Chapter 1

The Evolution OF THE

Revolution: The Successful
Establishment of
Multicultural Psychology
Christine C. Iijima Hall
Copyright American Psychological Association. Not for further distribution.

“Psychology is the study of human behavior.” WHAT IS MULTICULTURAL PSYCHOLOGY?

“All men are created equal.” For many, these
“Multicultural Psychology is the study of the influ-
words have brought comfort and truth. For oth-
ences of multiple cultures in a single context on
ers, these words have conveyed pain and betrayal
human behavior” (Hall, 2009, p. 2); that is, multicul-
because human behavior meant White male behav-
tural psychology views human behavior as influenced
ior and men meant just that—men (White men in
by an individual’s culture and the cultures surround-
particular). It has taken almost 2 centuries after
ing and acting on the individual. Cultures can
the Constitution was written for people of color;
include ethnicity or race, gender, physical and mental
women; lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, ques-
abilities, sexual orientation, socioeconomic status,
tioning (LGBTQ) individuals; people with dis-
geography, family background, and many others.
abilities; and other disenfranchised and oppressed
The terms cultural psychology, cross-cultural psy-
groups were included as human and mankind.
chology, and ethnic psychology have been used inter-
Psychology was at the forefront of many of the
changeably (Mio, Barker-Hackett, & Tumambing,
political movements to make these changes, but
2006), but in reality, these terms reflect the progres-
at other times psychology actually supplied
sion of the history of multicultural psychology.
ammunition in the form of discriminatory
Cross-cultural psychology was primarily used when
research and theories of racial inferiority, misog-
studying international differences, but psychologists
yny, and homophobia.
later adopted this term when discussing ethnic and
Because psychology reflects the attitudes and
racial issues. Ethnic psychology began to emerge as a
beliefs of U.S. society, the history of the multicul-
term in the 1970s when psychologists of color
tural psychology movement cannot be told without
researched issues within a single culture—primarily
understanding U.S. sociopolitical movements.
the four U.S. racial/ethnic groups (African American/
D. W. Sue, Bingham, Porché-Burke, and Vasquez
Black, Asian Pacific Islander, Hispanic/Latino Native
(1999) called the multicultural psychology move-
American/American Indian, White/Caucasian). Not
ment within ­psychology a revolution. In this chap-
until 2 decades later did multicultural psychology
ter, I outline the evolution of this revolution by
become the preferred term when referring to the
highlighting events of the late 20th and early 21st
psychology of race (including Whites), gender, cul-
centuries that shaped multicultural psychology and
ture, sexual orientation and identity, and physical
changed the field of psychology (for more compre-
and mental abilities (Triandis, 1996).
hensive timelines and accounts of the history of eth-
Multicultural psychology was not immediately
nic psychology, see Bernal, Trimble, Burlew, &
embraced by all. Skeptics of multicultural psychology
Leong, 2003; Comas-Díaz, 1990; and Holliday &
have “characterized [multicultural psychology] as
Holmes, 2003).

http://dx.doi.org/10.1037/14189-001
APA Handbook of Multicultural Psychology: Vol. 1. Theory and Research, F. T. L. Leong (Editor-in-Chief)
3
Copyright © 2014 by the American Psychological Association. All rights reserved.
 Christine C. Iijima Hall
being politically applied, or pejorative rather than sci-
entific in nature” (Jenkins et al., 2003, p. 483). Propo-
nents of multicultural psychology viewed it as a
powerful force in psychology. In fact, Pederson (1990)
referred to multicultural psychology as the fourth force
in psychology. A force in psychology is a theory that has
greatly influenced psychology and produces a para-
digm shift in the way professionals view human behav-
ior. The first, second, and third forces of psychology
have been psychoanalysis, behaviorism, and human-
ism, respectively. Pederson did not propose that multi-
culturalism replaced any of these forces but rather
viewed multicultural psychology as a complement to
Copyright American Psychological Association. Not for further distribution.
them. That is, the other three forces must acknowledge
that behavior is learned, occurs in a cultural context,
and that psychologists must take culture into account
when studying and understanding behavior.
Multicultural psychology has been further ­validated
as a legitimate field of study by the vast amount of
research and publications on the subject. “An emerg-
ing area of study is often defined by a community of
scholars and professionals that begins to establish
societies and proceeds to publish their work through a
variety of venues” (Bernal et al., 2003, p. 6). The
research then “forms the cornerstone for counseling
theory and practice” (Ponterotto & Casas, 1991, p. xi).
ETHNIC MINORITY SOCIAL MOVEMENTS
AND MULTICULTURAL PSYCHOLOGY
The civil rights movement of the 1960s fought for
equality among the races. Subsequent movements
of other disenfranchised groups later emerged in the
United States, where women, LGBTQ individuals, and
individuals with disabilities demanded equality. The
journey of multicultural psychology parallels these
social movements in the United States.
Early psychology’s interest in racial and gender
differences was primarily directed toward proving
and ensuring White European American male superi-
ority (Guthrie, 1976; Unger, 2001). To combat this
type of biased research and philosophy, ethnic psy-
chologists, female psychologists, LGBTQ psycholo-
gists, and psychologists with disabilities took the
reins and researched their own communities while
demanding recognition and justice within the
­American Psychological Association (APA).
4
African Americans
Ancestors of today’s African Americans primarily
entered the United States as slaves. Knowledge of
this involuntary migration is necessary to provide a
historic understanding of how European Americans
view African Americans and vice versa. When slaves
became free, many European Americans worked to
ensure African Americans did not obtain education,
power, or become “whole,” setting the stage for the
role of psychologists in establishing and maintaining
White superiority (Guthrie, 1976).
One way to prove superiority and to keep minor-
ities down was through intelligence testing. Psychol-
ogists were recruited to measure intelligence for
military and career placement of African Americans
(Shuey, 1958). Others joined the fight for White
superiority. In 1969, Jensen published a Harvard
Educational Review monograph in which he postu-
lated the existence of innate and hereditary differ-
ences in intelligence as fact and that Blacks were
inherently less intelligent than Whites. Policies and
programs directing the education and future of
minorities were affected by this hypothesis. It has
taken decades to prove his hypothesis incorrect and
to reveal intelligence tests as culturally biased.
Similar to intelligence, topics such as low self-
esteem and single parenthood—ills of poverty and
oppression fomented by a racist society—were
researched by White psychologists to further dem-
onstrate African Americans’ inferiority. Opposition
to these “blame the victim” hypotheses was difficult
because very few Black mental health professionals
existed to combat these racist beliefs. The number of
psychologists of color in the 1930s could be counted
on one hand (Guthrie, 1976; Padilla & Omedo, 2009).
However, these few psychologists persevered and
changed history. For example, the U.S. Supreme
Court decision in Brown v. Board of Education in
1954, which desegregated public schools, was sup-
ported by the doll study of African American psy-
chologists Kenneth and Mamie Clark (1939) that
showed segregation was harmful to Black children.
Black psychologists were also frustrated with the
power structure of APA, which was not responsive
to the needs of Black or other ethnic psychologists.
In 1968, African American psychologists separated
from APA and established the Association of Black

Psychologists. Its publication arm, the Journal of
Black Psychology, allowed a venue to showcase the
research, theory, and talent of African American
psychologists—an important action that allowed
further legitimization of the field of Black psychol-
ogy. Additional classical publications on Black psy-
chology include Black Psychology (R. Jones, 1972)
and The Psychology of Blacks: An Afro-American
­Perspective (White, 1984).
Many African American psychologists also
understood the importance of remaining vigilant
within APA to ensure the inclusion of psychologists
of color. One victory was the election of Kenneth
Copyright American Psychological Association. Not for further distribution.
Clarke as the first (and only) African American pres-
ident of APA in 1970. In 2005, Jessica Henderson
Daniels became the first African American woman
elected to APA’s board of directors.
Demands by Blacks and other minorities within
APA resulted in decades of change in the infrastruc-
ture of APA. These changes are discussed later in
this chapter. “What began as an experiment to
increase representation of ethnic and racial minori-
ties in mental health became a catalyst for change in
the structure and functions of APA” (J. M. Jones &
Austin-Dailey, 2009, p. 388).
Hispanics, Latinos, and Chicanos
This group includes Mexican Americans, Central and
South Americans, Cubans, Puerto Ricans, and others.
As with Black psychology, the first writings in Chicano
psychology were to invalidate the low intelligence test
scores of Mexican American children (Sanchez, 1932).
Later, issues of bilingualism, biculturalism and multi-
culturalism, bicognition (how language and cultural
shape cognition), acculturation, racism, poverty, fam-
ily structure, stereotypes, folk healing or curanderismo,
gender issues, older adults, LGBTQ individuals,
domestic violence, family therapy, substance abuse,
psychotherapy, and stress were addressed.
Ramirez (2004) reviewed the milestones in Chi-
cano psychology, beginning with a 1973 National
Institute of Mental Health (NIMH) grant to survey
U.S. psychology departments to assess the number
of Hispanic faculty and graduate students and to
convene a national conference to address the results
of the survey. The survey revealed only 15 Chicano
psychology faculty out of 1,335 faculty. The survey
The Evolution of the Revolution
also found only 51 Latino graduate students
enrolled in master’s programs in psychology and
37 in doctoral programs. The ensuing conference
was dedicated to increasing the representation of
Hispanics in psychology.
Also in 1973, Latino Mental Health: A Review of
Literature (Padilla & Ruiz, 1973) was published and
served to shape the research and training agenda for
the Coalition of Spanish Speaking Mental Health
Organizations. Its first Spanish-speaking mental
health center was established at the University of
California, Los Angeles. The creation of this first
center provided a space for Hispanic researchers to
gather and enable the publication of their work in
the center-supported Hispanic Journal of Behavioral
Sciences.
The First Symposium on Chicano Psychology in
1975 was primarily a scientific conference. The book
Chicano Psychology (Martinez, 1977) resulted from
this conference. The 1984 edition (Martinez & Men-
doza, 1984) was expanded to include the sociopoliti-
cal issues in psychology. The 2004 publishing of The
Handbook of Chicana/o Psychology and Mental Health
(Velásquez, Arellano, & McNeill, 2004) included
multiple topics and was used to further the curricu-
lums for mental health practitioners working with
Latino populations.
Similar to Black psychologists, Hispanic psychol-
ogists established an organization outside the reaches
of APA. In 1970, the Association of Psychologists
por la Raza emerged. Later, in 1979, at a conference
in Lake Arrowhead, California, the idea for the
National Hispanic Psychology Association (which
later became the National Latino/a Psychological
Association) was born.
Concurrently, Hispanic psychologists continued
to demand recognition and visibility within APA.
Many Hispanic psychologists served on APA boards
and committees and as division officers. However,
not until 2007 did the first and only Hispanic (male
or female), Melba Vasquez, serve on the APA board
of directors. In 2010, Vasquez was also elected as
the first and only Hispanic president of APA.
Asian/Pacific Islanders
Asian/Pacific Islander Americans have encountered
racial discrimination upon their arrival in the United
5
 Christine C. Iijima Hall
States. History has reported economic exploitation
(e.g., Chinese and Filipino immigrants exploited as
cheap labor), internment (e.g., Japanese Americans
during World War II), legislative abuse (e.g., denied
citizenship and entrance into the United States,
interracial marriages), and violence (Hall &
­Barongan, 2002).
Early stereotypes of Asian/Pacific Islanders was
that of unintelligent and subhuman individuals.
Around 1970, this negative stereotype changed to
the “model minority” image (Peterson, 1966). That
is, Asian Americans were viewed, unlike other ethnic
minorities, as the “good minority”—the hard-working
Copyright American Psychological Association. Not for further distribution.
ones who have achieved academic and financial suc-
cess. This image is problematic for multiple reasons
but primarily because it stereotypes all Asians as
being the same when the diversity among the Asian
groups encompasses more than 29 Asian cultures
and languages, varied migration reasons, and a wide
economic continuum (Hall & Barongan, 2002).
The model minority stereotype led to the
assumption that Asian/Pacific Islander Americans
did not experience mental health problems. This
inaccurate interpretation of data resulted in a lack
of mental health research and services to the Asian/
Pacific Islander American community. A more accu-
rate perception of Asian/Pacific Islander Americans
and mental health emanated from a critical mass of
Asian/Pacific Islander American mental health
researchers and practitioners in the 1970s. (For a
more detailed account of the history of Asian Ameri-
can psychology, see Leong & Okazaki, 2009).
Asian American psychologists worked to provide
mental health services to the Asian community. One
such contribution was a major community health cen-
ter, the Richmond Area Multi-Services Center, which
was established in 1974. The center later expanded to
provide training to those mental health professionals
interested in working with Asian populations.
In 1972, a small group of Asian American psy-
chologists met in the San Francisco Bay Area to
exchange ideas and for social support, and the Asian
American Psychological Association was born
(Leong & Okazaki, 2009). Four years later, many of
these same professionals organized the National
Asian American Psychology Training Conference
with funding from NIMH.
6
One of the first articles on the mental health of
Asians in the United States was by Harry Kitano in
1969. Soon after came Asian Americans: Psychologi-
cal Perspectives (S. Sue & Wagner, 1973). In 1979,
the first Handbook of Asian American/Pacific Islander
Mental Health was published (Morishima, Sue, Teng,
Zane, & Cram, 1979). Additional handbooks
emerged in subsequent years (Alvarez & Tewari,
2008; Lee & Zane, 1998; Leong et al., 2006).
The Asian American Psychological Association
self-published its first journal—the Journal of the
Asian American Psychological Association—in 1979,
held its first national convention in Los Angeles in
1985, developed a monograph series in 1995, and
in 2010 began publishing the APA-based journal,
the Asian American Journal of Psychology.
Asian American psychologists have played prom-
inent roles in the governance of APA. In 1994, Alice
Chang became the first woman of color and the first
Asian American woman to be elected to APA’s board
of directors. In 1997, Richard Suinn was elected the
first Asian American president of APA.
Native Americans
“Historically, Native Americans have been one of the
most neglected groups of people in this country in
education, health and mental health” (Duran &
Duran, 1995, p. 2). This group has experienced inva-
sion, genocide, removal to reservations and boarding
schools, loss of language and heritage, and forced
acculturation. Native American mental health
researchers have stated that these events are part of
the intergenerational posttraumatic stress disorder
experienced by Native Americans (Choney, Berryhill-
Paapke, & Robbins, 1995; Duran & Duran, 1995).
These stresses have led to problems among
Native Americans, such as posttraumatic stress dis-
order, alcoholism, suicide, homicide, unemploy-
ment, and internalized oppression. To aid with such
problems, many Native American mental health
practitioners have used culturally based complemen-
tary practices such as the use of traditional ­healers,
extended family and support networks, and knowl-
edge of the Native American culture and history
(Choney et al., 1995). See Trimble and Clearing-Sky
(2009) for an excellent historical overview of Native
Americans in psychology.

Native American psychologists were the final
group of ethnic psychologists to form a mental
health organization outside of APA. The Network of
Indian Psychologists began in the 1970s with a grant
to investigate the state of mental health services in
Indian communities. About this same time, the
American Indian Interest Group was established
with the support of APA’s Division 9, the Society for
the Psychological Study of Social Issues. In 1975,
these two Native American groups combined forces
and created the Society of Indian Psychologists,
which is currently the official Native American psy-
chological association. The first Annual Convention
Copyright American Psychological Association. Not for further distribution.
of American Indian Psychologists and Graduate
­Students was held in 1987.
A major concern of the Society of Indian Psy-
chologists and the 1987 convention was the dearth
of Indian psychologists and other psychologists
trained to work with Native American populations.
As a result of this conference, the Rural Minority
Mental Health Program was established in 1991 to
train psychology students interested in working in
rural settings, especially on Native American reser-
vations. Most of the students were of American
Indian and Alaskan Native background.
In 1978, the Journal of the National Center for
American Indian and Alaska Native Mental Health
Research was published by the National Centers for
American Indian and Alaska Native Mental Health
Research. The journal has had numerous titles over
the years as the center moved to various locations.
For additional publications addressing Native Amer-
ican and Alaska Native mental health issues, see two
literature summaries, Kelso and Attneave (1981)
and Trimble and Bagwell (1995).
Native American psychologists worked to have
funding for psychology graduate education included
in the 1992 Indian Health Care Improvement Act.
They were successful and three Indians Into Psy-
chology Doctoral Education programs within APA-
accredited clinical psychology training programs
were established.
Within APA, although a small number of Native
Americans have been APA members, Native Ameri-
cans have participated in APA’s governance. In
1986, the first APA president with Native American
heritage, Logan Wright, was elected. Other Native
The Evolution of the Revolution
American members have been involved in APA gov-
ernance and leadership.
MULTICULTURAL REVOLUTION WITHIN
THE APA’S INFRASTRUCTURE
The Center for Minority Group Mental Health was
launched after a 1969 meeting between a group of
Black psychiatrists and administrators of the NIMH
(J. M. Jones & Austin-Dailey, 2009). The mission of
the Minority Center (as it was commonly called)
was to identify and analyze institutional racism
within mental health and human services institu-
tions, examine the effects of White racism, and
develop skilled professionals to implement pro-
grams that would eliminate institutional racism.
These issues were to be addressed through research
and human resource development and training. The
Minority Center found that university-based train-
ing programs did not attract, train, retain, or gradu-
ate a significant number of ethnic minority
psychologists. As a result, NIMH provided funding
to several national professional associations to sup-
port the training of students of color in psychiatry,
psychology, psychiatric nursing, psychiatric social
work, and sociology. APA was one of the associa-
tions that received these funds, and the APA Minor-
ity Fellowship Program (MFP) was established with
these funds in 1974.
The mission of the MFP was to increase the num-
ber of ethnic psychologists and began with strategies
to (a) reach out to students of color who had a
strong ethnic identification and the potential to
successfully complete a doctoral training program;
(b) engage the host institutions in supporting the
MFP fellows financially and professionally; (c) pro-
vide the fellows with ethnic minority role models;
(d) empower fellows by eliminating isolation; and
(e) change the hosting institutions to ensure cultur-
ally sensitive training and education (J. M. Jones &
Austin-Dailey, 2009). APA’s MFP originally funded
only clinical psychology students but later expanded
to include students interested in research. The pro-
gram has been very successful, with 1,164 students
of color obtaining their doctorates in psychology
between 1974 and 2006. The MFP completion rate
has averaged 70%. The program has expanded over
7
 Christine C. Iijima Hall
the years to fund dissertations, establish a Summer
Institute, and recognize outstanding alumni of MFP.
Although the MFP was an excellent program for
increasing the number of psychologists of color,
ethnic psychologists and others realized that the
ethnic minority agenda could not move forward in
APA without a more permanent infrastructure that
would have oversight of APA’s policy and structure.
A supplemental grant from NIMH and funding from
APA enabled “the Dulles Conference” in 1978 at
which psychologists of color gathered to discuss a
plan for this infrastructure change. A result of this
conference was the creation of APA’s Office of Eth-
Copyright American Psychological Association. Not for further distribution.
nic Minority Affairs in 1978, the Board of Ethnic
Minority Affairs in 1979, and an APA division dedi-
cated to issues of ethnic minorities—Division 45,
the Society for the Psychological Study of Minority
Issues—in 1986.
The Board of Ethnic Minority Affairs sprouted
committees under its tutelage, one being the Commit-
tee on Ethnic Minority Affairs. This committee became
the product-generating arm of the Board of Ethnic
Minority Affairs, producing pamphlets, research
guidelines, and other essential informative publica-
tions. In 1991, the Board of Ethnic Minority Affairs
merged with the Board of Social and Ethical Responsi-
bility for Psychology and became the Board for the
Advancement of Psychology in the Public Interest.
Division 45 provided a publication venue with
the Journal of Cultural Diversity and Ethnic Minority
Psychology. As stated earlier, a publication vehicle is
important because it establishes the credibility of the
discipline, showcases mental health professionals,
provides a more culturally aware editorial group to
review ethnic-related articles, and provides informa-
tion dissemination. Although APA has become more
sensitive to the need for multicultural topics, many
of its journals are still deficient in publishing ethnic-
based research and theory.
The APA Publications and Communications
Board was aware of the dearth of journal articles on
ethnic psychology and articles by ethnic psycholo-
gists. The Publications and Communications Board
established the Ad Hoc Committee on Increasing the
Representation of Underrepresented Groups in the
Publication Process in 1984. From this committee
emerged new ideas for increasing the number of
8
minority authors. One journal, the Journal of Educa-
tional Psychology, took the recommendations to
heart and began the Underrepresented Group Proj-
ect, which encouraged publications addressing
issues relevant to ethnic minority groups (Comas-
Díaz, 1990). In addition, the journal created a
position for an associate editor whose main respon-
sibility was to mentor new professionals in the
publication process.
In 1994, the APA board of directors established
the Commission on Ethnic Minority Recruitment,
Retention, and Training in Psychology (CEMRRAT)
in response to an APA resolution that identified the
recruitment, retention, education, and training of
ethnic minorities in psychology as one of the associ-
ation’s highest priorities (Holliday & Holmes,
2003). CEMRRAT’s work resulted in several publi-
cations regarding the recruitment and retention of
students and faculty, understanding the accredita-
tion requirement for diversity, and advice on curric-
ulum and training to educate and train future
psychologists to work with communities of color.
CEMRRAT continues to be a primary body within
APA to research and disseminate information on
issues relating to ethnic minority psychology.
The collaborative work with APA and psycholo-
gists of color culminated with the First National
Multicultural Conference and Summit in 1999,
cosponsored by Division 17 (Society of Counseling
Psychology), Division 35 (Society for the Psychol-
ogy of Women), Division 44 (Society for the Psy-
chological Study of Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, and
Transgender Issues), and Division 45 (Society for
the Psychological Study of Ethnic Minority Issues).
The summit continues to be held every 2 years.
In 2002, all the boards within the Public Interest
Directorate were merged into the Board for the
Advancement of Psychology in the Public Interest
(APA, 2011a). Its mission is to serve the public
interest and advance social justice, health, and well-
being for all people; ensure diversity is addressed
throughout APA; and serve in a consultative and
advisory role with respect to ongoing planning and
operations of the Public Interest Directorate, in con-
sultation with its executive director. The member-
ship of the board includes ethnic, LGBTQ, gender,
and disability representation.

Within the past 10 years, the leadership changes
within APA have included Norman Anderson’s
being appointed the first African American chief
executive officer in 2003 and Gwendolyn Keita’s
becoming the first African American woman to serve
as an executive director in 2006. In addition, APA’s
Council of Representatives became more diverse
when it invited a representative from each of the
four ethnic psychological associations, at APA’s cost,
to attend the Council of Representatives meetings.
This was a 3-year pilot program.
The aforementioned programs within the Public
Interest Directorate increased the visibility, credibil-
Copyright American Psychological Association. Not for further distribution.
ity, and number of ethnic psychologists. APA poli-
cies and guidelines addressing the mental health of
ethnic minorities resulted. Meanwhile, protests by
women, LGBTQ individuals, and individuals with
disabilities within APA were also occurring,
demanding representation and service from the
organization.
SOCIAL MOVEMENTS OF WOMEN, LGBTQ
INDIVIDUALS, AND INDIVIDUALS WITH
DISABILITIES AND THE APA’S RESPONSE
In much the same way as the civil rights movement
in the United States led to changes within APA for
people of color, social movements of women,
LGBTQ, and individuals with disabilities stimulated
recognition and action for these forgotten groups
within APA.
Women
“Be it resolved that APA commit itself to doing for
women whatever it has stated it will do for blacks”
(APA, 2004, p. 3).
Females were included in research primarily as a
comparison group to prove male (specifically White
male) superiority. The premise of this research
began with the belief of male biological superiority.
The proof was circular—only men had great
achievements; thus, women must have biological
defects (Barnes, 2005). Another “intuitive proof” in
the late 1880s was research that showed that women
who attended college had fewer children; thus, edu-
cation must impair fertility. (For a detailed ­history
of women in psychology, see APA, 1993a; Barnes,
The Evolution of the Revolution
2005; and Unger, 2001.) In reality, research results
that showed sex differences found them to be “few
or relatively small . . . given the level of professional
and popular attention devoted to the topic” (Mac-
coby & Jacklin, 1974, p. 3). That is, the differences
were exaggerated.
Similar to the civil rights movement for people of
color, the feminist movement made political strides
for women in the 1970s, including in the field of
psychology. Women were entering into the profes-
sion, conducting research, and developing theory
on such topics as gender, stereotypes, workplace
discrimination, sexual harassment, reproductive
rights, family violence, and sexual assault (Porter,
2005).
APA, as a membership guild organization, mir-
rored the sociopolitical climate of the United States
in which women were not viewed as leaders, as
reflected in the fact that APA did not elect its first
female president until 1905 (APA was founded in
1892) and did not elect its second female president
until 16 years later in 1921. The third and fourth
female presidents followed 50 years later. Most of
these past female presidents did not push a feminist
agenda (Unger, 2001). Not until 1979, when Flor-
ence Denmark was elected, was the feminist agenda
incorporated.
As a result of the archaic views of APA and the
mistreatment of women in research, teaching, and
practice, female psychologists broke away from APA
by establishing the Association of Women in Psy-
chology in 1969 (APA, 1993a). APA, not wanting to
lose a large contingency of its members, responded
in 1970 by establishing the Task Force on the Status
of Women. The recommendation of this task force
was to establish an ad hoc Committee on Women in
Psychology (CWP) under the auspices of the Board
of Social and Ethical Responsibility. CWP was estab-
lished in 1972. In 1981, in an attempt to upgrade
CWP to board status, a proposal was brought for-
ward to the APA Council of Representatives and was
defeated by the largest margin in the history of APA
governance. CWP remains a committee today.
CWP recommended the establishment of the
Division of Women in Psychology (Division 35;
later the Society for Psychology of Women) in 1973.
Additional APA infrastructure changes came in the
9
 Christine C. Iijima Hall
form of the Women’s Programs Office in 1977. In
1982, the Publications and Communications Board
established an ad hoc committee to identify strate-
gies for involving women and minorities in the pub-
lications process, which resulted in the Guidelines
for Avoiding Sexism in Psychological Research in 1988
(APA, 1993a).
In 1992, CWP published the Survival Guide to
Academia From Women and Ethnic Minorities to aid
with promotion and tenure (APA, 1993a). That
same year, CWP compiled curriculum information
for integrating women’s issues into the teaching of
psychology in a volume titled Changing Herstory:
Copyright American Psychological Association. Not for further distribution.
Integrating Diversity Into Teaching of Psychology
(APA, 1993a).
Feminist psychologists within APA led the way
in suppressing the diagnosis of “battered woman
syndrome” in the American Psychiatric Association’s
1980 Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Dis-
orders (3rd ed.). In 1989, CWP also opposed the
inclusion of “self-defeating personality disorder” as
a category in the third revised edition of the manual.
Two excellent publications chronicling the fem-
inist movement within APA are The Committee of
Women in Psychology: Two Decades of Change
1973–1993 (APA, 1993a) and 52 Resolutions and
Motions Regarding the Status of Women in Psychol-
ogy: Chronicling 30 Years of Passion and Progress
(APA, 2004).
Gay, Lesbian, Bisexual, Transgender,
and Questioning Individuals
In 1953, President Eisenhower banned homosexuals
from federal jobs (infoplease, 2011). Many busi-
nesses also implemented this ban. The Federal
Bureau of Investigation and law enforcement agen-
cies established surveillance programs against
homosexuals and began raiding bars and arresting
them. In June 1969, police raided the Stonewall Inn,
a bar in New York’s Greenwich Village. The patrons
fought back, and 3 days of riots resulted. Modeling
itself after the Black and women’s movements of the
time, the gay movement officially began with this
riot. The movement was successful, resulting in
approximately 800 gay and lesbian organizations in
the United States by 1973. The number of organiza-
tions is currently well over several thousand.
10
Psychology, as it did with ethnic groups and
women, failed to address the topic of sexual orienta-
tion without bias. When the topic was addressed,
homosexuality was viewed as a psychological disor-
der resulting from some “disturbance or pathological
arrest in development” (Greene, 1994, p. 1). Homo-
sexuals were also grouped together as a single entity
rather than being viewed as diverse groups—gay,
lesbian, bisexual, transgender, and questioning
­individuals—to the point at which results of research
on gay men were generalized to lesbian women.
Much of the pathological results of research on
homosexuality was the result of research subjects
being from “pathological” populations such as indi-
viduals in prisons and mental hospitals (Kitzinger &
Coyle, 2002). The “cure” for homosexuality that
resulted from some of these studies included con-
version therapy (“converting” gays and lesbians into
heterosexuals with such practices as aversion ther-
apy and systematic desensitization).
In the 1970s, mental health professionals began
to combat the pathology of homosexuality. (For a
historical review, see Greene, 1994.) For example,
LGBTQ psychologists and APA played a major role
in the removal of homosexuality as a disorder from
the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental
Disorders in 1973 (APA, 1973). However, the Amer-
ican Psychiatric Association replaced it with “ego-
dystonic homosexuality” (in which a person wishes
his or her sexual orientation were different), which
the APA also fought to have removed in 1988.
The APA adopted policy in 1987 that
homosexuality per se implies no impair-
ment in judgment, stability, reliability, or
general social and vocational capabilities
and urged all mental health professionals
to take the lead in removing the stigma of
mental illness that has been long associ-
ated with gay and lesbian sexual orienta-
tions. (Greene, 1994, p. 1)
Mental health professionals also expanded the
research topics in LGBTQ research. Topics of
research included discrimination, alcohol and drug
abuse, suicide, sexual identity, parenting, and rela-
tionships. The population was also seen as more
diverse, with distinctions made among gay men,

l­esbian women, and bisexual, transgender, and
questioning populations.
Within APA, a faction of gay and lesbian psy-
chologists formed a lobbying group called the Asso-
ciation of Gay Psychologists in 1973 (Greene,
1994), which developed a set of objectives for APA
to address. These were adopted by APA’s Board of
Social and Ethical Responsibility in Psychology in
October 1975. These objectives resulted in the Task
Force on the Status of Lesbian and Gay Psycholo-
gists (early in the movement, the terms transgen-
dered and questioning were not included) and a
continuing committee called the Committee on Les-
Copyright American Psychological Association. Not for further distribution.
bian and Gay Concerns (CLGC), which developed
policy statements for APA that have been used for
advocacy purposes, influencing lawmakers, and sup-
porting human rights. These statements included
those on discrimination against homosexuals in
1975, child custody and placement in 1976, employ-
ment rights of gay teachers in 1981, hate crimes in
1988, LGB youths in schools in 1993, appropriate
sexual orientation therapy in 1997, military service
in 2004, sexual orientation and marriage in 2004,
discriminatory legislation and initiates in 2007 and
2008, and affirmative responses to sexual orienta-
tion distress and change efforts in 2009.
In addition, APA adopted numerous guidelines
against heterosexual bias in psychological research
and practice, which included the Guidelines for Psy-
chotherapy With Lesbian, Gay, and Bisexual Clients
(APA, 2000), guidelines on avoiding heterosexual
bias in research (Herek, Kimmel, Amaro, & Melton,
1991), and guidelines on avoiding heterosexual bias
in language (Committee on Lesbian and Gay Con-
cerns, 1991).
The goals of the Guidelines for Psychotherapy
With Lesbian, Gay, and Bisexual Clients were
to provide practitioners with (1) a frame
of reference for the treatment of lesbian,
gay, and bisexual clients, and (2) basic
information and further references in the
areas of assessment, intervention, identity,
relationships, and the education and train-
ing of psychologists. (APA, 2000, p. 1440)
The guidelines are practical ones: Practitioners
should (a) assess their own attitudes and knowledge
The Evolution of the Revolution
of homosexuality; (b) be knowledgeable of, and
respect, the relationships a client has with families
and partners who are not necessarily biologically or
legally related; (c) understand the culture and inter-
secting minority status (LGB and racial/ethnic
minority individuals, LGB youths and older adults,
and LGB individuals with disabilities); and (d) sup-
port the training and education of practitioners in
working with LGB clients. The guidelines are
important because the “treatment of gay men and
lesbians is a specialized field that requires a height-
ened level of self-awareness in the clinician and a
commitment to being educated about gay and les-
bian issues” (Greene, 1994, p. 21).
APA also established a new division in 1987—
Division 44: The Society for the Psychological Study
of Lesbian and Gay Issues (now the Society for the
Study of Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual and Transgender
Issues). Although APA has had presidents who are
women and people of color, no openly LGBTQ pres-
ident has been elected as of yet.
Individuals With Disabilities
People with physical and mental disabilities were
once seen as possessed by the devil, dangerous,
retarded, or deficient in some manner, and many
were segregated through institutionalization (Bicken-
bach, 1993). Today, the world has progressed some-
what beyond these beliefs and has made movement
toward not viewing the disability as the sole defini-
tion of an individual.
The Civil Rights Act of 1964 did not include indi-
viduals with disabilities as a protected group (Mayer-
son, 1992). It was not until 1973 when Section 504
of the Rehabilitation Act of 1973 became law that
individuals with disabilities were protected from dis-
crimination. Previously, it had been assumed that the
problems faced by people with disabilities, such as
unemployment and lack of education, were inevita-
ble consequences of the physical or mental limita-
tions imposed by the disability itself. Enactment of
Section 504 evidenced Congress’s recognition that
the inferior social and economic status of people with
disabilities was not a consequence of the disability
itself but was instead a result of social barriers and
prejudices. As with racial minorities and women,
Congress recognized that legislation was necessary to
11
 Christine C. Iijima Hall
eradicate discriminatory policies and practices
­(Mayerson, 1992).
Although Section 504 was passed by Congress in
1973, the Department of Health, Education, and
Welfare failed to construct regulations to effectuate
the Rehabilitation Act, so agencies were not able to
respond. Not until a 28-day sit-in was held all over
the country in front of department buildings were
the guidelines finally produced in 1977.
Victory was short, however, because in the
1980s, President Ronald Reagan attempted to dereg-
ulate the Rehabilitation Act because it was a burden
on businesses. Constant vigilance by the disability
Copyright American Psychological Association. Not for further distribution.
community stopped the deregulation. However, the
Rehabilitation Act banned disability discrimination
only in those agencies that received federal funding.
Excluding individuals with disabilities from perform-
ing jobs and enjoying activities was still legal in insti-
tutions that did not receive federal funds. Finally, in
1990, the Americans With Disabilities Act was passed,
which protected all individuals with disabilities from
discrimination in employment and also demanded
equal access to buildings, parks, and so forth.
Psychology lagged behind in its response to the
disability movement. Psychology commonly viewed
disability from the perspective of rehabilitation
(Goodley & Lawthom, 2006). This perspective
placed emphasis on the person’s impairment and
rehabilitation rather than on the cultural, social, and
political aspects of individuals with disabilities. To
aid in changing this limited perspective, APA estab-
lished the Task Force on Psychology and the Handi-
capped in 1979, which led to the Committee on
Disabilities and the Handicapped in 1985 (later
renamed the Committee on Disability Issues in Psy-
chology in 1990; personal communication, APA’s
Office of Disability Issues in Psychology, March 31,
2011). The mission of the committee was to pro-
mote the psychological welfare of people with dis-
abilities; the development and implementation of
psychological service delivery models responsive to
the needs of people with disabilities; the awareness
of disability issues in psychological research and
specific research activity in disability areas; and the
inclusion of knowledge about disabilities and dis-
ability issues in education, training programs, and
professional development of psychologists. The
12
Office of Disability Issues was also established
within the APA Public Interest Directorate in 1985
whose mission is to raise awareness of disability
issues with APA, promote equal opportunity, serve
as a resource to APA staff and members, and pro-
mote research to influence public policy decisions
(APA, 2011b)
In 2008, the APA Council of Representatives
adopted a resolution to support the Americans With
Disabilities Act. The resolution opposed discrimina-
tion on the basis of disability status, sought to
improve the adverse mental health effects of dis-
crimination, and supported services and environ-
ments that allow individuals with disabilities to
participate fully at work, at home, and in their
­communities (APA, 2008).
To aid mental health professionals in providing
services to individuals with disabilities, the Guide-
lines for Assessment of and Intervention With Persons
With Disabilities (APA, 2011c) were approved by the
APA Council of Representatives in February 2011.
The goal of the Guidelines for Assessment of and
Intervention With Persons With Disabilities is to help
psychologists conceptualize and implement more
effective, fair, and ethical psychological assessments
and interventions with people with disabilities. The
Guidelines provide suggestions on ways psycholo-
gists can make their practices more accessible and
disability sensitive and how they might enhance
their working relationships with clients with disabil-
ities. Additionally, the Guidelines provide informa-
tion on how psychologists can obtain more
education, training, and experience with disability-
related matters (APA, 2011c).
These guidelines address awareness, training,
accessibility, diversity, legal issues, common disabil-
ity experiences, disability culture, families, abuse,
testing and assessment, interventions, and health
promotion.
MULTICULTURAL PSYCHOLOGY AND
THE APA’S ETHICAL PRINCIPLES
OF PSYCHOLOGISTS AND CODE OF
CONDUCT
One of the primary motivating factors for establish-
ing a field of multicultural psychology was APA’s

Ethical Principles of Psychologists and Code of Con-
duct, which “sets the boundaries and responsibilities
of the profession” (Mio et al., 2006, p. 29) and dic-
tates that psychologists may only work within their
area of expertise (APA, 1981). In 1981, multicul-
tural psychology was not viewed as an official area
of expertise, and many psychologists were con-
cerned that practitioners and researchers without
cultural expertise were doing harm to particular
communities. In 1992, through the efforts of psy-
chologists committed to mental health awareness of
cultures, the Ethical Principles and Code of Conduct
included statements on “respect for people’s rights
Copyright American Psychological Association. Not for further distribution.
and dignity” and directed that psychologists must be
aware of and respect “cultural, individual, and role
differences” (APA, 1992, p. 1063). This principle
included specific descriptions of unfair discrimina-
tion (which includes eliminating bias in work,
knowingly condoning or participating in biased
activities, or interpreting assessments from a biased
perspective) and boundaries of competence. The
competency statements opened the way for the
establishment of an expertise of multicultural psy-
chology and multicultural guidelines and standards
for accreditation, training, research, and practice.
Multicultural Psychology and APA
Accreditation
The early APA standards for accreditation did not
include standards for the diversification of an insti-
tution’s faculty, students, curriculum, and training
(Altmaier, 2003). The first statement regarding
diversity appeared in the accreditation standards in
1973: “The quality and diversity of the relevant fac-
ulty are perhaps the most important factors in the
development of a professional psychologist” (APA,
1973, pp. 15–17). In 1979, the accreditation stan-
dards explicitly addressed diversity and multicul-
tural competency with Criterion II—Cultural and
Individual Differences and Diversity. Criterion II
was established to ensure programs “develop knowl-
edge and skills in their students relevant to human
diversity such as people with handicapping condi-
tions; of differing ages, genders, ethnic and racial
backgrounds, religions, and life-styles; and differing
social and individual backgrounds” (APA, 1980,
pp. 4–5). Although this language was strong, rarely
The Evolution of the Revolution
was any institution denied accreditation or placed
on probation for faltering on this standard (Hall,
1997).
In hopes of placing diversity in a more promi-
nent role in accreditation, in 1997 the Guidelines and
Principles for Accreditation of Programs in Profes-
sional Psychology (APA, 1997a) were written and
contained criteria on how graduate programs,
internships, and residencies can meet the require-
ments for Domain D (accreditation standard catego-
ries changed from criterion to domain). Domain D
states that a psychology program “recognizes the
importance of cultural and individual ­differences
and diversity in the training of psychologists” and
“engage[s] in actions that indicate respect for and
understanding of cultural and individual differ-
ences” (APA, 2009, p. 10). Specifically, programs
must make efforts to attract and retain students and
faculty from “differing ethnic, racial, and personal
backgrounds” into the program and provide “stu-
dents with relevant knowledge and experiences
about the role of cultural and individual diversity”
in psychology (p. 10).
Also in 1997, CEMRRAT produced a document
titled Questions and Actions Program Chairs and
Directors of Clinical, Counseling and School Psychol-
ogy Programs Should Consider When Assessing the
Degree to Which Their Program Complies With
Accreditation Domain D: Cultural and Individual Dif-
ferences and Diversity (APA, 1997b) to aid program
chairs and directors in understanding and comply-
ing with the accreditation guidelines on diversity.
Multicultural Competencies
“Cultural competency, along with multiculturalism,
refers to the belief that people should not only
appreciate and recognize other cultural groups but
also be able to deliver effective psychological inter-
ventions to members of a particular culture” (S. Sue,
1998, p. 440). Traditional European psychology has
not adequately addressed the issues of ethnic and
other diverse communities; in fact, lack of cultural
knowledge can do harm to these communities
(Fouad & Arredondo, 2007). Examples of inade-
quate, discriminatory, and harmful research emanat-
ing from psychology can be found in other chapters
of Volume 1 of this handbook. This type of research
13
 Christine C. Iijima Hall
led to discriminatory and harmful clinical and
applied practices.
To ensure mental health professionals were com-
petent to work with populations of color, women,
LGBTQ individuals, and individuals with disabilities,
a movement began to establish multicultural compe-
tency criteria. According to Fouad and Arredondo
(2007), this movement began around 1981 with
APA’s Division 17 (Society of Counseling Psychol-
ogy). In 1988, APA’s Board of Ethnic Minority Affairs
established a task force that produced the Guidelines
for Providers of Psychological Services to Ethnic, Lin-
guistic, and Culturally Diverse Populations (APA,
Copyright American Psychological Association. Not for further distribution.
1993b). The Guidelines began with a “do no harm”
statement, which was followed by statements about
psychologists having the responsibility to (a) educate
the client in the therapeutic process; (b) be cognizant
of the research and practice of the culture; (c) recog-
nize that culture and ethnicity are significant factors
in the client’s life and how the world interacts with
the client; (d) respect the client’s family structure,
hierarchy, belief systems, and values; (e) respect the
client’s religious or spiritual beliefs; (f) interact in the
client’s preferred language; (g) consider the impact of
social, political, and environmental factors when
assessing the problems and interventions; (h) attend
to and work to eliminate, bias, prejudice, and dis-
criminatory practices (providers); and (i) document
the relevant cultural and sociopolitical factors in
their clients’ records (practitioners).
In 2002, the APA’s Guidelines on Multicultural
Education, Training, Research, Practice, and Organi-
zational Change for Psychologists provided more
detailed and specific guidelines. These guidelines
“reflect knowledge and skills needed for the profes-
sion in the midst of dramatic historic sociopolitical
changes in U.S. society, as well as needs from new
constituencies, markets, and clients” (APA, 2002,
p. 2). As with the earlier guidelines, these new
guidelines emphasized that individuals live in a
sociopolitical environment, in particular, those indi-
viduals and groups who have been marginalized and
disenfranchised because of their ethnic or racial her-
itage, social group identity or membership, or both.
Competent psychologists should be knowledgeable
of these environments and their effect on individu-
als and groups.
14
The 2002 guidelines provide psychologists with a
rationale for addressing multiculturalism in training,
education, research, and organizational change; a
basic understanding of multiculturalism; resources
for information; and paradigms that “broaden the
purview of psychology as a profession” (APA, 2002,
p. 2). The guidelines state that psychologists, and
the field of psychology, are enhanced when psychol-
ogists (a) are knowledgeable of how socialization
through racial or ethnic group affiliation and mem-
bership affect the education, training, research, and
practice of psychology; (b) understand and recog-
nize how individuals’ socialization experiences can
enhance the field of psychology; (c) recognize how
racial/ethnic group membership intersects with
other dimensions of identity (e.g., gender, age, sex-
ual orientation, disability, religion or spirituality,
experiences, education level, socioeconomic status);
(d) are knowledgeable of how psychology has
viewed cultural differences as deficits and how this
perception has led to the underrepresentation of
ethnic minorities in psychology but how psychology
must now affirm and value the role of culture;
(e) are able to promote racial equity and social jus-
tice through their personal and professional roles;
and (f) are knowledgeable that organizations can
play a leadership role in multicultural inclusion in
education, training, institutional change, and
research and policy development.
Multicultural Curriculum and Training
The APA has not succeeded in its mission “to
advance psychology as a science and profession and
as a means of promoting health and human welfare”
(Trimble, 2003, p. x). That is, psychology has his-
torically neglected ethnic cultures and ignored the
importance of multicultural competency, and future
practitioners must “be willing to learn and explore
other cultural groups” (p. x).
To ensure psychologists and other mental health
professionals possess these necessary multicultural
competencies, it is imperative that multicultural
coursework, supervision, and training be mandatory.
Counseling training programs must ensure multicul-
tural competency training through trainees’ (a) under-
standing their own culture, (b) having the ability
to relate to clients from different backgrounds,

(c) understanding the perceptions of cultural groups,
and (d) performing effectively within the relationship
(Ridley & Kleiner, 2003). Multicultural competency
training programs should integrate multicultural
understanding throughout the program through atti-
tudes and beliefs, knowledge and skills, racial iden-
tity development, and proficiency in multicultural
terminology. Ridley and Kleiner (2003) cited numer-
ous studies regarding how to achieve this. One study
suggested that training programs adopt a four-part
curriculum: First, make available classroom experi-
ence that provides knowledge and awareness of how
community, social, cultural, and political institutions
Copyright American Psychological Association. Not for further distribution.
affect human systems. Second, trainees then begin
self-examination and evaluation, followed by
research on cultures, and fourth, end with a practi-
cum that adds an experiential component.
These studies revealed that even minimum expo-
sure to different groups was beneficial in multicul-
tural training and supervision. That is, trainees who
had contact with various groups or who heard
diverse speakers increased their understanding of dif-
ferent cultures, which aided their counseling skills.
This contact, by White students in particular, allowed
them to explore their White racial identity develop-
ment. It is also important that supervisors participate
in a similar curriculum if they have not done so.
Journal articles, book chapters, and other tools
are available to aid psychology program chairs in
achieving a multicultural training program. One
such tool is the Multicultural Competency Checklist
(Ponterotto, Alexander, & Grieger, 1995). Included
on this checklist is the need for chairs to be aware of
the importance of cultural representation in the pro-
gram’s faculty and students, curriculum, practice
and supervision, research, assessments, and the
physical environment. Another tool is the previously
mentioned APA CEMRRAT’s question and actions
document (APA, 1997b) to aid program chairs in
understanding what should be considered when
determining whether their programs comply with
the diversity component of accreditation.
An important aspect of multicultural training is
for practitioners not
to rely solely on culture-specific informa-
tion to stereotype their clients. In their
The Evolution of the Revolution
efforts to match their clients against cul-
tural norms, they may fail to treat them
as persons with uniqueness and individu-
ality . . . “within group” differences are
always greater than “between-group” dif-
ferences. (Ridley & Kleiner, 2003, p. 15)
CONCLUSION
Social movements sparked the multicultural psy-
chology revolution. This revolution changed the
way mental health professionals viewed the role of
culture in teaching, research, and practice. Policies,
guidelines, and standards soon emerged that
required cultural and individual differences be
addressed as a major factor in psychology—the
study of human behavior that is inclusive of all.
The victories attained during a revolution can
only be sustained through constant vigilance, moni-
toring, participation, and leadership. What seems
second nature to many now was revolutionary in the
beginning. When issues and programs become sec-
ond nature, it is not unusual for them to be taken
for granted or eliminated because of benign neglect,
lack of monitoring, or the belief that they are no
longer needed.
New issues and protections will also arise as the
world and awareness change. For example, eco-
nomic class has become more prominent as an
inequality issue. The recent “99% movement”
(Wikipedia, n.d.) emerged because of the preferen-
tial treatment of the wealthy, who represent 1% of
society, versus the 99%, who represent the middle
class and poorer Americans. Rather than being a
social movement demanding APA’s response, APA
acted before the social movement by establishing the
Office of Socioeconomic Status in 2007. The hope is
that APA and psychologists lead the revolution on
issues that affect the mental health and lives of all
human beings.
References
Altmaier, E. (2003). Multicultural competence and
accreditation in professional psychology. In D. Pope-
Davis, H. Coleman, W. Liu, & R. Toporek (Eds.),
Handbook of multicultural competencies in counseling
and psychology (pp. 303–312). Thousand Oaks, CA:
Sage. doi:10.4135/9781452231693.n19
15
 Christine C. Iijima Hall
Alvarez, A., & Tewari, N. (2008). Asian American psychol-
ogy. New York, NY: Psychology Press.
American Psychiatric Association. (1980). Diagnostic
and statistical manual of mental disorders (3rd ed.).
Washington, DC: American Psychiatric Association.
American Psychological Association. (1973).
Accreditation procedures and criteria. Washington,
DC: Author.
American Psychological Association. (1980).
Accreditation handbook. Washington, DC: Author.
American Psychological Association. (1981). Ethical
principles of psychologists. American Psychologist,
36, 633–638. doi:10.1037/0003-066X.36.6.633
American Psychological Association. (1992). Ethical
Copyright American Psychological Association. Not for further distribution.
principles of psychologists and code of con-
duct. American Psychologist, 47, 1597–1611.
doi:10.1037/0003-066X.47.12.1597
American Psychological Association. (1993a). The
Committee of Women in Psychology: Two decades of
change, 1973–1993. Washington, DC: Author.
American Psychological Association. (1993b). Guidelines
for providers of psychological services to ethnic, lin-
guistic and culturally diverse populations. American
Psychologist, 48, 45–48.
American Psychological Association. (1997a). Guidelines
and principles for accreditation of programs in profes-
sional psychology. Washington, DC: Author.
American Psychological Association. (1997b). Questions
and actions program chairs and directors of clinical,
counseling, and school psychology programs should
consider when assessing the degree to which their pro-
gram complies with accreditation Domain D: Cultural
and individual differences and diversity. Washington,
DC: Author.
American Psychological Association. (2000). Guidelines
for psychotherapy with lesbian, gay, and bisexual
clients. American Psychologist, 55, 1440–1451.
doi:10.1037/0003-066X.55.12.1440
American Psychological Association. (2002). Guidelines
on multicultural education, training, research, prac-
tice and organizational change for psychologists.
Washington, DC: Author.
American Psychological Association. (2004). 52 resolu-
tions and motions regarding the status of women in psy-
chology: Chronicling 30 years of passion and progress.
Washington, DC: Author.
American Psychological Association. (2008). Resolution
on the Americans With Disabilities Act. Washington,
DC: Author. Retrieved from http://www.apa.org/pi/
disability/resources/policy/disabilities-act.aspx
American Psychological Association. (2009). Guidelines
and principles for accreditation of programs in pro-
fessional psychology. Washington, DC: Author.
16
Retrieved from http://www.apa.org/ed/accreditation/
about/policies/guiding-principles.pdf
American Psychological Association. (2011a, November
26). BAPPI structure and function. Retrieved from
http://www.apa.org/pi/governance/bappi/structure.
aspx
American Psychological Association. (2011b, November
26). Disability issues in psychology. Retrieved from
http://www.apa.org/pi/disability/about/index.aspx
American Psychological Association. (2011c). Guidelines
for assessment of and intervention with persons with
disabilities. Washington, DC: Author.
Americans With Disabilities Act of 1990, Pub. L. 101–
336, 104 Stat. 327 (42 U.S.C. 12101 et seq.).
Barnes, A. (2005). The handbook of women, psychology,
and the law. San Francisco, CA: Jossey-Bass.
Bernal, G., Trimble, J. E., Burlew, A. K., & Leong, F.
T. L. (2003). Introduction: The psychological
study of racial and ethnic minority psychology. In
G. Bernal, J. E. Trimble, A. K. Burlew, & F. T. L.
Leong (Eds.), Handbook of racial and ethnic minority
psychology (pp. 1–12). Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage.
doi:10.4135/9781412976008.n1
Bickenbach, J. (1993). Physical disability and social policy.
Toronto, Ontario, Canada: University of Toronto
Press.
Brown v. Board of Education, 347 U.S. 483 (1954).
Choney, S., Berryhill-Paapke, E., & Robbins, R. (1995).
The acculturation of American Indians: Developing
frameworks for research and practice. In J.
Ponterotto, J. M. Casas, L. Suzuki, & C. Alexander
(Eds.), Handbook of multicultural counseling
(pp. 73–92). Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage.
Civil Rights Act of 1964, Pub. L. 88–352, 122 Stat. 5021
(2008).
Clark, K., & Clark, M. (1939). The development of con-
sciousness of self and the emergence of racial iden-
tification of Negro pre-school children. Journal of
Social Psychology, 10, 591–599. doi:10.1080/0022454
5.1939.9713394
Comas-Díaz, L. (1990). Ethnic minority mental health:
Contributions and future directions of the American
Psychological Association. In F. Serafica, A.
Schwebel, R. Russell, P. Isaac, & L. Myers (Eds.),
Mental health of ethnic minorities (pp. 275–301). New
York, NY: Praeger.
Committee on Lesbian and Gay Concerns. (1991).
Avoiding heterosexual bias in language. American
Psychologist, 46, 973–974. doi:10.1037/0003-066X.
46.9.973
Duran, E., & Duran, B. (1995). Native American post-
colonial psychology. Albany: State University of New
York Press.

Fouad, N., & Arredondo, P. (2007). Becoming cultur-
ally oriented: Practical advice for psychologists and
educators. Washington, DC: American Psychological
Association. doi:10.1037/11483-000
Goodley, D., & Lawthom, R. (2006). Disability and psy-
chology: Critical introductions and reflections. London,
England: Palgrave Macmillan.
Greene, B. (1994). Lesbian and gay sexual orientations:
Implications for clinical training, practice, and
research. In B. Greene & G. Herek (Eds.), Lesbian
and gay psychology: Theory, research, and clinical
applications (pp. 1–24). Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage.
Guthrie, R. V. (1976). Even the rat was white: A historical
view of psychology. New York, NY: Harper & Row.
Copyright American Psychological Association. Not for further distribution.
Hall, C. C. I. (1997). Cultural malpractice: The growing
obsolescence of psychology with the changing U.S.
population. American Psychologist, 52, 642–651.
doi:10.1037/0003-066X.52.6.642
Hall, G. C. N. (2009). Multicultural psychology (2nd ed.).
Upper Saddle River, NJ: Prentice Hall.
Hall, G. C. N., & Barongan, C. (2002). Multicultural psy-
chology. Upper Saddle River, NJ: Prentice Hall.
Herek, G. M., Kimmel, D. C,, Amaro, H., & Melton, G.
B. (1991). Avoiding heterosexual bias in psychologi-
cal research. American Psychologist, 46, 957–963.
doi:10.1037/0003-066X.46.9.957
Holliday, B. G., & Holmes, A. L. (2003). A tale of chal-
lenge and change: A history and chronology of eth-
nic minorities in psychology in the United States.
In G. Bernal, J. Trimble, A. K. Burlew, & F. T. L.
Leong (Eds.), Handbook of racial and ethnic minority
psychology (pp. 15–64). Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage.
doi:10.4135/9781412976008.n2
Indian Health Care Improvement Act, Pub. L. 94–437, 90
Stat. 400 (25 U.S.C. 1601 et seq. (1976).
Infoplease. (2011, December 20). Milestones in the gay
rights movement. Retrieved from http://www.infoplease.
com/ipa/A0194028.html
Jensen, A. (1969). How much can we boost IQ and edu-
cational achievement? Harvard Educational Review,
39, 1–123.
Jenkins, A., Albee, G., Paster, V., Sue, S., Baker, D.,
Comas-Díaz, L., . . . Root, M. (2003). Ethnic minori-
ties. In D. Freedheim (Ed.), Handbook of psychol-
ogy: Vol. 1. History of psychology (pp. 483–508).
Hoboken, NJ: Wiley.
Jones, J. M., & Austin-Dailey, A. (2009). The Minority
Fellowship Program: A 30-year legacy of training
psychologists of color. Cultural Diversity and Ethnic
Minority Psychology, 15, 388–399. doi:10.1037/
a0017558
Jones, R. (1972). Black psychology. New York, NY:
Harper & Row.
The Evolution of the Revolution
Kelso, D., & Attneave, C. (1981). Bibliography of North
American Indian mental health. Westport, CT:
Greenwood Press.
Kitano, H. (1969). Japanese-American mental health. In
S. E. Plog (Ed.), Hanging perspectives in mental ill-
ness (pp. 256–284). New York, NY: Holt, Rinehart &
Winston.
Kitzinger, C., & Coyle, A. (2002). Introducing lesbian
and gay psychology. In A. K. Coyle (Ed.), Lesbian
and gay psychology (pp. 1–29). Oxford, England:
Blackwell.
Lee, W., & Zane, N. (1998). The handbook of Asian
American psychology. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage.
Leong, F. T. L., Inman, A. G., Ebreo, A., Yang, L. H.,
Kinoshita, L., & Fu, M. (2006). Handbook of Asian
American psychology (2nd ed.). Thousand Oaks, CA;
Sage.
Leong, F. T. L., & Okazaki, S. (2009). History of Asian
American psychology. Cultural Diversity and Ethnic
Minority Psychology, 15, 352–362. doi:10.1037/
a0016443
Maccoby, E. E., & Jacklin, C. (1974). The psychology of
sex differences. Palo Alto, CA: Stanford University
Press.
Martinez, J. L. (1977). Chicano psychology. New York,
NY: Academic Press.
Martinez, J., & Mendoza, R. (1984). Chicano psychology.
Orlando, FL: Academic Press.
Mayerson, A. (1992). The history of the ADA: A move-
ment perspective. Berkeley, CA: Disabilities Rights
Education and Defense Fund. Retrieved from http://
www.dredf.org/publications/ada_history.shtml
Mio, J. S., Barker-Hackett, L., & Tumambing, J. (2006).
Multicultural psychology: Understanding our diverse
communities. Boston, MA: McGraw-Hill.
Morishima, J., Sue, S., Teng, L. N., Zane, N., & Cram, J.
(1979). Handbook of Asian-American/Pacific Islander
mental health. Rockville, MD: National Institute of
Mental Health.
Padilla, A., & Omedo, E. (2009). A history of Latino
psychology. In F. C. Villaruel, J. Grau, M. Azmitia,
N. Cabrera, & T. J. Chahin (Eds.), Handbook of U.S.
Latino psychology (pp. 1–14). Thousand Oaks, CA:
Sage.
Padilla, A., & Ruiz, R. (1973). Latino mental health: A
review of literature. Rockville, MD: National Institute
of Mental Health.
Pederson, P. (1990). The multicultural perspective as the
fourth force in counseling. Journal of Mental Health
Counseling, 12, 6–12.
Peterson, W. (1966, January 6). Success story, Japanese-
American style. New York Times Magazine, p. 180.
17
 Christine C. Iijima Hall
Ponterotto, J., Alexander, C., & Grieger, I. (1995). A
multicultural competency checklist for counsel-
ing training programs. Journal of Multicultural
Counseling and Development, 23, 11–20.
doi:10.1002/j.2161-1912.1995.tb00262.x
Ponterotto, J., & Casas, J. M. (1991). Handbook of racial/
ethnic minority counseling research. Springfield, IL:
Charles C Thomas.
Porter, N. (2005). Psychological gender differences:
Contemporary theories and controversies. In A.
Barnes (Ed.), The handbook of women, psychology, and
the law (pp. 1–19). San Francisco, CA: Jossey-Bass.
Ramirez, M., III. (2004). Mestiza/o and Chicana/o psy-
chology: Theory, research, and application. In R.
Velázquez, L. Arellano, & B. McNeill (Eds.), The
Copyright American Psychological Association. Not for further distribution.
handbook of Chicana/o psychology and mental health
(pp. 3–21). Mahwah, NJ: Erlbaum.
Rehabilitation Act of 1973, Pub. L. 93–112, 87 Stat. 355
(29 U.S.C. 701 et seq) (1973).
Ridley, C., & Kleiner, A. (2003). Multicultural counseling
competence: History, themes, and issues. In D. Pope-
Davis, H. Coleman, W. Liu, & R. Toporek (Eds.),
Handbook of multicultural competencies in counseling
and psychology (pp. 3–20). Thousand Oaks, CA:
Sage. doi:10.4135/9781452231693.n1
Sanchez, G. I. (1932). Group differences and Spanish-
speaking children: A critical review. Journal of
Applied Psychology, 16, 549–558.
Shuey, A. M. (1958). The testing of Negro intelligence. New
York, NY: Social Science Press.
Sue, D. W., Bingham, R., Porché-Burke, L., & Vasquez,
M. (1999). The diversification of psychology: A
multicultural revolution. American Psychologist, 54,
1061–1069. doi:10.1037/0003-066X.54.12.1061
18
Sue, S. (1998). In search of cultural competence in psy-
chology and counseling. American Psychologist, 53,
440–448. doi:10.1037/0003-066X.53.4.440
Sue, S., & Wagner, N. (1973). Asian-Americans:
Psychological perspectives. Palo Alto, CA: Science and
Behavior Books.
Triandis, H. C. (1996). The psychological measurement
of cultural syndromes. American Psychologist, 51,
407–415. doi:10.1037/0003-066X.51.4.407
Trimble, J. (2003). Foreword. In D. B. Pope-Davis, H.
L. K. Coleman, W. M. Liu, & R. L. Toporek (Eds.),
Handbook of multicultural competencies in counseling
and psychology (pp. x–xiii). Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage.
Trimble, J., & Bagwell, W. (1995). North American
Indians and Alaska Natives: Abstracts of psychological
and behavioral literature, 1967–1995 (Bibliographies
in Psychology No. 15). Washington, DC: American
Psychological Association.
Trimble, J. E., & Clearing-Sky, M. (2009). An historical
profile of Native Americans and Alaskan Natives in
psychology. Cultural Diversity and Ethnic Minority
Psychology, 15, 338–351. doi:10.1037/a0015112
Unger, R. K. (2001). Handbook of the psychology of women
and gender. New York, NY: Wiley.
Velásquez, R., Arellano, L., & McNeill, B. (2004). The
handbook of Chicana/o psychology and mental health.
Mahwah, NJ: Erlbaum.
White, J. L. (1984). The psychology of Blacks: An Afro-
American perspective. Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice
Hall.
Wikipedia. (n.d.). Occupy Wall Street. Retrieved
December 11, 2011, from http://en.wikipedia.org/
wiki/Occupy_Wall_Street