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The Pakistan of Post 9
The Pakistan of Post 9
The Pakistan of Post 9
On 11th of September 2001, the United States of America was hit by the deadliest
terrorist attack since its inception. Nineteen terrorists, associated with Al-Qaeda, hijacked four
commercial airplanes, which were to fly from the east coast to California. Two of the planes
were flown into the Twin Towers of World Trade center, causing them to collapse. Another
plane was flown into the Pentagon, the headquarters of the Department of Defense, while, the
fourth, enroute to Washington DC, miraculously fell short of its target when the passengers and
crew counterattacked. In total, the attack killed 2977 people, the single largest loss of life from a
foreign attack on American soil. Immediately after the attack, Bush administration designated
Bin Laden and his Al-Qaeda, operating from within Afghanistan, as the culprits. Eventually,
through the ‘Bush doctrine’, it was decided that America would make no distinction between the
terrorists and those who harbor them. Pakistan, owing to its geo-strategic position, was to face
the biggest dilemma in the form of War on Terror. This portion therefore, enlists the major
impacts of War on Terror on Pakistan, in general, and on KPK in specific.
MMA ( Muttahida majlis e amal) was formed in 2002, in response to the US invasion of
Afghanistan and the subsequent US-Pakistan partnership. In its manifesto, the MMA
proclaimed the ambition to get rid of the influence of external powers in foreign policy
decision making and to exert moral, political and diplomatic support to the people of
Palestine, Kashmir, Afghanistan and Chechnya (Khan, 2002).
The terrorist and counter-terrorist actions in the tribal areas had badly hampered the
educational system of this area, which was already facing high illiteracy rates. According
to governmental statistics the literacy rate in FATA was 17% (Government of Pakistan,
2009). In Swat about 188 girls’ and 97 boys’ schools had been destroyed by the militants
and persistent uncertainty stopped students from attending educational institutions (Shah,
2008). (Implications of war on terror for Pakistan, KPK, Manzoor Ahmed, Journal of
Critical Globalization Issues 3 (2010)).
Following the operations against the militants, a large number of people fled from their
homes and took refuge in the Districts of Mardan, Swabi, Nowshera, Tank and Dera
Ismail Khan. The National Database Registration Authority (NADRA) had registered
approximately 1.9 million internally displaced persons (IDPs), of which 96% were
registered in KPK (UNOCHA Report, 2009). By the end of 2009, the total number of
IDPs from the South Waziristan area was about 428,000.
Yearly data of suicide attacks between 2001 and 2012: (M.S.A Malik et al, 2015 ,
Identification of Risk Factors Generating Terrorism in Pakistan)
Post 9/11, the key areas for US assistance were military and economic. Military assistance is
classified in the following way:
Coalition Support Fund: From 2001 to 2008, nearly $6 billion had been transferred
under the Coalition Support Funds program to Pakistan. This represents greater than 50
percent of the U.S.'s total support to Pakistan and its people since 9/11, and until 2008..
(OVERSIGHT OF U.S. COALITION SUPPORT FUNDS TO PAKISTAN, Hearing
before the Subcommittee on National Security and Foreign Affairs of The House Of
epresentatives US, June 24, 2008 ).
Pakistan’s Counter insurgency capability Funds (PCCF): This fund was designed to
aid Pakistan in carrying out counter insurgency in Pakistan. From 2009-2011, 1100
million dollars were given to Pakistan under this banner. (Akbar Zaidi, Who benefits
from US aid to Pakistan, CARNEIGI, September 2011).
Foreign Military Financing: This fund comprises of grants and loans to acquire military
hardware. This is dedicated to those states which are important for United States’
regional goals. Pakistan acquires obsolete US military hardware through this fund.
(SASSI, 2011, pp. 2-3).
Impact of Afghan Refugees on Pakistan, KPK in specific
The phases of the movement of Afghan refugees into Pakistan since 1970 ( Borthakur, A.
(2017). AFGHAN REFUGEES: THE IMPACT ON PAKISTAN. Asian Affairs, 48(3), 488–509)
After the coup of Mohammad Daud in 1973, 2000 loyalists of the ousted regime sought
asylum in Pakistan.
By 1996, 2 million Afghan refugees were living in Pakistan, owing to the Taliban
takeover and the deteriorating economic conditions.
According to a data collected by the UNHCR in 2020, 1.3 million registered Afghans,
0.89 million Afghan citizen card holders and 0.5 million unregistered Afghans were
living in Pakistan. (UNHCR)
UNHCR and the Government of Pakistan conducted a census of Afghan
population in Pakistan in 2002. That found 3,049,268 Afghans are living in Pakistan,
in which 42% are living in camps and 58% are living in urban areas. Moreover,
among these 81% of the Afghans were Pashtuns, with much smaller percentages of
Tajiks, Uzbeks, Turkmen, and other ethnic groups (Census of Afghans in Pakistan,
2005).
According to the same report, many more Afghans migrated to Pakistan in the post 9/11
period, which were periodically relocated to their homes by the UNHCR upon the
cessation of crises.
In an article, published in Tribune on July 18th 2021 by Shahbaz Rana, titled “ Hosting
700000 Afghans will cost $2.2 billion for 3 years”, it is stated that there are currently
1.44 million registered Afghan refugees, including 840,000 Afghan citizen card holders
having non-refugee status and 770,000 undocumented Afghan nationals in Pakistan.
The ramifications of the Afghan war in Pakistan include the growth of various Islamic
groups that have been implicated in the running feuds between Sunni and Shi’i
organizations, ethnic strife, the talibanisation of Pakistani society, the drug Mafia
operating in Pakistan and the smuggling network of small arms and ammunitions which
poses a threat to state security in the long run (South Asia Terrorism Portal Report on
Pakistan; http://www.satp.org/satporgtp/ countries/pakistan/backgrounders/index.html.).
According to William (1994), when the Afghans took refuge in Pakistan, the arms, both
heavy and light, became common and soon everyone could approach these. Because of
the weaponization of Pakistani society, the law and order situation soon became the most
horrible and the government lost its influence in safeguarding the people from criminals,
religious extremists and political target killers. The people of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa began
business of illegal weapons; therefore, Kalashnikov became a prominent fraction of
Pakhtun culture. ( M.J.U Mulk et al, Impact of Afghan Refugees on Security Situation of
Pakistan, Pakistan Journal of Society, Language and Education, Jan 2020).
In 1957, there were just about 150 schools or Madrasehs based on sectarian lines
functioning in the country. But now the number exceeds 5,500, with nearly 4,500 having
come into existence after 1980. (South Asia Terrorism Portal Report on Pakistan;
http://www.satp.org/satporgtp/ countries/pakistan/backgrounders/index.html.).
The 2017-2018 Pakistan Education Statistics survey reported a total of 31,115 madrassas
operating in the country, with a total enrolment of 4.099 million and employing 0.179
million teachers (NEMIS et al., 2021, p. 41).
Gul (2009) said in his research work that Talibanization flourished the culture of
terrorism in Pakistan which includes attacks on armed forces by Tehreek E Taliban
Pakistan (TTP); target killing of religious, political and civil society celebrities, scholars
and doctors; demolishing schools, offices of NGOs and bridges; and suicide attacks in
mosques and other sacred places. So far more than 35000 Pakistanis have been killed in
different terrorist incidents after 9/11, which include 5000 soldiers. In 2008 alone, 2113
attacks by militants and insurgents had been reported, killing 2913 people and injuring
another 5824. (J.U. Mulk et al, 2020, Impact of Afghan refugees on Pakistan, Pakistan
Journal of Education, Society and Language).
It is alleged that more than 80% of the crimes in KPK and the erstwhile tribal regions, are
committed by the Afghans, owing to their weak financial backgrounds. Christine Roehrs,
‘The Refugee Dilemma: Afghans in Pakistan Between Expulsion and Failing Aid
Schemes’. Afghanistan Analysist Network 2015). However, a recent report of KPK right
to Information Act on crime statistics states that the impact of Afghan refugees on the
criminalization of Pakistani society is exaggerated. It further states that between 2014 and
2016, just over one percent of all major crime prosecutions involved Afghans. (The
Dawn, 15 January 2017; http://www.dawn.com/news/1308486/kp-prosecutiondata-gives-
lie-to-claims-against-afghan-refugees).
Afghans are also often held responsible for the hard-line interpretation of Islam in the
frontier provinces of Pakistan. Instead of the easy-going traditionalist practices of Islam
that used to characterize the regions of FATA, KPK and Baluchistan, the western
provinces of Pakistan are becoming known for their social conservatism and assertive
Islam. (Mohammad A. Qadeer, Pakistan: Social and Cultural transformation in a Muslim
Nation. New York: Routledge, 2006, p. 84.)
According to the UNHCR 2015–16 report, along with 1.5 million registered Afghan
refugees, currently there are approximately 1 million unregistered Afghan refugees, most
of them in KPK, who do not have proper documentation for staying in Pakistan. Pakistan
still has 76 refugee villages with more than 1.5 million registered refugees. Sixty-five of
these villages are in KPK and FATA and there are ten in Balochistan, one in Punjab and
none in Sindh. However, more than a million of these registered refugees – almost 67 per
cent – reside outside these villages. Of the total number of refugees, 62 per cent or nearly
1 million Afghan refugees live in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, 20 per cent in Balochistan, 11
per cent in Punjab, four per cent in Sindh, two per cent in Islamabad and less than one per
cent in Azad Kashmir. (Borthakur, A. (2017). AFGHAN REFUGEES: THE IMPACT
ON PAKISTAN. Asian Affairs, 48(3), 488–509).
However, the demographic changes due to the arrival of Afghan refugees are principally
apparent in the provincial capitals and the cities of Peshawar, Karachi and Quetta.
According to the Afghan Consulate’s Refugee and Prisoners section, in 2015 there were
more than 66,700 registered Afghan refugees in Karachi in addition to the 250,000
unregistered ones. (Rabia Ali, ‘Afghans in Pakistan: Their Home and Heart Belong
Here’. The Express Tribune, 2 March, 2015; http://tribune.com.pk/story/846384/afghans-
in-pakistantheir-home-and-heart-belong-here/)
The huge influx of refugees from Afghanistan may not have disturbed the overall ethnic
make-up of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, but the linguistic preponderance of Pashto over
languages like Hindko is quite evident – Peshawar, traditionally a predominantly Hindko-
speaking town, has been swamped with speakers of Pashto. (Kingshuk Chatterjee,
‘Pakistan and Afghanistan: Of Instability and Umbilical Ties’, in Kingshuk Chatterjee
(Ed.), Pakistan and Afghanistan: The (In)stability Factor In India’s Neighbourhood. New
Delhi: KW Publisher, 2013, p. 43.)
The demographic growth put tremendous strain on Pakistan’s resources, especially on its
provision of basic civic amenities to its citizens. The demographic changes have also
resulted in the growth of ethnic tensions between the communities. In 1947, Sindhis were
60 per cent of Karachi’s total population, but now they are no more than 7 per cent20 and
the city is dominated by the Mohajirs and the Pakhtuns. The same story applies to the
province of Balochistan. The Institute of Strategic Studies, Islamabad, has stated that
Afghan refugees, as a proportion of the population, are larger than the combined total of
the three indigenous ethnic groups of Baloch, Brahui and Pakhtuns. (Muhammad Shayan
Lakdawalla, op. cit.)
The presence of a great number of Afghan refugees created a larger demand for goods
and supply which ultimately generated inflation in some parts of the country. Most
importantly, the presence of Afghan refugees created more unemployment opportunities
in labor markets of Pakistan as the refugees worked in low wage situations with
maximum time (Grare & Maley, 2011). However, Afghan labor migration has proved
beneficial for Pakistan in the form of labor, remittances and businesses.
Source: Baloch, A., Shah, S. Z., Noor, Z. M., & Lacheheb, M. (2017). The Economic Effect
of Refugee Crises on Neighboring Host Countries: Empirical Evidence from Pakistan.
The above graph, taken from UNHCR official reporting site, shows the grant that US
periodically gave to Pakistan as a refugee support fund.
Military Operations in FATA
After 9/11, it became technically impossible for the proscribed groups to maneuver inside
Afghanistan. This lead to the mass movement of various such groups into Pakistani territory,
settling themselves in the erstwhile tribal regions of Pakistan, primarily due to its proximity to
Afghanistan, but more importantly, due to the absence of a commanding and organized
governing framework. As a result, the armed forces of Pakistan, under pressure from the US, had
to initiate military operations in the erstwhile FATA regions to eradicate the presence of these
malicious elements which were not only hurting The US’s interests, but also wrecking havoc in
and around Pakistan’s major cities. This portion lists the details of those operations in a timely
order.
Operation Al-Mizaan (Justice) June 2002 (Irum Khalid & M. Iqbal Roy, Pakistan’s
Military Operations: the Counter terrorism Strategy (2001-2013) Prospects and
Implications, JRSP, Vol. 53, No. 2, July-December, 2016):
Major focus: South Waziristan
Objectives:
1. To clear the area of militants, extremists and the jihadists especially of those
international militants who had threatened Pakistan’s security, solidarity and
sovereign status.
2. Capturing the masterminds of terrorist organizations who were attempting to
deepen their roots in FATA and PATA regions.
3. A fatwa was issued by Ayman al Zawahiri against Gen Pervez Musharaf for
his support of NATO forces. Hence, Musharraf had a personal agenda to clear
South Waziristan of such elements.
Deployments:
Major Units:
Achievements:
Result
Operation Kalosha, March 2004 (Wana) : (Irum Khalid & M. Iqbal Roy, Pakistan’s
Military Operations: the Counter terrorism Strategy (2001-2013) Prospects and Implications,
JRSP, Vol. 53, No. 2, July-December, 2016)
Background:
In January 2004, Pakistan army camps in Wana, the largest town of South
Waziristan, were fired upon by rockets from three sides. Furthermore, rocket attacks were also
carried out on army camps in bajaur district and Shulama. A search and destroy mission was
carried out in response to the attacks, which came to be known as “Operation Kalosha”. (Asif
Hell, 2010, p. 36 & Tankel, 2015, pp. 31-36). Operation Kalosha ( Kalosha is a village in Wana)
was in principle, a part of the larger operation Al-mizaan.
Troops Deployment:
Developments:
Background:
In February 2005, the government of Pakistan signed a peace deal with Baitullah
Mehsud, which came to be known as the “ Sararogha Agreement”. The army had agreed to
evacuate Mehsud’s area and leave only the Frontier Corps to man the five forts there. Mehsud
and his tribesmen were also compensated for human and material loss (Ismail Khan, “Why the
Waziristan Deal Is a Hard Sell,” Dawn (Karachi), October 14, 2006). Eventually however,
tension grew between Mehsud and the security forces. In May 2007, security forces raided
foreign fighter training camps in Zarga Khel. In August the same year, over 200 security forces
were abducted in South Waziristan. Additionally, Pakistani intelligence agencies were
clandestinely supporting Mullah Nazir, a bitter rival of Baitullah Mehsud. Then, in July 2007, as
a result of the Lal Masjid operation (Operation Silence), a series of relentless suicide bombing
campaign was initiated by Mehsud and his allied militants. Moreover, according to US and
Pakistani intelligence reports, Mehsud’s network was also allegedly held responsible for the
assassination of Benazir Bhutto in December 2007 (Joby Warrick, “CIA Places Blame for Bhutto
Assassination,” Washington Post, January 18, 2008, p. A01). The final blow to the peace deal
was the capture of Sararogha fort by militants which resulted in the martyrdom of several
security forces (“Militants Overrun Pakistan Fort,” BBC News, January 17, 2008. Also see
“Pakistani Troops ‘Flee Border Post,’” Al Jazeera, January 17, 2008)
Troops Deployment:
The operation was led by Pakistan Army's 14th Infantry Division (normally stationed
in Okara and assigned to II Corps) as it was supported by 20th Mountaineering
Brigade. Major-General Tariq Khan, General Officer Commanding (GOC) of 14th
Infantry Division served the Operation's Officer Commanding.
Developments:
In January 2008, the Pakistan Army began dropping leaflets urging locals in South
Waziristan to vacate the area as the government prepared to launch Operation
Zalzala.
On 24th of January, in an attempt to capture/kill Mehsud and his network, security
forces attacked the house of Qari Hussain Mehsud who was believed to be leading a
campaign of suicide attacks. His house in Kotkai was destroyed but he himself
escaped (Taliban Chief Ideologist Survives ‘Zalzala,’” Daily Times (Lahore), May 26,
2008).
During the operation, the army employed infantry, artillery, tanks, bulldozers, and
fighter jets and used a range of more-sophisticated equipment to try to disrupt
insurgent responses, including electronic jamming devices to thwart improvised
explosive devices ()Taliban Chief Ideologist Survives ‘Zalzala’”; Iqbal Khattak,
“Army in Waziristan Better Equipped, More Relaxed,” Daily Times (Lahore), May
21, 2008).
Operation Sherdil (2008) (Chapter Title: Pakistani Operations against Militants Book Title:
Counterinsurgency in Pakistan Book Author(s): Seth G. Jones and C. Christine Fair, page 56)
Ground forces moved southwest from Torghundai through such towns as Alizai,
Khar, Loe Sam, and Nawagai, since Pakistani intelligence assessments indicated
that several of these villages, including Loe Sam, had become major hubs of
militant activities.
Developments:
In the village of Loe Sam, Pakistani forces discovered an extensive
tunnel system and razed virtually every house connected to a
tunnel.
By early December 2008, over 1,000 militants and 63 security
officials had been killed.
Pakistani forces were successful in clearing a range of key villages
and arteries in Bajaur, especially along the main north-south
corridor. They found tunnel complexes used for hiding people and
storing materials, such as weapons, ammunition, radio frequency
lists, guerrilla warfare manuals, propaganda, and bomb-making
instructions. (Anthony Lloyd, “Captured Battle Plan Shows
Strength and Training of Taleban Forces,” The Times (London),
November 11, 2008.)
To facilitate army and Frontier Corps efforts, Pakistani
commanders sought the aid of local tribes to help secure major
roads, some of whom created lashkars (local defense forces). In
addition, on November 4 and 5, Pakistani authorities dropped
leaflets in some areas of Mohmand Agency calling for people to
follow the example of tribes in Bajaur, Darra Adam Khel, and
Orakzai, and to raise lashkars against militants.
The Salarzai tribe was one of the first to raise a lashkar against
militants, as was the Utmankhel tribe. But the Salarzai suffered a
serious blow on November 6, when a tribal jirga in the area was
attacked and more than 20 people were killed, including several of
the tribe’s senior leaders. Four Charmang tribal elders were
beheaded by militants while returning home from a tribal jirga.
Operation Rah e Haq (First phase: November 2007, Second phase: July 2008, Third phase:
January 2009): (Chapter Title: Pakistani Operations against Militants Book Title:
Counterinsurgency in Pakistan Book Author(s): Seth G. Jones and C. Christine Fair, page 56)