. is a nccessary quality of a prophet: he cannot tcll lies. Without
these essential qualitics, onc cannot be called a truc prophet; but it is possible
that a prophet may be subject to human accidents such as illness.
Thc Koran mentions twenty-eighl prophets by ñame; parallels to thc twenty-
cight lunar stations and thc letters of the Arable alphabet could easily be
discovered. Odicr traditions speak of 313 prophets, and the plcthora of 124.000
prophets also occurs. However, títere can l>e only one God-sent messenger at a
time. Each of the previous messengers prefigures in a certain way die final
prophet. Muhammad; their actions are basically identical with his, for all of
thcm are entrusted with thc same Divine message. There is no problcm for the
Muslim in rccognizing prophets not mentioned in thc Koran, provided dial they
have lived before Muhammad (e.g, thc Buddha, or Kungfutsc), because
Muhammad is called in Süra 33:40 dtc khñtam an-nabmln, the ‘Seal of thc
prophets'. He was also understood as thc paraclele promised to the Christians,
because thc word atnad, 'most praiscworthy’. in Süra 61:5 was intcrprctcd as a
translation ofpmkltlot, which was thought to be the word intended by parakUtos.16
Allhough Muhammad himsclf is called in the Koran a human being who,
howcvcr, liad to be obeyed (Süra 3:32 el al.), and ahvays cmphasized that he was
nothing but a messenger. the baraka inherent in him was nevertheless so ¡mínense
dial his descendants through bis daughtcr Estima were likewise endowed with a
spccial sancdty, whether onc thinks of thc politico - religious Icadcrs of Sharifian
desceñí in Morocco or of thc strm/i. whosc vencraúon is particularly strong in
Indo Pakistán; ütey have to observe speci.il taboos, and their daughters are not
allow-ed to marry a non-.ttpW.
While thc rcspcct for raiyids and sbanfs is common to Sunni and Shia Muslims
(though niuch more pronounccd among the Shiitcs), emphasis on thc compan­
ions of thc Prophet is natural in Sunni gíreles. Thc Shia custom of tabarra', that
is. distancing oneself from thc first thrcc caliphs and even cursing them, is
considcrcd a grave oficncc bv Sunnis. for after all. even though thc Shia claimed
that they had usurped the caliphate from ’Ali. thc only legitímate hcir to thc
Prophet, onc has stiil to remember that Abü Bakr was the father of
Muhammad’s youngest wife ’A’isha. and 'Ornar was the father of his wife Hafsa,
while 'OthmSn was married to two of the Prophet's daughters and is dterefore
called dhu'n-niirayn, 'thc onc with thc two lights'. Espccially in India. Sunni
thcologians wrote treatises in favour of the first thrcc caliphs and even of
Mu'lwiya, thc founder of thc Omayyad caliphate, in order to counteract the
Shia propaganda.
Tile dcsignation of Muhammad as thc 'Seal of thc prophets' included for
Muslim thcologians thc impossibility of thc appcarancc any other religión and a
 INDIVIDUA!. AND AOCIF.TY «9

Divincly-inspired siart'a after Muhammad’s death. Movemcnts that claimed a

continuing revelation, such as the Babl-Bahai movemcnt in Irán ai the begin­
ning of the nineteenth century, or the Ahmadiyya in the Panjab at the tum of
the twendeth century. were dcdared as heresics and, in the case of the
Ahmadiyya, as non-Islamic as late as 1974.Henee the merciless persecution in
Irán of the Batíais, whose claim to possess a new revelation violated the dogma
of Muhammad as the final bearer of Divine revelation.
Iqhal phrased lile concept of the finaliiy of Muhammad’s prophetic office in
an inleresting way which, interpreted wrongly, could lead to heated arguments.

The birth of Islam ... is the birth of inducdvc intcllcct. In Islam,

prophecy reachcs its perfection in discovering the need of its own
abolition.’8

According to popular belicf, the Prophet was sent not only to humankind but
also to the angcls to honour thcm. But connccted with the theme of the ’SeaT
was the question: what would happen if there were human beings on other stars,
in other hitherto unknown worlds? 'litis question, which disquieted some
Muslims at the time when they became awarc of new discovcries in astronomy in
the early nineteenth century, resulted, in India, in a ficrce thcological debate
between Faz l-i Haqq Khayrábádi and Ismall Shahld (d. 1831), Could God
créate another Muhammad in such a case? GhJlib, the poet of Delhi, wrote a
linc which was quoted with approval by Iqbál in his jAvtdnimr.

Wherevcr the tumult of a world arises,

there is also a la/malan li 'l-'lllamln, ‘Mcrcy for the worlds’.’9

For God will not leave any community without prophetic guidance, and
humanity was never without prophets until the time of Muhammad.
Propht-tology look a dilferent tum among the Shia and in particular in the
Ismaili community. The six days of creation (Süra 25:60 et al.) were connected
with six eyeles of prophets: Adam, Noah, Abraham, Moses, Jesús and
Muhammad; Ote seventh one will bring rcsurrection. Each of the seven prophets
hrings the shañ'a. the Divine Law, which is dien preserved by the uvM, the ’heir';
that was in Moses' case HAriin, in Muhammad’s case "All.
The human Prophet, the unto /n.an/i, ’bcautiful model' (Süra 33:21) of his
followers. was soon surrounded by innumerable mirarles, and when attributes
like karitÁnsálár, 'the caravan leader', or in Bcngal ‘helmsman to the far shorc of
Truth’ point to this quality as the guide of die community and are thercfore
generally acceptable, the developmcnt of his role as the Grst tliing ever created,
as the pre-etcmal light dial was between the Divine Throne and die Divine
Footstool, Icads into gnostic sprculations disliked by more sobcr Sunni dieolo-
gians. When the Koran calis Muhammad latmalan li ’l-'álamin. poets symbolizcd
igo DECIPHEK1NG THE SIGNS OF GOD

him as the great cloud that brings 'afana (rain, merey) lo the dried-up hearts; the
short allusion to his nighdy journey (Süra 17:1; was claboratcd in most colourful
verbal and painterly images, and although the Koran and Islam in general
strictiy reject a sotcriology of a Christian typc,’1 Muhammad appears more and
more as the intereessor who will intercede for die grave sinners of his community
(cf. aw no. 225), and millions of believers have trusted and still trust in his shqfh'a,
his intercession.
He appears as the longed-for bridegroom of the soul, and just as theology sees
the virtues of all previous prophets enibodied in him, mystically-inclined poets
knew also that the beauty of all of them appears in his beauty. At an early point
111 hislory, the hadith qudsi claimed ‘Laufáka ...’ (Mi no. 546). 'but for your sakc I
would not have crealed the horizons’ (i.e. the worid). Surrounded by numerous
ñames - similar to the Divine asma' al hama - he is separated from God only by
one letter, as his heavenly ñame Afanad shows: when the m of Afanad disappears,
there remains only Afaid, The One, as a faufith qudsi states.3’ Later Sufis composed
complicated treatises about the faufiqa mufaunmadma, the 'Muhamtnadan arche-
typc’, the suture between God and Crcation; and although in early Sufism the
goal wasJanafi Allüh, anniliilation in God, it is in later times diefandft ’t-rasül. the
annihilation in the Prophet which constituyes the highest goal, for one can reach
the haqiqa mufammadfaya while the deus absconditus in Its csscncc remains forever
beyond human striving. The Prophet, as many people believe, is alive and guides
his community through dreams; he can vindícate people who v-isit his tomb in
Medina.
Sevcral Sufi brotherhoods which called themselves lañqa muhammadvyya
emerged in the eighteenth and early nineleenth centuries, although the term
gocs back to the Middlc Ages; they taught the milano mufammadi, not only in die
external prácticos that were reponed about him but also in the deeper layéis of
faith. At a time when Western influences were increasingly endangering the
tradilional Muslim worid, the example of tlic Prophet who, as Muslims believed,
would appcar in dhiki sessions devoted to the recitation of blessings upon him,
seemed to be an important stronghold against the threat of Westemization, for
he is as Kennedi Cragg says The definitivo Muslim’.
Even though the traditionalists never liked the exaggcration of his veneraiion,
which so permeated popular and high Islam, everyone agrees that it is
Muhammad who defines the borders of Islam as a sepárate religión. It is the
second half of die profession of faith, ‘Muhammad is His messenger’, which
distinguishes Islam from other religions; when Iqbal says in his Jái'idnama

You can deny God but you cannot deny the Prophet,

he has expressed the feeling of the Muslims for die man who brought the final
and decisivo Divine message. Tlierefore sabb ar-rasül, ‘slandering of the Prophet',
 INDIVIDUAL AND SOCIETY ■9'

is onc of the worst crimes, fiable, according to some authoritics, to capital

punishment one has to keep this in mind to understand the Muslims’ reaction
to Salman Rushdie's Salame Vasa.
Títere is no end to Muhammad's extemal and spiritual greatness. Frithjof
Schuon’’ has represented him in an interesting model, using his earthly and his
heavenly ñames, Ahneul and .Muhammad, 10 show the two sides in him:

Muhammad Ahmad

connected with the laylal alqadr. connectcd with the night of

the night of the first revelation of the heavenly joumey;
the Koran;

representing the Prophet’s role as is given the description of

'abd ‘slave’, which manifests His tnblb, ‘friend, beloved; and
jalál side; thus represents the jornal
side of God;

he is the active messenger, rasül. he is the ’unlettered’ umml, the

passive recipient of the message.

Positivo activity and reccptivity. myslaium tttmmdum and mystmum fauinmu.

desceñí of lite Divine word and ascent into the Divine prescnce, are thus
understood from the Prophet’s two major ñames. One can expand lite scheme
and say, with the traditional scholars and Sufis, that every prophet also carnes in
himself the quality of the saint, and that the prophet is connected with ‘sobricty’
and qurb al-fara’i4, ’lhe proximity to God reached through faithful adhcrence to
lite religious duties’, while the saint, unti, is characterized by ‘intoxicanon’ and
fand, annihilation as a result of the qurb an-nawifil. ‘proximity reached by
supercrogativc works’, a state based upon a hadUh qudsl: ‘My servant docs not
cease drawing doser to Me by means of supererogative works ... until I become
his hand with which he grasps, his eye by which he sees, his ear by which he
hears {AM no. 42).
The question of the supetiority of the Prophet or the saint was discussed
severa! times in medieval Islam, but it was gcncrally agreed that the Prophet,
thanks to his twofold quality, was superior.
The ««di, the friend or ‘protégé’ of God, is, in the beginning. in some respect
comparable to the monk in other religious traditions, but 'there is no monkery,
rMámya, in Islam’, as a famous hndllh statcs !.t.w no. 598), for ‘the jihád [war for
religious causes) is the monkery of my community’ .<!.'/ no. 599). Monkery was
something spccifically Christian, and Jesús often appears as lite loving asccdc
who has no place to pul his head and finds no rest even when seeking refuge in
a jackal’s den: God throws him out from every place of repose to draw him to
Himself.
l<>2 DBClPHr.RING 1HE SIGNS OF OOt>

The early ascética knew their Chrislian ncighbours, hermits in thc mountains
of Lebanon or Syria. or in the deseos of Egypt, and among these ascctics as well
as in later. institutionalized Sufism, practiccs similar to thosc in other monastic
communilies occurred. the most important one being poverty and total oliedi-
ence to thc spiritual leader.*1 Thc Prophet's word jar/ñ fakhñ. 'My poverty is my
pride’ iv no. 54;, was their guiding principie. But the third vow besides poverty
and obcdience which thc Chrislian monk would makc, namely celibacy, could
never bccomc pan of Sufi life. Chastity in a wider sense t an be seen in the strict
following of the rules of behasiour. in thc meticulous acccpting of even the
strictcst orden of thr ihañ'a. Celibacy, however, was ruled out by thc very
cxamplc of thc Prophet.
Parí of Sufi Ufe was, again similar to monastic groups in other traditions,
meditation and constan! recollection of God, dhikr. as was the rabila, the spiritual
rclation between master and disciplcs. l'nconditioncd love of and obedience lo
the spiritual guide was a ronditw inte </ua non, ending with thc complete merging
into the shaykh's identity.14 The tauapuh, thc strict concentration upon thc
master, is compared by a modero Sufi to thc tttning of a televisión set: one has
to be on thc same wavelength 10 enjoy a fmitful rclation with thc master, who
thcn can spread his horma, his spiritual power, over thc disciple and not only
guide bul also protcct or hcal him (henee the numerous stories of the master
appcaring in a laraway place whcn thc disciple nceds his help!, Thc shaykh or /*ir
could be compared in his soul-nourishing activity not only to a father but also to
a losing mother who. as it were, breast-feeds her spiritual child.3*
While thc prophet is callcd by an irresistible Divine order and forccd to
speak. tltc saint is slowly transformed by Gracc. Thc term for 'Saint' is watt Altih.
‘God’s friend'; it is 'the friends of God who neither have fear ñor are sad’, as thc
Koran (Süra 10:62) describes thcm, lhc term docs not refer, in Islam, to a
person canonized by a speeial religious rite; thc Sufi saint develops, one could
say. after being illitiated into tile spiritual chain. The simple concept of thc
'friends of God' was elaborated into a complicatcd hierarchy of saints as early as
around 900.111 this hierarchy, the qufb, 'pole, axis’, stands in die centre; around
him the world scems to revolve as the spheres revolve around thc Pole Star. At
Icast, around him revolve thc groups of four nuqaha. seven abrir, forty abdal, 300
akJnhr, etc., among whom the seven abrir or forty abdal play a speeial role; in
Nordt Africa, somc Muslims ring hymns to the ‘seven men of Marrakcsh'. that
is. the seven pmtecting saints of thc city whose tombs are visited lo this day, so
that a ‘seven-man-pilgrimage’ is also well known in that arca, while thc Turkish
Krrklarrtl is 'the arca of thc Forty’.
lite saints are hidden from thc world; thcy are, as die hadith qudsi sutes,
‘under My domes' (.cv no. 131), and dicrefore even the most unlikely person may
be a saint. The virtue of hospitality, so central in Oriental culture, compases also
 INDIVIDUAL AND SOCIETV ■93

the poorest and most disgusting sisilor, for who knows perhaps he is one of
God’s hidden friends, for uiiliya can even exist independen! of the moral qualities
of the recipient.
Those Sufis who have traversed the path as rá® ‘way&rcr’, can become
masters of othcrs; those who have been ‘dragged away' imajdhñb! in a sudden
rapturc.jodíia, are not suilablc as leachers, as they lack practica! experience of
the stations on the path and its pitfalls; an ‘enraptured'' Sufi, mafdhüb. is often
someone who is demented under the shock of too strong a spiritual ‘unveiling’.
One of the pitfalls on the path is pride in onc's supcrnatural gifts. The Sufis
are creditcd with innumerable miracles of the most diverse kinds, but to rcly
upon these mirarles, which are called kardmat. ‘charismata’, can induce them lo
ostentation and thus provoke a scrious sctback. Therefore, a crude saying was
coined to wam them against ‘miracle-mongering- (as later writers would say):
‘Mirarles are the menstruation of men', that is, they hinder truc unión with the
Divine Belovcd díte 10 the individuáis impurity.
Among the ‘saints’, one finds the most diverse charactcrs: wild and irascible
like die 'ajami saints of whom the Egyptians are afraid; saints whose word makes
trees dry up and people die; and othcrs who radíate kindness and beauty,
harmony and swcetness. and can take upon them the burden - illness or gricf
of others. They often claim to be beyond good and evil, as they have reached the
fountainhead of everything and are united with Divine will in such a way that
they can do things that look inexplicable from a thcological viewpoint, compara­
ble to Khidr when he shocked Moses by his three sccmingly criminal acts (Süra
|8:66IT.).
They are the trae ‘men of God' ‘who take the arrow back into the bow', as
Rümi says with an allusion to the Koranic addrcss to the Prophet: ‘You did not
casi when you casi ...* (Süra 8:17). To Rümi we owc the finest poctical
description of the ‘man of God’:

The man of God is drunken without winc,

The man of God is full widiout roast meat.
The man of God is all confuscd, distraught,
The man of God needs ncither food ñor sleep.

The man of God, he is a Ixiundless sea,

The man of God rains pearls without a cloud.

The man of God: ñor heresy, ñor faith,

The man of God knows not of wrong or right

But those who still ding to hope and fear are comparable to the mukhamath,
>94 0ECIPHEK1NG THE SIGNS OF GOD

'calamite', while the lowest class of worldlings are just ‘women’. This does not
however, exelude, the possibiliLy that women can be countcd among the 'truc
men of God', as the hagiographers state.
'rite Sufi leaders are usually given honorific tides, such as Hr i «¿xrtgir, 'the Pir
who takes you by the hand', or Handanauúz, ‘he who cherishes the slavcs’ (i.e.
humans); and as a general term for high-ranking religious leaders is makhdüm.
the one who is served'. a special saint can be called mMdüm-i iahüniym, ‘he who
is served by all inhabitants of the world'. Often. they are spoken of in the plural:
a Sufi in Central Asia is usually referred to as ishán. 'they', while (lasan Abdal and
Nizámuddín Audiyá bear nicknames that mean 'substitutes' (the groups of the
seven or forty) or ‘saints’.
But it is natural that the lofty ideáis of carlicr times were often watered down,
and the complaints of trae spiritual leaders about the numerous impostors who
made their living by telling storics lo credulous peoplc and who paraded in Sufi
dress, purporting to demónstrate miracles, began as eariy as the eleventh
century. Rüml satirizes diese self-stylcd Sufis with shaved heads and half-nakcd
bodics who pose as 'men of God':

If cvery naked person were a ‘man1,

garlic too would be a man . .
(a no. 1,069!

An ancient belief claims that die human being provided that onc possessed
baraka during one’s lifc becornes an even stronger source of baraka after death.
Despite the general waming against tomb-worship, the saying: *Scck hclp from
the peoplc of the tombs' is also attributed to the Prophet, and it was customary
among die Sufis and members of the íuluuua sodalilies lo visit die cemetery first
when entering a town in order to pray for the dcceascd.
Such a powcr is. naturally, greatest in the case of the saindy peoplc. and
therefore it is small wonder dial almost cvery place in the Muslim world contains
a tomb or a mausolcum. Sir Tilomas Arnold has told the famous story about the
poor Pathans who smarted under the sad fact that they had no tomb in their
village: dius they invited a passing sayytd to stay with them, regalcd him and
‘made sure of his staying in llie villagr by cutting his throat', so that they could
crcct a beautiful mausolcum for him in order to enjoy the blessings that radiated
from his lasi resting place.’6 The statemeni of an ludían Muslim historian can
probably be gencralized for the subcontinent:

Many important infidels of the rrgion entered the fold of Islam because
of the blessing of the tomb of that embodiment of picty.”

Thus it is not surprising that many saints have severa! tombs or memorial sites
(see above. p. 55).
 INDIVIDUAL AND SOCIETV '95

l hc role of tile ‘mighty dead’ in Islamic history is grcat, despile the Sunni
aversión to it. and when G. van der Leeuw describes burial as a sort of sccd-
sowing, he seems to transíate Rüml, who asks, in his greal poem on travelling:

Did ever a grain fall into the canil that did not bring rich fruit?
Do you believe that the grain 'man' will be dilferent?
, (D no. 911)

Not only simple peoplc who hoped for the fulfilment of their wishes visited and
still visit saints' tombs; Muslim rulen, too. often carne for poliúeal reasons to
enhancc their power thanks to the saint's baraka. The mausolcum of Mu’Inuddin
Chishti in Ajmcr is a famous case in point.l8
Mausolcunts may preserve, in a special room, some relies of the saint - his
turban, his prayer beads and the like - and in modem shrines one can also find
his spectaclcs or his dentures, all fillcd with baraka. The baraka can also be
inherited: the marabouts in North Africa, as studied in particular by Clill'ord
Geertz and Emest Gellner, are the most prominent cxamplc of this phcnom-
enon; and for the average Moroccan it holds true that ‘Islam is what the saints
do'.» The role of the inherited baraka of Indo Pakistani Pir families belongs here
too.
If the term ivañ Alláh. ‘God’s friend', is gcnerally applied to what we transíate
as ‘saints', it is used in a more specific way and in an absolute sense for 'All. The
formula "All is the friend of God', 'A ti uiall Alláh, was added to the bipartile
profession offaith when Shah Isma’il had introduced the Twclvcr Shia as the
state religión in Irán in 1501. There are grcat structural similaritics between the
qulb, the Pole or Axis, of Sufism and die Imam as understood by die Shia. For
the Shiite, the prescnce of die imam whether in die ílesh or (since the
disappearance of the twclfth imam in 874) in the unseen, ghajba is deemed
necessary, for it is the imam from ’AlI's and FAtima's offspring who is blcsscd
widi divinely-inspired religious knowledge and has absolute tcaching authority:
like the Prophet, he enjoys ’irmat, immunity from error.
'All ibn Abi Taiib was surrounded with the highest honours, which led 10 his
ncar-deification among the scct of the 'Ah-lláhl, and strange legends are woven
around him. I11 popular piety, he is somedmes called ‘lord of the bees’ because
tices helped him in battle; and his proficiency in war, which is connccted with
the wondrous sword Dhü ’l-fiqár, is as much praised as liis wisdom. The Prophet
not only called him ‘the gatc to the eity of wisdom’ bul also said: ‘Whose masler,
mauilá. 1 am, 'All is also his masler, mawlá'\ and religious songs praising Marola
AH abound al leasl in die Indian subcondnent. In him. the ideal of the glorious
young hero, fati. was embodied. Members of his family were surrounded by
myths: not only was the ancient belicf in the raj'a, the retum of the hidden leader
of the community, applied to them, but also dusk was interpreted by some pious
196 DECITHERING THE SIGNS OF GOD

Shiites as the blood of Husayn, Thc manyrdom of Husayn olfered them thc
passion motil', which added a special hue to Shia piety.
To be sure, thc motif of martyrdom also exists in Sunni Islam, for thc Koran
speaks extensively of the suflerings of thc prophets preccding Muhammad, as
docs tlic oft-quoted saying 'adiaddu balá’an al anbtñ’{,ui no. 320), Those who are
aflliclcd most are the prophets, then thc saints, and then the olhers rank by
rank'. Thc Koran stated that "those slain in thc way of God are not dead bul
alise' (Süra 3:169), and ihat applies maitily lo those slain in jihid.
Ihosc whom the Sufis, and lollowing thcm many orientalista, regard as thc
famous manyes are usually considcrcd heredes by thc orthodox: these are Suíis
such as al-Halláj (d. 922). the young Pcrsian mystic 'Aynul Qudat id. 1131) and
the philosophcr-mystic Suhrawardí (d. 1191) (who is not called ¡halüd, 'martyr',
but mai¡al. ’killed'); the Hurüft poel Nesimi (d. 1405) in thc Turkish environment,
the Mughal prince Dart Shikiih and his fricnd thc |xiel Sannad id. 1659 and
1661 rcspecúvcly). Owing to their unusual, non-conformist attitudc, all of thcm
liavc atuactcd, as Hamid Algar states with somc dismay, thc interese of acholara
much more than has thc normativo Sunni believer.
Onc of these ‘normativo* believers has to be mentioned: it is thc so-called
mgaddid. the 'renovator' who is supposed to appcar at thc tum of every ccntury
of the hegira to iiucrpret afresh tile Sunni tradition."1" The concept becomes
more central undcrstandably - in thc course of time, thc further thc days of the
Prophet and the companions were away, and-although there is a considerable
numlier of people who are considcrcd, by this or dial trend in Sunni Islam, to lie
a muiaddid, onc ñame immcdiatcly comes to mind: that is the ‘renovator of thc
sccond millcnnium’, mu/addui-i alf-i ihbil. Ahmad Sirhindl (d. 1624!. Coming from
thc ¡luid’a-minded Naqshbandi SuG tradition, he tried, ai die beginning of die
sccond millcnnium of thc hegira, tile tum of ihc sixtcenlh to thc scvcntcenth
ccntury AD, to reform Indian Islam, which he fclt had been polluted by adapting
to many Indian. pagan customs. Empcror Akbar's attcmpt to creare a din-i ilahi,
an eclectic religión that comprised all thc 'posilive' elements of thc religions in
his vast empirc. aroused thc wrath of orthodox Muslims (as rcflcctcd in
Bada'onl's histórica! work MmtMab at-tau’Mkh), By means of letters, Ahmad
Sirhindl tried to cali back the M11gh.1l nobility to the trae highway that Icads to
salvation. His followers were probably not awarc of Sirhindl’s cxtrcmcly high
claims for himsclf and his thrcc succcssors, for he felt hintself to be the ffafyúm,
thc one through whom the motion of thc world continúes a rank higher even
than that of thc i/utb in mystical Islam. Sirhindl’s posthumous influence extended
over large parís of thc central and eastern Muslim world. and thc letters of thc
tmdm rabbhai, thc 'Imam inspired by thc Lord’, have been translated into severa!
Islamic languages.
Later tisis of mujaddidt continued thc sequcncc with a number of famous
 INDIVIDUAL AND SOC1ETV ■97

religious scholars, such as al-Küraní. who propagatcd Sirhindfs teaching! in the

later seventeenth century; and even Siddiq Hasan Khan (d- 1885), the princc-
consort of Bhopal and active member of the orthodox ahl-i AtóWi movement in
India, was scen by some as a mijaddid
The ‘man of God’ was always mentioned as the ideal of the truc believers, but
one should lieware of taking 'man' here as gender-related. As Rümi says:

If one could becomc a 'man' by virtuc of beard ánd testicles,

every buck has enough hair and beard!
(■'< V 3,345)

A woman can equaily be a ‘man of God’, for 'when a woman walks on the path
of God shc cannot be called woman’, as ’Aqar says about the great woman saint
Rabi’a of Basra (d. 801), Yet, the prejudicc that women are sccond-rate crcatures
and that they have no soul is still very much alive, and especially the masa media
in the Wcst like to dwell upon diese tupies.4'
The Koran certainly ameliorated the woman’s position compared to previous
times. Shc receivcs a sharc of any inhcritancc, though less than a man, for shc is
supposed to be maintained by her husband, who had to pay die dower. More
than that, shc had die right to administer her own wcalth and whatever she
might caro or inherit during her lifeúmc; there is no Gulergtmanschaft (joint
ownership of property) in marriage. Against diese posiüve devclopments (of
which many uneducated women barely know, for dieir rights were curtailed in
many cases by the u/omíi, women are not fully cmancipatcd politically and
legally. and are considerad half of the man: onc needs two male but four female
witnesses at court, and die blood money for a woman is half of that for a free
man. Marriage is arranged, and, as marriage of cousins is frequent (and easy to
practise in large family units), the (irst wilc is usually referred to, in Arabic. as butí
'amM, ‘my cousin'.
Polygamy is permitted 'Sara 4:3f.), so that the man can many up to four
legitímate wives; but from the condition that diese wives have to be treated
absolutcly equaily, modemisls have deducted dial diis is a hidden suggcsúon to
adherc lo nionogamy - for who could be absolulely just not only in material
sustenance bul also in affection? Slavc-girls can serve as concubines, and if they
bear a child to their master they becomc free, Numerous caliphs in the Muslim
world were sons of slavc-girls, who dius wieldcd a considerable influcncc upon
polines. Divorcc is easy and can be pronounced by the husband (Süra 2:2291;
after the third falaq, die exprcssion of the divorcc formula, the divorcc is final,
and die man can remarry the same wife only after shc has been married to and
divorced from another man. Women can indude a paragraph into the marriage
contract that under ccrtain circumstanccs (mental illness; impotente of the
husband) they have the right to ask for divorcc. Temporary marriage is
i98 DECIPHERING THE SIGNS OF GOD

pcrmitted in Shia law; it can last from a few hours to months and years; childrcn
from such marriages are legitímate 4*
The strange idea that women have no soul according to Islam can immedi-
ately be discarded when one rcads the numerous Koranic scntenccs in which the
term 'those who do right. men or women’ Süra 16:97) occurs, or where muslunün
un mushmát, mu'nunün un mu'minát. 'Muslim men and women. believing men and
women’ are mentioned together. Women have to fulfil all religious dudes like
men: they must perform the ritual prayer, although they are not cncouraged to
pray in the congregaron on Fridays; they fast and go on pilgrimage in company
of a relative, not alone); and it is only during the days of their impurity that they
cannot particípate in cultic acts but they have 10 makc up the loss at a later
point or, in the case of fasting, by substituto acts.
It would indeed be amazing if Islam wcre a religión that is against women. As
much as later dcvelopmcnts may give this impression, the Prophet himself said in
a famous hadith, which was taken by Ibn ’Arabi as die centre of meditation for his
chapter on Muhammad in the Aufüf al-Ukam'. ‘God rnade dear lo me from your
world women and perfume, and my consolation is in prayer’ (aw no. 182).
Muhammad's first wife, the mother of his childrcn, was Khadlja, 'die mother of
the faithful', whorn he loved dearly and who was his grratcst supporter during
the crises triggcred by the shock of the first rcvclations. Bcforc the Wahhabi rule
in Saudi Arabia with its strict prohibition of 'tomb-w-orship'. the Mcccans used
to go 10 Khadija’s mausoleum and ask for help bi-barakal ntftnñ, 'by the blessing
of our lady!’43
The posiuon of the Prophet’s youngest daughtcr. Fápma, was raised in Shia
piety: the mother of die martyrcd imams became a kind of moler doloroso,
intcrceding for diose who weep for Husayn.44 While her importancr in Shia life
cannot lie overstated, the Shia thoroughly dislikc the Prophet’s youngest wife,
'A’isha, the daughtcr of Abü Bakr. who was to become the first caliph dius
usurping ’AlTs rightful posiuon, as the Shia held . Young 'A’isha, a mere child
when she was married, was ccrtainly a strange elcmrnt among the other women
divorccd and widowcd whorn the Prophet had married aftcr Khadíja’s deadi
in 619. A considerable number of hnduh about the Prophet’s personal habits are
related on 'A’isha’s audiority, and often the Prophet’s address to her 'Kallmuú
ya Humayrá, Talk to me, oh littlc rrddish onc!‘ is quoted 10 show his fondness
of her :.tv no. 47,. Later ¡656), shc playcd an important political role, riding out
on her camcl 10 Ivad her companions against 'All.
Women from the following gcncrations appcar in legend and piety, such as
Sakina, Imam Husayn's daughtcr, or Sin Naftsa (d. 8241, whose mausoleum in
Cairo is much visitrd and whose birdiday was cclcbratcd in Mamluk times by
the sultán, ’llie mausoleum of Zaynab Umm Hashim is likewisr a centre of
popular piety for tile Egyptians: this lady is reganlcd as a kind of director of the
 INDIVIDUAL AND SOCIETY '99

day-to-day aflairs in the heavenly govemment (now called, with a 'democratic'

temí, rfltvln ash-shüraf and thus proves rcsourccful when called for one’s daily
needs.
The Koran mentions or alludes to only a few women in sacred hislory: Eve's
parí in the Fall is not mentioned in the Scripturr but was elaborated in the Tala of
thr 1‘rophrls to show her negative role in man's scduction;4í Asiya is the believing
wife of Pharaoh who saved the infant Moses; Hajar, the motlier of lsma'il, is
dosely connccted widt the Kaaba; but pride of place helongs to Maryam, the only
onc mentioned by ñame and extollcd as the virgin mother ofJesús.
I mentioned the importance of the mothers in the biographies of great Sufis
and pious scholars, and could add the pious wives or daughters of Sufi masters,
such as Qushayri’s wife, the daughter of Abo 'Ah ad-Daqqaq (d. 1015J. It is not
surprising to find a good number of women who were saints in their own light,
all over the Islamic worid, not only the noble ladies from the Prophet’s family
bul also pnneesses or poor, unlcttered women - from Princcss Jahaníra. the
daughter of the Mughal emperor Shah Jahan (d. 1681! to the poor, love-
intoxicaied Lalla Mimüna in Morueco; from Pisili Sultán, ’she with the kittrn',
and Karyagdi Sultán, ’Miss h Has Snowcd’ in Anatolia, to Bobo RastI in
Burhanpur d. altor 1620), who was a sought-after commentator of dassical
Pcrsian mystical poetry; from Rabi'a of Basra d, 8014’ to Fatima of Córdoba d.
after 1200) who, despite her great age, deeplv influenced young Ibn 'Arabi, not
lorgetting the great number of more or less unknown women saints in Palestino
- there is no lack of saintly women. Sometimos they are simply grouped
together, like the Hajt 'afifa, ’die seven puré ones' in Sind; and, just as a female
visitor is not admitted inside ccrtain sillines, inale visitors are kepl outside the
shrines or endosures where saintly women rest.
In the Middle .Ages, convenís for women existed in Cairo and elsewherc;
there, women could spend a span of time, for example after a divorce when they
had to wait three monlhs and ten days until they could remarry, or after the
dcath of their husband. Such convenís were led by a shaykha who also preached
to the inmales and led them in prayer. Women appcar now and then as
preachers, or reciters of religious poetry, and some even taught hadlth publicly
(such as Karima of Marw in Mecca .
Benazir Bhutto’s appointmcnt as prime minister of Pakistán amazed many in
both Muslim and Westcm countrics, yet there were quite a few precedents of a
woman ruling a country (provided that she does not claim to be imam in the
political sense, or caliph!) such as Raz ia Sultana in Delhi (1236-40! and a few
years latcr Shajaral ad-I)urr (1246-50) in Egypt, and. last but not leas!, the
famous Begums of Bhopal, who rulcd over the central Indian provincc in female
succession for nearly a century from the 183OS onwards.
The Koran (Süra 24:311 states that the Prophet's wives should ’covcr their
200 lltClfHLRlNG 1HE SIGNS OI GOD

ornamenta', a sentcncc that has been imcrprcted in different ways it rcsultcd in

the complete veiling of hair, face, body and hands (a notable Pakistani woman
profesor even Uscd to wear gloves lest an inch of her skin be visible . Originally,
the order to cover oneself dcccndy was meant to make a distinction between
noblr women and tile servants and lower-class women who went out with little
more bul thc ncccssary clothing; it was a distinction, not an onerous dutv. In
rural ateas, veiling was barely possiblc, as die women had to work in the ficlds or
woods. Thc strictcst taboos were imposed on tayyui women, because it was held
that die rules given to the Prophet's wives should be applicd to thcm and, as
always in such cases, diey were exaggerated and hardened over the coursc of the
centuries: a pious woman would leave her husband’s housc only on the bier (and
she has to be buried somcwhat deeper than a man).
The insistcnce upon woman's deficiencies (a term very much uscd also in the
Christian Middlc Ages) reveáis thc ascetic fear of womcn’s power. and the
aseches in early Islam saw in women somediing horrible but - alas! - ncccssary.
The juanas insistcnce on married life left diem between their wish to sever
complctcly thc bonds with this world (a world that appcarcd to thcm, as it did to
their Christian contemporaries, as a ghastly oíd hag, always rcadv to seduce and
then to devour her unfortunate lovens) and a normal and normative family life.
Marriagc. to lie surc, is no sacramcnt but a simple contract in which the bride is
rcprcscntcd by her ¡«MI. ’representative'.
Thc insutuñon of marriagc is beautifully callcd one of God’s wondcrful signs,
atol, in thc Koran (Süra 30:21) and is explained, in the Tafrs of thr Pnphrit, By
God’s crcañon of Evc, where God is said to addrcss Adam: i gathered My gracc
in My handmaiden Evc for you. and there is no favour, O Adam. better than a
pious wife’, And when they were married, thc angels showered coins from
Paradisc over thcm,*7 as is done in traditional wcdding proccssions (and to this
day wcddings have remained an occasion to show off. connected with incredible
expenses which often impoverish a family),
Man's right (Süra 4:34) to bcat his wife for any misconduct by her has
eoloured thc general image of sulfering wives. and the hadilh quoted by Ghazzili,
and well known also in India, that 'If it were permitted to fall down before
anyone but God, women should prostratc before their husbands' certainly does
not convey the idea of equality between the partners. Ñor does Rümi’s
comparison of married lile to an educational proccss in which die man wipes oíT
his impuritics onto thc woman speak of a very lofty state and yet marriagc
could also become a symbol for creation in general and for worship. For Ibn
’Arabi, evcrything that transforms, mM, is a father. and that which is trans-
formed, mustahll, a mother, while the act of transformation is a marriagc, nikáh
The Prophet is crediled with die sayings: ‘Thc best of you is the one who is besi
to his wilc (,cw no. 57) and ’When he kisses her it is as if he has kissed thc
 INDIVIDUA!. AND SOCIETY 201

pillar of (he Kaaba These and similar praiscs of marricd lifc are found in a
Persian treatisc on the ‘Mysteries of Marriage', lo which Sachiko Múrala has
reccndy drawn attenuon.*’ And the very frank descriptions of the happincss of
sexual unión in Bahí-i Walad's lifc form. as il were, a bridge between actual
marriage and the experience of mysticai unión. MawlínS Rümi, although
tuming at times to the ascctic aversión to women (despite his own happy
marriage to a remarkable woman. KirS Khatfln, whom he marricd after his first
wife’s death), lias found the most beautiful dcscripdon of women’s secrec when
commenting (AT 1 2.413!.) upon the Prophet's word that 'many a woman prevails
over the intelligent’ (cf. A» no. 57), he suddenly turns from criticism to praise of
women:

Shc is a ray of God. shc is not that 'sweetheart' -

Shc is a creator one would almost say. shc is not created!

One reason for the deterioraling image (and. as a corollary, positioni of

women was the oíd ascetic equation bctwccn women and the nafi, the low-cr soul,
nafi being a fcmininc term. .As lite nafi incites one to evil (Sara 12:53), woman.
too, tries to diveri man from his lofty goals or so it was thought. However, as
the Koran points lo dte difierent stages of the nafi, onc could also apply this
image to women. and the mysticai intcrprctations of the legends. for example of
the Indus Vailey, by poets of dte western subcontinent are fine examples of the
purificalion of the women who walk on dte hard path lo the Divine as a truc
'man of God’. Thus the parallel with the fcmininc. receptive quality of the inte
scckcr’s soul bccomcs evident once more.
Furthermore. not orily is the nafi femininc, but Ibn ’Arabt - who admitted of
the possibility of women entering the higher echelons of dte mysticai hicrarchy
found that the word dhat. csscncc’. is also fcmininc. Thus, the fcmininc aspect of
the innermost csscncc of God was rcvealcd in women. As the discovercr of the
‘Etemal Feminine’, the great Andalusian mystícal dtinker, in whose lifc not only
his lómale teachers but also the beautiful Persian lady who inspired his Arabic
verse are worthy of mention, could become the ideal interprctcr of dte Prophet's
posiüve statement about ‘women and scent*. That he was accuscd of a
predilcction for 'parasexual symbolism’ is an undcrstandable reaedon from
traditionalist areles.*®

SOCIETY

Tlte idral Islamic society is, according to Louis Massignon and, following him
Louis Gardct, 'an cgalitarian thcocracy of lay members', whatever that means.
The community of the believers is central in normative Muslim thought, henee
the aversión of some Muslims to the Western Ínteres! in exotic figures such as
Sufis and the like, as they do not represent the norms and ideáis of the unima
202 DECIPHERING THE SIGNS OF GOI>

because the umma is built according to the Prophet’s divinely-inspired visión of

the perfect society.*1 The ‘good life-, the life of a Muslim that should bring him
or her happiness here and in the Hereafter. should be organizcd to its least
relevant detail in accordance with the rulings of revelation as interpreted by
competent authorities.'1’
Tile Koran describes the Muslim community as ummalan u¡us(á (SOra 2:143), a
‘middle- community. that is, a group of pcople who wander the middle path
between extremes, just as üte Prophet often appears as the one who avoided
both Moses- stem, unbending legalism and Jesús' overflowing mildness; for, as
the oft-quoted hajllh says. ‘The best thing is the middle one- '<i.u no. 187). The
memlters of this group are the oA/ as-ruana wa 'tfamá'a, thosc svho follow the sunna
cstablished by the Prophet and subscribe to the rules and regulations that
determine the believers life. They are brothers land sisters) in and thanks to
their íaith Süra 9:11, 33:5, 49:10); rather, they are ‘like a single soul- (aM no. 109),
thercfore they are obligcd to support each other on the path of salvation by
ordering the good and prohibiting the evil, orar bi 'Ima'rüf wa naky 'an at-munkas.
That means that, by being a member of this umma, one will find the way to
heaven and be it is hoped protected from Hell. The beautiful legend of the
Prophet's plcdge to intercede for his community bclongs here; when on
Doomsday everyone is overwhelmed by horror and calis out nafñ, no/íi, 'I myself,
I myself (wanl to be saved]-, Muhammad will cali out ummafí, ummaá, ‘My
community, my community fshall be saved]-. Thercfore, the members of his
umma íécl pan of die umma marlüma MI no. 79). the community upon which
forgiveness is and will be showered, Alláh.
For modem thinkers such as Iqbñl, the umma bccomes the trae witness to
taulid: One God, onc Prophet, onc Koran, onc direction of prayer?' The umma
is, as the same poet-philosopher sings in lús Atrñr-i khudi í'Secrets of the Self), like
a rose with many petáis but onc fragranté, and this fragrance is the Prophet's
guiding prcscncc and the umma j love for him.
The importance of die umma is cJear from the fací that the principie of ijmá',
’consensus' which was origmally the conscnsus of the religious scholars of a
certain time was expanded to comprchcnd the whole community. As Georg
Santillana writes:

When the Muslim community agrees lo a religious practice or rule of

faith it is, in a certain manner, directed and inspired by God, preserved
from error, and infallibly led towards the truth ... by virtue of a special
grace bestowed by God upon die community of believers.

We may cali this the baraka of Ule umma.

The Muslim knows that beatitude and hope of eternal bliss lies in worship-
ping and serving God, as the Koran repeatedly stares; but truc 'ibáda. ‘worship-,
 INDIVIDUAL AND SOCIf.IV »»3

can be realized in full only in the umma, by participanng in the five daily prayers,
die Friday service, the Ovo fcasts and the pilgriniage, as well as by paying die
iaiat. These dudes constitute die fabric of the ideal Muslim life. For the Muslim
is not only part of the ahí as-suma wa l-famh'a bul also of the ah! al i/ibla, those
who tum in prayer towards the Kaaha.
The role of die 'middle community' has been emphasized in a work by die
Egypiian author Tawftq al-Haklm, who speaks of the ta'aMiyw,^ the attempt to
strike the right middle path between extremes, and this quality of la'iMiyya - so
it is diought - has inspired che general tolerance of the umma in religious
concepts: as long as one accepts the binding truth of the Koranic commands and
prohibitions, one rcmains parí of the umma even dlough one breaks the
comniandments; it is the denial of the absolute validity of the Koranic revelaron
that would make a person an infidel, One should also be very careful to pracdsc
lakfir, declaring someonc as a kafir, ‘infidel, unbeliever', for die hrulith says: He
who declares a Muslim to be an unbeliever is himself an unbeliever', an adage
unfortunately lost on some modem, aggressive groups among Muslims. H. A. R.
Gibb could state, in this rcspect:

No great religious community has cvcr possessed more fully the catholic
spirit or been more ready to alio» die widest freedotn to its tnembers
provided only that they accepted, at least outwardly, the mínimum
ohligations of the faith.51

The schisms that have occurred time and again in history were concemed
mainly with practical and poliúeal issucs, not so much with doctrinal problcms.
The feeling of belonging to die umma marítima makes, it was claimed, every
Muslim a missionary who wants his friends to walk on lile same highway
towards eterna! happiness on which oncself is walking. One can even explain the
concept ofjihad in this way: the aim ofjihád, the 'strising in the way of God', i.e.
war against infidels die concept of ‘holy war’, as yitórf is nowadays usually
translated, is un-Islamicl), is the expansión of the dar al-hlñm and is dius, as G. E.
von Gnmcbaum formulares it, an instmment to unite the world in the pax
islamua.^ This inay sound utopian and incompatible with the harsh political
realities; but we are dealing here with ideáis and thought pattems.
The concept of the umma has someiimes erroneously been identified with
'naóon'. This, however, is a grave misunderstanding. It is celling that before the
partiüon of die Indian subconúnent in 1947. most tradition-bound ’ulamh, such as
those of Deoband and relatad schools of thought, refused the idea of Pakistán as
a Muslim state. as this sccmcd to contradict the truc concept of the umma. hi a
similar fine of thought, one can argüe that in classical times the caliph was never
a ‘head ofstate’ in the modera sense but the head of the umma at large wherever
the Muslims lived;5* for the medieval 'stares' were generally govemed by princes
204 UECIPHERING THE SIGNS OF GOD

or sultans, who would cali thcmsclvcs by lides like nápr 'amir al-mu'mnbi, ‘helper of
die Prime of die Believers", or.lhc like, The later interpretarán of the caliphate as
something "spiritual' is probablv derived from this overarching concept.
The problem of the right govemment has becn discusscd by thcologians and
philosophers down through the centuries without rcaching a conclusivo form.
"Ilic parts of' the diaria dealing with the ideáis of statecraft remained gcncrally
theoretical. and the practico lookcd quite diflerent The decadcs-long stntggle for
a constitution in Pakistán which should be Islamic and modcm is a reflection of
these diflicultics. Onc thing, however, is clear fmm hislory: it is better -
according to general opinión as well as thcological rcasoning - lo accept the míe
of the Mü diauia, a ruler who has grasped power 'even despolically). than to let
the country disintegrate into anarchv.
The ideal of the all-cmbracing umma in which difl'crcnees of race and colour
were unknown, as the Koran defined the community of tile believers, had to be
realized in a constantly expanding ‘statc’ in which an incrcasing number of new,
non-Arab convcrts who had acccptcd Islam had to ally thcmscKcs with one of
die Arab tribes as a maula, "client"; and only as "adopted" members of the Arab
community could they gain full "citizcn status", not so much by embraeing Islam
and believing in the Onc God and His Prophet. It is undcrstandablc that the
maudb soon realized the paradox of this situalion and rcbellcd; tlic system broke
down with the growing numbers, especially of Persiana, who often becamc the
tnte guiding liglits of intcllcctual progress in medieval Islam.
Another problem with which the umma had to deal was that of the dlnmnti. the
ahí al kilüb, "People of the Book’. that is, (he Jcws. Christians, Sabians and latcr
also Zoroastrians who were placed ttndcr the protection. dhtmma. of the Muslim
govemment and had to pav a spccial tax (cf. Sara 9:29' but who had the right of
seli-govemmcm uildcr their respective religious leader* trabbi, bishop and the
like), although thev were not admitted as witncsscs in Muslim courts. They were
also excntpt from military servicc. The govemment rarely inlerfered svidi their
aflairs, and they could occupy almost any profession: the large number of
Christian and Jcwish phvsicians, translators and secretarios in the administrarán
(where. for example. die Copts boasted centuries of experiencc to pul at the
Muslim rulers" disposal) is a well-known feature of medieval and post-medicval
life. The fact that many of the Jcws who had becn cxpclled from Spain in 1492
chosc to settle in the Ottotnan Empire, where thev enjoyed freedom to live and
lo practise their skills, shows the tolerante of the Muslim govemment as
compared to that of Christian Spain,” To this day. Muslim countrics have high-
ranking officials from the Christian or. in Pakistán, the Parsec community who
are fully integrated as Higlt Court judges or amhassadors (to mention only some
cxamplcs from Pakistán: Egypt's Boutros-Ghali is another example of a non-
Muslim serving in a most responsiblc positrón).
 INDIVIDUAL AND SOCIKTV 205

To be sure, Muslims reverted time and again to the Koranic warmng: ‘Don’t
take Jcws and Christians as friends!’ (Süra 5:511, and edicts were issucd that the
ilhmmls should distinguish thcnisclves from the Muslims by dress and demean-
our. The first known cdict dial ordered the Jews to wear honey-coloured vcils
and belLs was issued in 849, and the yellow colour remaincd associated with
thcm down through the centurics (as it was the case in Europe). When eariy
Persian poets dcscribed an autumnal landscape, they thought that the Crees ’put
on ajewish garmcnt
Conversions of the dhimmU were not encouraged in eariy times for financial
reasons: a special tax, as well as the land tax which they had to pay, was a
wclcome addition to the trcasury. Yct, conversions were rather frequent. The
concept of dhunml was extended to BuddhisLs and Hindus when Muhammad ibn
al-Qisiin conquered Sind in 711-12, a measurr which mean, that Muslims did
not nced to lead lihhd against die native inhabitants of the coiurtry, which would
have becn next to impossible for die tiny group of Muslims sctding in the
western subcontinent.® Conversions in the fringe arcas of Islam cspecially in
India but also in Central Asia and, somewhat later, in Africa, were largcly due to
the actívities of che Sufi orders, not as usually daimed by ’fire and sword' or
by Torced circumcision’. The exact mechanics of conversión, however, are not
yct fully understood and explained.6"
Similar to the attitudc of the carlicst Arab conquerors towards die maivátl, the
new Muslims of Hindú background in India were regarded by some traditionists
as serond-class citizens: the historian Barani (d. after 1350) harshly mlcd out the
possibility of a iuuv musulmán'i occupying a responsiblc position in the state. The
truc Muslim was (now no longer the Arab butj die Turk, for die successful
Muslim conquerors of die nordi-western subconúnent from the days of Mahmíid
of Ghazna (reigned 999-1030) had bren predominandy Turks.”' In general, too,
many Muslims tended to regard the conven with a ccrtain distrust becausc they
suspectcd that his conversión was mainly due 10 pracncal - financial or political
reasons, not for the lose of Islam. (Conversions for die love of a human being
occurrcd too; as a Muslim girl is nol allowed to marry a non-Muslim. such
conversions play a role perhaps even more in our time than earlicr as result of
the mobility of social groups. educaúonal facilitics, and the likc.)
The community. embracing Muslims of diflerent political and dogmatic
approachcs 10 the central truth as well as die ahí ai kilab and other small groups,
was thus far from uniform. In the long nin, even somrlhing likc Muslim 'casto'
dcvelopcd, cspecially in India.1" Occupaúonal stratification was common. and
the rclations among memheis of certain classes or groups condnue 10 this day.
Horrible my aunt was buried cióse to a muga (member of die Turco-Persian
nobility in Indo-Pakistan!) what a disgracc for a unjnd lady!' I heard this
rcmark in Lahore in 1983.
»o6 BECIPHERING THE SIGNS Of COD

But how to deal w ith those non-Muslims who were also not ahí alkilAbl The
problcm oí jihüd. Bu- 'striving on the way of God', was and still is onc of thc
greatcst obstacles for non-Muslims to understanding Islam. Some of tile Süras
rcvealcd in Medina deal with the problem of warring for thc sakc of thc truc
faith, but this is to be understood primarily as thc light against aggressors and
apostates. Yet, thc fací that Muhammad. in thc course of his prophctship,
became increasingly sure that he was sent not only to thc Arabs but to thc
álamln, all thc inhabitants of thc world, involved a missionary claim; and thus, in
thc cnd. it was rcvealcd to him: ‘Fighl against those who do not believe in God
ñor in the Last Day, who prohibil not whal God and His messenger have
prohibited, and who refuse allegiance to the truc faith from among those who
have rcccivcd thc Book. until they humbly pay tribute out of hand’ (SQra 9:291.
Thc translation ofjihüd as holy war’, as is now current even among Muslims,
cannot be justifted on philological grounds; the term 'Holy War' was first coined
in medieval Europe for the undertakings of thc Crusadcrs. Rules for the
treatment of prisoners, women and children are given, but one should alwavs
keep in mind that ¡ihad is not a Pillar of Islam'; rather, it is a fard al-tijaya, a duty
to which thc community in general is called. As Süra 2:256 statcs: ‘There is no
compulsión in religión’, it was impossible lo declarejdihd as onc of thc absolutcly
binding pillar* of Islam.
A hadUh makes thc Prophet say: 'Thc diflcrcncc of opinión in my community
is a sign of Divine merey'. This ludlih, howcvcr, docs not intcnd tlie different
opinions and strata imide the variegated umma bul rather the diflercnces
betwecn thc legal schools which carne into cxistcncc in thc first two ccnturics of
Islam. Their Icadcrs dcvcloped legal systems based 011 the Koran and turma, and
added as was necessary in a time of lást expansión ol Islam into arcas with
complrtcly different valúes and traditions - thc principie of analogy, ymil, which
cnablcd thc jurists to decide cases according to prcccdcnts. One may also add
ray, speeulation and use of independent judgment. The systematization of thc
given data and their claboration constituted thc ficld of fujh, 'understanding and
pondering', that is, thc human interpretation of thc Dis-inely-given thari'a.
Thc legal schools sometimcs wrongly described as 'sects': are called madhhah,
‘thc way on which onc goes', a word which is nowadays sometimcs uscd for
'religión' in its histórica] aspeéis (ia'ni/i al-madhüúb means at limes simply
'History of religions', for din. ‘religión par excellence’, is only onr). Thc madhñhib
dilfer gencrally only in minor points, such as thc position of thc hands in prayer,
the nccessity of ablution after touching a non-rclatcd woman’s skin, and
questions in personal status law. Out of a larger nurnber of legal currcnts, such
as tile school of al-Awzá'i id. 7741 and the ¿áhiritcs. four have rcmained active to
this day. Thc Hanafues are followers of Abü Hanifa an-Nu'mUn, whose madhhah
is gencrally accepted in Turkish arcas, including northem India, and is regarded
 INDIVIDUAL AND SOC1ETY 207

as being most pronc to a rather 'free' interpretation ol' thc law. Málik ibn Anís
(d. 795; is regarded as thc rcprcscntativc of thc traditionalist school of Medina;
thc Malikites are mainlv found in the western pan of thc Muslim world. Ash-
Shafi'I (d. Sao) takes a stance between thc two earlicr masters; his school is
probably thc most widespread one, while the fourth school is connected with the
stem traditionist Ahmad ibn Hanbal d. 855;. Thc Hanbalites are charactcrizcd
by adhering unswcrvingly to thc words of Koran and ruana. disallow'ing human
reason to solve problems. Out of this grnup grew, later, thc Wahhabis, who rule
today in Saudi Arabia and deny all bid'a, innovations, in the legal sphcrc.
Thc madhthib are not hcrmetically closed. One can refer lo a lawyer from a
madhhab difieren! from one's own if onc sccs this as uscful, and members of the
same family can bclong to dificrcnt legal schools. Bul once onc has choscn a
madhhab. one has to follow the rulings found by die previous generations. This
taqhd. 'imitation', was meant to ensure that die spirit in which earlicr lawyers had
solved a problem was kept intact, but it soon deteriorated into a narrowing
traditionalism; thc aloma and fiiqaha (thosc who deal with thcjiqh, were no longcr
permitted to use dieir own intclligence to investígate the Koran and juana but
were bound, instead, to accept the resulta originally arrived at and hallowed by
general acccptancc, gma. As Islamic jiqh compriscs not only legal but also
religious and what wc would cali ‘profane' acts and dudes of the believer, gma'
carried over many medieval customs and ideas which, in themsclves, were only
dcrivaüons and not actually based on the veritablc roots ofjiqh, i.c. Koran and
sumía. I'iqh also cstablishcd. on a Koranic and suma basis, thc personal status law
and tlie dudes of thc human being towards God as well as towards fcllow
humans, and defined transgressions and the different kinds of punishment
according to strict rules. Onc should keep in mind that it is in law lliat the
posidon of thc human being is defined and intcrprctcd, not in thcologv (as
largely in Christianity); the law establishes exaedy who is muhallaf, 'burdened',
with performing which duty.
Thus, thc institution of ymh', once thought to open thc way for a development
of the Muslim pattems of life. slowly becamc an impediment to ncw dcvclop-
ments because, from around ad 1000 onwards, it was held that thc gate of tjnhad.
‘frcc investigación into the sources’, was closed. Yet, rime and again, individuáis
opened this gate for themsclves, and the aversión to taqtid became more and
more outspoken among modemists, who perecive the dangers of fossilization of
the community and its way of life and righdy believe that a fresh invesrigation
into thc uiül al-fiqh would serve Muslims to find a way to prosper in modem
times as thcy once prospered. One has also to keep in mind that the gap between
the shañ'a and thc sAort'obased legal systems on die one hand and that of
customary and 'secular' law had been steadily widening - the caliphs had not
only thc qádis, who administered and judged according to thc sAari'a, but also
208 DECIPHERING THE SIGNS OF GOD

lawycrs concemcd with non-religious law. by which many of the punishments

wcre handled and state laxes imposed.
Onc speaks of seventy-two or seventy-three 'sccts' inside Islam, one of which
is the fiiqa ntyna, the 'group that will be saved'. Yet, onc cannot cali ‘sccls' in the
classical sense of the word the nunterous religious and thcological groups which
lived side by side down through the centuries. Again, Gibb's rcmark comes to
milid:

It would not be to go too far beyond the Ixiunds of siria trutli to say ...
dial no body of religious sectarians has ever been exeluded from the
orthodox community but those who desired such an exclusión and as it
wcre exeluded themselvcs.,'',

Truc 'sccts' appcar, however. at a very early point in Muslim history,

beginning with the balde of Sillín in 657, when one group of ’AlI's partisans
retreated from the battlcficld because their leader accepted his adversar)'
Mu'Rwiva's suggcstion to Icave the decisión to a divinely-ordained arbitrium.
The Kharijites (from kharaja, 'to walk out. secedc'l were the first group to shapc
themselves into what they felt to he the ideal Muslim community. They were
cthical maximalists. overstressing the 'amt bi 'l-ma'rtf. and have rightly been
called the Puritana of Islam. By declaring an infidel anyonc who commits a
major sin. they limited the community and cniellv foughl against those svho did
not accept their rigid cthical standards. This attitudc led Muslims to ponder the
problem of the relation between faith and works to what extent do works
influence faith? Can faith increase or decrease by works? This, again. ivas
connected with the question of the right leader of the community - should
Muhammad's successor be from his family, his clan, or was it solely piety that
determined the chinee? The Kharijites advocated the Opinión that. according to
the Koranic words ‘The onc most honoured by God among you is the most
pious’ iSOra 49:13), only piety counted, and coined the famous sentcnce that the
most pious could be the truc caliph even though he be an Abvssinian slave -
because he has the ncccssary moral qualitics.
Such extremist views could not possibly be accepted by ihe umma wusta. and
after several baldes the Kharijites slowly receded into fringr arcas such as North
Africa and Ornan. Under the natnc Ibadis, they continued to live in North
Africa, and their tcaching offered a practical framework for dynastic, especially
Berber, rebellions which flared up from time to time in the Maghrib.
The problem of faith and works as well as that of predesdnation versus free
will occupied the minds of severa! thcological groups, who answcred the
question of whether a person committing a grave sin was still a Muslim in
different ways, or decided to leave the judgmcnt to God, who alone knows what
is in human hearts. Out of these discussions grew the Mu'tazila, who was to
 INDIVIDUAL AND SOC1ETY 209

cause major theological discussions in the late eighth and nindi centuries.
ccntring upon God's unity and his justicc (sce bclow, p. 222). Yet, even these
theological movemenis cannot be tcrmcd 'sects'.
One can say, with undue simplification, that the battlc of Siflin was indecd
the cvent that gave birth to the two major sects of Islam, the Kharijite on the one
hand and the Shia on the other.61 While the Kharijiles stresscd the ethical
qualidcs of the leader of the community, the M'al 'All, "Air's party', insisted
upon the inherited sacred quality of die leader. One can juxtapose die positions
conceming authority in Shia and Sunni Islam, which softened the Kharijite
approaeh to achievc once more the golden mean, as follows:

Sunnite Shia

Adhering to the Prophet's words and Authority is inherent in the

cxamplc. Authority is contractual. leader by virtue of an
inherited sacred knowledgc.

The leader of the community is, at The imam's rule is God-given

least in theory, elccted from and necessary.
Muhammad’s clan Quravsh.
The caliph has no teaching
and interpreting authority.
The caliph is the leader of the The imam pbssesses a
community in prayer and war. luminous substance.

That means that, according lo Sunni opinión the caliph is the Grst of the
believers, while the imam in the Shia tradition is disunguished by the inherited
sanctity of Prophetic dcsccnt.
The Shia split into numerous groups. Zayd, son of the only surviving son of
Husayn, Zayn al-'Abidin. is the imam after whom the Zaydiyya or Fiver Shia is
called, who ruled in the Middle Ages in Tabaristan and until die igtios in
Yemen. They profess an active imamatc and cxpcct the leader to fight and
deferid his community. Every Alid, whether from Hasan's or Ijusayn’s progeny.
can become the imam; no secrel inherited knowledge is involved.
While the Zayditcs tcach active participation in die light against injustice.
many Shiites consider the mifnn. the ’tribulations', pan and parecí of Shia lile. As
many members of the Alid family were pcrsccutcd under the Abbasids the
pcrsccution was somedmes stronger tlian under the Omayyads. because die
Abbasids had to fcar the dynastic claims of their Alid relativa). suflering plays an
important role in the Shia mentality, and many believe that mouming íor thosc
that have suffered or were martyred has a redemptive quality. This attitude has
been contrasted though not completely correcdy widi the ‘succcss-oricntcd'
Sunnitcs.
210 DECIPHF.RIISG THE SIGNS OF GOD

Shia leadcrs practiscd the 0»«í, the rcbcllious cali to revolution to avenge the
injustice done to their imams, but in ortlcr to survive they were allowcd to use
laqiya, ’dissimulation’ of their true faith (based on Süra 3:29). Later Shia authors
tended to inelude in their histórica! surveys many people who are known as
Sunnis; but, according to the Shia view, these poets, literati or whatever, must
llave been Shiites who pracúsed taypu to survive in the inimical Sunni
environment. This tendeney becomes stronger after the Twelver Shia was
introduced as the state religión in Irán in >501 by the young Ismá’il tile Safavid,
scion of a Shia Sufi family in Ardabil. If lcading mystical poets like 'Apir and
Rümi had not been Shia. how could one accept and lose them?’’'' .And. as there is
among many Sunnilcs a ccrtain lashmw' haum, a tendeney to express one’s lose for
the Prophet's family' and descendants, such an inteiprctation was not difficult.
Two aspects of Shia life are connected with llie very beginning of the
sectarian development in Islam, that is, with the question of the caliphate. These
are lahona' and lualiyat lo refuse the first three caliphs (who were often curscd
from the pulpitsl and to cling faitbfully to the tnie uati Allah. 'Ali and his
descendants. the imams who alone can guide the community' thanks to their
inspired wisdom.
The idea that the Mahdi from the Prophet’s fámilv will appear at the end of
time ‘to lili the world with juslice as it is fillcd with injustice’ is a dogma in Shia
Islam, while Sunnites accept this idea only sporadically - yet the numerous
Mahdi figures who emerged in the Muslim lands every now and again to figtit
against injustice show that the concept was widesprcad. Sufficc it to mention the
Mahdi ofJaunpur ;d. 1505;, who prcachcd a mvstically-tinged Islam with strong
reliance upon tihikr instead of prayer. or the belligcrent Mahdi of the Sudan (d-
1885), who caused so much horror amotig Europcans and who bccame a symbol
of the Muslim ftght against the colonial powcrs thus in a moving chapter in
Iqbal's Jik'ulnñma'.
While the so-called Twelver Shia, whose twclfth and last imam disappeared
as a child in 874, consdtutcs the mainstream of Shia Islam and largely shaped
intellectual and spiritual life in Irán and parís of India, not to mention smallcr
pockets in Syria and other countrics, the Ismaili currcnts split off with a dispute
over the seventh Imam, the son of Ja’far as-yadiq id. 765), one of the most
influential scholars and sages, whose important role in mystical tradition as well
as law is also accepted in Sunni Islam. Instead of his son Masa al-Kazim
.through whom the chain of the Twelver continúes), the fine was continucd to
lsma'll ibn Muhammad. The diflerent branches of the so-called Ismaili move-
ment have incorporatcd much of gnostic thought. with ’Ali’s role becoming
more and more important until even a kind of deification was reached (thus
among the Nuyayris and 'All llahls, called tfuMi. ‘exaggerators’, even in Shia
sources).
 INDIVIDUAL AND SOCIF.TY 2(1

The Ismaili movement, to which medieval Islam owcs highly imponant

philosophical speculations, assumcd its visible shape in the Fatimid caliphate in
Egypt (969-1171). The glory of eleventh-century Cairo was described by the
great Ismaili philosopher-poct NSyir-i Khusraw in his Safam/Una, the ‘Trav-
clogue', and in some of his autobiographical poems. The movement split with
the death oí the caliph al-Mustanyir (reigned 1036-94), pnce more over the
question of succession. One group accepted the birth rights of Mustansir’s eider
son Nizar, while others were in favour of the younger son Musta'lí, who
succeeded his father in Egypt. His went to Yemen, where one still finds
Ismaili villagcs and which was regarded as the basis of the true da'uñ. Yemenite
scholars were brought to India to teach in the families whose anccstors were
converted to Ismaili Islam from the late twclfth century onwartjs. This group,
ccntred mainly in Bombav and Gujarat, is called Bohoras ‘traders' and
constitutes to this day a wealtliv trading community. They still follow the legal
code established by the Fatimid jurist QadI Nu'man .* The highest authority
among the Daudi Bohoras is His Holiness Sayyidna, whose ancestor carne 10
India in the mid-sixteenth century; his rule rail be compared almost to that of a
pope iwithout cclibacy, of course . His commands are to be obeyed exaedy.
otherwisc excommunication is practised. Lately, Sayyidna has promulgated an
even liarder line in accordancc with the inervasing fundamentalist tendcncies in
mainstream Islam. A smallcr group, the Sulaymanis, who remained faithful to
the Ycmcni connection, were and still are a rcmarkably progressive community
They played a role in politics: Badruddin Tayyabjee, first Muslim president of
the Indian National Cnngrrss; A. A. A Fyzee with his interesting modero
interpretation of Islam; and Atiya Bcgum, the fighter Ibr womcn’s education in
the first decades of the twentieth century, wcre pan of the Sulaymani Bohora
community.
Followers of Nizár, who was brought lo the Persian fortress of Alamut, where
his line continucd, acted also as rfdlr in the Indian subcontinent and converted a
considerable number of Hindus in Sind and Gujarat. Smallcr pockets of this
faction are found in Syria once the seat of the mysterious thaM al-jabal. the Oíd
Man of the Mountain, of Crusadcr fame); eastern Irán, northem Afghanistan
and Central Asia have small Ismaili groups, and an important arca where the
Ismailis are the truc political leaders is Hunza in the Karakoram región of
Pakistán, cióse to die arca of Badakhshan where Nasir-i Khusraw spent the last
fifteen or twenty vears of his lile. The leader of the Ismailis, who had received
tltc titile from his followers cvcrywhcrc, left Irán for India in 1839 to join his
community in Bombay and adjacent arcas; he was given the titlc Aga Khan. His
grandson, the famous Sultán Muhammad .Aga Khan III. was ablc, during his
long reign. to transform the so-called Khoja groups into a modern community in
which, for example. education of women is given a very special place; he also
212 nrcirm.Kiso ihf. sicss of god

encouraged tile migration to East Africa oí numerous families from Sind,

Gujarat and the Panjab. Moa of diem, however, have reccntly left Africa in die
wakc of racial unrest and persecution of minorities lo setde in the west, mainly in
Cañada.
Contrary to the Twelver Shia, die Khojas do not emphasizc the suffering of
the imams or indulge in commemorating the event of Kerbela; rather, they fccl
blessed by the prcscncc of the Aga Khan, the haz ir through whose finnans
they receive Divine guidance. Likc die Bohoras. the Khojas have a highly
stniclurcd organization, a truc hierarchy with delined dudes for everyone. The
lilcraturc of bodi groups comes to light only slowly due to the sccrccy with which
the beliefs are surrounded; the gmibu of the Khojas (see above. p. 168; refiect a
deep mysticai picty in which all the longing of the soul is directed towards the
imam through whom the Divine light radiatcs.1’’
Anoüier group inside Islam, which is not 'sectarian* in die strict sensc of the
word but whose ideáis have influcnced the Muslim community deeply, is lile Sufi
(arlqa, a term translaled as ‘order, brodicrhood, fratemity'.'*8 Enicst Gcllncr has
called die establishment of Sufi (añ/as. which began in die mid-twelflh century,
'a refbrmation in reverse', because the Sufi orden crealed a quasi-church widi
the shaíhh or />lr forming the centre around whom the difieren! strata of members
were more or less organized.99 Eariy Sufism was ascelic and certainly very
avene lo the world and what is in it; govcmmc.nl was gcnerally equated to evil
and corruption. Later, the Sufis assumed. wiuingly and unwittingly, an immense
political powcr. The Sufi ihayhh was thought to liase a direct inlluence on
political events and material destiny of the reahns where his spiritual authority
was cxcrciscd. That is truc not only in India but also for Sufi lartyttr in many
other parís of the Muslim world. Oficnce against a ¡hayhh could be regarded as
a reason for a ruler's downfall or a mighty person's suelden misfortunc; thus
some Sufis explained the Mongol invasión of Irán and the adjacent counlrics in
laso and the following dccadcs in part due lo the misbehaviour of some Muslim
rulers towards the ‘friends of God'.7"
Tlte faces of the Sufi orden, difier widely; onc finds rural and urban orders,
and the tcachings of the difieren! tangas appeal to cvery* straium of society. Some
langas are connected, at Icast looscly, with certain professions: the Mevlcviyya
(which never crossed the borders of Ottoman I'urkcy) attractcd artists, poets and
calligraphcrs. and represented the sophisticalcd educalional level; the Turkish
Bcktashis, strongly inelined towards the Shia and notorious for admitting women
to all their mectings, were the order that workcd with the Ottoman elite troops,
thejanissaries, and thus lost some inlluence after the Janissaries' fall in 1829; and
adhcrcncc to die Shadhiliya with its sober, relincd lilcraturc was often preferred
by members of the uppcr middle class, who fell altracled by the cmphasis on
quictudc, purity and meditation without begging and ecstatie rites, as these are
 INDIVIDUAL AND SOCIETY 213

so often pan of dervish orden. It is lypical that onc of ihc Shadhiliyya’s

oflspríng, the DarqSwiyya, has attractcd several importan. Western convertí to
Islam. On thc other hand, die musical sessions of die Indian Chishtis are the joy
of those who try to find God through thc mediation of sacrcd music. Ecstatic
groups with wild rfAdr meedngs and a tendeney to perform dangerous-looking
mirarles, like eating glass or taking out their eyes, live beside others who practisc
silent dhikr and retire in nighdy vigils from thc outsidc world to find strength for
their daily occupation, in which they may lx- highly successful (the Naqshbandis
and their subgroups are among these). Others work for thc benefit of thc
community as do thc Muridin of Ahmadu Bambú in Sencgal;’1 and while
medieval history knows of a nurnber of Sufi robéis against the govemment (Qádi
Badruddin of Simavna (d. 1414) in Ottoman Turkcy, Shah 'Inayat ofjhók in
Sind in thc carly cightcenth century)’’ or, like Shariatullah, against thc rich
landlords in Bengal, odter Sufi latnilies are very involved in política.73
In short, the influencc of Sufism is visible in almost every walk of life, for - as
Marshall Hodgson writes - ‘they developcd a picure of che world which united
die whole dUr al-Irtdm under a comprehensive spiritual hierarchy of
Howcvcr, the Sufis have been and still are harshly criticizcd for imroducing
foreign, ‘pagan’ customs into Islam and polluting the puré, simple teachings of
the Rotan and thc Prophet by adopting gnostic, ’thoroughly un-Islamic’ ideas.
Strangc dervishes, wandering mcndicants in cxotic attirc, or hall-naked faqirs
were thc first representatives of ‘Sufism’ which Western trasTilcrs cncountcred
and from whom they gained die impression dial Sufism was something alien to
Islam, a weird movement of drug-addiets who did not know anything of the legal
and thcological foundarions of Islam. The inner valúes of Sufism were discov-
ered only slowly. But thc dcgencration of Sufism in general and the quest for
more poliúeal than spiritual powcr was undeniablc, so much so that many
Western observen considered Sufism the greatest barricr to a modern dcvclop-
ment in Islam. Muslim thinkers like Iqbül joined them, claiming that mo/¿a-ism
and pir-üm were thc greatest obstacles lo truly Islamic modem life, and that die
influencc of ‘pandicistic’ ideas in thc wakc of Ibn ’Arabi’s teachings and die
ambigunus symbolism of mainly Pcrsian - poetry and thc dccadence that was
its rcsult (or so he thought) were 'more dangerous for Islam than thc hordes of
Atóla and Gcnghis Khan’.73 And yet, Iqbál's own interpretation of Islam owcs
much lo the intense love of God and thc Prophet that are lypical of classical
Sufism.
Out of Sufism, and often parallel with it, grew another movement, called
fuluwu<a. Futumna, thc quality of thc fula, the virtuous young hero, is based, as its
adherents say, on the example of'All, the truc Jala. Tile leaders of the yuluuuu
groups also reminded their followers of the appcarancc of thc term in the Koran,
where Abraham (Süra 21:60) as well as die Seven Sleepers (Süra 18:10) are called
’H DECIPHERINC THE SIGNS OF GOD

Jota or (plural; fityün. Vi Jútuuwa groups apparendy developed in the late tcnth
ccntury and were a kind of sodahty permeated by Sufi ideas. Somc members of
the movement sometimos tumcd against the establishment, and its oRshoot, the
'arfarán, can be compared to the dassical mafia. The Abbasid caliph an-N'ásir
(Il8a-taao) gavc the movement a proper organizado!! and sent out the Sufi
leader AbO Hafs 'Ornar as-Suhrawardl to invite the princes of adjacent arcas to
join tlie Jíitaiaoa, thus creating, as it were, a political nctwork of allegiances. Its
initiation ritual was apparcntly more formal than that in many Sufi ordcrs: the
novice was girdcd and invcsted with special trousers, >arñuñl alfuluwwa, and had
to drink salty water, a sign of loyalty, perhaps cndowcd with a ccrtain apotropaic
power. Franz Taeschner has described the details of this initiation and translatcd
handbooks from medieval Arabic and Turkish so that one can form an almos!
complete insight into this hicrarchically-organizcd Márvurbund whose members
were subjeet to stem ethical roles only men from respeetablc families and
professions were acccptcd-76
TheJiaum sodalities were connectcd with the artisans' guilds. although the
problem of whether and how guilds are at all related to Sufism and fütuuu-a has
becn debated intensclv among scholars. The guilds if we can use this term
had a patrón saint. and as late as in 1953 the cotton-cardcr. hallñ), in Istanbul
who clcaned my mattress told me proudly the story of his patrón saint, the
martyr-mystic al-Hallá). The guilds and sodalities such as the AHú, who
represented the Turkish oíTshoot of the fulmina, impressed visitors from other
countrics, as can be understood from Ibn Bauüta’s travclogue: he was highly
grateful lo the Mi in Anatolia, whose honesty and hospitality he praises.
All the groups were involved, in one way or another, in defending the dir al-
islám, and the political changos brought about by colonial powers had 10 be met
by new inierpretations. For instance, was an Indian province now under British
rule considcrcd to be dar ulharb. which could email that no Friday prayer could
be performed’’7 The problem of Muslim minorities in a non-Muslim majority
arca is to this day diflicult to solve, especially in the VVest. Can they, as
minorities, play an important role in society? How are they to prove that they
are real Muslims?7® Can their approach to education help to ward off the
dangers of backwardncss of which the Muslims are often accused? Innumerable
questions have arisen which were never discusscd in previous centuries but
which may Icad to a fresh sclf-undcrstanding for Muslims.79 For most reformers
llave reminded their co-religionists of SOra 13:1a: 'Vcrilv God does not changc
the late of a people until they chango what is in thcmsclvcs'.
The new Muslim prescncc in the West also requires an increased dialogue,
but it is unfortunatc that. often, abstract theological and philosophical issues are
raised instead of serking the vital mccting point. namcly the concept of God and
the human soul's rclation to Him. Wilfred Canlwell Smith was right when he
 INDIVIDUAL AND SOCIETY 215

rcmarkcd that, in such mccnngs and in conferences about Islam and Christian-
ity, ‘much talk about Islam can br hcard but very little about God

NOTES
1. Násir-i Khusraw igag). Ovan. p. 2(4.
2 Sce the numerous examples in H Ritlcr (1955), Das Metí da Stelt.
3. H. H Schaedcr 1925), ‘Die islamische Lehrc vom VoUkomracncn Mcnschen';
L. Massignon 1.1947), ’L'Hommc Parían en Islam et son originalité
cschatologiquc*. Sce also H. S. Nyberg (1919). Kleinere Schriften des Ibn al-’Arabi, p.
99ÍI.. and Tor Andrac (1918?, Du pasan Muhammads m glauben und leftrr seina
grmande for thc development of Muhammad as the Pcrfcct Man.
4. Jalar Sharif (1921), Islam m India, p. 22
5. S. M. Zwemer (1947), ‘Hairs of thc Prophet’. The culi of the Prophet’s hair was
apparcntly more prominent among Turks and Indian Muslims than among the
Arate.
6. R. Burlón 1851). Smdh. p. 135. G. Schocler 19901, Arabisdu Handsehnftm, Inl //,
no. 94 (Ms. or. oc. 2319), a futuuuvtnama with an explanalion of thc ccrrmony of
shaving ofT one's hair.
7. J A. Williams (¡984), ‘Thc KhAnqáh of Siryiqü?’, p. 118.
8. T. Kowalski (1924), ‘Nast und Niescn im arabischcn Volksglauhcn und
Sprachgebrauch’.
9. About spitting, scc also E. Doutté ( 1908), Afagu et religim, p. 440.
to Informaron from Dr Ramal Abdul Malik, Toronto. from his PhD thesis about
songs in honour of thc Prophet.
ti. Maqqart (1916), Fath al muta'al fi madh an-nt'ál; Amistase Marie de St Elie (igio),
‘Le cuite rendu par les musulmans aux sandales de Mahomct’.
12. Scc £/, s-v. dausa, and, for taanbul, .wi»’ 13 (1923), p. 185.
13. About the giancc. scc R. Gramlich (1976/. sebuascJun Danta borden, vol. 2, p.
209; for more examples, ídem (1987), Du ll under da Fmmde Cotíes.
14. Jalar Sharif (1921). Islam in India, p. 19.
15. S. Murata (1992b), Ibe Too oj Islam, p. 144.
16. H. S. Nyberg (1919). Kkinae Sthnften des Ibn al-Arabi. p 125. The idea was
common among the mystics; see A. Schimmel (1975a), Mystical Dmensions of
Islam, p. 192, and thc numerous rcfcrenccs in, for cxamplc, Rúml's work
17. FVu ma JUu (1952), end of ch. 5.
18 The classificalion of ‘peoplc with barata' used here follows F. Hcilcr’s 1961)
model iErse/tetmingífomen und Wesat der Religión, p. 365IT.). Quite difieren! is the
number of 'pcople of Eminence’ as described by Sháh Wallulláh, where one
find the hikim, ‘wise man, philosophcr', thc ztviñ, ’friend of God’, the caliph, the
muhaddath, ‘onc to whom God has spoken', thefard. ‘singular man', the mu/addid.
‘rcnewcr’, the 'ulamd, thc philosophcrs, and thc muiakalitmSn, ‘scholastir theolo*
gians’, that is. peoplc disúnguished more by knowledge than by baraka. Scc
J. M. S. Baljon (1986), Religión and Ihought ofM HoA Altoi IMtlaui (1703-1762).
ch. 9, p. iififl.
19. J. Horovitz (1910), ‘Baba Raían, thc Saint of Bhatinda*.
20. F. Tacschner (1979), ¿fin/ír, p. 439.
21. II. S. Monis (1958), ‘Thc Divine Kmgship of thc Aga Klian: a study in
theocracy m East Africa'; P.-J. Vatikioús 11966), ‘Al-Hákim bi-Amrillah, the
God-king idea rcalized’.
22. Faziur Rahman (1966), Islam, p. 169.
23. A. Sprenger (1869), Mulummad, 2nd cd., vol. 1, p. ix.
24. Faziur Rahman (1958), Prophay in Islam.
2l6 DECIPHER1NG THE SIGNS OF GOD

25. For the 'agida jauúiipa. see Frederick J. Bamcy (1933I, '"Ihe creed of al-Sanüsi'.
Germán translation and commentary of the 'agida in R Hartmann 1,19441. Die
Religión dei Islam, |>p 43 50
26. ’lhe numl>cr of book* about the Prophet published by Muslims and non-
Muslims is much too grcat to be mentioned. For a bnef turvey, sce A.
Schimmel 119881, .W Muhammad u His Meuengfí. bibliography. For a modérate
Western view, sce W. M. Watt (1961), Muhammad. Prophet and Suüesman. as well as
his numerous other works. Also of particular interest are M Hamidullah ¡1959),
/z hofditu de Cisión, and Martín langa < 1983), Muhammad.
tj. Y. Fricdmann ( 1989), hopheey Conunuous. Aspeets ofAhmadi Rehgums Ihuughi and ib
Medina/ Bae-kgromd.
28. Iqbál 1930., The Reeonstntetem of Religan. Ihought ¡n Islam, p. 126; cf. A Schimmel
1963a). Gabruís IImg, p. i68f. Sce also Fazlur Rahman (1966), Islam, p 220.
29. Daud Rahbar 11966), ’Ghalib and a drbatable point of theology'.
30. Fazlur Rahman 1966,, Islam, p. 247. Ncverthelcss, although the Koran is the
veritablc centre of Islamic faith and the dharma the central conccpt in
Buddhism. both the Prophet and the Buddha each gained a position much
higher than that oí a simple canter of revelation or preacher of the right path,
and both of them were endowed with a sotcriological and a cosmic aspeet.
31. For this development, see Tor Andrae 11918) Du person Muhammads, and A.
Schimmel 1988 , And Muhammad u //u Messenget.
32. Frithjof Schuon 11989,, bi the Faer of ¡he Absolute, p. 230; and ídem (19871. ‘The
spiritual significance of the substancc of the Prophet'.
33. Tor Andrae (1948), / Mvrtenttadggrden English translación by Birgitu Sharpc
(1987), In the Garden ofMyrtlts), dcals with the earliesc phase of Sufism.
34. Bikram Nanda and Mohammad Talib (1989), 'Soul of the soulkss: an analyró
of Plr Morid relationships in Sufi discourse’, p. 129.
35. J. trr Haar ¡1992), The spintual guide in Ü>c Naqshbandi order', p. 319.
36 Sir Thomas Amold 1909), 'Saints, Muhammadan, India’, o*; vol. 11, the story
of the Pathan. p. 72.
37. C. Troll (ed.) ¡1989:, Musían Shnnes m buha, p 7.
38. Cari W Emsl 1992a,)., Firmal Garden, is a good survey of the relations between
the shrines in Khuldabad/IJeccan and the. rulen.
39. C. Geertz 11971,', Islam Obtened, p. 51.
40 Y Fricdmann (1971). Shgylh Ahmad Sir/undi. An Outlme ofHis Thought and a Studf of
His Image in die Eses of Posterity. For later definmons of the mujaddid, see J. O.
Hunswick 11984,, 'f><Uib al-Fullání ¡1752/3 1803,1. Th« carrer and tcachings of a
West African ’d/tm in Medina'.
41. ’l”hr number of books and ameles about Muslim women inervases day by day.
A solid introduction is Wiebke Walthcr :198o:, Du Frau un Islam.
42. S Múrala 1987,, Témpora? Marriage in Islamú landi.
43. 0. Snouck Hurgronjc (1925). ¡"asprade Gtuhnften, vol. 5. p. 60.
44. Ali Shariati ¡1981), Faáma ist Patona. Fatima was abo ¡qbal's ideal, as becomcs
clear from his Rum¡¡z.-i btkhudt 11917).
45. Kisa’l 11977), Tales of the Propheb, p. 4-p
46 Margare! Smith 1928:, Rábía the Mystu and her Fellow Samts m Islam
47. Kúal (1977), Tales oj the Propheb, p. 33.
48. S. Murata ¡1992a). ‘Mysterics of marriage notes on a Sufi text’.
49. Fazlur Rahman (1966), Islam, p. 146.
50 T Naff (198.1), ‘The linkage of history and reform in Islam'.
51. G. E. von Gruncbaum (1958). Muhammedan Festuals, p. 5.
52. .About Iqbál's view of the umma, see A. Schimmel ¡1963a . Gabnel's Ifóg, pp.
64 5-
 INDIVIDUAL AND SOCIF.TY 217

53. The concept of uavaí. ‘middle*. was praised in both normative (Ibn Taymiyya
and mystical literature in Islam. See Merlin L. Swartz 1973 , 'A scventh-ccntury
\H Sunni creed, the Aqiqa Hán/ím' 'Doctrinal error or heresy rcsults when
one elemrnt of thr truth is cievated to the whole, so that the integriiy and
dialcctical tensión that ought to exist between the parís of the wholc are
destroyed* (p. 96). That mcans that thr healthy rquilibrium in the umma is the
most important thing.
H A. R. Gibb (1949!. Mohammedamsm. p. 119. The Santillana quotc is also from
X

this book (pp. 96-7;.

G. E. von Gruncbaum 11969), Siudien. p 26, note 5, rrferring to a Turkish
8

statement of 1959.
'All 'Abdur RJUiq, quotcd in K. Cragg (1965). Courueis m Contemperar)' islam. p.
%

70.
For a special case, see B. Braudc and B. Lrwis icds 1982), W Chnstums and
S

Jai s m the Ottoman Empne. The Ptmtíiotttng ofa Plural Societr

•&

KháqAni 1959). Dirán, pp. 133,428; Mas'Qd ibn Sa'd-i SalmSn of l-ahore (1960),
Ditera, p. 47!.
Derrick N. Maclean 19891, Religión and Soarty in Arab Smd, especially p. 4«f.
g>8

Sir Thomas Amold 11896), Thr hnuhtng ofislam, is still tire basic introduction to
this topic. although the question of conversión has been discussed frequenth
during the last decades.
6t. ¿iváuddln Baran! (1860-2; 1957), TMkh 1 foü’shahl, dcals with this problem.
See also A. Schimmel (1974), Turk and Hindú, a poética! image its
application to histórica! fací*.
62. Satish C. Misra (1963}. Musiim Commumtus m Gufarat, imtiaz Ahmad I1978). Caite
and Social Stratipeation among Muslims ui indar, ídem (edj (1976), Eamily, hinship and
Marriagr among Mían Muslims.
63. H. A. R. Gibb 1I949 , Mohammedamsm, p. 119.
64. H Halm í 19881 D» Schut, English translation (1992), The Shia: Allamah Sayyid
.Muhammad Husayn Taba^abal 1.1975}, Shute Islam, S. A. A. Rizvi : 19851, A
Socw-inteUectual History of thr isna Adían Shns in indar, A. Falaturi (1968), ‘Die
Zwólfer-Schia aus der Sicht cines Schiitcn*.
65. Shushtari H975), Majáis al-mu’minln, is a good example of this tendeney. For the
problem. ser Habibch Rahim 119881, Perfectum Embubtd. The image (f’Ah ibn Abi
Táltb in .Yat-Sftm Pcrsian Poctr)
66. For a very critica! statemeni about this scct, scc Asghar Ali Enginccr (1980;, The
Bohras.
67. Farhad Daftary (1992I, The hmatltr, Azim Nanji 1978,Aígari ismaili Tradition
in the indo Paktslam Subcmtwnt. S. H. Nasr (ed.), (1977) ¡malí (ontnbuhoni to
hlamu Culture, hmail K. Poonawala (1977), tíiblwgrapin of ¡smaih Literature.
68. For a general survey, ser A. Schimmel \ 1975a), Mjstual Dmenstons of islam. J
Spencer Trirningh;un 11971), The Sufi Orders tn islam, is a wide-ranging survey.
For Irán, scc R. Gramhch (1965 81), Die uhntisehcn Dcruist borden Perneas, a work
that by far surpasws its rather limited tifie and gives an introduction into belicfs
and customs ofsome orders. Scc further O. Depont and X Coppolani Í1897 8),
Les canfrérus rchgieuses musulmans', A. Popovic and G. Vcinstcin cds; 11986., Les
ardres mystujues dans Tlslanv, R Lifchetz rd.) 1992), The Dmidi i^dge: Are/uteclure,
Art, and Sufism in Ottoman Turiey, R. Eaton ¡1978), Sufis of tyapur. rfoo 1700-, J.
Paúl <1991 , Dtf pohdsche und soztalc Bcdrutung der S'aqibandmv ¡n Mutelaaen m <5
Jahthundcrl;John K. Birgr (1937., The fíektadu Ordrr ofDenishes-, Sorayya Faroqhi
(1981), Der BektaschiOrden in Anatoherr, A. Golpinarfí 11953). Mevlina’dan sonra
Mcvlevihk.
69. E. Gellner (1972), Doctor and Saint', p. 255.
218 DEC IPHF.RING THE SIGNS OF GOD

70 L Ixwisohn (cd.¡ 11992;. The Isftuy of Medietal Peinan Sufism. p. 30. Christiaan
Snouck Hurgronje 1923), Itopoid? Gesdmftm. vol. 3, p tqoff., spcaks of the
influrnce of difieran Sufi tariqas on the Ottoman Sultán 'Abdul Hamld.
71. D. B. Cruise O’Brien (1971), ’ZAe Moundes ofSmegal.
72. F. Babinger 1943, Du fita des Sihgth Hedí eti-Din Mabnüd. The I urkish leftist
poet Nazim Hikrnci devoted a group of powerful pocms to Bcdreddin. For the
less well-known Sindhi rcbd, ser A. Schimmcl 1969 , ’Shah 'Iniyat ofJhOk’.
73. Sarah F, I). Ansari 1992 . Sufi Smb and Stale fututr. 7he. Ptrs of Sind.
Ser also H. T. latmbrick (1972), 7Az larorut.
74 MarshaU G. S. Hodgson ¡1974). 7Az Hnterr of Islam, vol, 3. pp. 211 2,
75. Iqbfli, Forcword to Miuaqqa' 1 (Ihugfiun, a coUcciion of paintings by Abdur
Rahman Chughtay; his aversión to 'Sufism' is evident from his vtrdict against
Hafiz iu the first edition of the zlo*-i Uuufí (19151 and his numerara pocms
against the ‘Sufi*.
76 H. Thoming 1913). fíe¡tra¡¡r zar Kenntnis des ulamtdm Vermwxteiu aufGrund rvn
Bas< madad at-tauftq, was the first study of the fiituwwa phcnomcnon. See also
A. Gólpinarli 1962 , Islam oe Turk ilUrmdtfutúwet te\ ktlali nr kaynaklari. The most
romprrhensivc collection of studics is F. Tacschncr (1979), Runfie und
fírudrraKaftén im Islam.
n- Not all Indian Muslims wcre critica! of British sovcreigniy; rather, Sir Sayyid
Ahmad Khan and his fncnd Hfil! wcre gratcful for the blessings of the Raj,
which protccied them against the growing política! aspiradora of the Hindus.
See also Maulana Muhamed Ali’s spcech for the khilafal Movement 1920, in
Aziz Ahmad and G E. von Grunrbaum icdsj ¡1970;. Muslim Self-Slalemmt. p. tt2.
78 F Meicr 11991!, ’Über die umstnttene Pflicht des Muslims, bci nicht-
muslimischcr Bcsetzung seincs Laudes auszuwandem'. American Muslims have
somctimcs compared their situation to that of the Prophet’s companions who
emigrated to the Christian country of Abyssima.
79. The fntmal of Muslim Mtnonius Affatri, issucd in Jeddah, is an irnponant
publication in this ficld
80. Quoted in S. D. Goitein (19661. Studus. p. 30.
 VI

God and His Creation;

Eschatology

Zh
And of His signs is that He creatcd you from duM, and you bccamc
humans. all spread around.
Süra 30:20
330 DECIPHERINC THE SIGNS ÓF COD

‘To rellect on the essence of tlic Crcator ... is forbiddcn to the human intelleci
bccause of the scvcrance of all relations between the two existences.' Thus wrotc
Muhammad ’Abduh. the Egypnan modemist thcologian.' Islam has generally
licld the opinión that it is sinful to apply human rcason to God. The hadit/i states:
'Think about the crcation, but do not think about the Creator' i.ut no. 439). One
has to accepl the way in which He describes Himself in the Koran, for according
to lsmü'il Ráji al-F'ámqi, 'Tile Qur’an expresses God’s inconceptualizability in
the most cmpharic manner'.5
Ancicnt religious had tried lo circumscribc the Numinous power in various
ways. lite High God ivas recognized as causing and maintaining crcation, and
could be symbolizcd as father or, less frcquently in historie times, as molher.
Funcdonal deiries were in many religious responsible for the diflerent events
in Nature and in life: in the high religión* many of them were "sublimatcd’,
as it were, into saints who are thought to perform similar functions henee
the aversión of traditional Muslims to saint-worship, which, as they fccl,
imperita the puré, true monotheism whose confcssion is the duty of the
believers.
Rchgions of antiquity also saw Fatc as an impersonal power behind the
events. and ancient Arabic as well a good parí of Persian poetry refleets that fear
of the revolving sky which. like a millstone. crushcs everything. Who can escape
the movement of the hafl ásiiñ, the ‘seven milis', as the spheres are sometimos
called in Pcrsian? Who is not tramplcd down by the black and while horses
which draw the chariot of the sky? Who knows what cruel l ime has in its store,
on its loom? The feeling that a merciless Fate rcigns over the worid surfaccs lime
and again in lilcraturc.* and yet diere is a dcep diflcrcncc between this falalism,
which the Oriental worid inherited from eariier sysiems of thought. and the
bclicf in the active God who cares for His crcatures and who knows best what is
good in any monten! of life even though His wisdom is often incomprehensible
to human minds and one wonders what He intends. To be sute, there are
cnough stalemenis. especially in the ¡tuMi. in which God’s omnipotcncc seems to
be expressed through a sccmingly feclingless fatc, such as die famous hadilk qudsi:
‘Those to Paradise and I do not cate, and those to Hcll and 1 do not care’ (Mi
no. 519). Prcdcsrination of this kind seems illogical. even downrighl cruel, to a
modcm mind, bul il expresses a strange. irralional relalion between ihe human
’slave’ and the lord; a relation which For Andrae. ihc Swcdish Islamicist and
Ludieran bishop has dcscribed thus: Bclicf in predestinado!! is the deepest and
most logical expresión of intcqireting the worid and human life in a purely
 GOD AND HIS CREATION; ESCHATOLOGY 221

religious way’.5 This statcmcnl translatcs well the Muslim’s undcrstanding of

God’s omnipotcncc and absoluto Lordly powcr.
History of religions knows of diffcrent ways to describo God or. at Icast, to try
to understand Him. There are the iw causalilahs, the tró muwntuu and the vía
wgatitmis. All three can be comfortably applied to Islam, although the first onc
seems to be predominan: in the Koranic message. /Xmong His ñames, al-kh&hq,
al-bñrt, al-mufauiiir, ‘the Creator, the Shaper, the Form-giver’ stand besides
others that point to His caro for His creatures, such as ar-ráziq. ‘the Nourishcr’.
He is al-muhfi al-mwiüt, the One ‘who gives lifc and who gives death’. ‘Evcry day
He is in some work' (Süra 55:29), that is. He never rests, and ‘slumber or sleep do
not touch Him’ (Süra 2:255). Just as He has placed His signs ‘in the horizons and
in themselves’ (Süra 41:53), He also 'taught Adam the ñames' (Süra 2:31), and
furthermore "He taught the Koran' (Süra 55:2). That mrans that He taught every-
thing. for the Koran contains the expression of His will. whilc the ñames endow
humanidad with the powcr over everything created as well as with an undcr­
standing of the Divine Ñames through which His errativr powcr manifestó itóelf.
One could transform the words of thr shahñda that ‘there is no deity save Him'
into the statcmcnt that there is no acting Powcr but Him, for all activitics begin
from Him: He began the dialogue with humanity in pre-eternity by asking in the
Primordial Covenant alastu bi-rabbikum, ’Am 1 not your lx»rd?’ (Süra 7:172), and
He inspires prayer and Icads peoplc on the right path if He so wishes. Yct the
suprcmc cause of everything perceptible is not perceptible Itsclf.
As much as tradition and the Koran use the vta causalitatis to point to God’s
powcr, they also use thr ria eminentuu, that is, they show that He is greater than
everything conccivablc. This is summrd up in the formula AUáhu akbar. ‘He is
greater íthan anything clsc)'; and He is ‘above what they associatc with Him’
(Süra 59:23).
Bul His is also the absoluto Beauty, even though this is not stated cxplicitlv in
the Koran. Yct, the hmfílh ‘Verily God is beautiful and loves beauty’ (AW no. 106)
was widely acccptcd, cspecially by the mystically-minded, and when daring Sufis
claitned that the Prophet had said: ‘I saw my Lord in the most beautiful form’,
they express the feeling that longing for this Absoluto Beauty is part of human
lifc.
God is absoluto Wisdom, and the Muslim knows that there is a wisdom in
everything. For 'God knows better (than anyone)', AUihu a'lam. as is repeated in
cvery doubtfol case. Therefore, God should not be askcd why this or that
happencd. and 'All’s word: ’I recognized my Lord through the annulmcnt of my
intentions’ (tu no. 133) refleets this mentality: the Lord's strong hand should be
seen even in moments of disappointment and despair. for, as the Koran stares
(Süra 21:23), ‘He is not asked about what He does'. This feeling has inspired
Rümi's poetical versión of Adam’s prayer in dte Mathnaivl (,uI 3,899!!.):
222 DECIPHF.RING THE SIGNS OF GOD

If You treat ill Your slaves,

if You reproach them, Lord
You are the King it does
not maitcr wliat You do.
And if You cali thc sun,
the lovcly moon bul 'scum',
And if You say that 'crookcd'
is yonder cypress slim,
And if You cali lite Throne
and all thc spheres but 'low'
And if You cali thc sea
and gold mines ‘needy, poor' -
That is permissiblc,
for You're the Perfcct Onc:
You are the Onc who can
perfcct thc transient!

God's will is higher iban any human will, bul this description does not mean,
as Fazlur Rahman says, that we have to do with a watching, frowning and
punishing God ñor a chicfjudge. but a unitary and purposive will creativo of
order in lite universe’.6 Thus, the constant use of mü ihA’ AUüh, ‘what God wills'
or, even more, uuhi Allah, 'if God wills', does not refer to any whirn of the Lord
but rather to His limitlcss powcr.
God is thc Onc who dispenses absolute Justicc, so much so that onc of thc
most penetraling books on Islamic theology is called ‘God ofjustice'.' However,
ovcrtmphasis on His justicc, ’odL as was practiscd by the Mu’tazilitcs, could
conllicl with His omnipotcncc, because His justicc was judged according to
human understanding of ‘justicc’, which is not applicable lo God. The descrip-
lion of God as the Mojr a/ máiiñii, 'tile best of those who use rases' (Süra 3:54,
8:30), and thc cntirc problcm of His makr, ‘rusc’, bclongs to thc rcalm of His
omnipotcncc; it cannot be solved by human teasoning.8
God is the absolute Truth, al-haqq. It is thereforc not surprising that thc term
fo?? was latcr uscd by thc Sufis to point to the innermost esscnce of God, who
was experienced as the solé Reality, something beyond all delinitions - and
before the /«??, all that is Aáfd, ‘vain’, disappears (Süra 17:81).
God is higher than everything - not only in His will, justice or knowledge, but
He is also suprcmc merey and love, even though thc quality of love is rarcly if
ever mentioned in thc Koran (cf. Süra 5:59, end) but is rcflcctcd in His ñame, al-
u-adod (Süra 11:90). Yet, merey and compassion are expressed in His two ñames
which precede every Süra of thc Koran, namcly ar-ratonan ar-raJiim, 'thc All-
Mcrciful thc z\ll-Compassionatc‘. They come from the root r-A-m, which also
 GOD AND HIS CREATIONJ DSCHATOLOGV 223

desígnales the mothcr’s womb, and thus convey die warm, loving tare of die
Crcator for His creaiures. These words, repcatcd whcncver thc Muslim bcgins
something widi the húmala, ‘inspired to die Muslim a modérate opümism’and
Islamic scholars have spoken, in the same contcxt, of God’s 'providcntial merey
balanced by justicc’. Latcr traditions cmphasizc that God acts in thc way that
human beings think He would I am with My servant's thought’, says thc fnñih
qudA, to point out that the one who trusts in God’s forgiveness will not be
disappointed.1" Rüml tclls thc story ofJesús andjohn die Baptist; while the latter
was constandy brooding in fcar and awe, Jesús used to smile because he never
forgol God’s loving carc and kindness, and thcrcforc he was dcarer to God."
Thc na emiiuntuu can be summed up in the statement that, as God’s
perfcctions are infinite, ‘there is no pcrfcction compared to which there is not a
still greater pcrfcction in God and with God’, and righdy did an oli-quotcd
Arabic verse say:

Praiscd be He by whosc work thc intellects become confuscd:

praised be He by whosc powcr thc héroes are incapacitated!

This cxclamation of utter confusión lcads to the third way of dcscribing God,
die vía wgatianu:

Whatevcr you can think is pcrishablc -

that which enters not into any thought, that is God,

says Rüml, in a verse (.w II 3, 107) that sums up die feeling about God. Human
thought is a limitation. and when the thcosophical mystics of the school of Ibn
’Arabt tried to describe Him in terms that point simultancously to His
transcendence and His immancncc, this is nothing but a faint attempt to
desenlie Him. the rfau absamdiUu, whom one can approach at best by seizing thc
hem of His Grace’, that is, to describe one of His manifestations which cover His
Esscncc like garments, like veils. How is one to speak about the Onc who is
absolulely transcendent and yet is eloser to mankind than their jugular vein
• Süra 50:16'., so that die mystics found Him at thc end of thc road, in thc ‘occan
of thc soui’ and not in thc mosque, not in Mecca or in Jerusalem? Poems have
sung of Him in colourful images, in paradoxes, negations and affirmations
which, however, do nothing but hide thc transcendent Essence, for He is, so to
speak, the ‘Super-Unknowable’.
On thc philosophical side, the Ismaiiis have tried to maintain His transcend­
ence by using a doublc negation frecing the idea of God from all association with
die material and removing Him also from the association with die non-material.
God is thus neidier within the sensible world ñor within thc cxtrasensible."
He is, in thc Koranic expression, ’the First and thc Last, thc Inward and the
Outward’ (Süra 57:3), and the mystery of His being is summed up in Süra 59:23-4
"4 IIK IPHERING IHI SIGNS OF GOD

He is God besides whom there is no deity, the One who knows the
visible and die invisible He is the Merciful. the Compassionatc. He is
God. besides whom there is no deity, the King, the Holy, the Giver of
Peace, the Faithful, the Protector, the Mightv, the Overpowcring, the
Very High. Praiscd be God who is above what they assoeiate with Him.
He is God. the Crcator, the Form-giver; His are the Most Bcautiful
Ñames. He is praiscd by what is in lite hcavens and on Earth and He is
the Mightv, the Wise.

Similariy. the Throne Verse (Süra 2:255) has served to describe Him to a
ccrtain dcgrec. and the concept of His Throne on which He dwells (Süra 7:54;
10:3 ct al.) and which compriscs Heaven and Earth has cvoked many commcn-
taries, from realistic descripúons to visions of a seal of chfysolite or ruby1’ to the
mystical inteiprctation that the true Divine Throne is the human heart. for the
i/iuLsl promises: ‘My heaven and My Earth do not comprise Me, but the
heart of My faidtful servant compriscs Me’ ;.tM no. 63).
Ilie God as revealed in the Koran is a living God, who has invited ntankind
to cali Him and He will answcr -Süra 40:62, cf. 2:186). an active, creating and
dcstroying, maintaining and guiding God who is yet beyond any human
understanding. He is, in a ccrtain way, a 'personal' God, for He has addressed
humankind and revealed Himself to thctn, but the term iha/Jii, 'person', eannot
be applied to Him,
When looking at the active, powerful Lord of die Koran, one wonders how
scholastie thcologians could define Him in rational terms: the 'aqtía tanüsijya, a
dogmatic creed from the fiftecnth ccntury which was largcly used among
Muslims, describes God with forty-one qualitics, fiftu. Six are basic qualides of
which the first and essential onc is existcnce, then further pre-etemity (azalr^f,
etemity iabadina}, His being diflerent from what has become in time, His self-
subsistcncc and the fact that He needs neither place ñor originaron
He has a further seven neccssary qualities which are: Power, Will, Knowl*
edge, Life, Hcaring, Secing and Spccch, and seven accidental qualities, that is:
His being powerful, being willing, being knowing, being living, being hearing,
being seeing and being speaking (litis dilferentiidon emerged from early theological
discussions between the Mu'tazilites and traditionists about His attribules).'*
Against these twenty qualities are posited twenty others that are impossiblc,
dial is, die contrary of the previous ones: He eannot be not-hearing or not-
etrmal. His forty-first quality is that it is possible for Him to do or not to do
everything possible. Thus the living God as described in the Koran was
Iransformcd into a set of definidnos with which the normal believer could not
cstablish a truc rclauonship. But definitions of dtis kind became a central pan of
normadve thinking.
 GOD AND HIS CREATION; ESCHATOI.OGV «5

On thc other hand.'thc hadlth qudri in which God appcars as a 'hiddcn

treasure who wantcd to be known’ became the focal point among mystically-
minded Muslims. But while God is usually secn and cxperienced as the One who
does not nced anything, al-ghanl, ‘the Self-suflicient, Rich’, thc moving myth of
thc Divine Ñames who longcd to manifest themsclves and to be reflccted in the
world lcads to thc feeling that God (at least on the level of the dais mrlahuj needs
thc creatures and that, in the last instance, God and man are as it were
interdependent an idea often found in mystical speculations everywherc in thc
world but, undcrstandably. contrary to thc convictions of traditionist Muslims
who maintained God’s supremo rulcrship and sclf-suflicicncy.
God has been described as thc icijib al-wigüd, 'He whose existence is abso­
lutely ncccssary' and upon whom evcrything relies. Onc could also transform thc
simple statement of lite sha/Oda into thc phrasc la maujeda illa Allih, "There is
nothing existent save God', for He is the only One upon whom existence can he
prcdicatcd, and He is the only One who has thc right to say T.'5
The concept of wahdal al-wu/üd, ‘L'nity of Existence' as formulated by thc
commenuiors of Ibn 'Arabi, would be expanded (by losing its necessary
sophisticatcd connotations!) into the simple statement hama ñiL ‘cverylhing is
He', which was used in Persian mystical poetry, for example in 'Ajtar's verse,
before Ibn ’Arabl’s time and which permeates later Sufi thought in thc cntirc
Persianatc world. But thosc who uscd it usually forgot that thc opposite of unity
of Existence is kathral al-'ibn, 'the multiplicity of knowledge', that is, llir infinite
number of creatcd things which are reflections of God’s knowledge and henee
diílerent from His Essence,'6
God is thc prima causa, and there are no sccondary causes: He works through
whal looks like secondary causes just as a tailor works with a needle or a
calligrapher works with a pen, and thus it is He who is thc real Crcator of thc
dcsign. .Again, as He has a ñame by which He callcd Himsclf in thc Koran, that
is, Allah, He is, as Iqb.ll stares, an Ego, the highest all-cmbracing Ego in which
the sinaller egos of the creatcd universo live like pearls in thc ocean, and who
contains infinite possibilitics in a Prcscncc that transccnds creatcd time.
Thc tensión between Divine transccndcncc and immancncc, between theo-
logically defined impersonality and cxperienced pcrsonality, is reflccted in a
variety of sayings, verses and extra-Koranic Divine words. The Indilh qudsi ‘My
Hcavcn and My Earth do not comprisc Me bul thc heart of My faithful servant
comprises Me’ (aw no. 63 points to this problem. He is incomparable, bevond
cverv possibility of being grasped by human thought, and the human being, His
slave, cannot talk about Him but by ta'fl/, keeping Him free from all human
comparisons and not admitting die slightest possibility of an analogía mrir, but
when one thinks that He made Adam His khahfa, His vicegerent on Earth, and
made him alive with His breath. onc uses tashblh, comparison with human
ga6 DECIPHERINO THE SIGNS OF GOD

concepts. Boih aspeets rcflcct the Divine, for man is both slave and representa-
tive, and God's attributes of majesty, jalál, and beauty, jamiL which are related
to each other like man and woman, as it were, fotm the fabric of the created
universe. The tendeney of pairing concepts. of speaking in polarities, seems
typical of Islamic thought, The Creator is one, but He reveáis Himself both in
ethical concepts (as orthodoxy sccs Him) and in aesthetic concepts (according to
the Sufis' experiences). Infidelity and faith, kufr and Imán are, as Sana'I sings,
‘only doorkecpers at the sanctuary of His L'nily and Oneness'.'7
Although the ‘looks do not rcach Him’ (Süra 6:103), wt' hnow of Ibn 'Arabl’s
visión of die letter A, the last and essenual letter of Alláh, which points to His
huwiyya, ‘Hc-ncss’ - He, who had revealed His words in the letters of die Koran,
could be 'seen' only in a symbol takcn from the letters, from the Book.18
Perhaps, one may say with the poets, He can be seen with the heart’s eye:

I saw my Lord with my heart's eye and askcd:

■Who are You?' He answered: 'You'.'9

God's Absolute Oneness seems to make it impossiblc for a human being to

profess that there is 'no deity but God', for the very act of pronouncing lilis
formula alrcady means cstablishing duality - as cknsári says:

No-one confesses the One as the One,

for cvcryonc who confesses Him as the Onc denies Him.

The mystics kncw that (as DftrJ ShikOh phrases it):

From saying ‘One’ one does not become a monotheist -

The mouth does not become sw'ect from saying ’sugar'.“

Human cxistence was seen by these radical monotheists as a sin to which

nothing is comparable' only the One exists. Yet, one .should dislinguish here
between the overwhelming spiritual visión of the lover who sces nothing but the
belovcd and hides his ñames in all ñames that he or she mentions as did
Zulaykha. according 10 Rüml's wonderful description at the end of the Maümaui
M V! 4,023!! - and between the attcmpt to 'cxplain' this cxpcriencc. to fetter it
in philosophical terms and conccptualizc it in high-soaring systems which
confuse the reader and here I intend the traditionist as well as the intoxicatcd
lover) more than they cnlightcn him.
From whichever angle one tries to understand the All-powerful, the cMI-
majestic and All-merciful One God. one should ccnainly listen carcfully to the
verse in which Sana’! has God speak:

VVhatever comes to your mind that I am that - I am not that!

Whatever has room in your understanding that 1 would be like this -
I am not like this!
 con AND HIS CREATION; F.SCHATOI.OCV 227

Whatever has room in your understanding is all something created

In rcality know, O servant, that I am the Creator!21

The Koran speaks of God as C.rcator, Sustaincr and Judge; but how can one
imagine His creativo activity?"
Ancictit religión* sometimes speak of crcated beings as ‘begotten’ by the deity,
a concept which, on the levcl of mysticai and philosophical*speculation, might be
dcscribcd as 'emanación* an idea not unknown among Muslim philosophcrs
and mysticai thinkers. Creation could also be seen as the deity’s victory over the
chaos: God is dte Onc who shapes and forms a previously existen! maiter lo fit
it into His wise plan. Finally, there is the matu a 1MI0. a creation owed to the
free will of God and henee cmphasized by die prophetic religious.
Tile Koran states dial God crcated the world in six days (Süra 57:4 el al.)
widioui getting tired. but diere is also the idea of a constant creation out of nothing:
the long delilx-rations in Rúml’s work about 'adorné a concept perhaps to be trans-
latcd best as ‘positivo Not-Being* capable of accepting fortn, show how much he,
like other mysticai thinkers, pondered the mystcry of Creation, which might be
taken as an actualización of contingent 'things’. Such ideas led Ibn 'ArabI and his
followers to die mvthical definición that God and the non-existent tliings are as
it were nialc and female, and die existen! diing diat resulta can be regarded as a
'child'.’* Rümi speaks in similar connections of the 'mothers’, for everything
touched by a creativo forcé engenders something that is higher than both.
But in whatever way onc wants lo explain creation, onc knows from the
Koran dial He needs only say Kun, ‘Be! and it is' Süra 2:117 el al.i. F°r He
Créales by His Powcr, as normalice theology states.
More than that: the Koran insists that the world has a deep meaning, for ‘He
has not crcated it in jesf (Süra 21:16). That is why it obeys Him and worships
Him with everything that is in it (Süra 51:56). And yet, it was also felt in the
succcssion of Ibn 'ArabI - that God takes the created universo back into Himself
to ‘exhale' it again; in inftnitcsimally short moments, the world is as it were
created anew, and nothing exists that is not subjcct 10 constant though invisible
change. Poets and thinkers sing endless hymns of praise to the Crealor whose
work amazes cvcryonc who has eyes to see, and they ask in grand poems:

Who made this turquoise-eoloured tuming dome

without a window or a rool, a door?

Who granted stripes 10 onyx from the Yemen?

From where comes fragrance of die ambergris?25

All the miracles that the seeing eye perceives in dte created universe point to the
necessity of God's existcnce; they are His signs, iyál. which he placed into the
world ícf. Süra 4i:53¡.’<
228 DECirilERIKG THE SICÍNS OF GOD

lln- events in the created world are efleets of the Crcator's direct involve-
ment: whatever happens is not-the rcsult of causality bul rather tile nmnat Alláli,
die Divine custom which can be interrupted at any moment if He decrecs so.
Dial is why one has lo say m diá Allah, because one is awarc that God can
change things and states in the wink of an eye. One also does not praise the artist
when admiríng a work of art or some spccial performance but exdaims mi sha
Allah (Süra 18:391 or '"¿(ña Allah to praise the One whose wondrous activity
shows itself through His creaturcs; and the pious autltor will describe his
succcssful actions as minan, ‘Divine gifts’ for which he owcs gratitudc.
God is One, but with creation. duality comes into existencc. and from duality,
multiplicity grows. The mystics found an allusion to this truth by discovering
that the Divine address kan. wrilten in Arabic kn, consista of two letters and is
comparable to a two-colourrd rope. a twisl. which bidés the essential unity from
those who are duped by the manifold manifestations. Polarity is necessarv for the
existencc of the universc, which. like a woven fabric, is capablc of existencc only
llianks to the inlcrplay of God’s ¡alai and jamil. die mslrrium nrmmdum and the
mystmum fauwans, by inhaling and exhaling, systolc and diastole A¡al, etemity
without beginning. and abad, etemity without end. are the polcs between which
the world púlsales; Heaven and Earth, ghayb, 'unscen'. and ¡habida, ‘the visible
things' cf Süra 9:94), point to this dual aspcct of the created universc as do the
concepta of laudi. the Well-prescrved Tabiet (Süra 85:22), and qalam, the
primordial Pen (Süra 68:1 . which work together to write the creatures* destiny.
'Ihc idea that God created the world by His word in onc moment or,
according to another counting, in six days, was paralleled by the mystical
concept of the liidden treasure’. Ibn 'Arabi developed the myth of the longing
Divine Ñames which, utterly lonely and so to speak non-existent', that is, not yet
actualizcd in the dcpths of the Divine, longed for existencc and burst out in an
act comparable lo Divine exhalation. Tile Ñames tnanifested themselves in the
universe, which thus became their mirror; contingcnt being rcccived existencc as
soon as it was hit by the Ñame which was to be its rabb. ‘Lord". Creation is thus
a work of Divine lovc. but also of Divine sclf-lovc God longed to see His
beauty in the mirror of the created things.''
'Ihc brrath by which this manifestation took place is the nafas ai ratonan. the
‘breath of the Mcrcifuf. which is, so to speak. the subslantr of Creation: puré
Merey and puré Existencc are, as it were, the same in the visions of the Ibn
'Arabi school.
The sudden outbreak of tile Divine brrath may be called a mystical parallcl
to the modero Big Bang theory; in rither case, onc cannot go behind that
moment, and the Divine that caused it remaras absolutely transcendcnt while wc
see ‘as through a looking-glass'. Non-disccming people admire only the highly
decorated reverse side of the mirror (medieval stcel mirrors were often artistically
 GOD AND HIS CREATION; f-SC-HATOLOCV 22Q

dccoratcd); they enjoy ‘the world" without recognizing the face of the tnirror
which can rellect the etemal beauty. By doing so, they are clcarly branded as
infidel» because, according to the Koran, the world, dunyá, is embellished for the
infidels (Süra 2:212). While thc Muslims are called to scc God's marvcls in
creation as pointing to Him, and to listen to the adoration of everything created,
they are also wamed, in die Koran, not to rely upon the dunyá, "this world’,
which is usually conlrastcd with al-Mita, thc Othcrworid, thc Hereafter. This
world, so thc Koran statcs, was created for play and jesl (Süra 57:20). The
plcasure derived from Ihe world and its use is but small (Süra 4:77 et al.), for thc
world cheats humankind (Süra 3:185 ct al.: - that is why it appears in traditional
images often as a cunning, lecherous oíd hag who attracts lovers to kill them
afterwards. For the dunya is thc powcr which can divert humans (rom thc
Hereafter (Süra 87:16;. and those who prefer it to the future life .Süra 2:86. 4:74)
or love it more (Süra 14:3, 16:107) are wamed and called upon lo repent*
Therefore, this world was often blamcd by thc sage; Ibn Abi DunyS’s book
Dhamm ad dunyá is a good example of this genre. Sufi handbooks abound in such
blame, and the aversión to the "world' penneates much of Sufi-minded
lilerature.
On ihe other hand, onc should keep tn mind that thc world - even if il be
worth only a gnat's wing (am no. 645) - is God’s creation, and gives human
beings an environment where they can perform worship and improve its
conditions: ‘do not ruin the world after it has been set straighl' (Süra 7:56 . warns
thc Koran, and modem Muslims have takcn this ¡ya as a command to work for
üie improvement of tile environment. for one will be askcd how one has
practised one’s responsibility in die world. For this reason, thc normative
believer disliked overstressed mortification and that kind of tauMul, ‘trust in
God", which left no room for acrivity:’* Rüml, praciically-minded as he was,
states that ‘negligence’ is also nccessary, íór if cvcryone were busy only with
ascetic pursuits and works that lead to thc Hereafter, how would thc world
continué and thrive as God had ordered it?
And more than that: thc world - again according to Rümi is like a lent for
die king, and cvcryone performs his or her work in embellishing this lent:
tentmaker and weaver, ropemaker and those who drive in thc pegs or the nails
are engaged in somc work, and their work is their praisc for God whosc
glorification they intcnd by performing their various occupations. And those who
love his world because it proves God’s creativo powcr and contains die signs that
point to Him are, as Ghazzüll holds, the truc monotheists.30
The myth of thc "hidden treasure’ was widelv circulated among thc Sufis. But
diere is still another creation myth which was not as gencrally acceptcd. It is thc
visión of Suhrawardi the Master of Illumination, according to whom Creation
carne into existent e by means of die sound of Gabriel’» wings: the archangel's
230 DECIPHER1NC THE SIGNS OF GOD

right wing is sheer light, oneness, mercy and beauty, while his left wing has some
darkncss in it and points to multiplicity, Divine wrath and majesty; it is directed
towards the created universe whieh, in tum, is maintained through innumerable
rangos of angcls through whom the primordial light, the Divine Essence kal’
aoM», is Ghcrcd down into the universo and Gnally reaches humankind.3'
Suhrawardi's angelology is a central piece of his philosophy, but angcls are an
important parí of crcation in general and thus play a greal role in the religious
cosmos of the Muslims,3' Süra 35 is called ‘The Angcls’, and, in Süra 2:98,
people are mentioned who 'are enemies of God and the angcls, the messengers
and of Gabriel and Michacl'. Thus, belief in the angcls is part of die Muslim creed.
Angcls are treasurers of God’s mcrcy; they are imagined to be luminous
beings but will die at die end of time, lo be resurrected immcdiatcly and
transferred lo Paradisc, Angcls, so Muslims believe, accompany the moríais at
every stop (Süra 13:11), but they do not enter places where a picture or a dog is
found. They sprcad the shade of their wings over saints and martyrs or, in Shia
iradition, die imams. They llave dillerent occupations: dius four, or eight of thcm
carey the Divine Thronc (Süra 69:17), but their main duty is constan! worship;
adoration is their food and drink. silcncc is their spccch; yet cach group of angcls
which is engaged in ritual prayer perfonns only one of die prayer positions.
They have no frcc will, and are obedient: only once, so the Koran tclls, did they
question God’s wisdom. that is, when He announced His intention to créate
Adam and appoint him as khatifa, *vicegerent''(Süra 2:30). But after acquiescing
to God’s will and cominand, they pnistrated thcmsclvcs before the newlyscieatcd
Adam. The bricf remark (Süra 2:1021 about the disobedient and rather frivolous
angcls Harüt and Mürüt oflered imaginativo exegetes good story material.
Two angels, the lárim kálibln (Süra 82:11), sil on the human being’s shoulders
to note down his actions and thoughts. But there are also nineteen angels under
the leadership of onc Malik who are in charge of Hell (Süra 74:30).
Tradition and the Koran know of four archangels. Tile first is Michacl (whose
wings, as Muslims believe. are all covered with emeraids); he is in charge of the
distribuiion of nourishmcnt to all crcaturcs, and it was he who taught Adam to
answcr the grecting of peacc with the words u« rahnatu Allihi un bnrakñtuhu. ‘And
God's mercy and blcssings lie upon you'. Michacl, so it is told, never laughed
after Hell was created,
Most prominent in the Koran is Gabriel who is also called ar-rüh alamln. ‘the
faithful spirit' (Süra 26:193), and even ri¡* al-qud¡. 'the holy spirit' (Süra 2:87,
5:110, 16:102). He lives by looking at God, and he is tile messenger in charge of
the prophets: as he taught Adam tile alphabel and agricultura; he instructcd
N'oah in how to build the ark, olfered assistancc to Abraham when he was flung
into the blazing pyre, and taught David to weave coats-of-mail, But more
importantly, he was the one who placed God’s word into the Virgin Mary so
 GOD AND HIS CRf.ATION; ESCHATOLOCV 23'

that she could give birth to Jesús, the Word Incarnatc, and likcwisc brought the
rcvelation to Muhammad, the unstained vesscl for the Word Inlibrate. Gabriel
accompanicd the Prophet on his heavenly journey, but liad to stay back at the
ndral al-muntaha (AW no. 444) 'like a nightingale that is separated from his rose’, as
the Turkish poet Ghanizade sang in the seventeenth ccntury.5' The idea that
only the Prophet could transgress the limits of the crcatcd universo and cnter the
immediatc Divine Prcscncc induccd thinkers and especially mystícs to cquate
Gabriel with intcllect (or InteUect; for intellect can lcad the seeker in the way
towards God, unfailingly and dutifully, but is not allowcd into the bridal
chamber of Love.
The third archangel. not mentioned by ñame in the Koran bul very popular
in Muslim tradition, is Israffl, who will blow the trumpet that stans the
Resurrection. For this rcason, poets liked to compare the thundcr’s sound in
spring to Israül’s trumpet, which inaugurales ihe resurrection of flowers and
plañís from the seemingly dead dust. Others, not exaedy modest. have likened
their pen’s scratching to Isráfil’s trumpet bccausc they hoped, or assumcd, that
their words might awaken their slumbering compatriota and cause a •spiritual
resurrection’. Even the word of a saint or die bcloved could be compared to
Isratil’s trumpet because of its reviving qualities.
The most dreaded archangel is 'Azra’ll. the ángel of death. who, as Muslims
tell, was die only ángel who dared to grasp clay for Adam's crcation from four
parts of die earth, and who will tear out die human soul at die appointed hour
and place, gently in ihe case of a believer, painfully in the case of a sinner.
However, as mystícs claimed, he has no power over those who have alrcady
‘died befóte dying’ by annihilating themselvcs in God.
There is a host of angels with strange-sounding ñames which are used in
incantations and magic praycrs, and in Suhrawardl’s philosophy, angels are sccn
as ihe celestial sebes of humans. In the later mystical tradition, an ángel Aím
appears, connected with the Pen (cf. SOra 68:1).
An ¡nidal encounter with die ángel at the beginning of the spiritual path is
common to all visionary recitáis, especially in the Persianate worid, and Irán has
contributcd the angclic being Sarósh to medieval Muslim angelology (at least in
the eastern lands of Islam). SarOsh, an oíd Zoroaslrian angelic being, ap|>ears as
parallel to Gabriel; but while the archangel brings the Divine word, the religious
rcvelation to prophets, Sarbsli appears usually as inspiring poets.
As important as the angels may be, man is still liigher than they bccausc he
can choose between good and evil and is capable of dcvelopment, while the
angels are perfect but slatic, bound to be good. The daring expression that the
truc lover of God can ’hunt angels' occurs in ROmt's and sometimos in odier
mysúcs’ Persian verse. It was taken up, in the twentieth century, by Iqbal. for
whom angels are but a lowly prey for the true believer who is ‘the falcon of the
»3» DECtrilERlXG THE SIGNS Of GOD

lord of lauM\ dial is, of the Prophet lqb.ll has often poctically descrilicd how
thr angels gaze at the Perfccl Man and praise him and his position in thc universc.”
Angels are creatcd from light; other spiritual beings. however, are creatcd
from tire (Süra 15:27, 55:15;. lítese are thc djinns and devils. Süra 72 dcals with
titc djinns. Thcy can embrace Islam, and Muslims believe dial niarriages between
djinns and humans are possiblc and Icgallv permitted - perhaps the ñame of die
grammarian Ibn Djinnl (d. 1002) points 10 this belief. Sulayman. king and mighty
prophet, rulcd over thc djinn as he ruled over all kinds of creatures, and
numerous incantaúons and talismans against spirits of sorts are prepared in Iris
ñame, for he was ablc to imprison somc parricularly nasty s|>ecimens of that race
in botdcs which he thcn scalcd and casi into thc ocean, ’lhe ‘fairy in the borde’
has lived on 10 this day in fairytales, romances and televisión films.
Among the spirits. Iblis, diabolus. Salan, occupies a speeial place. He too is
God’s creature, and never appears as God’s cncmy or an anti-divine powcr. He
was the teacher of die angels, credited with thousands of ycars of pcrfcct
oltcdiencc, but his pride made him daim lo be sujierior lo Adam (Süra 38:76) as
firc is superior to clay. His rcfusal to fall down before Adam. a logical outeome
of his pride, was nevertheless inteqircted differendy: according to al-Hallaj and
his followers, Iblis preferred to obey God’s elemal will diat nobody should
prostratc himsclf before anything but Him, and not His outspokcn command to
fall down before Adam. Caught between Divine will and command, he emerges
as a tragic figure and became the model of die true lover who would rather
acccpt his beloved’s curse than disobey his will® - an idea thal even rcachcd thc
remóte Indus Vallcy, where Shah 'Abdul Lapf sang: ’ásiiiq 'azñtfl "Azazd [i.c.
Salan] is thc true lover’.’6
’lhis interpretadon was. however. restrictcd to a very small group of Sufis, for
usually Iblis representa thc onc-eycd intcllcct who did not see thc Divine spark in
Adam but only the form of clay.
Nlsir-i Khusraw, speaking of the 'devils of [his] time', thal is, ihc peoplc who
sccm to corrupt thc míe faith, thinks that nowadays devils are of clay rather than
of firc an idea thal is also found in Iqbal’s higlily interesdng satanology. Iqbal
considere Iblis as a ncccssary forcc in life, because only by fighting him in thc
‘greater Holy War’ can onc grow into a periect human being. In a remarkable
poeucal scene in die jáiidnima, Iqbal translated Iblis’s complamt that man is too
obedient to him and thus constantly blackcns his, Satan’s, books while he longs
to lie vanquished by thc truc Man of God to find rescue Irom thc Divine curar. Iblis
makes life colourful as the jihñd against him gises human life a meaning; and, as
Iqbal says in a very daring L’rdu verse, Iblis ‘pricks God’s side likc a thom’, while
his ’old comradc’ Gabriel and thc artgcls are complacen! and obedient and thus do
not contribute much to make life interesting or worth living.”
Iqbal’s approach to Iblis is probably inspired by a famous hndilh in which thc
 COD ANO HIS CREATION; ESCHATOLOOV «33

Prophet, askcd how his sAerfan. Iiis ‘lower soul' farcd, answcred: mlama ¡hmlilni,
‘My ¡hartan has surrendered himsclf [on has becomc a Muslim] and does only
what I order him'. That meaos that, by educating one’s lower faculties by
sublimating the rta/i, one can achievc positivo rcsults just as a converted thief will
make the best policcman because he knows tlie tridrs of the trade and how to
dcal with insubordínate people. That is why Iqbal's Iblls longs to be trained and
educated by a truc belicvcr.
Iblls, similar lo Goethe’s Mephistopheles, rcmains under God’s command
and can be overeóme by human striving. This idea, as well as die íáct that Islam
does not accept the concept of original sin, led a number of crides to the
conclusión that Islam does not take scriously the problem of evil. This seems to
be a somcwhat questionablc vicwpoint. Even without the concept of original sin
and all the problems that result from it, culminaung in the ncccssity of
redemption, die thought of man’s weakness. sinfulncss and his tendeney to prefer
the ephemeral plcasurcs of this world to the good ordained by God permeates
the Koran, and evil is cenainly a problem which is discussed, even if only in the
cmphasis on itlighfñi, ’asking for forgiveness’. and the numerous prayers in which
generations of Muslims have confcsscd their sins. shivering in fear of God’s
punishment and yet hoping for His grace because the gate of repentance
rcmains open until the sun rises from die West iau no. 390). This attitude
becontes olear when one thinks of the cschatological part of the rcvclation. It is
absolutcly olear from the Koran that the world is transient - everything that is in
it will perish save God's countenance (Süra 28:88; cf. 55:26c).
Is death not suflicient as a warner? The Muslims askcd this repcatedly; every
day. one secs how humans, animáis, plants and even the (inn-looking mountains
die and dccay. Henee the only thing that rcally matters is to prepare oncself for
the day when one will meet one’s Lord. For: ’Everyone will taste death' (Süra
29:57 et al.). GhazzAlI’s lipa' 'ulüm ad-itin is nolhing bul a slow preparation for the
moment when one has to face God. The way to that dreaded momcnl is
facilitatcd - so GhazzSll may have pondered - by guiding the Muslim through
the traditional forty sceps (in the forty chaptcrs of his book) and teaching the
requirements for a life that, as one may hope, will lead to heavenly bliss. All
knowledge, as Muslims know, is only accumulated to prepare the human being
for the Hcreaftcr. Only those who have longcd all their life to mecí with their spirit­
ual Beloved may look forward to death, for ‘death is the bridge that leads the
lover lo die Beloved’* and Death is the fragrant herb for the believer’ (.ur no. 364).
When the Muslim passes through the lasl agony, the profession of faith is
rceited into his or her cars so that he or shc can answcr the questions which
Munkar and Nakir, the angels in üte grave, will ask; for those who answcr
correcdy, the grave will be wide and lofty, while sinners and infidels will suffer in
the narrow, dark holc and be tormented by snakes and scorpions. Praying a l-alini
234 DECtl'HEKING THE SICNS OF GOD

for their soul or planting a trcc on the site of the grave mav alleviate their pain.39
The status of die dead between death and resurrection has bren variously
describcd: onc cncountcrs the idea of the soul's sleep untii resurrection. as also
the idea of a foretaste of the futuro life. ‘The tomb is one of the gardens of
Paradise or one of the holes of Hell' .ur no. 433). Dream appcaranccs in which
the deccascd tclls what liappcncd to him or her sound as if one already had a full
knowledge of one’s future fate without the general Judgmcnt.
Bul what is this death? Muslims know that 'everything hastens towards a fixcd
temí' Sara 13:2). Are peoplc not aslcep and do they not awake when they die
(aw no. 222), as lite Prophet said? The feeling that this lifc is nothing but a
drramlike preparation for the truc lifc in the world to come permeates much of
pious thought. However, onc should not think that this dream has no conse-
quences the luditb sutes clearly that ‘litis world is dte seedbed for rite next
world’ (aM no. 338), and one will see the interpretation of one’s so-called 'dream'
in the moming light of cternity, Death could thus be seen as a mirror of one’s
actions: at this nioment. one will see whether one’s face is ugly or beautiful, black
or whitc; it is, to use Swcdenborg’s expression, 'the unveiling of the truc SclP.
Death is the fruit of Ufe; it is, as onc says in Persian, batfialfianiwde, ‘brought up
in one’s armpit' so that one will experience the death which one has prepared,
unwittingly, during one’s lifetime. Rümi has often dwelt upon these ideas in his
verse, and the poems in popular lilcraturc that sing of the spinning or wcaving of
one’s gown for the wedding day, that is for the death or resurrection, symbolize
lite same idea. Thosc who love God would sing again with Rümi:

If death's a man, leí him come cióse to me

that I can uke him tightly to my breast.
1’11 takc from him a soul, puré, colourlcss:
Hc'II take from me a coloured frock, that’s all.

Death could also be seen as a homccoming - be it the nightingale’s retum to the

rose-garden, or the drop's merging into die ocean, its trae homc.
Death can be seen as spiritual nupóab. and the term 'un for the memorial days
of a saint's death expresses this feeling. At such an 'un, people would come to the site
of a saindy person's mausoleum to particípate in the dead person's incrcased
spiritual poseer, although the Prophet wamed of the danger of‘tuming a grave into
a festive site’. The corrcct way of visiting tombs, says Shali WaBullüli, who quotcs
this faM is to read the Koran, pray for the deccascd, give ahns or manumit a slave
in the ñame of the deccascd - that will be credited to his or her soul.*'
If individual death suflices as a warning, dien the Koranic rcvclarions about
the Day of Judgmem are meant to strengthen this warning. There is an
astounding number of descriptions of the Day, die Hour and the Knocking Onc
in die carliest revelations, which cominually point to this horrible event in new,
 GOD AND HIS crf.ation; eschaiology »35

evcr more powcrful words, sentencies and whole Süras.’1 Perhaps thc hour is
closer litan the distarme betwecn two fingers (Mt no. 350)? Perhaps ii will even
happen tomorrow ...
Sora 81 is one of thc strongest dcscriptions:

When the sun shall be darkened,

whcn thc stars shall be thrown down,
when the mountains shall be set moving,
when thc pregnant camels shall be neglccted,
when the savage beasts shall be mustered.
whcn thc seas shall be set boiling.
whcn thc souls shall be coupled,
when ihe buried infant shall be asked for what sin shc was slain,
when the scrolls shall be unrolled,
whcn Hcaven shall be stripped oíf.
when Hell shall be set blazing,
when Paradise shall be brought nigh,
then shall a soul know what it had produced.
(transí. A. J. Arbcrry).

The Meccans, practically-minded as they were. did not takc scriously thc
tlireats of the impending Judgment. Ict alone thc idea of a resurrcction; but not
only thc growth of thc human fóetus in the womb but also the ‘resurrcction’ of
plants from the dead earth should be proof enougli. That accounts for thc
abundance of spring poerns in which the imagery of resurrection is used, for in
spring the trees will be covered with thc green silkcn robes of Paradise*.
Manv mythological tales and many allegorical stories were woven around thc
events before and duting Resurrcction, such as thc retum ofJesús and tile arrival of
the Mahdi. But the central image is that of a terrible confusión on a day that is
hundreds of ycars long. In Islamic languages, thc term /jnimal. 'resurrcction’,
often means something incrcdibly confuscd - Wramrt fcpto in Turkish is ‘everything
was upside down, was in a terrible state". The poets, on thc other hand, often
complain that a day without the beloved is ’longer than the day of Resurrection’.
Popular tradition claims that death will be slaughtcrcd in the shape of a ram.
This is one of thc numerous fanciful tales, but there is much Koranic foundation
for other details of the Day ofjudgment: first of all, no soul can carry thc burden
of another soul (Süra 2:48), for cvcryone is responsible for his or her actions and.
as tradition has it. every limb will testily for or against its owner. The actions
which tile angel-scribes have noted down in thc books will be given in cvcryone's left
or right hand left for the sinners. right for the pious. These books can be blackcncd
from sins, but are white and radiant thanks to pious and lawful action: likewise.
tile sinners llave black faces and thc blessed have white ones (Süra 3:106 el al.l.
■ »3<» OtCII'HERINC THE SICNS OF OOD

Pocts have sometimos expressed their hope for fbrgivcncss in an image taken from
the art of calligraphy: as Oriental ink is soluble in water, they hoped, metaphori-
cally. to wash olf the black letters in their book of actions with tears of repentance.
Scalcs will be pul up (Süra 21:47 eI »•■>, an<*' as Süra 99 statcs even more
cmphatically. whcn the earth opens, everyone will see w-hat he or she has done,
even if it is as small as a mustard sccd. The Balance is, so lo speak, an
eschatological symbol of juslice and equilibrium. ll is, however, not complctcly
tirar what is actually being wrighed on the scalcs is it the actions thdmselves.
the book or die person? One has also to face the Bridgc, which is thinner than
a liair and sharper than a sword’s edge. Rüml has laken up the ancienl Iranian
concept of the dama who will mcct the soul at the Bridgc to guide it in the
shape of a beautiful young giri in case of a pious person. but as an oíd ugly hag
when a sinner arrives. He ingeniously combines this idea widi the Koranic
dcscriptions of death and Judgmcnt.

Your good cthical qualitics will run licforc you aftcr your death
Like ladics, moon-faced, do these qualitics proudlv walk ...
When you have divorced the body, you will see houris in rows,
'Muslim ladics, laithful women, devout and repenting ladics’.
(Süra 66:5)
Without number will your characteristics run befóte your bier ...
In the coffin these puré qualitics will become your companions,
They will cling to you like sons and daughtcrs,
And you will pul on garments from the warp and woof of your works of
obediente ...
(d no. 385)

In popular traditions, it was assumcd that good acts tum into light and that
cvcrything assumcs a tangible form: sinners may appcar as dogs or pigs
according to their dirty habits, wliilc the believers' virtues will come to intercede
lor them; mosques appcar as 'boals of salvation' or as while carnets to those who
have regularle praycd with (he community; the rams sacriftccd at the W al-aMü
will carey the person who offered diem across the bridge; the Koran and Islam
cotnc as persons, Friday as a young bridegmom. and prayer. fasting or paticnce
will all be there to intercede for those who have cared for them and performed
works of obcdicnce.’' Childrcn who died in infaney will bring their parents to
the paradisiacal meadows Icst they fccl loncly: and. most importandy. the
Prophet will come with the green ‘banner of praise’, úud al-hamd, to intercede for
the sinners in his community (.t.tt no. 225).
While normal believers will be imerrogated in tile grave, the manyes will
enter Paradisc direedy and await rcsurrection in spccial places, for they ‘are alise
with their Lord’ (Süra 3:169).
 con AND HIS CkEATION; ESCHATOLOCV a37

The compensation of good and cvil posed a problem at somc point, bccausc
the Mii’tazilitcs elaimed that God musí punish the sinner and reward the pious.
which is a position incompatible with die faith in the omnipotcnt Lord, who
musí not be askcd what He does (SOra 21:231 * and who could know whether he
or she will be among diose who are saved?
The worid lo come is, no doubt, an intensification of this worid. Thcreforc
both mistakes and virtuous deeds appear incredibly enlarged in the form of
punishments or compcnsations. Time and again, the Koran points to terrible
details of the punishments in Hell. and it was casy for the commentators and
even more for the popular preachcrs lo emhellish the Koranic data. When in the
Koran Hell is mentioned, for example as calling out Hal min mazld. is there no
more?' (Sara 50:30). then it is described in popular tradition as a dragón with
30,000 heads. each of which has 30.000 moutlis, and in each mouth are 30,000
teeth. rtc. The central charactcristic of Hell is the firc, a fire that rages and bums
people, whose skin is rcncwed again and again to make them suífer inftnitcly
(Süra 4:56). The food of the inhabitants of Hell is the fruits of poisonous trees,
.-ai/iím (SOra 44:43), and their drink is all kinds of dirty stuff, such as dhü ghiuünn
las Nasir-i Khusraw repcatcdly states), that is. water in which ablution has becn
performed twice, therefore very dirty water.»
The dcscriptions of Hell led the. belit-vers to speculate on whether or not lítese
tormenta would be etcmal, for Süra 11:108-9 says: ‘The damned enter the Eire
... to rcmain thercin as long as Heaven and Earth exist, exccpt if God should
decree oiherwise’, a word dial opens doors to dilferenr interpretations.
While the Mu'tazilites regarded etcmal punishment in Hell as a logical
corollary of God’s justicc, and Abü Hanila liad elaimed that 'Heaven and Hell
are realities never to disappear', latcr scholars drew the reader's atiention to
Süra 28:88. which states that ‘everything is perishing save the countenance of
God', and to its parallel in Süra 55:26. That implies, onc would think, that even
Heaven and Hell, being crcatcd, will pensil and cease to exist and might not
God ‘decrec oiherwise' (Süra 11:108)? According lo a latcr hadilh. one could find
COnsolation in the thought that ‘there will be a day when the (loor of Hell is
humid and cress will grow out of it* for diere eannot be a limit to God’s power
and merey. Did He not make seven gales for Hell but eight doors for paradise to
show that His merey is greater than His wTath (cf. 4V no. 64)?
Some thinkers scem lo transform Hell into a kind of purgatory. Rftmi’s statemeni
in Flhi md fUu points to a wholesome aspect of Hell, strange as it may sound to us:

The inhabitants of Hell will be happier in Hell than they were on Earth
bccausc there they rcmember their Lord.

While all religions scem to compete in dcscribing the horrifying and

gruesome aspeas of Hell, it seems much harder to describe die joys of Paradise.
238 DECIPHERINC TfIF. SIGNS OF GOD

The 'sensual' images of Paradisc in the Koran have angered Christian thcolo-
gians for centuncs: the ideal of'gardens under which river flow’ Süra 2:25 el al.J
might be acccptablc (and has inílucnced the architecture of mausoleums
surrounded by watercourses). but the large-eyed virgins, the luscious fruits and
drinks, the green conches and the like secmed loo worldly to most non-Muslitn
crides.M Such symbols. of course. are prono to invite crudc claborations, and
some descriptions in theological works, leí alone popular visions of Paradisc, take
the briol Koranic words loo much at face valué and indulge in images of 70,000
rooms with 70,000 beds in each of them, each with 70.000 pillows on each of
which 70,000 virgins are waiting, whose beauty and tenderness is then further
depieled. One could, however. interprel the hour» and die fruits as symbolizing
the greatcst happiness, that of perfcct unión with the Belovcd. and of the ancient
belief that one can attain unión with the Holy by eating it (sce above, p. 107),
While tile descriptions of Paradise were materialized and clumsificd by
imaginativo pcople, onc of the truc conccms of the pious was the question of
whether or not onc could see God in paradisc. While the Mu'tazilitcs categori-
cally denied such a possibility, tile traditiortal Muslim view was that it is possible,
at leasl at intervais, and lile htuiilh 'and your Lord is smiling' was applied to the
incxhaustiblc happiness causcd by the inexplicable cxpcriencc called the 'smile'
of Divine Beloved.
Bul the Koran also olfers another picture of Paradisc, namely that it is lilled
with laúd and praisc of God while the blcssed cxchangc the greetings of pcacc
(Süra 10:10-11; cf. also 36:58). Based on this Koranic Süra, Abo Hafs Ornar as-
Suhrawardi spoke of the country of Paradise which consists of ficlds whose plants
are praisc and laúd of God;45 and a century after him, the Turkish bard Yunus
Emrc sang in the same stylc:

S ol esnnetin ímMni
akai Alla/i ilr)u dryu ..,
The rivera all in Paradisc
they llow and say AUah Alláh . ..<6

The all-too-human descriptions of Paradise and their endless variaúons in the

works of fanciful preachers and poets were cridcized by both philosophers and
mystics. The philosophers partly denied bodily resurrection Avicenna: or taught
that a simulacrum would be supplicd (Averroes),4’ or stated that only the soul
suri ives; rather, only die souls of highly-dcvcloped thinkers and knowledgeable
pcople will live on, while the simple souls, like grass, are destroyed ai death,
These ideas, in a diflerent key, rcsttrface in IqbSl’s philosophy.
I hc Sulis cridcized pcople who rely on the hopc of Paradise or fear of Hell
and need these feclings, as it were, to stimulale thcm to worship. RSbi’a (d. 801)
was probably the first to voice her crilicism. and wanted ‘to pul fire to Paradise
 GOD AND HIS CREATION; ESCHATOLOGY 239

and pour water into Hell’ so that thesc two vcils might disappear. Why turn to
such veils? After all, human beings are creatcd for God. Alluding to thc story
that Adam left Paradisc because he ate the forbiddcn fruir or, in Islamic
tradition, the grain, one writer asks:

Why would you want to setde in a place which your father Adam sold
for a grain?*8

Paradisc, says Yunus Entre, is a sitare to catch human hearts, while five
centuries later in Muslim India, Ghalib called thc traditional Paradisc which the
mullah covets: a withcred noscgay in the nichc of forgetfulness of us who have
¡ost ourselves
In certain trends, the degrecs, darajal. to which thc Koran allusivcly speaks
(Süra 17:21; cf. also .OI no. 306), are understood not as different gardens in
Paradisc but as alhiding to üte traiumigration of the soul. This interpretation
occurs among the early Shia and thc Ismailis.
But how to define thesc dcgrccs? Thcy sccm to point to the fací dial what thc
Muslim awaits in the Hcreafter is not a static, unchanging immortality:

If our salvaban means to be frec from quest,

thc tomb would be better than such an afterlife -

says Iqbal.'’" As God’s perlections are infinite, the climax is also infinite. Por
Andrae in Sweden wrote: 'To live means to grow - if future life is a real life, thcn
it is impossiblc that it could be ctcmally unchangcablc, happy bliss’.5’ At the
same time, Iqbal. who was not awarc of Andrae's work, intetpreted oíd images
of Paradisc and Hell in modera terms: according to him, man is only a
candidate for personal immortality ¡an idea which was shaqily attacked by
several Muslim thcologians;.
For Iqbal, Hell is the realization of one's failurc in one’s achievcments, while
Hcaven is a ‘growing without diminishing’ after the individual, who has
strengthened himsclf suflicicntly, has overeóme the shock of corporcal dcath,53
Thcn a new phasc begins, entering into cvcr-dccpcr layen of thc Infinite, for
’Heaven is no holiday'.55 Once the joumey 10 God is iinished, thc infinite
joumey in God begins.

NOTES
1. A general work is A. Schimmel and A. Falaturi (eds) ¡1980), Hr fírltar in One
God. Vu Expedente of God m Chrutumin and Islam.
2. Quoted in K. Cragg (1965), Canuab in Contemperan1 Islam. p. 38.
3. Quoted in K. Cragg (1984), ‘Tadabbur al-Qvr’ta', p. 187
4. H. Ringgrcn (1953). Falalum in Fernán Efiicr, ídem (1955), Studier in Araba
Falnli'm, W. M. Watt (1948}, Free IMIl and Prrderlmalton m Early Islam
5. Quoted in F Heilcr, Erahemmgtfonnm (1961), p. 514.
240 DECIPHF.RING THE SIGNS OF GOD

6. Fazlur Raliman ,1966,, islam, p. 45.

7 Daud Rahbar 11960), (iod ofijustue, is thr classic.
8 Ene I-. Orrnsby 11984) Tkádig m Islamu Viauffit. H Zirker 1991), *Er wird
nichl Ixíragl . Süra 21:24). Theoditee und Throdizcrabwehr in Koran und
Umgebung'.
9. Frederick M. Denny • ¡984). The problcm of salvaiion*.
10. F. Meier 1990b), 'Zum Vorrang des Glaubens und des “guien Denkens" vor
dem Wahrhcitseifer bci den Muslimcn*. dcals with ‘thinking good of God'
11. ÁMimdJlAi, ch. 12.
12. Azim Nanji 1987, 'Isma'ilism', p. 187.
13. M. Honcn 11917b , Iht rehgtose (jedankenuxlt des VMn, p. 70.
14 Frederick J Bamev 11933). ' Ríe crrrd of al-Sanüsf; R Hartmann 11992:. Ae
HfltgiM des islams (ncw cd.\ pp. 55 8.
15. P. Ñwyia (1970), EtégfSf coramque. p. 249.
16. WiUiam Chitlick (1992), ‘Spectrums of Islamic thought: Sa'id al-Din FarghAni
on the implications of Oneness and Manyne»* The contras! between unMai
ai-uvfiid and kalhtal al-'üm also occurs in carlirr times; ser R. Gramhch 1983b!,
Al-lajrid fi kalimal al-tanlld Da reine Cx/Uesglaube, p. 12.
17. Sanrt (1950), Hadiqai al-Kufiqa, p. 60.
>8. There may have bren other visions as well, such as that of BahA-i W'alad, who
'saw His forgiveness like a whiteness composed of pearls': Bahü-i Walad (1957),
Ma'dnfi vol. IV, p. 33.
19. al-H;dkij 1931,. ihván, mugaba' no. 10
20. Quoted in Bikrama Jit Hasrai ¡1953), Dara Shtkuh. isfe and IFonb, p. 151,
quatrain no. xix. ¡"he Ansári quole is from S. Langier de Bcaurccucil, Muiñdju
Abdullüh (396 481 h/10061089) Mystiqtu Hanbalúe, 1965.
21. Saná'l ■: 1962), ZJInta, p. 385.
22. S. H. Nasr '1964), An Inboduilum to islamu ÍMimslogual Doctrines-, H. Halm (19781,
Kbsmolope und HalsUhre dafrúhen Isma'Hijyn.
23. See A. Schimmel (1978c), Thr Tnumfshai Sun, s.v. 'adam.
24. S. Múrala (1992b , The Too of Islam, p. 148.
25. Ná^ir-i Khusraw (1924), Acón, p. 254; p. 48
26. Fazlur Rahman z 19661, Islam, p. 121.
27. H. Corbin 1.1958), L'unagmation créatnee, deais with this ‘longing of the Ñames*
and rclatrd problema. Ser also H. S. Nyberg (1919), Kltmere Sehnjiai des Ibn a¡-
’Arabi, p. 85.
28. A fine survey of the use of dunyá is in R. Gramlich 1976), Dte schhtuchen
Drrwisdwden. vol. 2, p. qiff.
29 B. Reinen (1968), Dte Letot ivm lawakkul in <¿7 klasnschen Sufik, shows the
diíTcrent aspeets of ‘trust in God* and its exaggeratioiw.
30. GhazzAli (1872 . Ifyá' ulüm ad-din, parí IV. p. 276.
31. Suhrawardi 11935), pan-i Jtbñl. *le bruiwmrnt de l’aile de Gabriel', ed
and transí, by H. Corbin and P. Kraus. For SuhrawardTs angelology in
general, Stt H Corbin 1989;, L'homme tí son auge.
32. W. Eickmann 1908,, Dte Angelotogu und Dümmudogie des Koran» im Vcrgleuh ZU da
Engtb und Gastalehre da Hahgat Schrift. Toufic Fahd (1971), ‘Angcs, demons et
djinns en Islam'.
33. This story is based on a hadíth {am no. 4441; an English translation appears in A.
Schimmel (1988). And Muhammad u His Mrssenga, p. 116.
34. IqbAl 1937 , <aró-i Kaltm, p. 133; ídem ¡1936). fídl-t Jibñl. pp. 92, 119; idem
1927), &bür¡ Vam' pi*rt 2, p. 16. For the topic, ser Schimmel 1963a.,, Gabtví’s
IHqf, pp. 208-19.
35- PeterJ. Awn 1983), Salan 's Tragedf and Redempüon: Iblu m Sufi PtyMtgr. scc also
 GOD AND HIS CREATION; ESCHATOLOGY

Schimmel 1963a., GabrirTs lifyf, pp. 208 19. For a traditional approach, scc P.
Eichier 1929?', Du Duhmn. Tesftl und Engtl m bma»
Shah 'Abdul Latff 1958, Ruálh, ‘Sur Yaman Kalyln’, ch. V, linc 24.
Iqbal ,1936). Bál-iJiM, p. 192c Scc Schimmel (1963a), Gabriel'i pp. 208-
«9-
Quoted in Abü Nu’aym al-IsfahAnl 11967), Hifyal alaudiri, vol. 10, p. 9.
8S

Irene Grütter (1956), ‘Arabischc Bcstatlungsbrauchc in frúhislamischcr Zcit';

César W. Dubler :195o), T'ber idamischen Grab- und Hciligcnkult' F. Mcier
(1973), 'Ein profctcnwort gegen dic totcnbcwcinung’, de ais with thc problcm of
whether or not ihe dcad are sufTcnng whcn their rdatives and friends cry after
their death.
A use luí survey of all the ñames by which Resurrcction and Judgment are
? ?

known is ‘Resurrcction and Judgcincnt in thc Kor’an'.

Thc lilerature alxjut Muslim cschatology is quite large: sce D. S. Attcma
1942;, mohammedaansche opvaltmgen omtrent hit li/dstip ton denjongsten Dag en ¿yn
tooriekenen; Al-Ghaz.111 (19891, ‘The remcmbrancc of death and the Aftcrlifc
transí, by J. T XVinicr, R. Leszyinski (1909;, Muhammadamsche Tradihonen über
das Jungste Genchr, L Massignon .>939;. ‘Ihe Aufcrstchung in der
mohammcdanischcn Wclt’; Alxi ar-Rahfm ibn Ahmad abQAdl 1977:, Islamic
Rnak of the litad, al*H.1rit ibn Asad al-MuhásibT (1978), AiaA al-lauohhum: Une
iision húmame des fins demúres: Tarde Huitcma (1936I, /A* l'oorspraah (shafli’aj ¡n den
Islam', Tilomas O'Shaughnmy 1.19691, Muhammad’s Vtoughls sm Death idem
11986 , Euhatological Turnes m the Qur'an; Jane Sniith and Yvonne Haddad
(1981:, 'Ihe hlamu Understanding of Death and Resurredinn. For a far-rcaching
problcm, see M. Asín Palacios 11919), Im evatologia musulmana en la Duina
Comedia
M. Hortcn, Du reltgiose (iedankenirelt des l'oUes, p. 253, also p. 74.
fit

M WollT.1872). Mohammedamuhe Eschatologie, nach den akiülu’l-qirtma. arabuih und

dtuluh.f Mcycr (1901 2], Du Hollé un hlam.
C. LcGai Eaton (1982), Islam and the Drstmj of Man, Iast chaptcr, contains a
£

remarkably ‘sensual’ dcscription of Paradise, which seems amazing in a book

written rccently by a British Muslim, which is othcrwisc highly
rccornmcndablc for modem readers.
Suhrawardl 1978;, 7í«drjf (transí. R Gramlich;, p. 297.
Emre Dwani (1943). p. 477.
Fazlur Rahman (1966), hlam, p. 119.
Sam'áni, quoted in S Múrala (1992b). Ihe Too of hlam. p. 65.
GhAlib (1969b;, ¿'rafe Dlr&n. p. 9.
I S 'S 'S ®

A. Schimmel (1963a), GabnePs B'«?, pp. 273-306.

Tor Andrae : 19.pl, Du lelzten Dirige. p. 9jff., espccially p. 99.
In his notebook of 1910, Sitar Refkcüons (¡961), Iqbal noted (no. 15): ‘Personal
‘

immortality is not a state, it is a proccss . it lies in our own hands'.

53. IqliAl (1930;, The Reconstruí tum of Religious Thought. p. 123. Scc also Schimmel
:1963a], GabnePs llug, pp. 119-23.
 VII

How to Approach Islam?

And Wc shall show them Our signs in the honzons and in themsclvcs.
Süra 41:53
244 DECirHERING THE SIGNS Of GOll

ln which language does the modem Muslim exprcss himself, his faith and his
ideáis? That is a question not only of phikilogy but also of a general attitudc.
visible in modem art, audible in modem music, rcflcctcd in modem literature
and thus a question that conccms every aspect of life.1
The use of broadeasting not only for the rccitation of the Koran but also for
giving legal decisiotLs./ñOod (as is the case for example in Yemen); the fací that in
Cairo a uall hcals by telephonc every Friday between 9 and 11 a.m.t and tile
reactions lo spaceships and computer technology make us ask: how can die
modem Muslim, faced with the overwhelming success of Western technology,
lind a way to accept and cope with the time-honoured teachings of traditional
tafsb and hadith in modem times? Is not a scicnce, 'ilm. which is basically geared
toward a preparation of human being* for the Hereafter, obsolete and to be
discardcd?
To silence opponcnts, sccpúcs and w-orried souls. it is often proclaimed that
Islam is sell-suft¡cieni, dial it owes nothing to other religions and philosophical
systcms bul ralher that it endowed the Wesi with scholarly discoveries during the
darle ‘.Middle Ages’; and (hat Islam alone contains the final trulh, as Muhammad
was die Seal of Prophets. This answcr, usually given by so-called fundamental-
ists, leaves most Western seekers and quite a number of Westem-educated
Muslims unsatisfied. simple and convincing as it is.
To be surc, nobody nowadays would agrcc with the poisonous rcmark writtcn
by an unsuccessful tnissionary to tile Muslims and published in Thr Montan World
(12, 1922, p. 25):

Even if a savage found a full salisfaction in ammism, or a semi-civilized

man in Islam, that does not prove that cithcr animism or Islam could
mecí the nced of civilized man.

lile extreme wealth of Islamic literaturas, of works of art, of psy< hological

insight as devrloped over the centuries in Sufism; the refined though (for an
outsider's understanding! complicatcd nctwork of legal and ritual prescriptions:
all this is being discoverad slowly in the West, and attempts to understand and
interprct Islam, especially in its mystical dimensión?, for modem Westcmers are
increasing, as is the number of converts in Europe and América.
Scholars and politicians used to ask whether Islam can be ‘reformed’, and
whether it has to lie reformed. During my years at tile Iláhivai Faküllesi in
Ankara, where we worked to introduce voung Muslim theologians to the
techniques of mtxlcm critical scholarship and Europcan thought-systenis to
 HOW TO APPROACH ISLAM ’45

cnlargc their horizons, one question surfaccd time and again: is there no Luther
available for Islam? Turkish students as well as modemist thinkers have often
mentioned the example of Luther as a possible 'saviour' for present-day Muslims
(while Iqbal, well read in Europcan history, saw him as a negative forcé
responsible for the break-up of Christian Europcl). However, as Islam has no
structure comparable to that of the Román C'-atholic Church, and no centralized
source of authority such as the Pope, it is next to impossible to imagine a single
person emerging and ‘frecing’ Islam from what Fazlur Rahman has called ‘the
dead weight of time'. Islam was at its beginning a refomi movement which
brought a fresh approach to life into the medieval world but bccamc incrcasingly
surrounded over lite centuries by an ever-hardening crust of legalistic details, of
traditions, scholia, commentaries and supercommentaries under which the
original dynamic character of the revelación, the innovative Ímpetus of the
Prophet, scemcd to disappear, so much so that Lord Cromer, more than a
century ago, made the famous remark that 'reformed Islam is no longer Islam'.’
But, like any other religión, Islam has been growing in a constant dialcctic
movement which, in contemporary parlancc, would be called the interplay of
Chaos and Ordcr - the svnna was always ’disquieted' by the introducción of
bufas. innovations. That was parlicularly Inte when Islam expanded to the
furthcsi comers of Asia and Africa and, naturally cnough, took over a more or
less significant pan of indigenous traditions. 'The 'usf, custom, or ’Hdal law,
according to lite diflerent countries gained its place besides lite lAorTe law.
Normative Islam as laid down in the books of dassical theologians and jurists
and laugin in the madrasas, the use of the ‘letters of the Koran' and the sacred
Arabic language. and the conscious following of the Prophct's example as
expressed in the hadllh charactcrizcd the uinma wherever Islam reached. All these
faetón helped to create a piclure of a uniform, even 'monolithic' Islam; and yet
a large variety of popular forms grew, especially due to Sufism with its emphasis,
mainly on the folk Icvcl, on the veneración of saints. This trend often appeared
to the normative believers as mere idol-worship, as a deviation from the clear
order to strict monotheism which had lo be defended against such encroach-
ments of fbrcign elements, which, however, seemed to salisfv the spiritual needs
of miilions of people better than legal prescriptions and abstract scholastic
formulas. But tawfal. strictcst monotheism, is the quintcsscnce of Islam along
with the acknowledgment lltal this religión was establishcd in its temporal
manifestation by Muhammad - henee the tendeney lo go back, in cases of
doubt, to the days of the Prophet, the ideal time, indeed the fullness of time,
which was and should remain dte modcl for the gcncrations to come.1
Muhammad is the centre of history; Iris is the middle way between stem legalism
as manifested through Muses and world-renouncing asceticism and loving
mildness embodied in Jesús; he consritutes, as mystics would say, the means in
346 DF.CIPHl.KING THE SIGNS OF GOD

which g/iayb, the Invisible, and Muida, the visible and tangible, meet, and is thus
the Perfect Man kat’ imthin.
The Miada in its two parts is the foundation of Islam, and a Muslim is a
person who pronounccs it and accepts the validity of the j/wtHü as the God-given
path to w-alk on.
Bul there is the need for a deeper etílica) dimensión, bnitn, ‘faith’, which has
becn expressed in very many writings, most notably (and die besl-known of
which are) those by al*Ghazzall. The very definition of nuultm and mu'mm. or
ulám and bnin (cf. Süra 49:14), shows that besides the formal acccptancc of the
religión of 'surrender' there has to be inner faith, and die introduction of the
third term, tAvlx, ‘to do good’, or, as a Sufi master in Hvdcrabad/Dcccan
explained lo us, ‘to do everything as beautifully as possible’ because God watches
over each and every human act, brings a deep personal piety to the fore.
Evcrything should be done in absolute since rite. iájíód, without any admixture of
selfishness or 'showing olT. Then, even die simples! action will bear good fruits.
This attitudc seems to be expressed in the Prophet's answer to the question:
■What is virtue?’, to which he replied: ‘Virtue is that in which tlic heart becomes
peaceful’. Not so much an exlcrnal legal decisión,pillea, is the thing that matters,
but: ‘Ask your heart for a jatwi' (am no. 597).
The fact that Muslim thinkers always want to go back to the Prophet’s time
has led many observers to believe ütat Islam becamc fossilized as a result of the
slrict elinging to externáis. Yet, modernista have constanlly drawn their co-
rcligionists’ attention to the Koranic statcment: ‘Vcrily, God does not change a
pcoplc’s condition únicas they change what is in dicm’ iSora 13:12), for, as has
becn seen (above, p. 220), predestinación, which looms large in the Koran and
even more in (tidiüi, is only one of die two way» of giving a meaning to one’s life.
The bclicf in a predestined order in the universo is, in its deepest meaning, the
human attcmpt to take God seriously as the only acting power and lo surrender
complctcly lo Him and His wisdom. However, the Muslims were also very much
awarc that the acccptancc of a kind of mcchanical working of Fatc can lcad to
laziness and is often used as an excuse for one’s own faults instead of ascribing
one’s good actions to God and blaming oneself for one’s faults and sins. After all,
the Koran (Süra 4:79) states clcarly: 'Whatcvcr of good bcfalls you is from God,
and whatcvcr of evil bcfalls you, it is from yoursclf. The hadlür. qadjqffa ‘l-qalam,
‘ The Pen has dried up' (.t.w no. 92), should thereforc not be intcrprctcd as
meaning that evcrything and every human act was written once lór all time bul
rather, as ROml instas, that there is onc absolutely unchanging law, that is, good
actions will be rewardcd while evil will be punished.
To be surc, there was always an unsolved aporia between the bclicf in
predestination and that in free will, but the hadith according to w’hich 'this worid
is the seedbed of the Hcreaftcr’ ;.w no. 338) was meant to spur the believers to
 HOW TO APPkOACH ISLAM’ «47

good actions as did the Koranic emphasis on doing good, for Divine Justice w'ill
place even the smallest act on the balance (cf. Süra 99).
For some thinkers, the problem of free will and prcdcstination meant that the
human being will be judgcd according to his or her capacity:

One does not beat an ox because he does not sprout wings,

but beats him because he refuses to carry the yoke ...
(m V 3,102)

Predestination could thus be cxplaincd as the developmcnt of one's innate

lalents: one cannot change thetn but can work to develop thcm as beautifully as
possible until the nafc. which once was ‘incidng to evil’ {Süra 12:53), 15 finally
lamed and, strengthened by its steady struggle against adversities and tempta-
dons, reaches inner peace so that it can retura to its Lord (Süra 89: 27-8).
Nesertheless, there has always been a certain emphasis on thosc /rwtót that
defend absolute predestination, culminating in the oft-repeated hutuh qudsi: ‘Those 10
Paradisc. and 1 do not care, and those to Hell, and 1 do not care’ (am no. 519),
God appears in poetical parlancc as the Mastcr Calligrapher who «rites
man’s fate 'on his forehead' (sammdtt in Persian, afínjailií in Turkish), or else He
appears as lite great Weaver or the Playmaster whose hands hold the strings of
the puppets in die great theatre of the world and rnove them according lo His
design to casi thcm. in the end, again into the ‘dark box of unity’. And there
were and still are outcrics against the seemingly 'unjust' acts of God, whether in
'Atptr's dramatic prayers or in more flippant style in 'Ornar Khayyam's n<MW
and, half-jokinglv, in Turkish Bektashi poetry. Perhaps the ftnest deftnilion of
free will is that by Rümt:

Free will is the endeavour to diank God for His beneftcence ÍM I 929).

For gratitude - often contrasted with kufi. 'ingratitude, infidelity' is a quality

highlightcd in the Koran (cf. Süra 42:43)- Trae gratitude, which draws more and
more graces upon the bcliever, is manifested in the loving acceptance of
whatever God sends. By gratefully acccpting one's ‘fate’, the human may reach,
ideally, uniformiiy with God’s will and lints realizc what modemists have called
jabr mahmüd, a ’higher predestinarianism' in loving surrender to whatever God
has decreed.
This kind of lofty thought is, undcrstandably, not as common as it ideally
should be. Modera limes have brought such a shift in the religious consciousness
not only of Muslims but also everywhere else that it is small wonder when in
much of módem literatura in the diflerent languages of the Muslim world Islam,
either in its oflicial or in its popular form, appears as the attitude of old-
fashioned, middle-class or simple people (a kind of attitude formcrly called, often
condescendingly, ‘the failh of the oíd women of the community’).1 The exccsses
248 Dr.cirxr.RiNG the signs or god

of 'saint-worship’ are banded just as much as ‘molla-ism', thc attitudc of ihe

hardlinc religious orthodoxy, of lawycr-divincs or religious teachers, whose
behaviour is often incompatible with the ideáis that thcy prcach. In poetry, onc
may find, at least for a moment, a rctum to figures of the mystical tradition such
as al-Hallaj who. however, are interpreted as rcprcscntativcs of a free, loving
rcligiosity and are posited against narrow orthodoxy or, even more, dcpictcd as
rcbels against thc ‘cstablishment’ or a govemment considerad to be a traitor to
die ideáis of true Islam? An addiúonal problem is that thc majority of modem,
educated Muslims are used to thinking in eithcr English or Frcnch and have to
find a ncw language to express their ideas which. again, are largely coloured by
their acquaintance with Western literary modcls rather than with classical
Islamic ones. For many Muslims are now born in a completely un-Islamic
environment, and often come from a background dial has nothing in common
with the traditional Islamic settings. The various strands of Muslims - eithcr
born Muslims or converts in the usa, the lndians and Pakistanis in the VK, thc
Tur!» in Gcrmany and thc Algcrians in Frunce offer thc most divergent
approaches to what scems to thcm ’true Islam* as well as to thc problem of the
umma; and recent Western converts again add new sliadcs of understanding to
thc picturc. shades that altérnate between theosophical mysticism and strictcst
observant, normative Islam.6 Thcy no longcr rcad and writc in thc classical
languages of the Islamic world, and when their brethren and sisters in rite
Middlc Easl do, thcy perhaps try to couch their message in an antiquaied Arabic
stylc, or clsc shapc their native tongues (Pcrsian, Urdu, even more Turkish) to
cope with the cxigencies of our time.
For the influente of European languages in both vocabulary and svntax, leí
alone thought pattems, on the ‘Islamic* languages creares a literary idiom quite
different from the classical one. so that many of die precious and mcaningful
images or cxprcssions of previous times are irrctricvably lost. Altemativcly,
allusions to and terms from thc religious traditions are uscd in such a skilful way
thal the non-Muslim reader barely recogmzes the ‘blasphemous* meaning thal a
seemingiy harmless sentence or image may contain.
But usually. thc younger generación both of Wcstcm-cducated Muslims in the
East and those who have grown up in the West know precious little of their own
tradition; everyone who has taught classical literaturc in Arabic, Turkish.
Pcrsian or Urdu to native speakers of thesc languages cxpericnces this break with
the tradition. And it is undcrstandable diat ‘fundamentalism’, with its rctum to
and stem observance of time-honoured modcls, emerges as a rcaction lo such
ovcrly Westemizing trends.
Westcmization gocs together with a diminishing knowledge of thc sacred
language, Arabic, bul also with attempts to dc-Arabicize the Islamic world. A
tendeney expressed decades ago by Turkish reformen such as Zia Gokalp is
 HOW TO APPROACH ISLAM’ 249

typical of such movements, whose fruits are secn, for example, in die
secularization of Turkey (where, however. a strong feeling for Islamic valúes
continúes beneath the Westemized surface). Similar approaches can also be
found in India in the work of scholars like A. A. A. Fyzee, while Iqbil advocated
a retum to the central sanctuary, to Mecca, which should go together with a
reviva! of the original, dynamic and progressive Islam. And what will lie the
post-modemist perceptions of Islam of which the brilliant Pakistani anrhropolo-
gist Akbar S. Ahmad speaks?’
Nathan Sódcrblom once defined die use of die negación in the 'prophetic'
and the 'mystical' type of religión: the 'prophetic No’ is exclusive, as is the li iláha
illa ’lláh in the shahádai ‘So deicy save God'; and whatever is against this absoluto
tnith is dangerous, prohibited, sinful and, as the Muslim would say, has to be cut
ofT ‘with die sword of la' (which in its graphic form somcwhat «sembles a two-
edged sword). The ‘mystical No', on the other hand, is inclusive, and that is
expressed in the transformation of the shaháda into the words, la maujüda illa Alláh,
'diere is nothing existent but God’, who ineludes everything.
This twofold orientation of Islam towards the jáAír and the Mfm. the exoteric
'prophetic' and the csoteric 'mystical' stance, has conúnued down through the
centuries. It is clearly visible in ludían Islam, for example where one Gnds the
‘Mccca-oricnted’ normativo picty of the thcologians who still fclt 'in exile’ in the
subcontinent although their familics had lived in India for hundreds of years,
while the 'India-oricnted' curTent emphasized the compatibility of Islam with the
indigenous traditions and achieved amazing synthelic rcsults, for example in
mystical folk poetry.
It is also possible to see die inner-Islamic tensión? expressed in terms of
'nomos-oriented' and 'eros-oriented' religión: normativo Islam is, no doubt,
nomos-oriented, built upon the Law in which God’s will is revealcd, and
therefore averse to movements and people that sccm to hrcak out of the sacred
limits of the Law to indulge in practices not cxactly compatible with the norms.
That is especially the case in a large parí of Sufism, which expressed itself in
poetry, music and even dance with an emphasis on feeling and 'tasting' - in
short, in ecstatic movements which are typical of the eros-oriented (in die widest
sensc of the term.l attitude. 'Sober' Sufis often tried to strikc a balance between
both aspects and to show that diey were inscparably intcrtwincd and that every
unusual spiritual progress or cvenl had lo be weighed against the balance of the
Law. For ihari’a, 'Law', and taqlqa, ‘Divine Truth’, belong together just as the
diahida in its first part points to tile Divine Rcalitv and in its second pan to tile
Law. Similarly, according lo Qushayri’s remark, the scntcnce in the balda, lyyaka
na'budu. ‘Thcc wc worship’. points to the Law, while its continualion, iyyáka
naitam, "Fo Titee wc tura for help’, refera to the Divine Reality.8
The Law promises, perhaps even guarantces, the human being's posthumous
250 DECIFHERING THE SIGNS OF GOD

salvación, while in the mystical trends the tendeney is to ’touch' the Divine here
and now, lo reach not so much a blessed life in the Hereafter (which is only a
kind of continuation of the present statc) but rather the immediate experienee of
Love. The Sufis’ ecstalic experiences and at times unbridled utteranccs could
lcad to death (both mystical death and cxecution by the government), while
normative theologv shows the way to perfect happincss during one’s life by
dutifully following tile right path and obeying God’s laws. The poets expressed
this contras! by speaking of‘gallows and minbar' the mystical lover will die for his
lovc; the sober preacher will cali people to obcdicncc from the rumbar, the pulpit;
and yet gallows and pulpit are made from the same woodJ*
Whcn VV’illiam James claims that ‘sobricty says No while drunkenness says
Yes', this statcment is very applicable to the 'prophctic' and the ‘mystical’, the
exclusive and the inclusive No in Islam or, as we saw earlier (see above, p. 191),
to the juxtaposition of qurb al-fara’ül, the proximity rcachcd by the punctual
fulfilment of ritual duties, which is the prophets’ way, and qurb an-nauüjil, tire
proximity reached by supererogative works, which is the way of God’s friends,
the aulr>a.
Again. while the Prophet said: ‘We do not know Thec as it behoves!', the Sufi
Biyeztd Bistami called out: ‘.SuAtoti’. Praise to me!’ If we are to believe legend,
it was the contrast between these two utteranccs that awakcned MawlSná Rümi
lo the spiritual life. RomI, so it is told, fainted when listening to Shams's shocking
question about whether Báy ezid or the Prophet was greater, a question based on
the two men’s respective sayings that express the human rcactions to the mccting
with the Divine. The tensions between lite two poles of religious experienee, that
of die prophet, who knows his role as humble ‘servant’, and that of the mystic,
who loses himself in loving unión, becamc clcar to him.
There are, however, many difieren! reactions of Muslims to die experienee of
die Numinous besides these two basic forms. There is unending awe, an awe like
tlie one fclt whcn onc approaches the mighty Lord, the King of all kings - such
an awc is an attitudc expressed best in prayer and reflecled in prayer poems.
Awe beforc the mwarium tranmdum is natural, but one has also to rcckon with
fear fear of the terrible Day ofJudgment; Icar whcn thinking of God’s Justice
with which onc will be confrontcd on that day: fear of His ‘ruses’, the sudden
changes by which He confusos those who are all-too-secure on the way and then
mect with unexpected hardships; and if a wanderer may be too advanced to fear
God’s ruses. onc may still fear being deprived of God’s presence, of the consoling
feeling that He is watching lierc and now and that He is ctemal whcn cvcrything
clse will perish; and the mystic who has 'Ibund' the Divine beloved may fear
being separated from Him, a thought more terrible dian Hellfire.
But there is also hope, the hope of the merciful God’s cndlcss capacity for
forgiving one’s sins and mistakes. Fear and hope, as the traditional saying claims,
 HOW TO APRROACH ISLAM? 25!

are ‘the two wings by which the soul flies towards God’, for too much fcar stiflcs
and paralyzes the soul, and too much hopc can make humans frivolous and
oblivious to their dutics. Yct, hope always has the upper hand, as is undcrstood
from the Itutlih i/uilti that onc should 'think well of God' (see above. p. 223.
On a diífcrcnt lcvel, fear and hope are expressed in the stages of?«Wand b/ut.
depression and elation; that is, the anguish of the soul, which fcels like ‘living in
a needle’s eye', when nothing is left but hope against all hope, and dte elation
during which the jubilanl soul seems to encompass the entire universo, sccs the
world in radian! colours and sings of divine joy. These stages altérnate in the
coursc of one’s life. The impression which the reader obtains is that the sute of
bait seems to domínate in mystical circlcs - how else is onc to cxplain the
thousands of ecstatic verses that transíate the happiness of che lover who fcels
nnited with all and everything? Yct, the state of qabd. depression, is considerad
more valuable in the ’sober’ traditions, for, while living through the dark night of
the soul, one has to realizo that there is only God to whom one can tum, and
thus the ideal of puré worship of the One can be achieved better.
As important as awe, fear and hope are, in Islam tile encounter with God will
nevertheless be most freqticntly called ‘faith’. Unquestioning faith in His power
and wisdom requires the belicf in the positivo meaning of everything He decrees in
His etenial wisdom, negativo as it may seem. For people sometimos líate something,
and yet they will discover its positivo aspeets later on (cf. Süra 2:216:. Such faith
can be considered the most charactcristic quality of the truc bcliever. So also is
tauakkul. absolute 'trust in God'. lauakkul was dcvelopcd into a multi-laycrcd
science ofits own among the early Sufis, but could not be maintained in its pura
form, for that would have formed a complete impediment to any practical work,
not to mention to the believer's dutics and rcsponsibilitics towards socicty. But,
as an ideal, it remained a factor that largely coloured die Muslim's life.'0
Love is ceruinly not an attitude which one expeets to find on dte general map
of Islam, and the use of the term and the concept of leve of God, or rcciprocal
love between God and humans. was sharply objccted to by che normativo
tlieologians: love could only be love of God's commands. that is, strict
obcdicncc. Yct, it remained the central issue with the mystically-minded, whose
love was directcd first exelusiveiy to God (onc of whose ñames is at-wadüd, ‘the
Loving’, in Süra 11:90; 85:14'1 but then turned more and more to God’s beloved,
habib, namely the Prophet, love for whom became a highly important ingredient
in Muslim life. And in many ecstatic love poems written in the Islamic,
particularly the Pcrsianatc, world. one can barciy disccm whether the belovcd
objcct addressed is God, the Prophet, or a human being in whom the poet sces
Divine beauty manifested.
Love engenders gratitude and peace of mind: the concept of timí’nün. the
resting peaccfully in God's will, plays a distinctive role in the Koran. "Is it not
25a DECIPHERING THE SIGNS OF GOD

that the hearts find peace by remembering God?' (SOra 13:28). It is litis peace
and stillncss rcachcd through constant rccollection of God which charactcrizcs
the soul's final stage. The concept of this peace and stillncss, which is a sign of
rayln, the ’absolute ccrtainty’. has becn t ombined with the legend of the opening
of Muhammad’s breast when he experienced a soothing coolness and quictudc.
One finds a beautiíiil interpretadon of his event and the cnsuing peaceful
scrcnity in an uncxpccted source, namely in a sentence of the Germán author
Joan Paúl (d. 1825), who writcs:

Ais Gott (nach der Fabel) die Hándc auf Muhammad lepe, wurd' ihm
ciskalt; wenn cin unendlichcr GenuB die Scclc mit dem hochstcn
Enthusiasmus anriihrt and liegabt, dann wird sie still und kalt, denn
nun ist sie auf cwig gewiB.

When God, according to lite legend, placed His Itands upon

Muhammad, he tumed as coid as ice; when an infinite pleasurc touches
the soul and inspires her with the highest cnthusiasm, site becomes
quiel and coid, for now site is ccrtain in ctemity.

This quict. cool ccrtainty of liaving rcachcd the goal seems perhaps to contrast
widi the ficry, restlcss seeking and the never-resting strning on the path, and yet
it is often mentioned by dceply religious people.
Similarly, observers have often cmphasizcd the Muslim’s scriousness in
demeanour and general attitudc. a scriousness typical of nomos-oriented reli­
gión*; yet die inner joy does not lack cither: die Sufi Aba Sa'id-i Abü’ 1-Kliavr is
probahly the most radiant example of the joy which, as Frita Meier has lucidly
shown. is an integral parí of truc Sufi life.”
Out of such an inner joy grows the praise and laúd of God which permeates
the whole universe. As die first Süra of lile Koran begins with the words al hunda
liUiih. ‘Praise be to God’, thus praise of God filis the crcatcd worid, audible to
those who understand the sipis, Is not Mtdiamniad's very ñame derived from
the root h-m-d, To praise? Thus he will carTy die ‘bantier of praise’ in the field of
Resurrection when those who constandy praise the Lord will be. as popular
tradition has it, the first to enter Paradise.11
Gerardos van der Leeuw has oíTered difieren! typologics of religión, and onc
may wonder which one may be most suitabic for Islam. When it comes lo tile
human attitudc to God. onc would ccrtainly say that Islam is the religión of
servilude' to God: the temí ’abd. ’slave’, for the human being points to this trudi,
as does the idea that ’abduhu. ‘God’s servant’, is the highest rank dial a human
being can reach íscc above. p. 179). lilis servilude, in which all of crcation is
united. is best expressed in the prostration in ritual prayer.
Onc can also speak of a ‘religión of the Covcnani’, diough it is not as
 HOW TO APTROACH ISLAM? «53

outspokcn as in Judaism, where the Covenant is thc truc heart of religión (a fací
mentioned several times in thc Koran)- Yet, thc Primordial Covenant (Süra
7:172) is thc metahistorical foundation of the rclation between God and
humankind: thcy have promised to acknowlcdgc Him as die Lord and King at
thc time before times, and thus are bound to obey Him to thc Day ofjudgment
- again as His servantsA*
Another concept is that of‘friendship with God', connected in particular with
Abraham, who is called khaBI Alláh, ‘God’s friend'. But such friendship and dosc
bond of rclation is much more importan! in thc use of the term watt (plural
oafird). This word, which occurs often in the Koran, points to the rclation
between the Divine Ixird and His friends, or perhaps better 'proteges’, who are
under His protcction and ‘have neither fear ñor are thcy sad' (Süra 10:62). The
whole dcvclopment of the hierarchy of the awliya', the 'friends of God’ in Suftsm,
belongs 10 this sphere. Furthermore, thc Shia term for 'AH, uati Alláh, singles out
the Prophet's cousin and son-in-law as thc one who was cspccially honoured by
God's protective friendship which He shows to those whom He decís.
G. van der Lccuw speaks of the 'religión of unrest’ whcn discussing ancicnt
Israel, but chis term can be applicd as well to Islam, for God is never-resting
Will: 'neither slumbcr ñor slecp seize Him* (Süra 2:255).¿,n<^ 'He is conslandy in
some work’ (Süra 55:29).
The concept of a 'religión of unrest', often forgotten in times when scholastic
dcfinitions sccmcd to ovcrshadow and even conccal thc picture of thc living and
acting God of the Koranic revelation. has been revived in the twentieth century
by Iqbal, who never tired of emphasizing thal Islam is a dynamic forcé and dial
it is thc Living God of thc Koran whom thc Muslims should remember and to
whom thcy should tum tnstead of indulging in Hcllcnizing mystico-philosophi-
cal ideas of a mere pnma causa which has receded completely from active
involvement in thc world. lndced. many orientalists and religious historiaos,
cspccially during thc ninctecnth century, have regarded Islam as a purely deistic
religión. But many mystics had stressed thc living and never-resting activity of
God: the story thal Rünü lells both in his Dtoün li> no. 1.288) and in fíhi miJhi
(ch. 27) is a good cxamplc of this point. One winter day, a poor schoolmastcr saw
a bear (apparendy dcad) drifting down a river in spate and, incited by thc
school-children to grab this wondcrful fur coat. jumped into the water but was
grasped by the bear. Called back by the frightened childrcn, he answcrcd: Td
lovc to let thc fur coat go, but it does not let me gol' Thus, Rüml condudcs, is
God's merey, lovc and power. which do not leave the poor human beings but
follow them untiringly to draw them ncar. Alrcady. thrcc centuries earlicr, the
lraqi mystic Niñári (d. 965) had symbolized God’s nevcr-rcstiilg will to save His
creatures in a parablc that was rightly compared to Frenas Thompson's Hound of
Heai'rn's
¿54 DECIEHEKING THE SIGNS OF COD

For God’s power shows itself in His will, and He wills that humanity be saved;
once humans understand that, then faith, obedience and gratitude issue natu-
rally from this knowledge.
It is the concept of will and obedience which, in van der Lccuw's schcme, is
typical of ancicnt lsracl's religious stance. Bul again, tile model fits Islam
perfectly, Where in the Oíd Testament failures and mishaps are ascribed to lite
people’s lack of obedience, ihe same is trae in Islam. The Koran ¡Süra 3:152)
blamcs the .Muslim defeat in the battlc of L'hud (625) upon the hypocritcs and
the disobedient Muslims: misfortunc is a punishmcnt for disobedience. Two of
tile most eloquent modem expressions of this feeling are Iqbal's L’rdu poems
Shituu and Jaivib-i Shikia, ‘Complaint’ and 'God’s answcr to tire complaint'
(written in 1911-12), in which the Muslims, lamenting their miserable situadon in
the modem world, are tauglil by God’s voice thai it is their own fault: they have
given up obedience and neglectcd their ritual dudes, so how can they expcci
God to guide ihcm after siraying olí the straight path? Did not the Koran often
mention the faie of ancieni peoples who disobeyed God and His messengers?
Thus, in every historical catastrophe, the Muslim should discover an ’íbra, a
warning example for those who believe and understand.
According 10 van der Leeuw’s model, Islam is the ‘religión of Majesty and
Humility’ a bcautiful formulation which certainlv hits the mark, as the whole
chaptcr on Islam reveáis his insight into Islam’s salicnt features. Surrendcr, islam.
to the Majesty beyond all majesdes is required, and Temple Gairdncr, as citcd
by van der Leeuw, despite his otherwise very critical remarles about Islam, speaks
of ‘tile worship of unconditioncd Might’. Islam, according to another Christian
thcologian quoted by van der Leeuw’, ‘takes God’s sovereignty absolutely
seriously’, and Muslims believe in God's power and might without any suspicion
or douln. Latcly.J. C. Bürgel has tried to show how Islamic culture devclops out
of the tensión between God’s omnipotcnce and the unccasing human attempt to
créate a power sphere of one’s own.'^ It is the attitude of unquestioning faith
which, as van der Leeuw says, makes Islam ’the actual religión of God’. And it
may well be that this feeling of God's absoluto omnipotcnce, which is the basis of
Muslim faith at its best (and which is slightly criticized by van der Leeuw:, shocks
and even frightens human beings in a time of increasing distante from ’God', of
secularization, of loss of tile centre.
The historian of religión would probably be surprised to see that Muslims
have also called Islam the 'religión of Lose’, for Muhammad, so they claim,
appropriated the station of perfect Love beyond any other prophet, since God
took him as His belovcd - Muhmmad bnblbt Therefore, Muhammad is regarded
as the one who shows God's love and His will and thus guides humanity on the
straight path towards salvation. as the Koran statcs: ‘Say: If you love God then
follow me. so that God loves you' (Süra 3:31), He brought the inlibrated Divine
 HOW TO AI’PROACH ISLAM? «55

Word in the Koran, and he preachcd the absolute unity of God around which
thcology, philosophy and mystical thought were lo develop.
Onc can well understand that the words of thc two-part shaJillda are thc strong
fortress in which thc believer finds refuge; but nothing can be predicated upon
God Himself: ‘He was and is still as He was'.
For thc pious Muslim, ulñm shows itsclf cverywhcre in thc universo - in lite
blood circulation, thc movement of the stars in their orbits, in the growtli of
plants - everything is bound by ul¡m. surrender and subordinaron to the
Divinely-rcvcaled law. But this islam - as at least Mawlana Mawdodí holds -
then bccamc finalizcd in historical Islam as preached by Muhammad.*6 'Ihe
differentiation which is made in Urdu betwecn musfim, someonc or something
dial pracúses surrender and order by nccessity, and musulmán, the person who
ofiicially confcsscs Islam, is lypical of this understanding. And this diíTerentiation
also underlies Goelhe's famous verse in thc H-ert OstlirJia Diván:

Wenn Islam Ergebung in Gottes Willen heiBt -

In Islam leben und sterben wir alie.

(If Islam means surrender to God's will, then all of us live and die in Islam:.
Historians have compared thc Divine voicc tliat was heard in Mecca lo dial
of a lion roaring in the desert, and have often seen Islam as a lypical religión of
the desert, overlooking the fact thai Islam was preachcd first and dcvclopcd latcr
in ciñes: in thc beginning in the mcrcantilc city of Mccca, latcr in thc capitals of
thc expanding empire. ‘City’ is always connected with order, organizaron and
intellectual pursuits, while the desert is the dangerous latid where spirits roam
frccly and where those possessed by thc madness of unconditioncd love may
prclcr to dwcll; those who do not follow the straight path betwecn two wclls will
perish there.
ll is the city that oífers us a likeness of Islam, which can be symbolizcd as a
house, based on the Koranic expression dar al-lslam'~ It looks indeed like a
house. a strong Oriental house, built of hard, wcll-chiscllcd stones and firmly
resúng on thc foundadon of the profession of faith and supportcd by four strong
pillars (prayer, alms tax. fasting and pilgrimage:. We may observe guards at its
gatc to keep away inlrudcrs and enemies, or see workmen widt hammers and
swords to cnlargc parts of thc building lest thc shilting sand-dunes of the desert
endanger it. We admire thc fine masonry but find it at first glance rather simple
and unsophisticated. Bul when entering thc large building. we scc lovely gardens
inside, reminisccnt of Paradise, where watercourses and fountains refresh thc
weary wayfarer. There is thc harim, thr women’s sacred quarters, where no
stranger may enter because it is thc sanctuary of love and unión.
Thc house is laid out widi precious carpets and fillcd with fragrancc Many
different people bring goods from the seven climates and discuss tile valúes of
256 DECIPHERING THE SIGNS OF GOD

their gifts, and the Master of the housc admonishes everyonc to keep the house
« lean, for after crossing its threshold and leaving one’s sandals outside, one has
entered sacred spacc.
But where is one to find the builder and owncr of the housc? His work and
His ordere give witness to His presencc, awesome and fascinating at the same
time, but human reason cannot rcach Him. however much it exerts itself and
tries to understand in which way He will protect the inhabitants of the Housc of
Islam, of the housc of humanity.
Perhaps Ruml can answcr the human mind’s never-ending question as to
how to rcach Him who is the Merciful and the Powerful. the Inward and the
Outward, the First and the Last. the Onc who shows Himself through signs but
can never be comprchendcd:'8

Reason is that which always, day and night, is rcstless and without
peace, thinking and worrving and trying to comprehcnd God even
though God is incomprehensible and beyond our understanding.
Reason is like a moth, and the Beloved is like ¡he candle. Whenever the
moth casis itself into the candle, it burns and is dcstroycd yet the truc
moth is such that it could not do without the light of the candle, as
much as it may sufler from the pain of immolation and buming. If
diere wcre any animal like the moth dial could rio without the light of
die candle and would not cast itself into this light, it would not lie a real
moth, and if the moth should cast itself into the candlc’s light and the
candle did not bum it, that would not be a truc candle.
Therefore die human being who can live without God and does not
undertakc any cfTort is not a real human being; but if onc could
comprehcnd God. then that would not be God. That is the truc human
being: the one who never rests from striving and who wanders without
rest and without end around die light of God's beauty and majesty.
And God is the Onc who immolates the scckcr and annihilates him,
and no reason can comprehcnd Him.

NOTES
1. The number of works about diflerent aspeéis of módem Islam inervases almost
daily Some uscful studics are: John J. Donuhue and John L. Expósito (edsj
19821, Islam in Transinon; Mutlim Pnsptftut.r, Gustavo E. von Gruncbaum ¡1962),
Módem Islam. The Srauh for Cultural idmbft: Wemer Ende and l.’do Steinbach
;cds 19841, Ikr Islam m drr Cegmuart. Wüfred Cantwcll Snuth (19571, Islam in
Módem History, idem (1947;: Módem Islam tn India and ed.); and Ratraut
Wielandt 11971}, Offmbanmg und Gestkuhte ¡m Dmkm moderna Muslim/..
2. C H. Brckrr 1910), ‘Drr Islam ais Problrrn'; Johann Fück (1981a), 'Islam as a
histórica) problem in European historiography sincc 1800' About diflerent
 HOW TO APPROACH ISLAM? 257

ways of dealing with Muhammad in eariier times, sce Hans Haas (1916), Das
Bild Muhammads un líandcf dcr ¿ri/01
3. Johann Fuck 11981b Die Rolle des l'radilionalismus im Islam’; Shcila
McDonough (1980), Iht Authonfr o/ üu Pasl. .1 Study of Ibice Mustm Modanxsly,
Richard Gramlich (1974b), ’Vom islamischen Glaubrn an die "guíe alte Zeit"’.
4 Sce, for cxamplc, M. M. Badawi Í1971), 'Islam in módem Egyptian litcraturc’.
5. Ilius Saláb 'Abd as-$abür (1964). Afasia al-Hallar, Engiwh translauon by K. J.
Semaan 11972), A/urrfrr m Bagdad. Ser also A. Schimmel 1984b). ‘Das Hallig-
Motiv in der modernen islamischen Dichtung’
6. About módem movements and probiems in América, sce Earlc Waugh, Baha
Abu-I^ban and Regula B. Quraishi ¡edsl (1983), 71c Muslun Cammmtly m frofth
Amaua. Khalid Duran 1990,, ;Dcr Islam in der Mchrhcit und in dcr
Mindrrhcit'; ídem (1991"’Eines Tages wird die Sonríe im VVestcn aufgehen”.
Auch in den USA gewinnt dcr Islam an Bodcn'.
7. Akbar S. Ahmad (1992), Postmodanim and Islam. Preduamml and Prvmtsc
8. Qushayri (1912 , Af-nsdla, p. 261; «he same idea in Hujwíri 1'1911.. KashJ al-
mahfüb. p. 139.
9. The expression is used in Na?ir-i Khusraw (1929), ZJtróir, p. 161; also in ídem, ir.
A. Schimmel 1993), Make a Shuld from IVisdam. p. 78.
10. See B. Reinen 1968:. Die Mere tum tawakkul m da klassischat Sufik.
11. F. Meier (1976), Ábü Sald-i Aba’l //air. lidien und Irgcnde.
12. 'lile glorification of God which, according to the Koran, permeates the
universo had led early Muslims to the idea that *a fish or a bird can only
become the victim of a hunter if it forgets to glorify God’ {Abul-Darda, d.
3211/652). See S. A. Bonchakker (¡992), ‘N’ihil obstat in storytrlling?’ p. 8.
13. R. Gramlich ! 1983a), ‘Der Urvcrtrag in der Koranauslcgung.
14. Niflarl (1935), Maw&rf«.« MukhiyabU, ed. and.transí, by A. j. Arberry, MaufrJ
11/16.
15. J. C. Bürgcl 1991). Allmachl und Machtigkal. panim.
t6. Mawiana Mawdüdfs views, often publishcd in Urdu and translated into
English, are summed up in Khurshid Ahmad and Z. I. Ansari (eds) {1979).
Islamic Pttspettaes. In this volume, the anide by S. H. Nasr, ‘Decadence.
deviation and rcnaissance in ihe context of contemporary Islam', pp. 35 42, is
of particular interese Sce further Muhammad Nejatullah Siddiqi's contribu-
tion.'Tawbid. the concept and the prosjxcts', pp. 17 33. in which the author
tries to derive the neccssity of technology for communicaüon, organization and
management in the religious and worldly arras from the central role of tetr/td.
An insightful study of the probiems is Fazlur Rahman 1979 , ‘Islam: challenge»
and opponunities'.
17. For the ‘House’, sce Juan E. Campo (1991), The Odia Side oj Paradtsc, and A
Prtruccioli (1985), Dfr al-hlam. TitUS Burckhardl has attempted 10 show the
truly ‘Islamic’ eity in his beautifu) book (1992) on Fes. City of Islam.
18. ñhímA fUti. end of ch. 10.
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2«w Tunus Emre [Ismai! Emre] ve Doguslari. Istanbul 1951. Dvgtqlar 2, Adana 1965.
Young, WiUiam C., 'The Ka*ba, gender, and the rites of pilgrimagr’. Intematíonal
Joumal of Middle East Studies 25, (1993), pp. 285-300.
Yunus Emre Divani. ed. by Abdulbaki Gólpínarlí Istanbul: /\hmet Halid Kitabrvi, 1943.
Zavn al-'Abidm 'All ibn ai-Husayn, Al-sattfai alkümdat airtfflldivya Ihe Psalms of
Islam. Translated and introduced by WiUiam C. Chitóck. London: Muhammadi
Trust, 1988.
Zimmcr, Heinrich, Maya. Zürich: Rascher, 1957.
Zirker, Hans, 'Er wird nichl befragt .. (SOra 21:24). Theodizee und ’lheodizeeabwchr
im Koran und Umgebung’, in U. Tworuschka (ed.} (1991), Gottes isi der Orienl. pp.
401 24.
Zwemer. Samuel M., ‘The illiterate Prophet’. .WH’ ti (1921J, pp. 344-63.
Hairs of the Prophet', in S. Ldwinger and J. de Somogyi (edsk ¡guace Coldziher
Memorial, vol. 1. Budapest 1947, pp. 48-54.
General Index

altad, etcrnily withuui beginning 76. 228 Abu Qubays. Mouni 4

abadina 22.| Abü Sa'ld-i Abü’l-Khayr d 1049) 252
■Abha», Shah of Irán ir 1586 1628 44 n 73 Abysnnia ni 208, 218 n. 78
'AbhAv. standard-bcarer of Kcrbcla d. 680 30 Adam 5, 10, 21, 27. 33. 41 n 12, 58, 66, 71, 73,
Abbasids (750-125»! 9, 36. 44 n. 71. 122. 132. IO9, 120, I4I. I78. |8O, l82, >89, 200,
1B5, 209, 214 221. 225, 230-2. 239
'abd. slave 120, 179, 180. 191, 252 and Eve 20, 25, 39, 64, 85 n. 57. l«5. >26
«MnAií. His God’s; dav-c 179. 180, 252 'adam, poutivc Not-being* 74, 227
ahdáL gioup of Mint* 192 Adana 118
’Abduh, Muhammad ;d. 1905) 220 Ad and Thamüd 11
'Abdul Hamíd, sultán of Tuikey (r. 1876-19091 'AdM law 245
218 n. 70 ad-db¡, ñames with 122
Abdul Haqq Muhaddnh.i Dihlawl d- 1645) 73 oftdn, cali to prayer 77, 139, 142
'Abdul JabbAr íAmerican baseball playee 121 ’adl. justicc 222
AbdullAh-i Anarf (d. 10891 94- 226 'adud. pillar 122
his mundial 146 dfaj, the honzons. thc created world 75
’Abdullih Shah Ghaxi 87 n, B4 Afghanistan 20, 35. 36, 38, 43 n 51, 55, «85.
Abdul Latlf Bhita’l, Shah d 1752) 8. 42 nn. 19 211
and 25. 46 n. 101, 232 Sfiúx, 'those that set', uanúent things 13, 15
lü» Ruáló 148, 168 Aforan) xiv, 44 n. 64, 52, 101, 118, 205. 245
Abdul Malik. Kamal 109 n. 5. 215 n. 10 Blackx
Abdul Qsdir GilinI id. 1166 73, 94. 99, 128, Central 37
«37 Kart 37, 69, 169, 212
and trees 17, 43 n. 40 Xonh x, 2t. 29, 51, 59, 68. 168. 178. 192.
al-ghauth al-a'iam 122 195. 208
'Abdul Wiá*-i Jabalí ¡d. 1160. 44 il 73 South 158
’AlxIur Ra’üf Bhattí d. 1752) 6or 138 Wcm 59
Abel 28 Aga Khan 120, 211
Abel. Ainund 90 Sultán Muhanunad Aga Khan III (d- 19581
dafa hleued water for healing purposc» 211
104 Aga Khanis 186; ut abo Ismailis. Khojas
abfad alphabet 152 agate ¡tt 'atfa
ablution 7, lll n 43, 138, 142, 206 <^d, Onc 53. 8r. 190
with tear» 96, 97 ahí al-’abO. M ol-kia 37. 78
Abraham ilbrlhlm ihabl Alldh/ 10. 13, 33. 57. ahí ai-btái 150, 156, 204 6
73- TO- 99- >00- >5«- '85. '89- m ahi al-tfMa 58, 203
*53 ahí 82
abrltr group oí saints 192 ahí oí-Muma ttw'Ajamf'a 202, 203
Abrró. JamSl < his sbort story Ahtñhtrñ í¿ró) 35 ahl-i luAth 167, 197
Abü ’Alí ad-Daqqáq (d. 1015, 199 ahí 1 haff 40. 46 n 102
Abü Bakr as-pddiq r. 632-4: 23, 48. 188. 198 .tónat = fimUatai 188
.Abü HanlTa (d. 767) 206, 237 Muhammad*s hcavenly ñame 8i, 121, 190,
Abü Hurayra ;d. 678) 23 191
Abu Lahab (d. 624): his wife 18 Ahrnadabad (Gujaral; 70
AbG’l-Dardl' <1. 652? 257 n. 12 Ahmad. Akbar S 249
Abül-Faxl (d. 1603) .85 Ahmad al-Badawi of Tanta (d. 1278) 30, 67
 INDEX 28l

Ahmadiyya 164, 189 Amatcrasu, Japanese sun goddcss 31. 32

Afamad Khan, Sir Sayyid id. 1898) 163, 167, inwta. Amen 115
173 n. 62. 218 n. 77 <rwlr an ira#. Master of the bees = 'Ah 22
Ahmadü Bambú d 1927! 213 Amlr Khusraw d. 1325: 132
Afamad Yerewi (d. n66| 100, 117 Wf biMit 80
'A'isha. Muhammad’i youngest wife íd. 678) i’ma-i úhvniarf 41 n. 16
122. 155. 166. 1B8. 198 amr h’l-ma'rtf tit¡ nato 'an al-munÁar, ardering
saints 193 good and prnhibittng evil 202, 208
Ajmer (Rajauhan) 72. 107. 195 aaíTfa»??, I am the Abwlute Tnith, I ani
Akbar, Mughal emperor ir. 1556-1605) 3, 23, God' 11
127, 137, 185, 196 anfl/djw «as 225
oíAl Turkish medieval sodaiity 214 Anaioliaín) m, 24. 34, 40, 53, 55, 60, 117, 138,
Mwa. al. the world to come 229 ■45,199, 214
aAA»*, gniup of samls 192 Andrar, Tor (d. 1918' 220, 239
.Xkkaj, Turgut 170 n 11 «>. >ouh 75
'ilam alháhit. al jabañt. al-IMt, al-tnalatil. al- 2ngrl> xiii, 13. 16, 21, 27, 34. 35, 44 n. 87, 51,
mML 63 57, 58, 60, 70, 73, 79-81, 95. 134, 141.
‘ilam altpir'to 164 I42. I45. 163. I78. 189. 200, 23O-I
■a/tfttb», 'of d»c wurids' 206 archangeb 78, 230
.■Mamut, fortres* in northem Irán too, 211 food of 98
’alaq, hlood clot 180 interrogaúng 97, 153. 233
’Ant I not |your Lord)?' 104. 179, 221 recording 235
’aU ritrattht. 'according to His forro' 178 ■risgúrí wine, grapr wine 108
Albaniaín) 117 Anfa, Babar '.-Mí (d. 1875 71
Alcorán «w Koran Ankara 4, 22. <>4. 98, 124
Akxamkr. bkandar 7 lláliivat Faküllesi x. 244
hh mirror 31 any>l. mythological brrd 28
AJgar. Hamid 196 ant 22
Algerians 248 'Anuirá 127
'All Asghar ’.d. 680) 7» Anvari |d. c. 1190 41 n. 72, 65
Ab Baba 82 ’a^tda íanüfrna, catcchnm 169, 188, 224
ttiif, first ktter of the Arabic alphabet, W agate, camelian 3. 4. 41 n. to, 152, 153
numencal valué I*. 53. 77. 129, 152, 169 *o0p. first haircut of a newborn child too, 181
"All HamadhAnl, Sayyid d. 1385) 171 n, 23, 172 Aqqoyunlu, Turcomant oí the Whitr Shcep 44
n 47 n. 73
•Ah ibn Abi Tihb. mawlk 'Ah (r. 656-61) 22. Arab si 20, 21, 26. 44 n. 63. 67. 75. 8°. ”6,
*3. «5. 29. 35. 37. 38, 43 n. 51, 44 n 56. 122. 136, 137. 146. 151. 168. 170 n. 17,
50, 55, 73- 78. 79. 9». ”5. •«'. ‘«3. 183. 204 6, 215 n. 5
¡27. 130, 154. 160, 161, 186, 188, 189, Arabia x, 16. 31, 35, 54, 57, 76, 97, 117, 123,
195, 198, 208-10. 213. 221. 253 127
his burial place 5 Arabic llanguage, literature etc.) 6. 9. 15.
his footprint 3 22. 25, «7, 33. 35. 38- 48 n. 98, , 51. 63.
his birthday 70 65, 82, 90, 92, 101, 106. 116 18, 127,
his sword 21 128. 131. 132, 136, 140, 153, 154. 156,
vr alw Shia 159. 163. 168, 169, 171 n. 29, 182, 183,
'All-ilahí rect 195. 210 187, 197, 201, 214. 220. 223, 245, 248
uñn nxcHr (Turkish). ‘what is written on the alphabet, ktten 14, 77, 81, 86 n. 73, 129,
forehead', file 247 141, 152, 153. 161, 187, 228
AUih 18. 51. 78. 148, 152. 153, 173 n. 66. 225, Arabian Nighti 128
226 ‘a/afiil near Mecca 85 n. 57, 126
.4ZíMb otóar 78. 138. 139. 173 n. 71. 221 arbaln, retreat of forty days 49, 81
AlÜhn a'lam, 'God knows best’ 22! Altela (Irbil tn Iraq) 69
alms ux «r zakñt Ardabil. western Irán 210
amina. the cntrusted good 178 Amold, Sir Thomai 194
amanto, 1 believe 134 Asani, Ali S- ni n. 44
amanto ffmui. boat-ihaped cailigraphy 134 a>Mb an-nttzQl, reamm for the revelaban oí a
AmSnuHlh oí Afghanistan r. 1919 29; 38 Koranic vene 164
amat al-kañm. 'maidtervant of the Generom* túfalas lowest of the low’ 179
121 al-kakj. the Seven Skepen 48. 83 n. 2
¿fia DECIPHF.RING THE SIGNS OF GOD

'tuhttto ai-mubaiMara, al-, thc ten lo whom Rabyloruian1 5, 79

Parador was pronmcd 8o Badaktatan 2tt
'díAiri. oíd fasting day 68, 86 n. 72 Badadni. Mughal historian id c. 1615):
10 Mubarraní 71 numtaUub at-lau&níh 44 n. 58, 196
Asia x, 62, 245 Badawl dervnhc» 16, 44 n 75
East 1$ Badr. balde of 624) xiii, 121
touthem 5 Wr, full moon 14, 122
ja abo Central .Asia Badraddín ibn Qadl Simawní id. 1414) 213,
Asiya, Pharaoh's lielirvmg wife 199 218 n. 72
ama al-teste, al-, God'» most bcautiful ñames Badraddín Tayyahjec (Tyabjce; id 1906] 211
119, 120, 190 ‘brought up in onc* armpit' 234
AswsÚLn loo Baghawi, al- (d. C. 1222 I muytórt rti sutuui 13,
astroiogy 15, 16, 124 166
asti-ological ñames 122, 170 n. 19 BagMadlian; xiv, 9, 20, 39, 49, 94, 104, 110 n.
Atalude, Mmtafa KrmaJ id. 1938) 38, 116, 153. >7, >»7. »33. *75 " ">7. 185
•85 Bahais 81: «rata Bihl-Baliai religión
Ama Bcgum (d. 1967. 211 Bahft-i Walad (d 1231) 94. 103, 105, 143, 201,
Altas, High 55 240 n. 18
'ARlr, Fartduddln 'd. ItWo-i) 91, 133, 145, iHo, ZlaAámlá. (JamTi 80
«97. 210. 225. 247 At»ÍF. ocean. large riwr 9
.hnfritmd 109 IL 5 Bahraich noithem india) 6. 72
/MtnOma 115 Balance, eschatological tet Scale*
u( la¡r 22. 27, 28. 42 n. 29. 44 n. 70. dnÜW Una. 10 take a person* affliction 103
65.97 Baljon.J. M. S. 160
.tfuriiafcá™ 66, 83, «20 Ralkam x
Attih 213 Balochistan 49, 95
tf'fit/Aar, I ask God fot protection' 91, 157 servan! 179
Avrrrnes Ibn Rushd id. 1198) 238 tendanojiáz. tille oí saint» II), 193
Avicenna i'lbn SlnA d 1037: 27, rvAts yt Bangladesh 35
«"feo") 151. 438 banner of praiic m luríl alltmd
Awadh (Oudhi 117 Baqli. Rúxbihin |d. 1209:: íharh-i t/ttühtyál II)
AwzítT, ab (d. 7741 206 tertúmfaa, poco» about thr twctac mondas 67
aulna (áng ¡tañ, saint» 250. 253 Mr<* uafílt. thc Prophet's dcath annivcrsary 69
au«M. four members oí the hierarchy of saints blessing powcr xiv, J. 6, l9, V» 30. 35.
7» 36, .1, 48, 51, 5», J4, 55, 87 n 84. 94,
axc, double axc 29 93- 97. 98- «oo. IO1- ,03> «°4. >®7. «'4.
im <rwt Divine sign, verse of tl*e Koran xii, >>6, 134. «37. «54. >57. «59. «73 «« 64,
xiii, 156, 157, 165, 166, 200, 227, 229 181, 182, 184. 188, 194, 195, 202, 215 n
Aya Sofva - Hagia Sophia 6, 53 18
Aya? of the Oyinak cribe, carty cleventh Barani, Ziyáuddln (d. after 1350) 205
century 178. 179 bári, al-, thc Crralor 221
'Avnul Qudít Hamadhint d. 1131) 119, 162, Mr-i mmnat, burden oí gratitude 102
196 terg, lightning 25
anOm al’arab 127 Barsbay, Sultán hit wife id. 1467) t6, 44 n. 75
'invMM. kind oí elassical 'mafia' 214 ¿oifttr, he whn bring* giad tidmg» 125
azaly etemity without end 76, 228 taflr, al-, lhe Seeing 120
wl™ 224 bamala. thc formula Tn the muñe nf Gnd ...'
Azar, Abraham's idobwotshipping faltar 33 81, IS4,154,153,157.443
’Azáril, ñame oí Salan before hu fall 232 bavnala M dulbañ. bridegroom of 152
Azhar, ak, oldest univrrúty in thr Islamic Basta 28
world 163 ba.it. expansión, spiritual happinc» 251
'AzriTI. ángel of dcath 41 n. 12, 73, 231 liaihroom 34, 51
Mttl. void. unreal 222
i, numerital valué 2: 77 bita, inner meaning, csoteric 249
Mi, door, gatr 50, 51 bat» 14
Baba l¿l Da* d after 1655) 42 n 2b ta»'ú. oath of allegiancc 103
Bábi-Bahai religión 51, 189 Raylian, Mamluk sultán ir 1266-77; 181
Rahur. Mtighal cm[>eroT ir 1526 30 || n 73. BAyczld BistAmí td B741 7, 17. 45 n. 81, 55, 250
92 Bavhaqi |d. 1077; 34
 INDEX 283

bcard 181. 182 Braune, Wahr.r 49

of the Prophrt 137 breath. to breathe 103, 104, 182, 184
Becker, Cari Heinrkh (d. 1933? 37, 118. 170 n. Divine 17B 80, 182
■7 oí the Mcrciful 3, 62, 228
bees 22. 79. 195 Bridgc 126, 157, 236
Bcgum» of Bhopal 199 Btihu Ra*ti ,d after 1620' 199
Beklashi order of dervuhe» 4, 38. 39. 212, 247 Buddha 12. 80. 97. 183, 188, 216 n. 30
BrU, Richard «64 Buddhiwn xiv, 90, 205, 216 n. 30
bt «omi:, who doe» not perfurm the ritual AuA’A protecting formula 152, 153
prayer 141 AujAd, ueer 21 .
Benazir Bhutto 199 Bukhlri. al- (d. 870) 86 n. 72, 91, tío n. 27.
Bengai'i) 13, 42 n. 29, 52, 56, 59, 117, 199. 153, 130, 166
188, 213 ótrütí. note-ring 122
Bcrtoer 208 bull dial carnes die earth 2, 21
be-ihar', derváh who doe* not care for the legal as, 35, 44 n. 64
obligation* 100 Burckhardt. Tnu» 257 n 17
BetheJ 2 btffda, die Propliet’t cloak 36, 168
Bhopal 197 Burgel.J Chnstoph 254
Btbk 155 Awfctai 45 n 76
buTa. not in conformity with the iwm, hertsy Burhanpur 31. 199
«o. a®7, 245 bw¡a', trntlikc cover for women 37
Bidpu 22 Burton, Richard 17. 84 n 42
Muhimrnad, bt stutrqfi MvJuirmad. for ihe Búslrl, al- ,d. 1296.I: ó«rdr»-poem 46, 168
take of, for die honour of Muhammad Aw/, idol 33, 44 n. 82
146 Buzurjmihr 171 n. 30
Bthar 48 Bvzantinc 34
hóuAfl daruáza. dw paradisiaca! gate in
Pakpattan, Panjab 50 Cain 28
Bijapur 53. 181 Cairo ig. 30. 35. 54, 56, 69, 73. 163. 166, 181.
BilAl d. 641 142 198. 199,211, 244
bmt awmi, my únele* daughter', my wife 197 caliph, caliphate 185, 188, 196, 199, 203, 207
bird* 26 H, 116, 184 10, 215 n. iH
bttr, goodnc». kindneM 185 righdy guided 29, 33, 53, 78
Birüní, Abü Rayb&n al- Id. 1048. 16, 81. 163 calligrapher. cailigraphy 52. 58. 97, 124. 130,
butrullah ceremony 107 '34. '5'. '53. 'M. >5». '59, =36. *47
black a, 16. ai. 35, 38, 57, 95. 144, 184, 434. cali to prayer w adün
236 camel 24, 65. 178
colour oí tlwr Abbasids 31, .44 n. 71 mosque transformed into 52. 236
dog ; = ufa 24 Canaanites 22
luir 14. 1&2 Cañada 169, 212
light 162 candlc 11, 69
India a» 62 moth and 11, 256
blacknes* mystical dcath 4 « antelian tee 'Ai;nj
blood 97, 100, 182 cal ai, 13,14, a«. 124, 109
blue: darte 16. 21 Caucasus 5
bead* 91 cave 23. 48, 49
Bochme Jacob id. 1624) 42 n. 26 cclibacy 98. 99, 192
Bohoras 37. 185. 211, 212 Central Asia 59, 96, 116, tt8. 154, 205, 211
Daudi 110 n. 32. 211 Cerulli, Enrico 65
Sulaymam 211 Chagatay 94
Bombay 211 Chár Minar. Hvderabad 78
book 29. 134. 150H Chile 68
of action» 6i, 126. 235 chilla, forty day»* scduuon 49, 81. 83
óom, wolf 21 China x, 41. 52, 134
Bosnianl 117 Chinear painten 45 n. 81
Bosira 12 Chirigh 'All d. 1894: 167, 176 n. 117
Bourguiba, presiden! 68. 99 Chnhtiyva order 17, 73, too, 115, 132, >67, 213
Boutros-Ghali 204 Chittagong 7, 55
Brahmin 141 Chodkiewicz, Michael 168
284 DECIPHERING THE SIGNS OF GOD

Christ 32. 40: itt abo Jesús Dauiatahad (Dcccan) 54

Chrátianfity) x, xiv, 11. 22. 25, 32 4, 40, 42 David 29. 230
n *>. jj. 65. 70. 77. 90. 97. '“4- da'u*, 'claun'. miwionary actrvity 210. 2¡¡
108, 109 n. 4. 115,117, 135. 138. 143, Dawlauh-lh of Herat (d. c. 1495! 21
«46. ty>. 151, 154. 160. >64, 171 n. 24. dan, monastery, 'the cofaurful world' 34
174 n 85. «8», 190 2. 200. 204, 205. Oncean 33, 40, 54, 73, 15»
207, 218 n. 78. 238, 245, 254 dfy, cauldron 111 n. 49
Chughtay, Alxtór Rahman 218 n. 75 drkrima. book in ten parts 80, 129
cimunctúon too, 101 Delhi 8, 53, 62, 86 n. 68, 93. 105, 146. 152. 161,
female 101. 110 n. 32 '68, >89. 199
coin 22 Deoband 203
colours 16, 17 abuotdiüti xii, xiü, xvii. 40, 150, 190. 223
confe«»on of sim 93, 138-9 dn< wtiaüu xüi. xvii, 150, 225
Copo 117, 204 dkarna 216 n. 30
Cortón. Henry 4, 13, 62. 65, 75. 79, 131. 171 n. dMl, essence 201
«3 'CMting* 107. 249
Córdoba 52 dhib, recoflecdng God 18. 21. 24. 56. 77, 98,
Comrll, Vincenl 1 lo n. 28 1<M, "6, I». '39. >47-9. '73 nn 65 and
Covcnant 253 67. 18a, 190. 191, «10, 413
primordial 8. 109. 114. 179. 221. 253 silent 48
«in* 23 as spinning 40
Cragg, Ke north 119, 190 dhib 1 ana, ‘aawáng' dhib 116
crtaceni xr faW rfAimmw, protection for non-Muslimx 204
Crimea 185 rfAwimi 204, 205
Cmmrr, lamí (d. 1917) 245 rfiMt gluulam, dirty water 237
ctom 32. 33 dhi'lfiqfr, 'Alí's sword 21, 29. 195
crow 28 dhü‘1 fya, last lunar month 70, 73. 99
rmuders 206, 211 dhH'l-fmdk, whitr tórne in the Muharram
cypre» 20. ng. 222 procession 25
dks'l wxbwwr, ambidextrous 61
da’H, to cali 136 Dhu'n-Nún id. 859) 141, 150
Dahlr Id. 1874) 71 dM'n nflnnn. ‘he with the two light»' =
datna 236 'Othman ibn 'Afflta 188
dahr, time 76 dhii ihauia. rulrr who has graspcd the power
¿0407^76 301
dal. (Shiite) miswonary 186. 211 rfln, religión 206
da‘na, mecting place of the Mahdawis 56 rfht t tílhi. Akbar's syncretistie religión 196
daptl 126 Dionysius Pscudo-Arropagita 150
Damascu* 3 dm/fh-t iAvutol. Kjvah's banner 30
áwitóiin. to brcathc ;'owrr something: 104 dM* ath ¿M. organiutional ineeting ¡99
Damiri, ad- id. 1405J 22 Divine Ñames 50. 79, 95. 119, 120, 144, 147,
«Unce 18. 38. i<h, 105. 049 ..,8, 170 n. >7. 17j n. 64. >78
Dante Alighieri (d. 1321! 65 in creation 121. 125. 170 n. 18. 225. 228
Daqüqi (beforc 1200) 101 djinn 37. 78. 91, 92. 122. 156, 163. 232
degrres 239 <l<« 24. 28. .79, 184. 230. 236
db al-harb, 'abode of war’ 49. 214 oí the Sesen Sleepers 24. 48
<fir al t/íbn. ‘abode of Islam' 49. 203. 213. dogíj iTurknh inspired pocms) 118
«>4. «55 Dome of the Rock 2, 3
Darl Shiltfih, Mughal rrown pnnce id. 1659) donkey 14.15, 44 n. 6a. 178-80
42 n. 26, 93, 119. 196. 226 Donne. John (d. 1631) 179
Dard, KhwAja Mlr id. 1785) 42 n. 31, 146. 168. Doomidiy, day ofJudgmem a8, jo, 33, 40, 41
170 n. 11 n. 5. 54. 61. 100. 109, ia6.179, i8o, aoa
datgM. Sufi centre 55, 56 ¿auM, the rhaykh’s riding over ihe bodie,
Darqawiyya order 213 of his followen 183
daf.dum, a|>|xarancc of a saint or imAin befare dragón 4. 45
his followers 186 dream 36, 39. 45 n. 91, 50, ja, 61, 6a, laj, 114.
I)ash(üp fiftecnth century) 7. 42 n. 16 171 n. 23, 18a. 434
daitbbandl, winding the turban 39 Prophet in 99. 144.171 n. 44, 190
date ipalmi 20. 60. 68. 76 'drinking' power 108. 15a
 INDEX 285

«fa’d, fice prayer 145, 146 /alúa, legal opinión 68. 241. 246
ma'tk&r, prayer formulas oí prcvious piout Fayjflsf, aJ- (boni 1930) 61
Faxli Haqq Khayrabadi (d. 1862I 189
duada tx¡f afmak. lo liare die hcad in prayer 93 Fazlur Rahman ¡56, 164, 167, 171 n. 23, 222,
Duldul, ’Ab’s while muir 25. 35 245
rfwivd. this worid 229, 240 n. 28 fetixh 29, 159
(iurüd ¡Aarifi blessing mtr Muhammad 136 Fez 24
dkiA. ycMenught, beginning oí time 74 Jidíl someone who sarrifices himsclf 100
dust 5, 6, 41 n. 12, 179, 180 llg 20
fiúfii. sywem of Islamic law 206, 207
eanh 5 Firdawsi (d. 10201; ShMnáma 127
East 62 fire 5, 10, ll. 16, 95. 128. 142. 180, 232
'eating' pnwvr 107. 238 Divine 23
Eckhart, Master id. 1328) 40, 117 mean of 9
ecslasy 104. 108 fire-crackers 91
Egypi 16, 19, 21, 53, 59, 67, 92, 109 n. 5, 110 n. fire-walking 70. 95
32. 117, 127, 136. 138. 182. «92. 199. 204. ut abo Hell
211 fimiin, a nilcr’s proclamación 212
Egyptian 7, 23, 24, 36. 42 n. 16. 116. 122, fi/qa nfywt. the group that will be saved 208
13a. 144. 170 n. 17, 193, 198. 203. 220 fnh 7
Mamiuk Egypt 54, 166 mythologscal 21
eight 80, 82, 237 five 78. 79, 141. 148. 153
eighteen 81 llag 30, 31, 170
clcphant 62. 72 ilute n8, 138
emerald 4, 5, 230 fncrt 182, 183
blinds icrpent 4. 25 foocprint in Mone 3. 182
mountain 16 foriy 37, 66. 81, 8a, 137, 180. 183. 19a. 194. 233
Esrn, Eznel 45 n. 86 days’ reclusión 105, 173 n. 67
Eihsopian 142 tañM 167, 176 n. 118
eunuch 101 loor 10. 33. 78. 79. 107. 156, 169, 180, 197, S30
Eve 85 n. 57, 199, 200: ut abo Adam fourteen 15. 80, 81. 106
EhI Eye so, ai, 30, 37. 91, iss, 133, 183 Francia oí Assisi id. 1226) 117
Friday 72-4. 87 n. 85, 236,141
Fanal Mosque, Islamabad 53 lenice, sermón 30, 52, 53. 96. 13a, 133,
falco» 26. 231 198, 203. 214
frná, annihilation 191 jíi'M, heart xiv
fiAÍM 190 fumigation 20, 71, 91
fi'r-wtí 190 lundamentaliH x. 45 n. 86, 155. 211. 244. 248
/á^fpl.jfapsM), junas 007 fiutumui. quality of a noble young man 17, 107.
Joj», poor Ja, 138, 179, «J «3
fW- poverty 39 sodahúes 17, 2o, 30, 38, 78, 93, 184, 194,
fañfMfi, my poverty is my pride* 19a 2«3.
fara'ui. ritual and religious duties 142 trousers 38. 137
fiad, individual 215 n. 18 fiihaiuttnamt 215 n. 6
fiord al hfllut. duty oí a suflkient number of Fuzuli (<L 1556) 5
peoplc 206 Fyzee, Asaf A. A 211, 249
Fartduddin Ganj-t sluikai d. 1265) 50
fian, the royal glory 185 Gabriel 35. 61, 64. 73. 75. 149, 156, 229 32
Fárüqí, hma'll Rají ah (d. 19861 220 stays back at the Sidra trtc 17, 58
láMinft xiii. M, 70, 73, 74. 78. 98. 99, ajs Gairdner, Temple 254
(pl.Jíri*ii, noble young man 195. 313, 214 Galland, Antoinr ,d. 1715) 128
Fase aao, 246 gallows and «imW 250
Pítima. Muhammad** daughier ¡d. 632 31 37, garden 20. 21. 55, 74, 80. 82, 238, 266: ser abo
69. 75- 79. 'M. '»/. '86. '88. '95. Pandée
198 Gardet, l*ouú 201
her children 44 n, 71 garment 36 41, 76, 120, 235
Fajinu oí Córdoba {tweifth century) 199 oí piety 145
Fatimids ,969-1171 in Egypt) 69, 122, 132, 186, gate. door ut abo Mb 50. 51
211 oí repentance 233
286 DBCIPHERING THE SIGNS Of GOD

Gaje. Hchnut 160 Inblb AUAh, God’s fnend 191, 250. 254
Gazurgih near Herat 17 Haca iHajjü Bayram (d. 1471?) 94
Gcertz, CliíFord 159, 195 Haca (Hajji) Bcktaj (d. 13381 4
Gcllner, Einest 195. 212 badana, doorkecpen 50
Gmghis Khan (d. 1226) «13 fudath, mino» itnpurity ¡59
Germán x. 10, 75. 108, 117, 149, 165, 25a «uM 2, 13. 14, ¡8, 23, 27-9, 32, 41 n. 4. 44 n.
Germán? 9, 40. 187 68. 50. 66. 69, 73. 77. 96. 97. <<*.
Gívüdarlx, Sayysd Muhammad al-Husayni id. 109 n 4. no n. 27, 111 n. 40, 116, 121,
’4M> 54. 73, '«9. "5 124, 129 31, 134. 137. 147. '49- 151. >55.
Ghadfr Khum 70 166-9, «72 n 5*. «7<> " "8. 178, 179,
Ghllib. Mirzi Asadullih (d 1869) xiii, 8, 45 n. 184-6, 191. 198-200, aoa, 203, ao6,
76, 83, 86 n. 68, 152, 189, 239 220, 221, 232, 234, 237, 238, 240 n. 33,
.¿Aoni, rich 52, 225 ”44-7
Ghaiuzade (seventecnth ccntury; 231 A*fcA 40. 76. ¡57. 165. 166, 190-2,
g/unb, thr hidden, unseen 228, 246 »» 5,247. «5»
occultation 195 Hadramaut 67
Ghaznaiwsd; 34 War. presence 79
Ghazzlll. Abu Hamid al- (d. un) 28, 44 n. 72, pl. fttffii, who knows the Koran bv heart
120, 124, 153, aoo, 229, 246 >58
his lipa' "¡Mm ad din 82, 146, 233 HaTi«. Muhammad Shamsuddín id. 1389) 129.
Ghaxzali. Ahmad id. 1126/ his ««*«*45 n 81, 218 n. 75
«7® n 37 hu ¿teto 123
Ghulam I and Sabri 87 n 84 Hafir Osman id ¡689.) 154
Ghulam Ghaut (ni) Khan Bahadur, Nawwab Hafsa. daughter of 'Omar (d. 665} 188
oí Arcot (d. 18551 '7* n 4* bafl 'afija, seven virtuous women 199
ghtiat. exaggeraron, who near-deified '.Mí ato haft Aspa, the seven mili* ■ spherr* 220
ginubal ulnharbma, a/-, the Western Exiie of ü»c haft sin, seven objeets whosc ñames begin with j
soul 62 79
(huí, ritual bath 79, 96, 97, tot Hagar 6, 199
Gibb. Sir Hamilton A R. (d. 19711 203. 208 Hagia Sophia (Aya Soíyai 6. 53
/wto. religious poems of the Ismailts 106, 168, hair 94. 96, i8¡. 215 n. 6
212 cuttmg 56, too
glcmohha 118 the Prophet’» 181, 215 n. 5
gnat 22, 82, 229 M<. puré stone 3. 187
Goethe. Johann WoUgang van (d 1832) 9, 10, pilgrimage 56, 64, 68. 72. 73, 100, 182
«3. 44 57. 75. »33. «55 fcünt. d-, Tile Wne 120
Gokalp, Zia (d. 1924) 248 thc philosopher 215 n. 18
Gokonda 5, 71 Hall, Altai Husayn (d. 1914) 218 n. 77
Goldziber, Ignaz id. 1921 • 160, 167 Hallaj. Husayn ibn Maraúr al- (d. 922) 11, 38,
Gol Gunliad in Bijapur 5 44 57. 71. 75. 93. 97. ■«>, 108. 134.
Cospel 78, 156 149, ,50. 171 n, 33, 196. 314. »3.. ¡48
Gottesfúlle 108 Alóje Ar¿ú>A. iponing «i eiuring ¡u úgn crf
Gramlich, Richard 128 servúude 39
Grcek(s) 3, 27. 44 n- 63, 45 «*• «b 6a. i¡8 /viuA, swectmeat 20. 107
green 2. 4. 16, 17, 18, at, 26. 30. 144. 235, 236, Hamadsha dervtshes 29
238 Aobui fiif, Everything u He 225
Grunebaum, Guxtav E. von (d. 1972,1 155. 164, hmAt hllah. al-, ‘Praisc be to God’ 143. 144,
203 148, 252
GujaraUii 52. 70, ¡18, ¡68, 211, 212 Hamdullah, Shaykh id. 1519-20) 154
Gulbadan, Empero» Babux's daughter (d. 16031 Hammcr, Joseph von (d. 1856 111 n. 48
3 Hamza, Muhammad’s unrie id. 625) 127
Gulbarga, Dcccan 20. 27. 73. 95, ¡09 Hanafites 206
gtd-bttürtd, ‘rose and mghtingale.’ 26 Hanbalites 207
GaluO» 80: «r also Sa'di hand oí Estima 30, 92
pd'Álií, idrfaí, eleven ( memorial of ‘Abdul funitána. the sighing palm trunk 83 n. 20
Qidir Giliid 73 A4nr, large gander 27
*W» Reality 77, 133, 349
A. Iast and essential letter of AlM 18, «9, 51, 63, •tetó™ 190
78, 148, 152, 226 M'. lowly 138. 179
 INDEX 287

«nith, reaiity 90. 91, 222 hotoe 49-50, g3

team, prohibited, sacred 37, 56 of the heart 49
fardm. prohibited 56 .4- Islam 49, 53. 105, 135, 141, 185, 256
fartm. sacred, ihr womcn’s quarters 50, 56, **. He 114
«55 Hubal 57
faramta. al- gen. and acc. forman,. Mecca Húd. proplsct 73, 82
and Medina 56, 59, 61 Hudaybiya 162
Harnark, Adolf von (d. 1930) x WW. hoopoe 27
Harün, Aaron 189 Hügel, Friednch von id. 1925I xn
HkriM and Marín -230 >Wal, ‘prooF 186
bvan, beauuful, good 77 Hujwlrí, Ah ilm 'Uthmin al-Jullabl al- ¡d
i,lasan AtxlAl 194 1071): his AásV a/ maápré 38
Haian DUawt (d. 1328) 84 n. 39 Huma, mythical bird 28
Basan ibn 'Ah (<L c. 669) 37, 71, 79. 121, 162, Humiyün, MughaJ emperor (r. 1530-56} 74,
209 9«. 95
Hausa 118 Hunza 211
Havdarts 22 Hurqalyi 65
HazratbU, the Prophet’s ha>r in Snnagar 181 Hurr, special dervish unit too, lio n. 30
heart xiv, 4, 10, 20. 26, 49. 50. 224 teriif. letters: pMMnpsr 81
as mirror 32. 45 n. 81, 184 lA^nnw 81
language oí 117, 11B o/-^rán 153
Hebrew 119 Hurufi sea 196
Heddawa derráhes 21, 24 Husayn ibn ’AU (d. 680) 37, 54, 70-2, 79. «o,
hfdnt, gifl. price of a Koran copy 165 I2Í, I2Ó. 129. I&2, l8l, 196, I98, 209
Heiler, Friednch d. 1967) xi, xii, xiv, xv his mausoleum 5
Hell (Mr abo fire) 10, 18, 40, 61, 63, 68, 8o, 81, ut abo Shia; Fipma
99. «5. '34. >37. '39. 'P- '45- '5». Huseyin Gazi near Ankara 4
185, ¡o¡, ¡Jo, ¡30, ¡34. ¡35. ¡37-9, 247, toMTTta, Divine ipseity 226
ay» Hyderabad/Deccan 3. 19, 56, 70, 78. 91, 95,
henna 92 167, 246
Heral 17, 34, 94
hidden treasure, God as 228, 229 'dada, worship 202
iMVfnwj Ibadis 208
5?áí, veil. covenng oí the womw»', body 37 Ibta, Salan 5, 10, 25, 180, 232. 233
H¡¡“» Ibn ’AbU* (d. 686} 61
Mw, wisdom 144 Ibn Abl Duny> (d. 8941: ¿harnm ad-AnnA 229
Ibn al-FArid, 'Ornar ;d. 1235) 118
Wü*™6¡ his as tuiük 65
13 his timwnva 118
MM, eraran 14, 15, 31, 67 Ibn al-Furat (d 924} 159
AtrtAt, drartpuon oí thr Prophet’, Ibn al-Jawzi id. 1200 133
qualiúes 153 Il»n al-MuqaíFa* (<L 756) 22, 128
Hrmalavas Ibn 'Arabi, Muhyi’ddin (d. 12401 3, 17, 39, 63.
hmma, high striving, spiritual power 192 67, 79, 80, 121. 125. 151, 165, 199-201,
Hind) poetry 132 213, 223, 225-8
Hindú 6, 23. 42 n. 29, 52, 55, 56, 62, 107, 110 his FuHMi 59. 168
n 34. «59. «68. *>5. «««■ 77 his Fitdb 198
Satum as 16 Ibn 'Ala' Aifch id. 1309) 64
Hindwi 62, 117 hism^a/yUMiao
Hingiaj 62 Ibn Batfüta (d. 1377) «o?. 2«4
Hira, Mt 48 Ibn Daqiq ai-ld (d. 1302 60
stronghold 51 Ibn Djinnl (d- 1102) 232
fortress 51 Ibn HanbaJ, Abmad (d. 855) 111 n. 40, 155. 207
Hitopadeja 128 Ibn Hazm id. 1064? his Tauq al-ómoma 44 n.
HM, WlAt .listad 152 67
Hodgson, Manhall 213 Ibn Ivis (d. after 1525) 54
Horovitz. Joeef (d. 19311 152 Ibn KhallikAn 'd. 128a) 69
horsc 25, 65. 70. 184 Ibn Mathidi d. 1228) 24
whitc 25, 70 Ibn Quv id. 115» 93
288
Ibn Slnl ur Avicenna
ibn Sírin (d. 728) 36, 123, 171 n. 23
Ibn Taymiyya (d. 1318} 3. 146. 317 n. 53
'ibra, example 254
Ibrlhtm ibn Adham id, c. 777) 154
V. feast 39. 69
al adhi 68. 99. 236
al-fib 68, 69
•dol 33. 45 ” 8*. 57- ,o9- ,85
td<il temple 11
Idrts 82
’i/Hf al malmaL down dunng the mamal-
proceuioii in Cairo 19
tf'iM' ai-nn, trlhng a SCCítt in pubhc 150
i/jJr. fait-brcaking After sunset 68
ihAm, gannent worn during the pilgrimagc 37,
56. 93. 96. 139
**. to do good 77. 246
i'jAz alqw’án. ininutability of the Koran 116,
■56. '«5
ym.:' consemu» 202. 207
ntihSd. invesligation into the legal sourtes 207
ikhlá}, sinceñty 246
Ikhwln avxaft 28. 179
ilálú. Turkish icligiou» song 114. 144
íftdm. inspiración 119
ítóyfin, pan oí Paradne 63
knowledge 134. 244
or n/Al. Mudy of tl»e biogrxphics of fudiilt-
m holán 166
bxliM. divinely inspíred knowledge xiv, 118
mam, leader of prayer 199
Shia 4, 12. 24. 29, 38. 70. 72. 115. 132. 135.
150, 152, 186, 195, 198, 209, 210. 212,
230
tógrr 78. 104. 106. 120, 163, t86. 212
hidden 186
raMánl (= Ahmad SirhindT) 196
tevmth 79
twelvt 80. 81. 92
m*n ki ’úfao 33
mamMnrt 56
tmín. faith xiv, 77, 226, 246
’lnlyat oíjhok, Shlh (d. 17181 213
India xt, xiv, 3, 5, 7, 11, 14, 15. 17. 25-7, 33, 36,
37. 5°. 5» 6. .58 60, 62. 69, 71 *3, 80,
91-5. 101, ¡06. 107, 114. 118, ¡22, ¡27.
u8, 134, 136. 138. 141,144,147. 155,
163. '87-9. '7' " 3». '«I. '83. '««. ■««.
189, <94-7. too. 203, to> toó. 210, an,
213 15 n- 5, 218 n. 77, 239. 248. 249
Indo-Mudim xiii, 6, 10.14, 33. 83, 127.133,
170 n. 11
Indo Palman 2, 6, 18, 22. 27, 61, 67, 71,
73, 92, 106, 111 nn. 35 and 44, 114. 117.
160. 169. 188. 195. 205
Indonesia x, 64. 86 n .74, 118
Indus 10, 106
Indus Valley 148, 201, 232: ut alio Sind
DEC1PHERINC THF. SIGNS OF GOD
mito alkitmil, ab. the Perfect Man 180
inihá Allah, God willing 222, 228
intoxication 108, 109, 191
Iqbal, Muhammad (d. 1938) 6, 9, 13. 14, 21, 36,
44 n 63. 48. 55, 56. 60, 61. 75. 76. &7
n. 91, 90, 98. 121, 125, 130. 140, 141,
145. 147. 1B9. «’3» 3,6 n 5*. 225-
231-3. *38. ®39- *45. 249- 253
dmíf-i «W 202, 218 n. 75
Jar.fcfo*™ 65. 164. 180. 189, 190, 210, 232
Rumíi.-.-i MJwJl 216 n. 44
.Vufaid 254
Suay tafite 172 n. 39
<aró-r Adfim 30
ujra\ ’Read.' Recite!’ 124, 156
u¡tuUt. to follow the Prophet 90
Irán 10, 16, 29-31. 35- 3«. 5'. 53- 55- 7'. 95.
loo. 127, 135, 154. 189, 195. 21012, 231
Iraman 29. 76, 79. 185. 236 ut abo Penaan
Iraq 5, 9, 154, 159. 253
Irtql, Fakhniddln (d. 1289»
lama'dl 13
'bfin. mystical wiadom 135
tron tn fire 11, 42 n. 26
Isaac 99
'Isljund Allah (d. 1621) 31
Isawryya dcrvxshes 21
liAda, ’thcy’, tille oí Central Asían Sufis 194
'ukq. Love: faftyf 105
majAzi 105
Ixhtar 78
ttkandamfima 128
uflm xiii. xiv. 77. 246. 254, 235
Idamabad 53
Xtour//?, sinlenneu 187, 195
rma-a 6,35,99.199
Isnuil Emre 118
IsmSH ibn Muhammad íd. c 8ooj 210
Ismail» 18. 56, 75. 78, 79, 98. loo. 104, 106,
120, 149. 152. 162, 168, i6g, 186. 210-12,
223, 239: ut abo Shia. ÁAw. Bohoras,
Aga Khan
hmafl Shahld íd. 1831} 189
Ismail the Safavid (r. 1501-24) 195. 210
tmád. rluun oí transmuten 130, 166
u»4’. Muhammad? nightly joumey 65. 126
Israel, anornt 22, 253. 254
cJuldren of 81
IsrAÍU 3, 61, 231
htanbul 6, 8. 36, 52, 53, 183, 214
prayer for (orgiveness 139, 148. 233
KftíAdni, seeking an orade 52, 123
uíufli prayer for rain 9
ipw'aAn, spiritual peace 251
ifflW, following (the Propheti 90
■Iyíd. QMI ’d "49): krt>a¿-duflt 169
ni«t&r na'btuhi, ¡níAa «uníala, ’Thce we wonhip,
'Iliee wc implore for help1 249
ríihti, spiritual marriage 106
 INDEX 289

jakarti/. worid of Power 87 n. 97 Kaaba uv, a. 3, 6, II. 19. 35. jHl, 63, 86, 79,
JSbir ibn Hayyin ninth tenth ccntury) 81 84 nn. 34 and 35, 85 n. 49. 86 n. 69,
jabr nuibn&i. ‘praiseuoiihy pirde»iinanamim' 93* »!• ">3. '99' ®°3
«47 aa bnde 57. 84 n, 35
Jacob 2. 12, 41 Ja'ta i ü, Utí-i pl 58
Jacoponc da Todi (d 1306) 117 Kaab ibn Zuhayr id. after 63a} 36
jadc 2 tafoti, sliroixtlikc dervish cloak 38
/adkba, attraction 193 U/ir ipl. htffbi], unbeltever «03
(d. 765) 151,210 tóA», íoothsaycr 187
/afi, prngnoMuatioo 123 KalibSdhi, al- (d. 995,. hiáb al-lamnf 131
JahánarA, daughter of the Mughal emperor Wó mu oótai, tmined dog 24
Shahjahan (d 1681) 199 KalhOrA dynairy in Sind (1704-85) 6
Jahkngtr, Mughal emperor (r. 1605-27) 44 n. KaRLi t»« 0M» 22. 128
73» «37 KaUakahar, Pakistán 27
J&hiz. ’Amr ibn Bahr al- (d 869) 22, 116 kamili injdoiiw. human perfeciion 120
jaül and God’» majeMv and beauty x. 11, kandií gftni, night with illuminaliom 11
77, 191, 226, 228 Aan; Qwáfln Kifna. the traditional collegr book»
,\OTw«u.V!<nu: of the Ismailis 56, 149 oí'fadth. law. and Arabk gr animar 169
Jame». WiUiam (d. tgto) 250 Karachi 6, 87 n. 84
Jami. 'Abdur RalunAn ,d 1492) 34, 60, 168 Karakorani 211
iardmU, mirarles of the taint» 128, 187, 193
St^ah/U al mj 42 n. 16 tiró » Mi, grief and afllicuon 54
mcnque for the Fñday serviré 52, 53 Kartma oí Marw id. 1069) 199
Jornhld 31 tarramni, *We have honourrd 178
>m4ta, major impuriiy 159 Karyaftdi Sultán 199
Janimariei 212 Kishin!. 'Abdur Razzíq (d 1330) 39
Mmaf "adan. part of Parador 63 Kaxhmir t¡8, 181
Japaneje 31 katfuat al-’íim, ‘muhiphcity of knowledgr’ 225,
j/lr AIM, 'God'» neighbour' 59 240 n. 16
Bengali Shia poem 129 kanduir, heavenly fountain 10
Jawlllqh, dervish group 22 Ktvah 29, 30
JazOll, ab (d. 1495I: his dali'd al-klur’/U 115, 168 Kenya 169
Jean Paúl ,d 1825) 252 Kerisela 5. 30, 54, 70-2. 102. 126. 129. 181, 212
JrnnaJem 2, 3. 22. 43 n. 55, 61, 84 n. 48, 85 n martyn of 21
49. »3 mv aba Husayn, Shia
Jen» 12, 25, 44 n fia, 67, 79,' 82, 103, 106, tt6, Khadlja, Muhammad’» first wife (d f»9) 122.
118. 126,15-:. 172 n. 39, 182, 184. 189. '*4- 198
191,199, 202. 223. 230. 235. 245 KhAksSi dcrvishes 3. 38, 79. 80, 82. 106
Jrttmar, Karl 43 n. 51 khal" an na'lan. throwing off tlic vandal» 93
Jcws, Jewixh ¡6. 43 n. 37, 55. 160, 164, «*4, 205 kkah/a. VKt^cmxt. succrtsor 55, 178. 225, 230
Judaism 253 khaál AUdh = Ahraham 253
war for religious purposes 99, 184. 191, kh&hq, al, The Creator 221
196, 203, 205, 206. 232 khatuall), rctrcat. solitude 48, 49
jiiua, manifestation, ajspearaiKr 48 kkaiital da> anntraan. Mililude in the cruwd
John the Baprát 223 «49
Jordán 6 khamtfi 'atnak, curse. 'Fice into your cye»’ 92
Jmrph ur Ylisuf kMniuh, quiet, silent 150
JubblT al- (d. 9151 163 MinpM, hospice for Sufi» 56
Judgment, Last 4, 25, 61. 74- «79- »34. *35- KhlnqAh Stryaqü» 56. 181
25<»> «53; ** Doomsday, KhaqJnl (d. 1199) 9. 43 n.55. 44 n 63
rcsunvction Kharijites no n. 23, 160. 208. 209
/um'a rfU, night befare Fñday 74 Kharrtz, al- (d 896) 76
Junavd (d 910) 171 n. 33 khatm an-nalnyln, Scal of the prophett 188
faMé al irath¿i 169 khabb, preacher 133
path of 80 khatma, complete rrading of a book 158
Junaydi shrine. Gulbarga 20 Uutn al-HukMi 166
Jupitrr 16 al^ur'On 166
Juwaynt. .1-, im*» «AVmmmr» id. 1085) 59 Uunr al mihftn, ‘The Best of those that use
jut', thirtielh pan otihr Koran 53, 158 ruses' 222
290 DECIPHERING THE SIGNS OF GOD

KhkJr 7, 93. .93 ¿í no’ 18. 19. 148, 249

UttTa, rolx of honour 36 bmom of 49
kluláíai movement 185, 218 sword of 249
üofa, wnoUen gannent, dervuh frock 38 l¿ ¡likc. tili ’LM 134, 148. 249
^92-1^36 Lafontaine, Jran id. 1695; 128
Mójd 186, 211, 202 Lahtabt. Azi2 165
Khnjln, alphabet of thr Indtan Imaflb 168 1 jhnrr 6, 55, 121, 205
Khomeini, Ayatollah d. 1989) 108. 111 n. 54 AoAfz, level oí the Divine 87 n. 97
Khuldabad 54, 216 n. 38 Ltldunkb of Hira 9
“'■“"í characier 155 ZocirtA. stnrk 27
Khürd. Khwaja 109 n. 4 LAl ShahbAz Qdandar (d. c. 1267) 72
Friday sermón 132. 133 manying his shnne 110 n. 34
UtuAtma. divine radiante 185 ASir, tulip 15
ktbnyA. Divine glory 16. 20, 40 I-alla Mlmüna 199
Kiri KhliQn d. 1292; 201 la mtfÁiin. without place 66. 75
kn&m Mabte, recorduig ángel» 230 l¿ rruinAüda tliS AiM, nothing existent except
KbkJar, the Forty 82 God 225, 249
Klrklareli 192 la^. opeo kitchen 111 n. 49
Kisí‘1 (late twrlfth century. 6, 40, 73, 78: ut spiritual centres in the body 148
alw Tales of the Prophets latin 117, 149
kiss 103, 200-1 Law, Divine xiii, 39. 134. 135, 158. 186, 207,
of Koran xü, 158 249. 255
oí tomb coven 35 lauJi mabfin, the Well-prcserved Tablct 4, 155,
oí the black «tone 2, 41 n. 5, 57. 103 228
oí threshold 50, 103 Asu/aAa, 'but for you 125. 190. 232
ÁUM. cora oí the Kaaba 35, 157 UyUa*
hub, al-, The Book 158 ^¿-^■«69,73
htib alitu'rQ 65 «/•mUMSg
Konya 6, 55, 72, 107, 181 al-ipib u, 68, 69, 191
Koran ’o/fvr'a*) pasxim Izbanon, Ixbanoe 70,117, 19a
based on 19 Leeuw, Gerardus van der xiv. ¡95. 252-4
commenuries on 59 left 6h 235
copyrf 53.97,103,119,159 letters of the alphabet 146, 151 4, 157, 159, 226,
as inlibrated Word tt8 M5
interprctation. interpreten 125, 133 unconnecced 152, 162
kisscd xiii. 158 idolatry oí 159
language of the 116, 216 n. 30 Hb&t, gannent: M4í al-btn 39
mamcd to the 110 n. 34 al teWfcwrw 40
for prognosticaiion 122. 123 *>•'>*•* 39
punty while approaching it 95, 147 adsmxyat 46 n. 102
rccitation 114, 140, 145, 156, 166. 186 light 12, 16, 17. 40, 62. 68. 69. 84 n. 46. 230.
seveníold meaning of 79 232, 236
round of 48, 150. 156 Divine, God as 12, 13, 31, 66. 148. 162, 179.
trarulalion of 119, 131 186, 212, 230, 256
Ai, •where?' 26, 115 of Muhammad 12, 13, 42 n. 29, 61, 73, 125,
Kuala Lumpur 135 162, 189
Kubri, Najmuddbi (d. 12201 15, 42 n. 36 hghtning ||, 25
hu /oadM 109 n. 4 lily 21
Kucchi 168 Lings. Martín 51, 154
Kufa 9, 154 lino ghafafa,. auul, s!ü>, <ndin; 23. 28.
Af/ft' «59: * *4^. M’ 44 n. 73. 132, 178
kufic ktten 53, 153, 154. on the ílag 31
Ab/í, inftdelity 226. 247 painted 34
Ah/a¿, cap 38 UOa */•«/. mute eloquence xiii, 143
Kuhynl (d. 939I 9. 160 Aad al-lmd, hanner of prane 30, 238. 252
Anw. 'Be!' 77, 125, 227. 228 London 71, 79
Kungfutse 82, 188 Lose 18, 104, 251, 254
KürSní. al- d. 16901 197 lubb, mnermort heart xiv
Kurdjuh) 40, 46 n. 102 Lucknow 56, 71. 72
 INDEX 291

Me. tew 37. 38 maq¡íira, place for thc ruler in a mosque 53

laupnAn 171 n. 30 talled 196
laithcr, Martín (d. 1546) 245 Marlghl, Mustaft al- d 1945) 163
martet, ruled by a lord, n>M 121
m, letter of Mubammad, numencal valué 40 Mardm, Omcr Fcvzt 170 n. 11
8i, 190 iua n/a, spiritual knowledge, gnosis xiv, 17, 18, 77
mmíant, from Medina 164 Marj Dabiq ncar Aleppo 54
moftW pl madMM. legal school. rdigioua MaiTakesh 192
path 64, 78, 206, 207 ntortkpa, thrrnody 71,229, 181
Madras 134 inanyr. iltaktí 54, 100. 123. 129. 196. 230. 236
nadrasa, theological coilege «$«. l69 not washed 97
Maghrihfi) 24, 56, 98, 208 soul of 26
Mahdl 25, 70, 82. 126, 210. 235 Marwa 85 n. 57
ofjaunpur (d. 1505} 210 Mary, Maryam, Virgin 20, 53. 106, 153, 155.
of thc Sudan d 1885; 169. 210 T«4, 199. 73°
Mahdawls 56 •M ATdifci, 'what God willeth* 153, 222, 228
matonal, bíter with the covrt of the Kaaba 19, Mashhad 34
*3 magu/. mosque 52, 53
Mahmüd of Ghazna (r 999-1030) 178. 179. Massignon, Louis d. 1964) 161. 201
«>5 Mas'üd I of Ghazna (r. 1030-40.1 34
mabam. peraon permitted 10 enter the foram or MaTQd Bakk (d. 1387; 43 n. 45
tertm 56 «MObrtfi, poem in rhyming couplet» 8
marfhGt. overeóme by divine nnftAu 193 Mauiali ncar Hyderabad 3
rtvglu :Shu). meeting ¿n the fu» ten day» of MawdücB, MaulAnA id. 1979) 255, 257 n. 16
Muharram 30, 70, 71, 91 ma¡f'i¿a, sermón 133
«(•iw’d die confluente of the two rau£> pl. miitoM , lord, client 195, 204, 215
ocean» 7 MawlA All 195
Majnun X, maultd. birthday 69, 109 n. 5, 127, 137, 169. 182
maUutem, 'he who is served' 194 maulad, maiil 69, 70, 169
Mavmuna alunita id. 1002: 133
Makhdüm Nüh of Hala (d. 1591. 182 MazAr-i sharif 55
nubb 184 Mecca 2 4, 12, 19, 24, 27. 35- 44 ” 55. i8- 53.
Makli HUI. Sind 54 56-9, 61. 62, 64-6, 68, 69, 72, 74, 78,
mato. God’s ruse 222 84 na. 35, 42 and 48, 86 n. 74, 99, ico.
ma/atíf. tphere of the spsntual power* 81. 87 n. 126, 199, 223, 249. 255
97 Mercan» 23, 198, 235
MaJay 118 Mechthüd of Magdeburg (d. 1283; 117
Malayalam 118 Medina 35. 48. 56. 59-61, 65. 82, 84 nn. 43
Malayan archipelago 127 and 48, 86 nn. 69 and 74, 127. 187, 190,
Malaysia 135 206. 207
•naj|4¿l/. sayings of Sufi manen 131. 170 Mchmct Fauh thc Conqueror (r. 1449-81. 52
Malik, supervisor of Hell 230 Mcicr, Fritz 42 n. 36, 171 n. 23, 252
Malik ibn Ana» id. 7951 207 Merkez Efendi 21
Maistates 207 Mevleviyya order 38. 8r. 103. 104, 114- 138. 212
maiwiyfa, spiral minare! 5 Michael 230
Mamluk dynasty (1250-1517) 30. 154. 181, 198 •tutor, aflbetions 209
mana 2 imM». prayer niche 52. 53. 57, 58, 181
•him ’ataffí nqfsakti, Who knows htntieW . 178 MinA 3, 79
Mangho Pir. Karachi 6 •tunan, rcceivcd grates 228
Manicheans 78 minares 52, 74
Man of God 193, 194, 197, 201, 232 •tunMw. pulpit 52, 53, 83 n. 20, 250
itsMifiri-wine, spiritual wine 108 •tunfií. kcrchid'36
language of thc birds 27 •tunA*. osad, path 63
Manto, S. H. 70 m'r^, Muhammad*» heavenly joumey 25, 65.
«tófflm, memorial place 55 66, 73. 122. 126, 142. 190
myámd/. stations on thr mystical path 64 mirror 31. 32. 45 n. 81
Maqtmit al HarM 34 and panol 27, 32
r^AOl Huwjm 129 dcath as 234
Maqqarf. al- :d 1624) 183 heart a» 13. 31. 45 n. 81, 148
292 DECIPHERING THE SIGNS OF GOD

Prophet m 187 mM. transíormer 200

universc as 32. 228 HHtAruc (= , page taken out from a
mirza. member oí tice Perúan Turitnh - Koran copy because of a acribe»
anstocracy in India 205 mistakr 158
muudi. toothpick 19 Muhsin Kakdraut (d. 1905) 8, 42 n. 19
nnxAAy, covrnant 109 a/-. The Besluwer of Ufe 221
Molla Üa'üd (d. c. 1370) 117 Mu'tnuddln Chishtl (d. 1236) 72, 107, 195
mulla-ism 213, 248 renovaior 196, 215 n 18
Mnnday 87 n. «6 ■1 alf-i ikM 196
Mongol» 9. 186, 212 Mujceb. Muhammad 37
monkey 28 mu'jtza. mirade of a prophet 187
moon 14, 15, 21, 67, 119, 133, 222 r, cap. in Irán 135, 186
full 69, 70, 80. 81 mtkallaf, ‘burdened’ with tile performance oí
new, cmccni 86 n. 66, 145, 182 specifk religious or legal dutie* 207
in libra 67 mttkkmnaih. calamite 193
in Scorpio 67, 86 n. 68 nwíít, oBscial in the Ismaili hierarrhy 186
‘.Mí = moun 162 mniÁAíd»®. abbrcviadon, summary 131
Morocos 92, 129, 132, 165, 188, 195, 199 rnaZi, kingdom 8t
Mote» 9, 23, 29, 30, 67, 79. 81. 86 n. 72, mw’nna, hrlievrr 246
93. 116. 147. 148. 156, 189. 193, 199, «««i/. «A, He who Bestow* Death 221
202, 245 intímale prayer 145
hu rod 25 Munkar and Nakir 153, 169, 233
mnsqur 51, 52, 58, 93. 140, 236 MuqAtil id. 767) 162
moth and candle 11. 23. 256 moraba’, patched frock 38
mullía 185, 198, 227 Múrala. Sachiku 201
shaykh as 192 Murtdln 213
NijAmuddín's 14 MunI, al- (d. 1287) 178
mountaim 4. 5 Músi at-KÍzim (d. 799) 210
Moustafa, Ahmad 170 n 17 ■tusáfe, poem in sx-linrd Matizas 71
ir* mueran 74 miQauttw, ai-, He who Give* Forms 221
Mu'ftwiya. Omayyad caliph (r. 661 8o|. 36, mt.jAi/, copy of die Koran 158, 159
154. 188. 208 of Fluiría 160
auaMu.idlutáit, the lau run sures of ihe musk-deer 41, 62, 119
Koran 91, 152 mw.dwi 246. 255
wrawüm, winr 111 n. 54 Muslim (d. 875. 130, 166
fnuüuiib, sinner 138 Mu^afa, one of Muhammad’s ñames 121
awfamh. tranquiUizer 4 mutalll, something that ts transformed 200
mú/MtA al abudb, Opcncr of ihc door» 50 Musu'lL al-, Fatimid caliph (r. 1094 1101) 211
Mughal 91 3, 95, 127, 171 n. 33, 196, 199 MuMansir, al-, Fatimid caliph <r. 1036144) 122,
maiWíort. someone who has bren spoken III
to 215 n. 18 msouAwa» 255
imiAápr. participare in the (Prophrt’s tmnlmíM, cirrumcinon tot
emigración 60 mulakaÜim, sehola»de thcologian 161. 215 n. 18
Muhamed 1» AH, Maularía id. 1931) 218 tmtUuMMit. unclear verses of the Koran 160
n 77 Mu’tazila 155, 161, 163, 173 n. 62, 175 n. 97.
Muhammad *Ali oí Tabrta, MiraA id. 1850), 208. 2'22. 224. 237. 238
the Bab 51 Mutawakkii, ah, Abbasid caliph r 847-61) 122
Muhammad Ghauth Gwaliori d 15621 48 Muzxammil 121
/a/tAhtr-t k/tarnta 15 mrtUnum trmmdtm x. ¡91, 228. 250
Muhammad ibn al-tlanafivya (d. 700) 127. fwyrtmsm^ucnunu x, 191. 228
186
Muhammad ibn al-Qksim (d. 716) 205 iwbl, prophet 187
Muhammad Jjaghir (d. after 1400?; fin/ i»aMr. wamer 125
117 x&A ’Afyxm. Cali Ali ..’ 29, 104
Muhammad ihr Prophet (d. 632. ut Nadir Shah of Irán r. 1736-47) 6
Prophet im/¿j tíf lalnSit, breadi uf die Merdíul 12, 228
Muharram 6, 30. 54, 70-3, 80, 86 n. 69, Naftsa, Sitt <d. 824) 198
9«. «2$. *37 luft, soul, self 24. 25. 44 n. 65, 77. 96, 106, 180,
procesión 19, 25, 56, 95 183. 184, 201, 233, 247
 INDEX 293

24. a6, 77, 184 nn-M, intention 2, 102

tauárn» 77, 184 arwí tajíari 2
nuiWu'mo 26. 77. 184 nrnri/i 102
na/íi 202 NijAml (d. 12091: Haft Paitar 15, 16, 73, 80
““*8 K>“l 6j Mandantáma 45 n, 81
Nizámuddin Awhyí of Delhi (d. 1325) 14, 39.
naih 56, 182 6a. 95, 13a, |<H
N»jaf5,54 Nixir ibn al-Mustamir (d. after 1095) 211
najwi. star 122 Noah 79, 184. 189, ajo
Nakhthabl, Zik'uddln (d. 1350), li/Mma 44 n hi> ark aj, 57
69. 128 Nóldeke, Ihcodor (d. 1930. 160
üirf j.W Nowhert 66 North-Wesl Frontier, Pakistán 69
namakhar^n, ñor foyal 101 nose 182
wmaí, ritual prayer 139 nudily 93- 94
ñame* 120, 178, 221, 226 suA ujidu 8o
of God, Divine 4, 18, 39. 40. 43 n. 44. 53, Nu'mln. al-Qadi d 974: 211
119-21, 221, 240 n. 27 numbets 76-83
of thc Prophet 152, 190 odd 76
Grrairst Ñame 119, 120 Nünl (angelí 231
Naqshbandi order 80. 148, 196. 213 •jabata, group oí saints 192
«dniA'mamíAÁ, abrogating and abrogated 158 nrr. light 12
nágr mir almuminin, hdper oí the caliph 204 Nurbakhsh, Drjawad 111 n. 54
Nipr, an-, Abbasid caliph (r. 1182-1220) 214 Nurbakhvhi* 42 n 26
Napr-i Khuuaw ,<L after 1072), Ismaili NOrt, AbOl-Hu*ayn an- (d. 907) xiv, xv, g, 17,
plúk»oplier-poet 18. 28, 39, 43 n. 49, 49, 5»
44 n. 71, 76, 96, 115, 116, 160, 162, 178, Nutayr» 210
211, 237. 257 n. 9 Nwyia. Pérc Paúl 159, 163, 175 n. 97
& ’A¿rta*na 38
Safamima 211 oath 136, 137
Nftpr Muhammad 'Andalfb (d. 1758 94. 105 ¿cok, bearth 51
adrntr. forelock 181 otean xiü. g, 21, 65,74, 225, 234
miÁA. cunive handwriúng 151 oí God 8. 66. 130
Nmt, S. H. 48, 51 oí the soul 8. 66. 83, 223
ndrtA human nature 87 n. 97 Oíd Tntamcnt 2, 94, 99, 164, 254: ¡tt al»
ao7, euiogy oí tire Prophet 83 Torah
nááq, speaker 75, 79, 152 olive 20, 52
Navl'i. Mlr 'All Shir (d- 1501 94 «w 114
naná/il. supererogative works 142 Omán 208
nouga¿a, ninc cubila long 184 ‘Ornar ibn al-Kha«ab (r. 634 44.1 39, 188
IWU1 musulmán. recently converted person 205 Ornar Khayyam (d. 1223) 247
Pcrsian Ncw Year 67. 79, 95 Om.,wl dyiiMly (661-749) 34. 36. 54. 16a.
Nazim Hikmci (d. 1964: 218 n. 72 188,209
ir*W naturalist 163, 167 omphalos 57
w/m, Turfa'h religious song 114 wraftn mJuM 149
Nesimi 'd 1405) 196 Origen (d. 254) 42 n. 26, 104
Niffart, Abdul JabbAr an- d. 965) 149, «59, ’Oihmin ibn AíTSn Ir. 644-56) 154, 160, 188
166, 175 n. 97, ajj Orto, Rudotf d 1937) x, 51
nightingale 26 Ottoman 52, 59, 80, 152, 179, 184. 204, 212.
Night of Might xiv: w al» al-^ub 213. 218 n 70
nUA. marriage 200 Oudh lAwadh) 21
Nile 9, 67
Nimrod 10, 82 Padwick, Comíante 136
nine 80 paMhyün. conundrum* 132
nincteen 81, 230 painting 33, 34
nineiy-nine: ñames of God 82. 119, 121, 148 Pakistán i 1 25, 35, 37, 40, 45 n. 86. 51. 60, 69,
ñame* of the Prophet 43 n. 41. 82 71 j. 86 n. 69, 94, iag, 1J9. 148. 153,
prayer beads 147 ■54. '74 " 83. 199, W 2“3. ’°4.
mun inri, vencí for April rain 9 248.249
NiyAzl M»ri (d. 1697! 132 Pakpattan 50
294 DECIPHERING 1 HE SIGNS Of GOD

Palemnr 2, 199 fmaium i mufl, Yüsufi shirt 109 n. 4

Pai^auntra 128 Pisili Sultán 24, 199
Panjab.il l8, 19. 102, lio n. 32, 122, 189*212 plañe cree 20. 146
bnguagr 86 n 69, 106, 114, 168 Plriade» 15
Panjun 4.79, 92 l<opc. papal 345
papilla bird 26 P'o'. pün a
paraclete 188 ¡rtstnishin 51
Paradisc 10. 16, 17. 20, 25. 27. 40. 52. 55. prayer xiii. 49. 51. 57, 59, 69, 70, 72, 74, 92, 96.
61, 63. 68, 80, 82, 87 n. 85, 100, 97. '*3. «35. 138 50. 198. 250
106 8, 109 n. 5. 121. 124-6, 134. 139. ritual 2. 13, 23, 24, 27. 37. 58. 57. 61 ■ 78. 95-
'45. '57. «85. 200. a*»- *3°. *¡H“9- 101. 116, 118, 126, 145, 146. 198, 203,
241 n. 44, 247, 252 *30. 25*. *55
paradoxo 131, 132 prayer cyde (rak'jQ 52
parroc 27, 32 as sacrifice 38
Parsec 204 for the dead 52
Parwrr, Ghulam .Alonad 167, 175 n. 109 for rain 9, 142
Pashto 117, 165 for the ruier 133
Padian 144. 194 Muhammad'» 12
Paúl, Si 40 of thr plañe cree 20. 146
peacock 25, 27 prayer cap 94
íeather 103 prayer bead» 5. 82, 147, 173 n 64. 195
uil 25 prayer rug 49. 53, 97, 139
prort 9, 37, 65, 3»J when seeing the new moon 14
pcn/Pen 151, 153, aa8. 331, 346: .w ala prracber 30, 5a, 53, 133, 350
Tablel popularas?
Pnfect Man 23a, 346 predestination 161, 167, 208. 220. 246, 247
Prrorn 3, 8, 23, 36, 18. 33, 46 n. 98, 67, profesMitn of Guth, Aitáda 18, 31, 49, 78, 148,
79, 109 n 4. ufe. 196. sol. «>4. all ></>. «95. ?*• '33. *55
languagr x. 6, ai, 14, 30. 38. 45 n 76. prophet(i> xiii. a. la. 15. so. 39, 35, 61, 66.75,
65. 75. 8a. roa, 107, 117. ia8. 136, 79- 81, 8a. 118, 119, ni. 124 6, 154, '5°.
'39, ■<', H6. 'jo, 153, 157, 165, 168, 15a, 156. 161, 184. 187 91, 196, 330, 331,
'<9, '84, 3M. '47- '4« 350
BleratuK. poeuy xii. 4, 8, 9, 14-16, so. prophetic xi, 173 n. 71. 307, 349
3', 33. 3«- 44 " 7", 57. 5», 6a. 69, Pniphct. Muhammad the, panim
73. 74. «o, 95, '“8. "8, «6, 131, as 'M»Au 180
'33, 'M. '58, 180, 183. 199, aol. m intercesor 126, ¡90
205, 213. 220. 225 as rain 8, 190
Penianaie 123, 171 n. 30, 231, 250 as river 9
pcnpiration 182 as word from God ¡18
piso appcarance in dream» 124; ta abo dream
Pharaoh 22. 25, 30. 86 n. 72. 199 blcwing* over htm 22, 115, 136, 146. 168,
Philrppincs x 190
pig. boar 22, 43 n 49 his birthdav li, 69. 72-4, 91, 169
connccted with Chmuans 22, 43 n. 55 his companions 60, 80, 121, 128, 171 n. 29,
trarufurmation into 28. 43 n. yb 236 184, 188, 196, 218 n. 78
pigeon, dovr 26 hit family 71. 92, 121. 122. 126, 162, 199,
Pilgrim 27, 35, 50. 56. 57, 60. 64, 84 n. 35, 210, 253
103, 107 his daughtcr 160
pilgrimagc xiii, 2, 3, 37, 45 n. 86, 56, his wives 57. 199, 200
59. 64. 73. 7». «I n. 42. 85 □. 58. his finges 14, 20, 23
99. '*6. '81. '98. 203. 255 his footpnnt 2, 3
pillan of Islam 78, 145, 206 his hair 181
plr 192. 195, 212, 213 his heavcnly, nighdy journey 2, 7,11,17,
-i (hMgfr 194 *0. *5. 38. 39- 4* ". 16. 61, 65. 66. 73,
Pinvn 213 126, 139, 142. 182, 231
Plr JhancbwUrft 3»» his last pilgrimage 64
Plr Pagáró 30, 39, 100 his light 12, 13, 42 n. 29, 61. 73, 125. 162.
Plr-t Rawthan Biyerid /AnOri (d. 1575 . ,8*
"7 lüs lose of perfume 109 n. 5
 INDEX 295

hi» mmwolnim l.rtuih\ 35, 54, 60. 61. 84 n. Qiwhayn, al- ¡d. 1074' 147. 199 íhis wife), 249
46, 86 n. 69 gtQjdí ung. ^díí?, popular prcachcrs 133
hu ñame» 43 n. 41, 82, 95. 121, 122. 146, qutb. Pole, mysticud leader 62, 65, 192, 195, 196
15a, 162, 176 n rig, 252 Qyitub Minar, Delhi 53
his prayers 146
h» oath formula 172 n. 46 rM>, lord 121, 228
his sandals 35, 183 Rabia al-'Adawiyya (d. 801) 57, 197, 199, 238
his sayings 145 Rabí ath-thAnl, fourth lunar month 72
hn succcwn»; 78, 208 Rabí’ ul-awwal, third lunar month 69, 72
hu Mutitd 90, 99 rtóifa. firm connection 192
uath l>y him 137 raí/ recurren! rhyme 115
opening of the breau 252 rtt/ia-ih nighls 73
preaching 83 n. 20, 132 rnhUnnya. monkery 191
umnrí 129 fo^na(l). rnerey 8, 190
Psalms 78. 115. 156 roteurJon h'l 'túamin 8, t&)
Pieudo-Kalbuhenes 128 ar-ra/mon arm/im, the Mcrcifui the Compas-
pürabi, eastem 62 sionate 121. 222
purification 94H, 183: w abo water Rajiman Baba (d. 1709) 144
Pythagorean 76. 80 rain 8, 11, 65, 190
destructiva g. 20
Qjl’ln! (d. 1854) 71 fettiltung 8
9<xW, compresMon 251 oí grate 20
yorfaw ra¡&l. the Pruphet's footpnnt 3 rain poems 42 n. 19
religious judgr 207 "9 «. return of the hero 195
QM' Qíldan (d. 1551) 10, 18, 169 Rajab. seventh lunar month 42 n. 16, 70, 73
QMinyy a order 16, 73. 99 rgrbw, stoned, nccumd 3
Qif. Mount 5, 66 rak'a, prayer cycle 69. 70. 79 81. «33. «4®. «4a
Qairouan 62 RamadAn, ninth lunar month, fasdng month
prtem. the Pen 228 68, 70. 73. 78. 98. 99- 102. 128. 166
tftftónrfiTr 100 raiAW, if- 122: Mr abo Harún
<jaü, licart xiv Rashlduddln (<L 1317) ‘World history* 34
jota-, nwx>n 122 ñutí, mewnger ¡87, 191
Qandahar 36. 62 Raían d. 1243) 184
Qan^auli al-Ghuri (r. 1501-16} 54 rasen 28, 44 n. 71
Q.rar. J4 ratvda, mauioteum oí the Prophet 60, 6r, 86 n.
fopdz, lengthy poem with monorhyme 144 69
Arabic 65 Raa zat aíh-iJuAada, Shia literary píete» 129
by Nksir-i Khusraw 28 •i¡w;aÁJiitánl. recituig threnodsn for Husayn
by SanA'i 14, 27 ”9
bird 52 nfy opinión 206
qauuM mysúcal coticen. esp. ui Indo-Pakistán RAzI. Najmuddln Diyi <d. 1256} 74
"4- «44 Razia Sultana of Drlhi (r. 1236-40) 199
Íflním, the mytfical leader thmugh whom the red 15, 92
world moves 196 IUg 30.44 n. 75
ftNt, prayer dtrection 57-9. 6i. 62, 66. 85 n. >tr alio rose, wine, blood
49. 161 Reimarus (d. 1768) x
58 mlífl, women'» dialect oí Urdu 170 n. 6
g¡l¡m m u'am, linlr eatlng 150 repencance 138. 236
QtXU al mbnd 125: ¡et abo Tales of the Proplseu resunection 3, 20. 36. 40, 79, 126, 139, 157.
Qitmlr 24, 48 189. 231. 234-6, 252: xtalio Doomsday,
ípOmaí. resurrección 235 Judginent
analogy 206 Reza Shalt Pahtevi (r. 1925 41! 33
quMl. littte torneáis, Heddawa dervnhes 24 nMf, Sufi hospice 45
Quraysh 209 Richard of St Víctor jwelfth century! 42 n. 26
fwé abfarü'id, fitrb aa-naváfil, proximity lo God -«tí al ü¿rih!, the cioak of Glory 16
by prescribed w«rks o» superrrngative Riíi'iyya order 183
works respcctively 191, 250 right vide 57, 61, 62, 235
fariaw bayrami, fcasi of oflerings 68 largr writing styie 151
Qu»yr Amra 34 Rittcr, Helimut 145
296 DECIPHERING THE SIGNS OF GOD

nvcts 9. 10 tatít, ritual prayer 139-41, 147

ruad, path 63. 64 jalan# jkartfa, blessings over Muluunmad 22,
rod. wand 25, 29, 30, 103 115. 136
Román Catholic Chureh 245 $*lih. prophet 82
Romr, ancient 80 M. wayfarer 64. 193
rooster r¡, 44 n. 68 Salirn Chishli of Sikn (d. ¡571) 137
rosary ut Sailma, Emperor Babur's Rranddaughter 3
rose 6, 16, 20, 26. 182. 234 saliva 103. 182
uíwu: as 202 ¡allá AUáiu¡ ’alayte. God bless him' 115. 168
nM'tjM, quatrains 247 SalmAn aJ-F.lnd id. after 656) 78, 181, 184
ruby 1. 5. 224 tababU. fountain in Paradue 10
roe, wüd 20 salí 91, 102, 214
rtft spint 180, 183, 184 Salí Rangr, Pakistán 27
fB rüh ai amm, rti¡ ai <f*b = Gabriel 230 junuT. hearing oí haduh 130
Rümi. MawUnl Jal&luddkt (d. 1/731 3-7, 11, 14, musical hearing. ritual dance 103, 104, 114
15. 18, 22, 23, 27. 28. 32. 40. 42 nn 26 Somarra 5, 52
and 33, 43 n. 55, 44 n. 6a, 45 n 81, 4q, Samson 94
58, 64, 65, 71, 72, 77, 91, «H. >«■, >»3 9. Sanaa 155
109 n. 5, 111 nn. 39, 43 and 51, 115. 117, Sana'l d. 1131) 14. 28, 69, 70, 74, 133. I$7, 226
118. 120, 133. 135, 138, 142. 143, 147-51, 77
161. 172 n. 39, 179, 183, 184, 193-5,197, junmtr. sdol 33
ano, aoi. aio, 215 n. 16, 233, 227. 229. $an*ln, Shayfch 22
231, 234. 236. 246. 247, 250. 256 umttuf 49
«1JS*| 23, 106, 178, 237. 253 sang 1 ^aai’at. stone to overeóme hunger 3
MaAnaui 49. 81, 101, 109 ri. 4, 120, 123, 3«
’38> «45. «49. '68, 221, 226 Samknt 116
his mausoleum 55 Santillaría, Georg 202, 217 n. 54
Ruqaiya, Muhammad'» daughler 122 Sarasvati, godden of wudom 27
Rushdie, Saiman 191 Mrtu»/ ai-jubaiwa, /ahúma trousen 214
Russia 185 Mrtr. throne, high wat 51
Rustam 34 Saimad (d. 1661) 93. 196
wriltcn on the forehead, fate 247
«¿4 ar-raitl, slandrring thr Prophet 190 Sartteh 231
Sabians of Barran 204 SarTaj, AbQ Nasr as- (d. c. 988). XiíW alterna'
uM, way 63, 6» '3. «3»
wbzf&dt, wearing groen 16 tarjar, coid wind 11
sacriíice xiii, 50, 99 102 Slñn htnlmn 64, 85 n. 60
jad&ja, veracity 188 Satan 3, 5, 27. 40. 79, 124. 162. 232: ut abo
jadaaát. alms 101 ihta
Sa’dí. Mudihudrhn d. 1292) 5, 21: ut abo Mittfr, or-, Tlie Coveror 106
(tebM* Satum r6
Sa'dtyva lartqa 193 Saudi Arabia 60, 74, 94, 198, 207
jad?, broas», high scat xiv, 51 «mtqu al-flUtha, letterx not contained in thr
Sadruddln Qunavi id 1274) 43 n 44 Urnlu 15a
San 85 n. 57 jaum al-auhl. jaam datei. special fasting
Safar, second lunar month 72 rintoms 98
W»f AlUUi = Adam 85 n. 57 tajl torren! 9
SaghAnl d 1252! naMq ai<mu* 13, 166 unyid. descendant oí tlse Prophet 5, t88, 194,
>aHk corroct 130 ®oo, 204
Sahl at-Tusuri (d. 896) 42 n. 29 SayyidnA. the religious leader of the
wrtfi». light meal befare fasting 69 Bohoras 211
HjM&nuAtn. ‘he who mu on the prayer mal’. Scales, Balance during the Last Judgment 126,
leader of a Sufi convent 51, 95 *36. 247
taMttara. <0 subject 178 scent, fragrance, perfume xv, 5, 12, 18, 20, 41,
Sahína, daughler oí Husavn 198 9*. 95- ,o9 ',n 4 "»d 5. "o «• «7, 182.
¡alaf. the early genrratsons 90 201. 202. 255; ut abo Yüsuf
M¿am. peace 115 Schkieanacher, Friedridi (d. 1834) 159
o.-mÜitoi ’aiayhm 135 Schuon, Frithjof 51, 191
Salar Mas’úd (d. 1033? 6, 72 Sehwan 72, no n. 34
 INDEX 297

btnram. feast uf fatt-brtaking 68 56, 70-2. 80. 8!, 92, 95, 102, 104. 115,
Seleukia-Ktesiphon 9 121, 122, 126, 129, 131, 132, 135, 160-3,
Sdjukidt 34 174 n. 76, 186. 188, 189, 195. 196. 198.
Semitic 2, ¿7, 79, 15a
20913- 230. *39. *53
Scncgal 213 FtvtT Shia 209
Sermón an lite Mount 80 Mr a¿w lunailis
terpent, makc 4, 23. 25-7. 31. 44 n. 65 Shibll, Abü Bakf usb- (d 945) 39, 124
*wn 57. 65, 7*. 76. 79-81. 91. 123, 134, 136. MM, shooting uar 15
148, 152, 160, 189, 192, 194, 224. 237 Shiva 72
heavcns 16, 57 slioc. saixial 83, 256
valleys 27, 28 shroud 6, 93
Seven Skcpent 24, 48, 213 ftbgltaj AIM, the colounng of God 17
seventeen 81, 140 Stddlq Hasan Khan d. 1885) 197
seventy-two, seventy-three 82, 208 ndmr ^-muniaha 17, 58, 231
lAaiorf, wxrrt word 120 itfiU, quaiities 224
Sha'bAn, eighth lunar month 70, 73 Sillín 154, 208, 209
mid-Sha'b&n 70. 86 n. 74, 91 nkkr, headgear oí the Mevlevi* 38
«A»rA 1 barát 69, 70 úlcnce 116, 149, 160
Shabntari, MabmQd (d. 1320) 97 nZn/fl, chain of initiaúon 154
Shadhih, AbQ’l-Hasan ash- (d. 1258) 171 n. 25 Simnlni, ‘All’ addawia d 1335J 4, 16, 42 n.
Shadhiliyya order 212, 213 s®
lAatfJ’a, intercesión 190 Slmurgh 27, 28. 65. 97
Shaíi'í. Mubammad aih- id. 820 207 Sinai, Mt 4, 10, 21
Shafiiirs «07 kneei a» 148
¡kaháda, profesión of faith xiv. 19, 33, 51. 78, Smd 6. 17. 1». 30, 39, 49. 54- 60. 6’. n loo,
133. >34. '53. 22!, 225. 246, 249. 255 110 n. 34, 123. 129, 181, 182, 199. 205.
jAo6di¿r. thc visible world 228. 246 211-13
jAdW, witness; beauófu) person 102. 106 Smdhi 8, 10. 35. 42 n. 16, 48 n. 101, 62. 64,
¡Aatad. martyr 196 86 n. 69. 106, 114, 117, 138, 148. 165.
Shah Jaban. Mughal emperor (r. 1628-58) 199 168. 218 n. 72
Sltáfmáma 28, 29 Sipahsállr, Fartdün id. c. 1319) 176 n. 119
*44'ir, poet 187 wild rae 20, 91
trec. also family irte 18, 169 Siraiki 85 n. 53
Shajarat ad-Dun of Egvpt ir. 1246- 9) 199 Sirflj AurangBbádl id. 1763) 94
tfAfcmw, thc tice of exntrnce 17 -.tr<b muirte, a shining lamp 12
Shakespeare id. 1616) 172 n. 39 pnb-bndge 52, too
¿Mi. peroon 224 Sirhtndl, Ahmad ,d. 1624I, intiton-i rabbtxi,
Shakravarti FarmiJ 14 ¿f, M ,7, o 33. 196. '97
Shalfüt, M. 110 n. 29 "» 79, 125. 189
xhahtítr fffintj, wide tmusen and long blo*Me 37 tky 16, 17, 141. »2o
shams. »un. Sharmuddln 122 a» malr 5
Shams-i Tabrizl d. 1248) 109 n. 5, 120, 250 Smith, Wilfred CancwcU 214
Shanfara 127 Snouck Hurgronjc, Christiaan 67. 76. 84 n 42
sharti, wine 111 n. 54 *ober 108, 250, 251
iharifan lah&aa, puré wine !o8, 111 n. 54 tobricty 108. 191. 250
Sharafuddln Manérf (d. 13811 48 Solomon, Suiayman 27, 73, n6, 187, 232
« 34. 39. 63. 77. i*>3. 132. '35. '85, 186. his throne 11
189, 192, 196, 202. 206, 207, 245, 246, and the ant 23
249 Sodcrblom, Nathan (d. 1931} xi, 108, 149, 249
ShariatullAh. Hajji d. 1840) 213 Spain 204
iAa»y, connected with thc Prophet 168, 188 qnder 23
Shañfian rulen 188 *P«ining 39, 40, 234
i/taf/nAl. theopathk locuñons. paradoxes 131 Sprcnger, Aioys (d. 1893) 187
thaytit 56, 192, 212 Srinagar 181
1^.199 sun 14 16, 124. 161
thtnMt ai-jabal 211 polar 62
ilmU-. devd 233 «one» 2, 4, 103
Sheba, queco of 27 gemMone» 3. 4
Shia. Shiite 5-5, 9, 12, 24, 25, 29, 30, 50, 54. rolistoncs 2
298 DECIPHERING THE SIGNS OF GOD

black stone xiv, 2. 41 n. 5. 57, 103 ¡aMra, punty, cirrumc-morí 101

stoning of Salan 79 lahflq. realtzation, real underauixiing 163
ftork 35, 37 ta/qin, to fortify 51
«Mi. prayer beadr 6o. 147 i$> crown, derviih cap 38
wAtó” AU&h, pnused be God 143, 147, 148. 228 iajalñ. manifestation 102
miWnJ, Praise be to me 250 Tajílurtan 154
Sudan,ese 1 61, 169 recitation of the Koran 114
Suhavl, Canopus 15 xotóiz. the cal) Alldfm atímr 78, 138
fttíAü, converaadon, being together 130 ¡akbiral al-Aihn. die introductor? in
SuhrawardI. AbQ Haf» 'Ornar d. 12341. •*« ritual prayer 139
AuAnf al ma'bifa. 96, 141. 143, 148, ¡akfir. to declare someone an infidel 203
156, 3>4, 3j8 divorce 197
Suhrawardiyya order 167, 182 Tale» oí the Prophets 20 2, 26, 39, 152, 199,
SuhrawardI. Shiliábuddín, sAzníA al uhríq. al 200: mt aho Kisá’ I
maqfül íd. 1191) 13, 14. 28, 62, 133, 196, Tálib-i AmutJ (d. 1627) 39
2293' ta'ttm, instmction 132
/¿rdébn, buuks resealed to Abraliam 156 Tamil 118. 127
Sulaml ;d. 1021): his tafrtr 161 Tamfm ad-Dárt |d 66t) 127
Suleyman Qeiebi of Buna (d 1421) 69, 86 n. Tanta 67
73. '69 Tanyu. Hikmet 172 n. 48
Suleymanrye morque 52 laqabbala Allah, ‘may God accrpt tt’ ¡40
Suleyman the Magnificent (r. 1520-66) 89 dissimulaúon 210
Sultán Báhú íd. 1692) 18 imitadon 90, 165, 207
Sul|in Muhammad. painter mxl-sixternüi bnóui4, eveiiing prayen in Ramadán 69
century: 85 n. ti tarAl, rhythrnkal repetition 14
Sultán Walad id 1312) 104. 168 tó’ritt al madWub, history of rehgions 206
Sun 13, 14, 104, 222 lañ/a. paúl. SuG order 63. 64, 73, 77, 132. 212.
change* stones 4 218 n. 70
Prophet as 14, 162 •ruAvnmadnya 190
Hinbnla. Virgo 86 n. 67 toral, stvle of reciting die Koran 114
Sunbul Efencb ísixtrenth century) 21 taj btbrtim, stone childrcn 2
suma, cuMotn 90, 99- 101, 124. 200. 206, 207, taiblh. rosary, prayer beadt 147, 173 n. 64
245 tatharn turan. sympathy for ’Al» and his famüy
living 167 210
AIM 228 taihblh, compañón ¿of God with created
mm. circumcision 101 things} 225
Suyütf, Jallluddln as- (d. 1505) 73 (afina. blessing formula for die Prophel 186
Swahili x, 118, 169 Talan 185
Swedenborg ¡d 17721 234 tóW. avoxhng any similaricy between God and
sweeping 84. 137 creatiori 225
Sylhet 7 ta'fb, perfoming 109 n. 5, 136
Symeon the New '1'heofogtan (d. 1027) 42 n. 26 UuOf. ctrcumambulaúon 57
Syña(n) 2, 6. 12, 100. 117, 192. 210, 211 lauofftrh. turrung to someone, concentration
ujxMi 130, 192
Ta'abbata Sharran 127 ¿audUuA trust in God 229, 251
tó'Afa/irjfl, equilibnum 203 Tawflq al'Hakim 203
TabarI ti 923) 161 ¿auAf. declare God tu be One, monotheism
Tabaristan 209 ®V, 33. '44. *45. *57
tabana', to diuance onetelf from the lint three ta'uil. esoteric interpretado!) 160-2. 182
caliphs 188, 210 layamnmm, ablución with und 5, 97
tabarMan, for tl»e sake of receiving baraka 103, ¡aylaAi. headgear of tcholan 37
167 to'íw. ritual drama in Irán 71. 86 nn. 79 and
tabula marofAna 4 80. 102
0Mf, repin a oí Husayn't sarcophagus 54, 70 tean 96, 97, 236
Taeschnrr, Eran» 214 ¡Mlmt, Turkish nonsense poem 131, 134
tafítr, commentary on the Koran 161, 162. 244 ¡Mt, Turkúh dervish convent 56
(áká ¡as ñame 15, 121, 152 Telugu 118
Táhá Husayn id. 1972) 127 ten 80
nighrly prayer 98, 140 Teresa of Avila, St (d. 1582) 51
 INDEX ¿99

Thatta, Sind 54 ü/í 7- ¿¿m. law-giving prophet* 79

Tholurk. F D. A. (d. 1ÍJ75.1 149 nmm ‘her falliera mother' = Huma 75
Thonip»on, Francia id. 19071 253 umm ai hüb, the heavenly Koran ijj
Tigris 9, 93 uwm al-qurñ, ‘mother of (own»', Mecca 57
thouwnd 82 Umm Kuithüm. Muhammad'» daughter 122
Üiree 76 80, 91, 172 n. 52, 193 ttwnw. the Muslim community 140, 155, 186,
threthold 50, 100. 103, 256 201-4. «A »'7 " 53. »45
Throne. Divine 16, 26. 61. 66, 80, 181, 188, iwOrttwM 202. 203
222, 224. 230 aufl 202, 208
thunder 11, 231 wnmaa 202
Thunday 87 n. 86 jíBtmi. unlettered 129. 155. 174 n. 85. 187. 191
Itl&rtl. recitation of the Koran 114 amra, lewer pilgnmagr lo Mecca 56. 73
Tiliich, Paúl 170 n. <3 Upanithads 105, 119
Ttmurida 154 Urdu x, 4. 8, 30. 70. 71. 101, 103, 129. 144. 147.
Tirmidhl, Abü Tal at- (d. 892} 87 n. 86 «5a. '54. «57. •63> ’65. 170 nn. 6 and 9.
Tirmidhl, al-Haklm al- ;d. 932, xiv 182, 232, 248, 234. »55. «57 " ’6
tomb» 54, 103 Dakhni 62
toqaz, nine 80 ’taf, cintomary law 245
Torah 77, 78, 156 •Urfl, Muhammad (d. 1591 95
touching 103 'un, ‘wedcbng’. memorial day of a saint 71-3.
Tree 15-19. 29, 54, 137, 234, 235 87 n 84- 95- lo6, >07- 2M
ofltfe 17. 18 a¡ül al-fiqk, fundaments of jurisprudente 207
for ’Abdul Qjkfar 17. 43 n. 40 tute* /uíom. beautjful example 166, 189
Tüld tice 17 Uwav» al-Qarani 12. 62
Tuoday 74
figk, pele with yak tails 30 Valen . Paúl 00
tulip 10, 21, 43 n. 51: w alw lila ¡arta» baqi. exchange of gifw 102, III n. 35
Tuniria 68, 99 Veda» 155
turban 39 Venus 16, 78
Turcomana 44 n. 72 ¿M (OtnatMOí 221
Turit. Turkish. Turkis 2, 8, 15, 21, 23, 26, 28, ÍW minmuat 221-3
35, 38, .5 n, «6, 51, 5», 55. 56, 63, 68, iwgdtemi 223
74. 80-a, 93, 94. 98. 101, loa. 107. uó- tw fiurgatua, na tllummahra, na mutila 90
ifl, 12B, 136. 139. 141. 144. 153. 154. 157, violet 21
>65. '69. >7° " "• '7a- '79. 184, 192. as black banners 31
196. 005, 206, aia-15, »'7 " «■ 2». liráitxi, longing woman 106
238, 345, 247, 248 17. 35- 54- 82, 9b «37. «58
literalure, poto 5, 17, 20, 31. 33, 34, 43 n. Vishnu ¡83
41. 50. 65, 114. 121. 127, 131, 132, 144,
146, 182, 231, 248 Waardenbtug. J. Jacques xiv
religión >n hlam roatfrí. landiord in Stnd 49
Turkey x. 2, 9. li. 22. 38. 45 n. 88. 51-3, ¡«urfiW, al-, The Iziving 222, 251
68, 69, 71, 86 n. 73, 91, 116, 122. 129. ¡"Mal al uv/ful, unity of Being 225, 240 n 16
•M- 137. «45. «y>- '53- ‘5b «58. 165. Wahli&bis 54, 198. 207
249 one 81
1 urkeitan too. 117. 185 mipíration. rcvelation 119
TUflnAw 128 col’tz, preacher 133
Uítut, storax 91 Wajhf d. after 16101: Sai ra¡ 62
twelve 4. 20. 38, 80. 81 uúpb al-utoid. necesarily cxñtcnt 225
twenty-eight 14. G7, 8i. 152, 188 acknowledgement of 'Ali as tvall AIM
twenty-four 134 210
twcnty-acvcn 172 n 62 adfi. represéntame 200
AIW¡ Ipi. auto*. fnend of God 191, 192,
Ucch 19 '95- 210, 215 n. >8. 244. 253
aloe» wood 91 WahulUh of Delhi. ShAh d. 1762, 3, 130. 170
ííflmA. breathing over mmething 104 n. 8, 215 n. 18, 234
L'hud íbattle of ad 6251 254 hniz altoxmayn 59
nZoma. religious scholars 72. ¡34, 135. 185, >86, ua'tMá. By God? 137
197. *>3. «07. a,5 11 ’8 time 75
3oo DECIPHERING THE SIGNS OF GOD

uAndil. inspired sayings 118, 170 n. 11 Yunus Emre (<L c. 1321) 10, 55, 117, 118, 131.
nucidle 217 n. 53 132, 169, 238, 239
zrdfl. *beir', in Ismaili doctrine 152. 189 Yünus ibn Mana, Jonah 66
water 6 ;8. 28, 104, 152 Yüsuf 34, 123, 160
for punfication 5, 7, 23, 95 7, 138, 139, 141 and mirror 32
as mirror 15, 133 his fragrant shirt 12, 41. 109 n. 4
ofLifc 7, 182 and ZulaykhA 106
weapons 29
Wcdnruiay. hit of Salar 72. 73 ¿ako. externa! 249
Wem, Bemhard 158 Zahintes 206
WrU-Presrrsvd Tablct 4, 135. 228: wt abo laii/t Zahra Bibl (d. 1033) 72
Wat 62, 233 Zakany a 53
western exiie 62, 65 ¿aiana iofiaü 137, 150
wheel (of the sky) 16, 32 zaiJU. aims tax 78, 101, 203, 255
whitc 2, 25. 27, 37. 38, 144. 234. 236, 240 n. 18 Zal 28
nighu 70 Zamakhsliari ,d 1144) 59, 161
method of pmgnostkatsnn 123 ¿anata it/fys, ¿anata aw/ári, externa! and interna!
itóya, quality oí being a t««rfi 193 time 75
uifyal, area (of influente) 55, 84 n. 28 Zamzam 6
wmd li, 12, 18, 25 ¿am¿oma. murmuring 116
winc 16. 108. 109, 111 n, 54 Zanzíbar xi
u*t>, odd number 76 ¿a^fini. trre in HcU 237
Wolfson, Hany 151 Zar ceremonia 92, 138
women 36, 37, 50, 103, 182, 183. 186. 197-201. ¿Jttrya, comer, Sufi hoipice 56
216 n. 41. 238 ZiutM Bü (¿Wflif 24
111 labour 33, 181 Zayd ibn Zayn ak'íbidln ¡d. 740) 209
memtruating 147 ZnV-diWH 21X,
pregnant 174 n. 91, 183 Zayn al-'abidln, «m of Husavn id. 735I 209
women’s language 170 n. 6 *1# a, 146
praying 139 Zaynab, Muhammad* daughter 122
preaching 133, 199 Zaynab (Jmm Hlshim 198
woman soul 86 n. 69. 106. 111 n, 44 Zcn Buddhnm 131
unja’, ablution 96 ziggurat 5
aspeets 163 Zindartld, ‘living stream' 10
Zinda Shah MadAr (<L 1050) 73
Yabyi ibn Mu'adh (d. c. 871) 133. 139 Zureaster 12
wwtta. right 61 Zoroastrian 10, 24, 108, 116, 128, 204, 231
yaqln, ccrtaintv 252 ZouUana 55
/¡Un, Süra 36: also ñame 121, 152 Zuhykhl 32, 34. 106, 120, 226
ycllow 16, 92, 184 ¿uw.«ar, infidel** girdlr 75, 87 n. 91
ujewnb colour 16. 43 n. 37, 205
Yemen(i) 3, n, 36. 41, 62, 155. «09, an. 227,
J44
Index of Koranic Quotations
Sara i. nata 35, 63, 93. 116. 143, 145, 152,
157. >•»- 17» 56,133, 349,
1:6 63
Süra a. 160; 2:ao 11; 2:25 238;
2:26 22: 2:30 178, 230; 2:31 120. 178.
221; 2:48 235; a:66 133; 2:67 aa;
a:75 'S6. ,6i; a:86 '«9'. a:»7 230;
2:98 230; 2:102 230; 2:115 62, 66,
2:117 125. 227: 2:119 125: 2:1356. 57,
2:138 17; 2:143 a;l44 57: 2:177 62;
2:185 68; 2.186 146, 224; 2:187 36,
2:212 229; 2:216 251: 2:229 197;
2:255 iThrone Vene) 16, 66, 153, 157.
•221, 224. 253; 2:256 306
Sara 37 161; 3:14 7; 3:29 210: 3:31 254.
3:32 188: 3:37 53; 3:446. 103; 349 182;
3:54 223; 3:106 235; 3:153 254;
3:169 196, 236: 3:185 229; 3:190 xiv. 47
Sflia 4:3 197; 4:34 200; 4:35 87 o. 95;
4:43 >"8; 436 a37: 4-14 4:77 "9:
4:79 246; 4:103 147. 4:136 134; 4:157
33
Sara 5:31 28:5:51 205; 5:59 222; 5:60 28;
5 90 108, 5:1106 103,230
Sara 64io 133; 674 33, 185; 6:76 13; 6:97 15.
161; 6:103 226
Sara 7:26 39; 7:31 139; 7:54 66. 224; 7:56 229,
7:57 11:7:117 25:7:142 81; 7:143 4;
7:156 '77; 7:172 104. "»J. 1'4. '74 ">■
179. 221, 253; 7180 1:9
Süra 8:14 174 n. 76; 8:17 xiü. 193; 8:30 222
Süra 9 '57! 9=" 9*9 2o6. ^94 2i8
Sara 10:3 224; 10:10 11 238; 10:30 174 n. 76;
10:62 192, 253
Sara 11:56 181; 11:90 222. 251; 11:108 237;
11:110 156; 11:114 74. '4°
Sara 12 123, 160; 12:236. 106; 12:53 24, 77.
184, 201, 247; 12:94 12, 41
Sara 13:2 66, 234; 13:11 230; 13:1a 214. 246;
13:13 11; 13117 7; ija8 147.85a;
13:29 17
Sara 14:3 229; 14:24 17,43 n. 41; 14:32 7
Sara 15:27 232; 15:29 178; 15:44 80; 15:45 63
Süra 16:68 79; 16:70 174 n. 76; 16:97 *98:
16:10a 230; 16:103 156; 16:107 229
Sara 171 65. 126. 190, 17:21 739; 17:23 184;
1767 r, ¡n» 141. '78; >7:79 9®;
17:81 222; 17:82 174 n. 76; 17:88 156
Sara 18 48, 18:10 213; 18:22 24, 48. 18:39 a36:
18:60 7; 18:65 xiv, "8; 18:66-7 '93;
'8:109 >55
Sara 19:2317, ao
Süra 20:1 15. 152; 20:1a 93; 20:666 25, 30
Süra 21:16 227; 21:23 221, 237; 21:30 6;
21:47 236; 21:60 213; 21:69 lo;
21:107 8, 127
Süra 22:5 5; 22:18 4. 22.19 4°
Süra 24:31 37, <«. 199; 34:35 (Lighl Vene: 12,
13, 20. 62, 162; 24:37 150; 24:41 26;
24:43 9
Süra 25:60 79. 125. 189
Süra 26-79 Bi 174 n. 76; 26173 9;
26:1926 156; 26:193 230. 26:2266 129
SQra 27:16 27; 27H8ÍF. 22; 27:44 139;
27:55 107; 27:88 4
Süra 28:16 139; 28:88 233, 237
Sara 29 14 9. 29:41 22; 29:57 233
Sara 30:19-25 xii. 30:20 178. 219; 30:21 200;
30:22 89; 30:24 11, 113
Süra 31 171 n. 30, 174 o. 91; 31:19 24
Sara 33:5 202; 33:21 166, 189; 33:40 i8B¡
3345 '25. 3346 ie; 33:72 17B
Süra 33:12 11
Süra 35 »30
SQra 36 157; 36:1 15a; 36:58 238
sora 37:53 179
SQra 38:76 232
Süra 39.22 xiv; 39-42 123
Süra 40:62 146, 224
Süra 41:37 1, 13; 41:39 B; 4144 156; 41:45 156.
'74 " 76; 41:53 «i. 75. a»i, 227
Sara 427 57. 42:43 247
Süra 434 155
Sara 4443 237
SQra 48 174 n. 91; 48:1 -29; 48:10 162; 48:17 10
Süra 49:7 xiv. 49 10 202; 49:13 208; 49:14 246
Süra 50:16 66, 223; 50:30 237
Süra 51:56 227
Süra 52:1 5
Sara 53:1 15; 53:10 179; 53:11 xiv. 53.-14 17
Süra 54:1 14; 54:26 74
Süra 55, ar-Rahmin, 55:2 221, 55:6 15:
302 DECirHEKINC THE SIGNS OF GOD

»'5 M--26 >33. >37. Süra 85:14 251; 85:22 228

>53 Süra 87:16 229; 87:19 156
Süra 5641 61; 56:79 95 Süra 88:17 24
Süra 57:3 MS; 57:4 M7; 5730 M9 Süra 89.27 8 26, 77, 184, 247
Süra 59:13-4 al. mi, »3 Süra 91:1—3 162
Süra 61:5 188 Süra 92:1 14, 162
Süra 63:5 «5 Süra 93:1 14. 162
Süra 66:5 236 Süra 94:1 95. 122
Süra 68:1 228; 68:51-2 91, 183 Süra 95:1 20; 95:5 179
Süra 69:6 11; 69:17 8o. 230 Süra 96 180, 187; 96:1 124; 96:15 181.
Süra 70:9 4; 70:21-3 150 96:19 141
Süra 72 232, 72:8-9 15 Süra 97 xtv, 12, 68
Süra 73 174 n 91 Süra 99 236. 247
Süra 744 95; 74:30 81, 230 Süra 100:1 25
Süra 75:2 77, l8| Süra 105:4 2
Süra 76:21 108 Süra 111:5 18
Süra 78:10 40 Süra H2 xiv, 70. 157, 160
Süra 81 235, 81:5 165; 81:8 182; 81:13 ,aa Süra 113 92
Süra 82 11 230 Süra 113 and 114, d/-mv'a«aidAa0>r 91. 152. 16o
Süra 83:14 31; 83:18-19 63
 DECIPHERING
THE SIGNS OF GOD
A Phenomenological
Approach to Islam
Annemarie Schimmel

his is one of Schimmel’s most important books. It

T
sums up a lifetime of scholarship on Islam and, more
importantly. it puts her understanding of Islam into a
phenomenological framework that will readily be
appreciated by scholars and students of other religious
traditions. It will be looked back upon as a landmark in b
Studies into the mainstrcam of religious studies."-William C. C
The Qur'an constantly cxhorts pcople to 'look at the signs of god.' signs that
are hidden 'in the horizons and in thcmsclvcs.' This book examines the
mysteries of Islam using a phenomenological method to come closer to the
tnie cerner of Muslim belief.
Schimmel takes as her starting point the simplest ‘signs of god'-natural
phenomena like stones, plants and animáis, and their use in religious and
symbolic language. She then moves on to less obvious signs, such as sacred
time and space. ritual actions, forms of worship. the sacred individual, and the
order of the community. She concludes with an examination of the individuáis
responso to the mystery of the Divine. Bascd on both original classical sourccs
and modem literature. as well as the author's considerable personal expcricnce.
this is not only a fascinating survey of Islamic practices and beliefs. but also a
broad and integrated overview of the phenomenology of Islam.
Annemarie Schimmel was for many years Professor of Indo-Muslim Culture
at Harvard University. She is author of numerous works, including Islam: An
Introduction; and The Triumphal Sun: A Study ofthe Works ofJaláloddin Rumi.
both published by SUNY Press; and the editor of the SUNY Prcss series.
Muslim Spirituality in South Asia. Among the more (inusual honors that have
been awarded to her are the naming of a boulevard in Lahore, Pakistán, after her
and the Levi Della Vida Medal for outstanding contributions to Islamic studies
presented by the University of California.