Matthew Quay

Matthew Quay
Matthew Stanley Quay (September 30, 1833 – May 28,

Matthew Quay
1904) was an American politician of the Republican Party
who represented Pennsylvania in the United States Senate
from 1887 until 1899 and from 1901 until his death in 1904.
Quay's control of the Pennsylvania Republican political
machine made him one of the most powerful and influential
politicians in the country, and he ruled Pennsylvania politics
for almost twenty years. As chair of the Republican National
Committee and thus party campaign manager, he helped
elect Benjamin Harrison as president in 1888 despite his not
winning the popular vote. He was also instrumental in the
1900 election of Theodore Roosevelt as vice president.
Quay studied law and began his career in public office by

becoming prothonotary of Beaver County, Pennsylvania, in
1856. He became personal secretary to Governor Andrew
Curtin in 1861 after campaigning for him the previous year.
During the Civil War, he served in the Union Army, Portrait, c. 1904
commanding the 134th Pennsylvania Infantry Regiment as a United States Senator
colonel. Quay received the Medal of Honor for heroism at from Pennsylvania
the Battle of Fredericksburg. He acted as Pennsylvania's In office
military agent in Washington before returning to Harrisburg January 16, 1901 – May 28, 1904
to assist Curtin and aid in his re-election in 1863. He was a
member of the Pennsylvania House of Representatives from Preceded by Vacant
1865 to 1868. Succeeded by Philander C. Knox
In office
Beginning in 1867, Quay became increasingly aligned with
March 4, 1887 – March 3, 1899
the political machine run by Senator Simon Cameron, and
by 1880 was the chief lieutenant of Cameron and his son Preceded by John I. Mitchell
and successor Don. He continued to serve in public office, Succeeded by Vacant
as Secretary of the Commonwealth, Philadelphia County
Chair of the Republican National
Recorder, and Pennsylvania Treasurer. The last, to which he
Committee
was elected in 1885, gave him enough power to eclipse Don
Cameron as Pennsylvania's Republican political boss, and In office
put him in position to run for the Senate. He served there July 1888 – July 1891
from 1887 to 1899, and then from 1901 until his death in Preceded by Benjamin Jones[1]
1904. There, he strongly advocated for Pennsylvania's Succeeded by James Clarkson[2]
economic interests, paying little mind to matters that did not
affect his home state. State offices
At his most powerful, Quay influenced appointments to Secretary of the Commonwealth of

Pennsylvania[3]
thousands of state and federal positions in Pennsylvania, the
occupants of which had to help finance the machine. In office
Opponents within the Pennsylvania Republican Party, such January 22, 1873 – May 2, 1878
as merchant John Wanamaker, contested his rule from time Governor John F. Hartranft
to time, usually unsuccessfully, though they did block his
election to a third term in the Senate for two years, causing Preceded by Francis Jordan
the 1899 legislative election for senator to end with no one Succeeded by John Blair Linn
chosen. Increasingly in poor health, he took on few new
battles in his final years. After Quay's death, his political In office
machine was taken over by his fellow Pennsylvania senator, January 30, 1879 – November 3, 1882
Boies Penrose, who continued to run it until Penrose's own Governor Henry M. Hoyt
death in 1921.
Preceded by John Blair Linn
Succeeded by Francis Jordan
Early life and career Treasurer of Pennsylvania[3]
Matthew Stanley Quay was born in Dillsburg, Pennsylvania, In office

on September 30, 1833. His father was Anderson Beaton 1886–1887
Quay, a Presbyterian minister; Matthew's mother's last name Governor Robert E. Pattison
at her birth was Catherine McCain.[4] The Quay family was James A. Beaver
of Scottish and Manx descent;[5][6] Matthew Quay had a
Native American great-grandmother.[7] Matthew was named Preceded by William Livsey
for General Matthew Stanley, who raised McCain after her Succeeded by William Livsey
parents died; he was one of eight children and the oldest son Member of the Pennsylvania House
to reach adulthood.[8] of Representatives for Beaver and
Washington counties
The Quay family lived in several towns in central and In office
western Pennsylvania during Matthew's childhood as 1865–1868
Reverend Quay accepted new positions, before they finally
settled in Beaver in 1850, where the family had previously Preceded by Isaiah White (as
lived in the early 1840s. Despite the itinerant nature of the member for Beaver and
family's existence, the education of the children, including Lawrence counties)
the girls, was not neglected.[9] Matthew attended Beaver and Succeeded by Thomas Nicholson
Indiana academies, then enrolled at Jefferson College (now
Recorder of Philadelphia
Washington & Jefferson College), where he became a
member of Beta Theta Pi.[10] In office
1878–1879
After graduating in 1850, Quay visited Mississippi, where Preceded by Office created
one of his classmates lived on a plantation. They had plans
Succeeded by David H. Lane
to go into business giving stereopticon lectures, but the
equipment broke. Unable to find suitable employment in the Prothonotary of Beaver County
South, he returned to Pennsylvania, where he read law in the In office
Pittsburgh firm of Penney and Starrett. James C. Penney, 1856–1861
partner in the firm, stated that he "had never known a man of
Preceded by A.R. Thomson
his age whose mind was so well disciplined and mature".[11]
In late 1852, uncertain that he was suited to the law, Quay Succeeded by Michael Weyand
embarked on another tour of the South but was again unable Personal details
to find profitable employment and returned to complete his
Pronunciation /kweɪ/
legal studies[12] under the tutelage of Colonel Richard
Roberts of Beaver.[5] He was admitted to the bar October Born Matthew Stanley Quay
13, 1854, in Beaver County.[13] September 30, 1833
Dillsburg, Pennsylvania,
In 1856, Governor James Pollock appointed Quay as U.S.
prothonotary of Beaver County, to fill an unexpired term.
The appointment came because the governor and his Died May 28, 1904 (aged 70)
advisors respected Reverend Quay, and the young lawyer Beaver, Pennsylvania,
was elected to three-year terms in 1856 and 1859.[14] At this U.S.
time, the Republican Party was being formed; Quay became Political party Republican
a member[4] and was the Beaver County manager of that
Spouse Agnes Barclay (m. 1855)
party's candidate for governor in 1860, Andrew Curtin.[15]
Quay's success in getting delegates to the state convention Children 5
from western Pennsylvania to support Curtin was crucial to Education Washington and
his getting the nomination.[16] In October 1860, Curtin was Jefferson College (BA)
elected, and won Beaver County by a large margin, causing
Signature
him to admire Quay's political skill.[17]
Military service
American Civil War
Allegiance United States
When Curtin became governor in January 1861, he made Branch/service United States Army
Quay his private secretary.[18] This was a considerable Years of 1861–1862
advancement for a rural lawyer. At the start of the Civil War, service
Quay was among the earliest from Beaver County to
volunteer. During May 1861, he was commissioned as a first Rank Colonel
lieutenant in the 19th Division Pennsylvania Uniformed Unit 134th Pennsylvania
Militia, but did not take up that place. Instead, Governor Infantry
Curtin made him assistant commissary general of
Battles/wars American Civil War
Pennsylvania, with the rank of lieutenant colonel. After the
Battle of
functions of the state commissariat were transferred to
Washington, Curtin continued Quay as his private secretary. Fredericksburg
Curtin sought to be a friend of and advocate for Awards Medal of Honor
Pennsylvania's soldiers, and hundreds of letters
poured in each day, letters that the governor had
decreed must be individually answered, no matter When I met him [Quay], he did not at first
how petty the grievance. This task was delegated impress me as a man of more than ordinary parts.
to Quay, and he performed it flawlessly, even He was extremely modest and unassuming in
reproducing Curtin's signature so perfectly even manner, with a defective sight in one eye that
the governor could not tell the difference. [19][20] made his face expressionless, excepting when
very warmly aroused in conversation. Under
Other tasks Quay performed for Curtin included ordinary conditions he might have filled the place
being liaison to the legislature. The Republicans of secretary to the Governor without commanding
lost their majority in the Pennsylvania House of the special attention of the political leaders of the
Representatives in the 1861 election, but Quay State, but the most momentous events were
was able to forge an alliance between the crowded upon us at Harrisburg immediately after
Republican minority and the War Democrats, Curtin assumed his official duties, and Quay soon
assuring a legislature that would work with Curtin became recognized as one of the most valuable of
on war matters. Curtin found Quay's services all the men connected with the administration in
valuable, and was reluctant to lose him, but Quay meeting sudden and severe emergencies.
wanted a combat assignment, which in August
1862 he got, as colonel of the 134th Pennsylvania
Infantry. He and his troops joined General George Alexander Kelly McClure[18]
McClellan's Army of the Potomac in late
September 1862, as it pursued General Robert E.
Lee's Confederate Army of Northern Virginia after the Battle of Antietam. He did not see combat at that
time, as McClellan was content to let Lee retreat into Virginia without a battle. Shortly thereafter, Quay fell
ill of typhoid fever, and on medical advice, and because Curtin wanted him to serve as Pennsylvania's
military agent in Washington, he submitted his resignation on December 5, 1862, though there were delays
in accepting it.[21][22]
In late 1862, Union forces, Quay's among them, prepared for an attack on Fredericksburg, Virginia, on the
road to Richmond, the Confederate capital. The acceptance of Quay's resignation was received on the eve
of the Battle of Fredericksburg, and he refused to leave his men, persuading commanders to accept him as a
voluntary aide-de-camp.[23][24] Quay was warned by the chief surgeon not to join in the battle because of
his health, and was told he would die like a fool. He replied, "I'd rather die like a fool than live like a
coward."[25] The attack was a disaster for Union forces, as the Confederate soldiers were well-emplaced,
and could not be dislodged. Quay's troops were sent to attack the Confederate positions on Marye's
Heights; hidden behind a stone wall, Confederate forces were able to unleash a torrent of fire against the
attackers. Astride a horse, Quay urged his men forward, and they were able to get within 25 or 30 yards (23
to 28 meters) of the wall before retreating, with half the soldiers dead or wounded. Quay was not wounded,
and his conduct earned him the Medal of Honor.[23][24]
Quay then served as Pennsylvania's military agent in Washington.[24] Although the federal government
took a predominant role over the states in the Civil War, state governors appointed agents to liaise with
federal officials, to see to the well-being of the state's soldiers, and to answer letters and complaints from
troops. Unhappy in the role, in 1863, he secured a transfer back to Harrisburg as Curtin's military secretary,
where he did similar work, and where he could help with the governor's successful re-election campaign
that year.[26]
Entry into politics (1864–1872)

In 1864, Quay was elected to the state House of Representatives for Beaver and Washington counties, he
was re-elected in 1865 and 1866.[27] In 1866, he became the leader of the Republican majority in the
House and the chairman of the Ways and Means Committee. Rarely participating in debate, he sought
efficiency, causing the appropriations bills to be brought forward early in the session, rather than late, as
was customary.[28][29]
In 1867, the legislature was to elect a United States Senator, since senators before 1913 were chosen by
legislators, not the people. Curtin sought the seat, as did former senator and U.S. Secretary of War Simon
Cameron. As well as supporting Curtin, Quay wanted to be Speaker of the Pennsylvania House, but
Curtin's senatorial rivals believed that granting Quay the powers of the speakership would lead to the
election of Curtin. Thus, they combined to defeat him. Cameron gained the party legislative caucus's
nomination for senator, and Quay healed relations by moving to make the nomination unanimous. Cameron
was thereafter elected by the full legislature.[30][31] Senator Cameron took full control of the state
Republican Party over the next years, as Curtin lost power, especially when he was appointed Minister to
Russia by President Ulysses S. Grant in 1869, leading to his extended absence from the state, and rising
Republicans had to choose between alliance with Cameron or political oblivion. Quay chose the former.
Nevertheless, not wanting to be seen as a traitor to Curtin, Quay's change of loyalty was so gradual it was
not until 1872 that it was complete.[32][33]
Quay did not seek re-election to the legislature in 1867, instead returning to his hometown and founding a
weekly newspaper, the Beaver Radical, which began publication in January 1868. Quay, the editor,
declared it to be Republican in outlook but not devoted to any faction. Circulation grew rapidly, and by
1872, the Radical claimed to be the most-distributed weekly in western Pennsylvania. The Radical opposed
President Andrew Johnson, but decried the Tenure of Office Act, that Johnson was impeached for violating,
as plainly unconstitutional. The Radical also urged Northern states to support African Americans by giving
full force to the Fifteenth Amendment's promise of universal male suffrage.[34][35] According to Frank
Bernard Evans in his thesis on Pennsylvania politics of the 1870s, Quay made the Radical to be among "the
best-known and most widely-quoted journals in the state".[36]
Cameron lieutenant (1872–1879)

Beginning shortly after the Civil War, Simon Cameron had begun to build a powerful Republican political
machine in Pennsylvania.[37] The statewide machine was effectively an alliance of municipal and county
Republican machines whose interests had to be harmonized by its leader, the most important being the
organizations of strongly Republican Philadelphia County and Allegheny County (Pittsburgh).[38] The
Pennsylvania Manufacturers Association was closely aligned with the machine, which followed a
conservative course over several decades.[37] Beyond personal leadership by the boss, success required
efficient party organization, a political program that could unify the party, and a failure of the Democratic
Party, deemed the party of treason after the Civil War, to regain the trust of the Pennsylvania electorate.[39]
After his return from Russia, Curtin in 1872 destroyed his remaining
influence in the Pennsylvania Republican Party by supporting the Liberal
Republican Party, made up of those Republicans opposed to the policies of
President Grant, or alienated by the corruption in his administration. Quay
fully broke with Curtin, strongly supporting the regular Republican
ticket.[40][41] Quay backed Grant for re-election over the Liberal
Republican/Democratic candidate, Horace Greeley of New York, as well as
the Republican nominee for governor, Pennsylvania Auditor General (and
former Union General) John F. Hartranft. Both Republican candidates were
successful, and Quay was rewarded for his efforts for Hartranft with the
post of Secretary of the Commonwealth. Returning to the center of
Republican politics, he gave up the Radical, selling it to James S. Rutan, his
Senator Simon Cameron in lieutenant in the Cameron machine[42] In January 1873, Quay managed
1874 Cameron's campaign for re-election to the Senate. The Republicans had a
majority of 31 overall in the legislature, but dissident Republicans were
promoting the industrialist Charlemagne Tower, a political novice, for the
seat. Quay disposed of the challenge by calling an early caucus of the Republicans in the legislature, which
Tower was unprepared for, and Cameron won easy re-election.[43]
With Cameron re-elected to the Senate and Quay as Governor Hartranft's chief advisor, the Cameron
machine was much more deeply entrenched than it had been before the Liberal Republican challenge.[44]
When not in Washington, Cameron, by now in his mid-seventies, spent time traveling, increasingly leaving
day-to-day administration of the machine to his son Don Cameron, Quay, and Robert Mackey,[45] a
Cameron lieutenant who served five one-year terms as state treasurer in the 1860s and 1870s.[46]
Quay was a delegate to the 1876 Republican National Convention, and with Don Cameron helped frustrate
the ambitions of Senator James G. Blaine of Maine in favor of those of Ohio Governor Rutherford B.
Hayes.[47] Don Cameron and Quay offered Blaine's managers the state's votes in exchange for a promise to
appoint a Pennsylvanian to the Cabinet but Blaine refused. The following year Quay would write to Hayes,
"I am immediately responsible for the action of the Pennsylvania delegation which resulted in your
nomination. Mr. Blaine will tell you this ..."[48] Quay was chairman of the state Republican Party, and
helped win the state for Hayes over Samuel Tilden by fewer than 10,000 votes despite a frosty relationship
with the nominee. This was the state in which Hayes won the most electoral votes. With the presidential
election disputed, Quay was among the Republicans invited by President Grant to go to Louisiana, one of
the states at issue, and investigate the situation there, which he did, acting as a partisan for the Republicans.
An electoral commission ruled for Hayes. Grant had made Don Cameron Secretary of War; Hayes refused
to retain him or appoint anyone else from Pennsylvania. Angered, Simon Cameron resigned from the
Senate, though he engineered the election of his son Don by the legislature as his replacement.[49][50]
The Democrats did well in Pennsylvania's 1877 elections, making the following year's elections important,
especially since Hartranft's successor was to be elected and Don Cameron's Senate seat would be filled by
the 1879 legislature. With Quay and Mackey from western Pennsylvania and the Camerons based in
Harrisburg, Philadelphia had no representation at the high levels of the Republican machine. They decided
that Quay should relocate to Philadelphia to take on a new, and lucrative, position as County Recorder. The
legislature duly created the position, and Hartranft appointed Quay, who resigned as Secretary of the
Commonwealth, to it; Quay relocated to Philadelphia, taking a large double house at 11th and Spruce
Streets. The maneuver backfired, as Philadelphians were resentful it was not filled by one of their own.
Quay worked to elect a Republican governor and legislature, persuading out of staters like House Minority
Leader James A. Garfield of Ohio to give speeches in Pennsylvania. Before returning to his home in
Beaver, he stayed in Philadelphia long enough to see out the elections, in which Republican Henry M. Hoyt
was narrowly elected by a plurality, and the Republicans gained a majority in both houses of the legislature.
Though Mackey died on New Year's Day 1879, Don Cameron was re-elected to a full term. Quay resigned,
and was re-appointed as Secretary of the Commonwealth by Governor Hoyt.[51][52] According to McClure,
"It was in this campaign that Quay made himself the acknowledged Republican master in the State, as
Mackey died a few weeks after the election, and Quay, green with the laurels of his great victory, became
the supreme leader of the party."[53]
Rise to the Senate (1880–1887)

Quay was involved in a financial scandal in 1880. J. Blake Walters, cashier of the Pennsylvania Treasury,
made deposits in favored banks using worthless securities, retaining the actual money for stock speculation
with Quay and others. Amos C. Noyes was the treasurer, and with Walters gave assurances that the money
would not be required from the banks until Quay and his associates had time to restore it. The speculation
went badly, and when Samuel Butler, an anti-boss Republican, took office as treasurer in 1880, he
demanded a full accounting of state funds. There was a deficit of about $250,000, (equivalent to
$7,019,828 in 2021) for which Quay accepted responsibility and sold much of his property, with a gap of
about $100,000 filled with a loan from Don Cameron, repaid in 1886 with, according to McClure, a legacy
Quay had received. Quay's acceptance of responsibility satisfied the public, as did his statement that Walters
(who killed himself) had acted without his instructions.[54][55] Another source of money for Quay was
Standard Oil; he had come to terms with John D. Rockefeller's company in 1879 and requested a "loan" of
$15,000 in 1880, something Rockefeller thought was worth it. Quay continued to deal with Standard Oil
financially until his death in 1904, throughout his time in the Senate.[56]
To avoid sending a delegation supportive of Blaine to the 1880 Republican National Convention in
Chicago, Don Cameron and Quay called a state convention early in the year, before the Blaine supporters
could organize, and got the selected delegation to agree to vote as a unit for former president Grant, who
was seeking a third term.[57] While Quay and Cameron would likely have made peace with a President
Blaine to keep control of Pennsylvania, Grant was more amenable to the bosses' demands.[58] Quay and
Cameron acted in spite of the fact that Blaine was widely popular in Pennsylvania.[59] The national
convention deadlocked and the nomination fell to Garfield. Cameron and Quay were among the "Immortal
306", the delegates who voted for Grant on the 36th and final ballot. Although Garfield narrowly won both
in Pennsylvania and nationwide, Quay's support for Grant meant that he and Cameron would not be in the
president-elect's inner circle. This showed when the machine's candidate for Senate in early 1881, Henry
W. Oliver, was blocked by the combined strength of the Democrats and independent Republicans; Garfield
was asked by Quay to intervene, but he would not do so. The senatorship eventually fell to an independent
Republican, Congressman John I. Mitchell.[60] Later in 1881, the assassination of Garfield brought Chester
A. Arthur, who was more aligned with the bosses, to the White House.[61]
In 1882, a replacement for Governor Hoyt was to be elected, and

the Republican Party divided. The Cameron-Quay machine backed
James A. Beaver, and the independent Republicans, who backed
the views of the Republican Party, but abhorred the bossism,
supported John Stewart. When Hoyt endorsed Stewart, Quay
resigned as Secretary of the Commonwealth in protest. Democrat
Robert E. Pattison was elected.[62] Part of the reason for the defeat
was because Quay had insisted that Hoyt pardon legislators
convicted of taking bribes to pass a bill reimbursing the
Pennsylvania Railroad for losses incurred in the Railroad strike of
1877.[63] Don Cameron had backed Beaver early in the campaign;
his brusque style also helped prompt the reaction which defeated
the candidate, who was himself well-liked in the Republican
Party.[64]
While Cameron demanded absolute loyalty to the party machine, in

Quay eclipsed Senator Don Cameron the years after Pattison's victory in 1882, Quay worked to reunite
in the Pennsylvania Republican the party and conciliate the independent Republicans. When Blaine
Party. again sought the presidential nomination in 1884, Quay surrendered
some party offices to the independents in exchange for the state
party chairmanship going to his nominee, Thomas V. Cooper.
Blaine was nominated, with Quay and Senator Cameron absent from the national convention, but was
defeated by Democrat Grover Cleveland. With the White House in the hands of the other party, and with
federal offices becoming less political due to the 1883 Pendleton Civil Service Act, Quay sought to
dominate at the state level.[65] Appointed state employees, of whatever parties, were dunned a percentage of
their salaries, and would lose office if they did not pay.[66] Businesses compensated Quay in cash because
of his influence over members of the key committees of the state legislature. Pliable legislators were
rewarded by Quay with money for themselves and their campaigns; those unwilling to deal faced well-
financed candidates as they sought re-election. Friend and foe had their transactions recorded in files that
became known as "Quay's coffins", along with any incidents that might embarrass them, to be brought forth
as necessary. In doing so, Quay achieved a level of control over the state government that the Camerons
had never reached.[65] This was aided by a sense that Quay was different from Don Cameron, according to
Frank W. Leach, Quay's personal secretary, "There was a general feeling that Colonel Quay was nearer the
people [than Cameron]".[67]
Quay had long wanted to become a U.S.

senator, if only to place himself on the same Requests for jobs litter the paper of politicians of
footing as Don Cameron, and McClure related this era. Quay was no exception. His
that Quay had confided that he had considered correspondence with Governor James Addams
taking Curtin's place in the 1867 senatorial Beaver invariably dealt with two subjects: getting
battle. Quay wanted Senator Mitchell's seat, that elected and putting people into offices. Both were
would be filled by the legislature in early inseparable functions of the boss, and, with building
1887.[69] In 1885, he sought election as state a war chest, demanded constant attention.
treasurer. This would allow him tremendous
control over the party apparatus,[70] and a strong
position from which to fight the battle to gain the Historian William Alan Blair[68]
Senate seat in 1887.[71] Quay, who stated the
race for treasurer was one for "self-protection
and self-preservation" as others maneuvered within the party, faced some criticism at his attempt to gain the
office of treasurer, but had no serious opposition at the Republican convention, and was easily elected.[70]
James K. Pollock, in his article on Quay for the Dictionary of American Biography, stated that Quay ran for
the office of treasurer to gain vindication after the 1880 treasury scandal.[72] Possession of this office would
always be critical to the Quay machine; he once stated, "I don't mind losing the governorship or a
legislature now and then, but I always need the state treasuryship."[73]
In his new office, Quay had the funds of the state at his command. His ability to deposit state moneys in
friendly banks led to an income of some $150,000 per year to the machine. Loans could be granted to
favored individuals, with interest or security not required.[74] To gain the senatorship, Quay needed the
Republicans to have a successful 1886 election. As part of the deal to become state treasurer, he had agreed
to support the party's 1882 candidate, Beaver, who was now acceptable to both machine and independent
Republicans. Quay became the power behind the Beaver campaign. When one reporter asked Quay to
arrange an interview with Beaver, Quay agreed and handed the reporter an unsealed envelope with a note
inside, "Dear Beaver: Don't talk. M.S. Quay."[70] With a united party at his back, Beaver was elected along
with the entire Republican statewide ticket, and the Republicans had nearly a two-thirds majority in each
house of the legislature.[75]
Determined to be elected by as near a unanimous vote as possible, Quay arranged conferences in each
congressional district to which the legislators of that district were invited and told to support the majority
sentiment, that is for Quay. On January 4, 1887, the Republican legislative caucus nominated Quay with
154 votes to 9 for the runner-up, Galusha Grow. When the two houses of the legislature voted, Quay
received two-thirds majorities in each, and was declared elected a senator.[75] According to John W. Oliver
in his journal article on Quay, "By this time Quay had become the undisputed political leader of
Pennsylvania. More than that, he was rapidly becoming one of the recognized leaders of the Republican
party throughout the nation."[34]
U. S. Senate
1888 presidential campaign
Although Quay's first term in the Senate began March Col. [Thomas J.] Grimeson still hopes to be
4, 1887, Congress at that time did not convene until nominated by the Republicans for State
December, and so, not yet sworn in, Quay remained as Treasurer. Quay hopes not. The friends of
treasurer; he resigned in August. He chose state senator Grimeson recognize with sadness the fact
Boies Penrose of Philadelphia to act for him while he that Quay's hopes generally become realities.
was absent in Washington.[76] With Quay away for
part of the year in Washington, he needed someone in
Harrisburg to deal with the governor and legislature, "Political Notes" (https://www.newspapers.c
and run the state organization.[77] Penrose proved an om/clip/110775822/the-valley-spirit-daily/),
effective choice; Quay, through Penrose, would The Valley Spirit (Chambersburg, Pa.),
exercise unparalleled power over state politics. August 8, 1887, p. 3
Congress convened in December, but with Democratic
President Cleveland still in office, the term was
relatively quiet for Quay.[76]
As the 1888 Republican National Convention in Chicago approached, several favorite son candidates were
seeking support to become the nominee to challenge Cleveland. Blaine had been ambiguous about whether
he would be a candidate, though he still had adherents. Quay was the chairman of the Pennsylvania
delegation, which did not strongly support any particular candidate, though there were some leanings
toward Ohio Senator John Sherman – the Camerons were related by marriage to him. Quay was willing to
support Senator Sherman, but primarily he wanted a candidate who, if victorious, would reward
Pennsylvania for its support.[78] The convention deadlocked; Quay, realizing that Sherman could not win,
opened negotiations with the managers of former senator Benjamin Harrison of Indiana. Quay wanted a
written commitment to appoint a Pennsylvanian acceptable to Quay to the cabinet, but Harrison refused.
Nevertheless, as the convention swung towards Harrison on the eighth and final ballot, Quay cast
Pennsylvania's votes for the Indianan, but the circumstances did not give the state the credit for getting
Harrison the nomination as Quay had hoped.[79]
At the time, the chairman of the Republican National Committee (RNC) served as campaign manager for
the presidential candidate, and Quay, a member of that committee, remained away from its post-convention
session in New York. He was elected as RNC chairman by a large margin.[80] Quay recruited Philadelphia
businessman John Wanamaker to do much fundraising. Wanamaker contributed $10,000 himself, led a
committee of ten businessmen who contributed an equal sum, and raised over $200,000. Though the sums
were not outlandish by later standards, they were at the time the largest amount ever raised in a presidential
campaign.[81] Among those Quay appointed to the national executive campaign committee was Cleveland
industrialist Mark Hanna, introducing the future senator to national politics.[72] Quay's technique of
assessing corporations for campaign contributions equal to a percentage of their assets would be copied by
Hanna when he was RNC chair during the 1896 election.[82]
While Quay ran the overall organization out of New York City,
Harrison conducted a front porch campaign from his hometown of
Indianapolis. Quay originally opposed Harrison's plan, but in
August, wired to the candidate, "Keep at it, you're making
votes."[83] Blaine's 1884 campaign had been derailed when Rev.
Samuel D. Burchard, at a rally with the candidate present, called the
Democrats the party of "Rum, Romanism and Rebellion", and both
Quay and Harrison were determined to avoid another damaging
unscripted remark.[84][85] After Blaine gave a speech describing
trusts as innocuous business associations with which no one should
interfere, a position contrary to the Republican platform, Quay saw
to it that he stuck to less-controversial topics, and limited his
speaking engagements.[86]
Quay believed that vote fraud committed by Tammany Hall had

given Cleveland New York's electoral votes in 1884, and the
election, and the senator was determined to prevent a repetition. To
ensure that voter fraud did not occur in New York City, Quay hired Quay drops an extinguisher on
agents whose work was ostensibly to compile a city directory, but Blaine to prevent another damaging
which would contain the names of all of the city's eligible voters, remark, Puck magazine, September
greatly reducing the scope for voter fraud. Once the work was 26, 1888
completed, Quay made it known. He offered rewards for providing
evidence resulting in convictions for illegal registration or illegal
voting, something the public took more seriously after the first reward paid was for the conviction of a
Republican.[87][88] McClure stated that Quay used some of the campaign fund to bribe Tammany Hall
leaders who were disenchanted with Cleveland.[89] He also sent money to win Southern congressional
districts, and hired Pinkerton detectives to protect GOP-voting African-Americans there, leading to gains
and Republican control of the House of Representatives in the next Congress.[63]
There was the start of a scandal just before the election when a letter from Republican campaign treasurer
William W. Dudley offering advice as to how to organize men to vote multiple times was pulled from the
mails. Quay responded with outrage that a letter had been opened, threatening prosecutions for interfering
with the mails, and the election occurred before the scandal could fully develop.[90] Although Cleveland got
more votes in New York City, Harrison won New York and the presidency despite losing the national
popular vote. Harrison credited "Providence" with his victory, a remark which prompted Quay to state that
"Providence hadn't a damn thing to do with it",[87] adding that Harrison would never know how close to
the gates of the penitentiary some of his supporters had come to make him president.[91] Despite Harrison's
comments, the successful 1888 campaign gave Quay a national reputation, proving he could elect a
president.[92]
President-elect Harrison appointed one Pennsylvanian to his cabinet: Wanamaker, who took the patronage-
rich position of Postmaster General. Quay, who did not want a cabinet post for himself, would have
preferred Wanamaker to receive a diplomatic post, but supported the appointment once it was made clear,
for it at least put a Pennsylvanian in the cabinet.[93] Nevertheless, he and Senator Cameron were incensed,
as Harrison had failed to abide by the usual custom of discussing the nomination in advance with the
nominee's home-state senators, and Wanamaker's appointment led to a break between Quay and
Harrison.[94] The appointment of Wanamaker proved a mixed blessing at best for Quay, since it elevated to
high office a man who would be a thorn in his side for years to come,[93] and the new Postmaster General
enraged him by removing one of Quay's aides from his job with the post office.[95]
Harrison years (1889–1893)
Quay and Harrison quickly came to differ about presidential appointments of federal officials. The president
wanted to keep control of appointments and minimize the possibility of appointing corrupt people who
might reflect badly on him; the state bosses had made promises during the campaign they needed to make
good on or lose influence. The situation was made worse when the newspapers characterized each
Pennsylvania appointment as either a victory for Quay or for Harrison, something that both men were
aware of.[96] In one incident, Quay handed Harrison a list of people he and Cameron wanted appointed,
and replied, when the president asked for their qualifications, that the senators from Pennsylvania vouched
for them. Harrison refused to appoint without making investigations, saying he could not blindly delegate
the power of appointment.[97] In another incident, Quay tried to discourage an office seeker by telling him
the president likely would disregard a recommendation. The office seeker, incredulous, asked, "Doesn't he
know that you elected him?" to which Quay replied, "No. Benny thinks God did it."[98]
When Congress convened in December 1889, the Republicans, in full control of government for the first
time since the Grant administration, were anxious to get their legislative priorities through that had been
campaign pledges in 1888: tariff legislation, monetary legislation, and an elections bill that would allow
African-Americans in the South to more freely cast a ballot. The monetary legislation, the Sherman Silver
Purchase Act, passed Congress in May 1890.[99] The tariff bill, the McKinley Tariff (named for its sponsor,
House Ways and Means Committee chair William McKinley of Ohio), passed the House in May 1890 with
no Democrats in favor, but languished in the Senate,[100] while the Lodge Bill, to reform federal elections
in the South, passed the House in July, but faced uncertain prospects in the Senate, as white Southerners
saw it as a return to Reconstruction.[100]
Quay wanted the tariff to pass because it was supported by many manufacturers who helped finance the
Republican Party, especially in Pennsylvania, and he had made promises of protectionist policies during the
1888 campaign. On the other hand, African Americans had no financial gifts to bestow.[101] He also
believed the Lodge Bill would provoke renewed sectional conflict.[102] He sought to break the deadlock
over the two bills by introducing a resolution in the Republican caucus to set a definite date to vote on the
McKinley Tariff while postponing consideration of most other bills, including the Lodge elections
legislation, until the next session of Congress in December. This appalled Harrison and bitterly divided the
Republican Senate caucus. Eventually a compromise was worked out whereby the Republicans agreed to
press the tariff legislation and to bring up the Lodge Bill on the first
day of the new session in December.[103][104] Harrison signed the
McKinley Tariff into law on October 1, 1890.[105] When the Lodge
Bill came to the floor of the Senate in December, Southern senators
announced their intention to filibuster, and Republicans with other
priorities, mostly from the West, joined with the Democrats to
indefinitely postpone its consideration.[106]
In the early part of the Harrison administration there began to be

newspaper exposés about Quay and his methods. Although Quay
supporters hailed him as a political genius, others deemed him a
sinister power behind Harrison's throne. Others who joined the
ranks opposing Quay were Pennsylvania reformers such as Henry
Lea and Wharton Barker, and disappointed rivals for political
power such as Christopher Magee of Pittsburgh.[107] In early 1890,
Thomas Nast cartoon calling Quay the New York World published a series of articles bringing up
"a branded criminal", 1890 incidents from Quay's past, beginning with the 1867 Senate race, in
which he was accused of accepting payments to recruit support for
Simon Cameron. Quay responded with silence, which he was wont
to do. [108] In the 1890 elections, Republicans not only lost control of Congress, but in Pennsylvania, the
Democrat, Pattison, was elected governor for a second, non-consecutive term. When asked why the
Republican candidate, George W. Delamater had failed, Quay attributed it to "a lack of votes",[109] but
historian William Alan Blair stated that Delamater was defeated due to the opposition to Quay.[67]
Quay finally answered the allegations against him in February

1891, addressing the Senate, which he rarely did, and calling the
allegations "false and foul to the core".[110] This did little to satisfy
his opponents, and there were calls for his resignation as RNC
chairman. Harrison had long desired his departure, and was
unwilling to defend him. Quay in June 1891 announced that he
would not lead the next presidential campaign, and resigned the
following month.[111] Quay was not supportive of Harrison as the
president faced renomination in 1892, but also disliked the only real
rival, Blaine.[112] At the 1892 Republican National Convention in
Minneapolis, Quay realized that Harrison's renomination could not
be prevented, and himself voted for McKinley, by then governor of
Ohio, who was third in the balloting although not a declared
candidate. Not wishing to be deprived of patronage if Harrison was
re-elected, the senator pledged to work for the Republican ticket,
but did little until October, when after negotiations and unknown
This 1890 Puck cover satirizes
concessions, he appeared at campaign headquarters, and pledged to
Quay's refusal to respond to the
help raise money. Nevertheless, Harrison was defeated by former
allegations.
president Cleveland.[113] According to Pollock, Quay's "break with
Harrison and his failure to take an active part in the campaign of
1892 was [sic] one of the prime factors in the Democratic victory of that year".[72]
The 1892 legislative elections were also of concern to Quay as the following year's legislature would vote
on whether to give him a second term as senator. There was opposition to Quay within the Republican
Party, largely centered on Philadelphia, though Pittsburgh bosses such as Magee were also opposed to him,
and put forth Congressman John Dalzell of Allegheny County as a rival. In addition to bossism, Quay was
attacked for his sporadic attendance in Congress, which he defended by stating he was still often ill from his
exertions in the 1888 presidential race, and had to spend time at his Florida home at St. Lucie. His
statements were bolstered when he fell ill early in 1892, causing his wife Agnes to make one of her rare
trips away from Beaver to tend to him in Florida. Dalzell was vulnerable to attack as a railroad and
corporation lawyer, and an agreement was reached to place both their names on the Republican primary
ballot, local legislators in theory being bound to abide by the result. With support from fellow Civil War
veterans, Quay defeated Dalzell in almost every county, was the overwhelming choice of the Republican
legislative caucus in January 1893, and won his second term later that month with two-thirds of the
legislature voting for him.[114]
Cleveland administration; rise of McKinley (1893–1896)
With Cleveland back in the White House, the Republicans had only minority status in Congress. The
Democrats wanted to revisit the McKinley Tariff, but other matters, such as the repeal of the Sherman Silver
Purchase Act, had higher priority, and it was not until 1894 that what became known as the Wilson-Gorman
Tariff passed the House. Seeking to preserve protectionist tariffs for Pennsylvania's manufacturers, Quay
threatened to talk the original bill to death. Since he had not addressed the Senate on a legislative matter in
his first term, he was not taken seriously, but he proceeded to do what was very close to that, for the bill that
eventually emerged from the Senate was so transformed that President Cleveland refused to sign it, letting it
pass into law without his signature. Quay kept control of the Senate floor for over two months, from April
14 to June 16, 1894, himself consuming 14 legislative days, and did not conclude his remarks until he and
other pro-tariff legislators had secured a compromise that preserved tariffs on manufactures, as favored by
Pennsylvania industry, and included other protectionist provisions.[115] John Oliver wrote, "one can readily
see the connection between Quay's fight for a high protective tariff and liberal contributions from the
Pennsylvania manufacturers".[116]
Quay faced further rebellion within the Pennsylvania Republican

Party in 1895. Republicans had elected Daniel H. Hastings as
governor in 1894; he was the candidate the reform element had
wanted in 1890 instead of Delamater, and, this time, Quay
acquiesced in his nomination. With Hastings elected, the anti-Quay
faction pressed its advantage, defeating Penrose in his attempt to
gain the Republican nomination for mayor of Philadelphia in early
1895.[117] With Governor Hastings friendly to the opposition, Quay
brought the matter to a head by challenging the opposition-aligned
chair of the Republican State Committee for his position. He
appealed to rural politicians, alleging that the Philadelphia and
Pittsburgh machines were trying to take them over. At the state
convention, a deal was reached whereby Quay would get the post,
and he moved the adoption of a platform that committed the party to
reform. This delighted the opposition, and many embraced Quay as
a reformed sinner.[118]
"Pennsylvania's disgrace": Quay is McKinley acted early to begin his presidential campaign, meeting
shown auctioning off his convention with Republican politicians from the South in early 1895 at
support. McKinley stands, center, Thomasville, Georgia, the winter home of his friend and advisor,
among the bidders. Mark Hanna. On his return north, Hanna met with former Michigan
governor Russell Alger, who was acting as emissary for Quay and
New York's Republican political boss, former senator Thomas C.
Platt, to discuss a possible deal for the presidential nomination. Despite this and a second meeting, between
Hanna and Quay, McKinley insisted he would make no deals to gain the Republican nomination. Platt and
Quay decided to promote favorite son candidates to deny McKinley a first-round majority at the 1896
Republican National Convention and force him to the bargaining table.[119][120] According to historian
Clarence A. Stern, the opposition to McKinley "appears to have been to a large extent inspired by the desire
of such politicians to gain the greatest possible advantage from the existing situation".[121] Quay was
Pennsylvania's favorite son and he found considerable enthusiasm in the state for nominating a
Pennsylvanian as the state had been the largest to be consistently loyal to the party, but had never received a
place on a Republican ticket. Assured of most of Pennsylvania's 64 votes, Quay journeyed to McKinley's
home in Canton, Ohio, for discussions, but, according to the press, received only unspecified assurances.
After Governor Hastings nominated Quay for president, the senator received 611 ⁄2 votes, third behind
McKinley, who was nominated, and Speaker of the House Thomas B. Reed of Maine.[119][120]
Although Quay was reluctant, he served on the national campaign advisory committee under the new RNC
chairman, Hanna, reversing their positions from 1888. Quay played only a small role in the fall campaign,
helping to run the campaign's New York headquarters, and making recommendations that Hanna spend
more money in several Southern states, part of which Hanna agreed to. McKinley won the election over the
Democratic and Populist candidate, William Jennings Bryan, winning Pennsylvania by almost 300,000
votes, providing nearly half of his margin in the popular vote.[122]
Battles with Wanamaker; fight for re-election (1896–1901)
Don Cameron was to retire as senator when his term expired in 1897, and former postmaster general
Wanamaker wanted his seat. Although Wanamaker gave his usual $10,000 to the Republican presidential
candidate, he was not able to gain Quay's backing to become senator, as Quay feared that should he not
gain re-election in 1899, Wanamaker might take power in the state party.[123] According to McClure, the
two initially agreed, but the pact fell apart when Wanamaker named someone to conduct financial
transactions who was unacceptable to the senator. Wanamaker made speeches throughout Pennsylvania to
promote himself as a senatorial candidate, and sought the endorsement of legislative candidates, but was
faced with the strength of the Quay machine, which had the support of a majority of the elected Republican
legislators. In January 1897, Penrose defeated Wanamaker in the Republican caucus, 133–75, and was
elected as Pennsylvania's junior senator.[124] An angered Wanamaker would constantly attack and oppose
Quay until the senator's death in 1904.[125]
In the aftermath of the Senate battle, President McKinley turned

over patronage appointments in Pennsylvania to Quay and Penrose;
Wanamaker requested that a neighbor of his be appointed
postmaster of a fourth-class post office, but was turned down.[126]
Wanamaker entered the campaign for the Republican nomination
for governor in 1898, campaigning statewide and delivering
speeches on "Quayism and Boss Domination in Pennsylvania
Politics". He was defeated by Congressman William A. Stone, a
This August 1897 Puck cartoon Quay loyalist.[127] Nevertheless, during the fall campaign,
shows McKinley (center) Wanamaker made 140 speeches, hoping to generate enough
surrendering the sword of patronage opposition to Quay to defeat his re-election bid when the legislature
to Republican political bosses (from
met in January 1899.[128]
left) Platt, Hanna and Quay
On October 3, 1898, Quay was arrested for conspiracy to defraud
the People's Bank of Philadelphia. Quay had arranged in 1896 for
$1,000,000 of state funds (equivalent to $32,572,000 in 2021) to be deposited in it and had persuaded John
S. Hopkins, cashier and manager of the bank, that the funds be invested in the Metropolitan Traction
Company of New York, sending a telegram: "If you buy and carry a thousand Met for me I will shake the
plum tree", believed by investigators to mean that funds from the state treasury would be used to cover the
speculation.[129][130] The stock collapsed, the bank failed, and Hopkins fatally shot himself.[66][131] It was
alleged that the bank was paying the interest on state funds not to the state treasury, but to Quay.[132] In
spite of the allegations, Stone was victorious by over 110,000 votes.[133]
Quay was the choice of the Republican legislative caucus in

January 1899, but some remained away and his support was not
enough for the necessary majority of the legislature with the two
houses meeting in joint assembly. For the next three months, the
legislature deadlocked as Quay's term in the Senate ended, leaving
a vacancy. Quay had a sufficient hold over the Democratic
legislative leaders to prevent them from uniting with the anti-Quay
Republicans to elect a senator, and the deadlock persisted through
79 ballots. Quay was finally brought to trial on the allegations in
April 1899, but the prosecution rested an hour after the legislature
adjourned, having failed to elect a senator, and he was quickly
acquitted, leading Quay's defenders to allege that the indictment had
been purely political.[134]
Within an hour of the acquittal, Governor Stone appointed Quay to

fill the vacant Senate seat.[135] Since at the time the Constitution
limited governor's appointments to the Senate to when a vacancy
occurred during the recess of the legislature, there were immediate
questions as to whether this was a valid appointment,[136][137] and
when Congress convened in December, Quay was not seated, but
his credentials were referred to a committee.[138] In January 1900, Homer Davenport cartoon depicting
that committee recommended that Quay not be seated by a 5–4 Quay "held by the enemy"
vote,[139] and in April the Senate refused to seat Quay by a vote of (Wanamaker) and prevented from
33–32 in a vote that cut across party lines, with the Republicans going to the Senate
against Quay including Hanna,[140][141] who had become senator
from Ohio in 1897.[142]
Angered by Hanna, Quay found the opportunity for revenge at the 1900 Republican National Convention
in Philadelphia. With the death of Vice President Garret Hobart in 1899, McKinley needed a new running
mate. Some supported New York Governor Theodore Roosevelt, seen as a war hero and a reformer.
Among those who wanted Roosevelt on the national ticket was Platt, who did not want him as governor
and figured he would be harmless as vice president. Hanna was appalled at the prospect of putting someone
he deemed impulsive so near the reins of power. When approached by Platt, Quay was happy to agree to
help, in part because of a desire to avenge himself on Hanna. According to McClure, "it was the desertion
of Quay by Hanna in the contest for Quay's admission to the Senate that made Roosevelt the nominee for
Vice-President against his own earnest protest, and thus made him President of the United States."[143][144]
In August 1900, the Republican State Convention endorsed Quay and denounced the Senate's action,
urging the following year's legislature to return him to the Senate. With Wanamaker again making speeches
during the fall campaign, Quay also took to the campaign trail. Despite serving two terms in the Senate, he
had rarely made a public address, but spoke 19 times across Pennsylvania in October and November 1900.
The McKinley/Roosevelt ticket was elected, winning Pennsylvania, but it was uncertain whether Quay had
enough support in the legislature to be elected.[145]
Not enough Republicans attended the legislative caucus to provide a majority for Quay leaving him four
votes short of a majority to elect. Quay was elected because two Democratic legislators voted for him, and
two others remained away from the voting. According to McClure, "only one of Quay's masterly political
ingenuity and skillful control of Democrats of easy virtue could have won out in the fight.[146] One of the
crucial votes in electing Quay was an ill Republican, brought on a stretcher from the hospital to the state
capitol to cast his ballot. He languished, forgotten, in a hallway as his bearers joined in the celebrations of
Quay's victory, got pneumonia and died. He was given an impressive funeral: both Quay and Penrose
attended, wearing silk hats.[147]
Final years and death (1901–1904)
Quay was sworn in to his third term in the Senate on January 18,
1901, in a Senate chamber filled with his supporters, congratulatory
telegrams, and flowers. In May, he let it be known he would not
seek another term; the long battle over the seat had sapped his
strength, and he planned no new political battles. In general, he held
to that resolution, though with a few exceptions,[148] and according
to McClure, once he made that announcement, "the factional
feeling that had harassed him for many years gradually
perished".[149]
The assassination of McKinley in September 1901 made Roosevelt

president. The fact that he had been instrumental in getting
Roosevelt the vice-presidential nomination in 1900 gave Quay little
alternative but to support Roosevelt, and the president kept Quay
loyal by giving him a major voice in patronage in Pennsylvania,
even as he pursued reform policies. With Hanna opposed to
Roosevelt and a presidential hopeful for 1904, Roosevelt's allying
with Quay, and also Platt, kept the bosses from uniting against him. Quay celebrates his re-election under
Roosevelt sometimes refused Quay's requests, as when the senator a plum tree, January 1901. From the
asked that a Pennsylvanian be appointed to the Isthmian Canal Pittsburgh Commercial Gazette.
Commission, charged with building the Panama Canal. The
president stated that appointment to the commission had to be
entirely on merit.[150]
Continued divisions in the Pennsylvania Republican Party led to losses in the off-year elections of 1901,
and Quay feared this would get worse in 1902, when there would be elections for the governor and the
legislature. John P. Elkin had wide support for governor among Quay's faction of the party, and had
defended the senator before the Senate committee considering his credentials in 1899 and 1900. Quay
believed it was necessary to nominate for governor a judge whose character was beyond suspicion.[151]
Hanna favored Elkin's nomination, and Quay feared that the Ohioan might control Pennsylvania's
delegation to the next national convention through Elkin. Thus, Quay pressed for the nomination of Judge
Samuel Pennypacker of Philadelphia.[152] Pennypacker was reluctant when approached by a Quay
emissary, but agreed; he wrote that his election as governor "came to me without the lifting of a finger, the
expenditure of a dime, or the utterance of a sigh".[37] Pennypacker's election postponed the divide in the
Republican Party in the state until after Quay's death.[153] In office, Pennypacker generally did what Quay
wanted, but sometimes differed from him over appointments to office.[154]
One battle Quay undertook in his last years was statehood for Oklahoma, New Mexico and Arizona. Both
major parties had in their platforms pledged support for statehood, and a bill to accomplish this passed the
House of Representatives in 1902. One reason Quay wanted the bill to pass is that it might allow William
"Bull" Andrews, a longtime Quay lieutenant with financial interests in New Mexico Territory, to reach the
Senate. Quay, a member of the Committee on Territories, amassed support in the Senate for the bill, likely
enough to pass, but the committee chair, Albert Beveridge of Indiana, felt the three territories were not yet
ready for statehood, and used Senate procedures to evade a vote on the bill through the remainder of the
session. Quay remaining in Washington through the winter of 1903 to seek passage of his bill, rather than
spending part of the winter in Florida as usual, hurt his health. The territories did not attain statehood during
Quay's lifetime.[155]
Oliver considered Quay a "real friend of the American Indian".[156]

Throughout his Senate career, he was an advocate for Native
Americans, but especially was so in his later years. Although
Indians had no contributions to give to Quay's machine, he took up
their causes, believing they were treated badly by the Federal
government. He was a member of the Senate Committee on Indian
Affairs; when Chief Joseph and his party came to Washington, they
expended all their funds and were unable to get home, Quay paid
their railroad fare.[157] During his visits to Florida, he took an
interest in the welfare of the Seminole Indians.[158]
Beginning in about 1903, Quay's health deteriorated.[157] He went

to his brother's country estate at Morganza, Pennsylvania, in April
1904, but knowing he was dying, he asked to be conveyed home to
Beaver.[159] Suffering from gastritis, he continued to lose weight
Quay in Native American garb, 1904
and strength.[160] Quay could read and speak several languages,
possessing one of the finest private libraries in America.[72] One
day in late May 1904, he asked to be taken into his library, where
he read a little, handled the volumes lovingly, and after he fell asleep, was taken back to his room. He died
in Beaver on May 28, 1904.[160]
Quay was buried, in Beaver, on May 31, 1904. Shops throughout the area were closed. Trains brought the
general public from Pittsburgh and dignitaries from Harrisburg and Washington. Among the senators
attending the funeral were Republicans Penrose, Platt and Joseph B. Foraker of Ohio, and Democrats
Arthur Gorman of Maryland and Benjamin Tillman of South Carolina. His headstone gives his name and
those of his parents, his dates of birth and death, and implora pacem (Latin for "Pray for peace").[161]
Family and sites

In 1855, Quay married Agnes Barclay (1831–1911); they had five children;
the eldest, Richard Rogers Quay, served in the Pennsylvania legislature.
The others were named Andrew Gregg Curtin Quay (a career army officer),
Mary Agnew Quay, Coral Quay, and Susan Willard Quay.[162]
In 1905, Hanover Square in Beaver was renamed Quay Square.[163] A

historical marker to Quay stands at 3rd and Insurance streets there.[63] The
Matthew S. Quay House in Beaver has been designated as a National
Historic Landmark. Another of his residences, the Roberts-Quay House in
Philadelphia, was added to the National Register of Historic Places in
1976.[164]
Agnes Barclay Quay In recognition of his efforts towards New Mexico statehood, there is a
Quay County in New Mexico, named for him in 1903 when it was
established, as well as a small unincorporated community known as
Quay. [165] The former town of Quay, Oklahoma, was also named for him.[166] A statue of Quay stands in
the rotunda of the Pennsylvania Capitol in Harrisburg.[167]
Quay spent much time in Florida over the last fifteen years of his life, both for his health and for the fishing;
local historian Jean Ellen Wilson dubbed him "St. Lucie County's first snowbird."[168] Called "Florida's
Third Senator" by Judge Minor Jones, he supported federal projects along the Indian River, where he
owned property. Two of the houses he owned still stood as of 2010.[168] In his honor, the municipality of
Woodley, Florida was named Quay in 1902, but in 1925, amid the Florida land boom, it was renamed
Winter Beach.[169]
Assessment
Quay's death sparked renewed debate Under Quay’s leadership, Pennsylvania became the most
about him,[170] though McClure stated Republican and boss-dominated state in the final decades
that upon his death, "friend and foe of the century. His success required considerable
bowed regretfully over the grave of manipulation, because he was not able to control the state’s
Pennsylvania's ablest and most chivalrous burgeoning cities, Philadelphia and Pittsburgh. With his
political gladiator".[171] The North strength residing in the countryside, he kept the cities
American of Philadelphia wrote that stirred up by pushing through the legislature charter
though Quay's career was "a record of reforms to limit the power of emerging city leaders or to pit
sustained victory", his death "has the two cities against each other, but they nevertheless
removed from Pennsylvania a malign retained their Republican character. Thus, under his
influence which for a generation has been direction, the state delivered a Republican-dominated
the curse and shame of the congressional delegation every two years and provided
Commonwealth [of Pennsylvania]".[172] Republican electors every quadrennium. Quay attributed
President Roosevelt sent his this unbroken success to an application of his definition of
condolences, [5] and Governor politics: "the art of taking money from the few and votes
Pennypacker stated that, "now that he is from the many under the pretext of protecting the one from
gone, the people of this state will know the other."
what they have lost and what they never
quite appreciated."[173]
Historian James A. Kehl[4]
By taking power from the Camerons in
the mid-1880s, Quay restored the
Pennsylvania Republican Party to power
there at a time it was divided and out of office at both the state and federal levels, and continued the state as
one of the largest and most loyal to the Republican Party. He was able to work with and conciliate many of
those whom Don Cameron had alienated.[174] Blair wrote that Quay's techniques were to "work one-on-
one; keep quiet; maneuver behind the scenes".[175] According to Pollock, Quay "is chiefly to be
remembered for his brilliant and consummate genius as a politician. Never in the history of Pennsylvania,
with all of its great politicians, has there been a man with such great powers of leadership in political
organization. His whole life was a constant fight." [72] Nevertheless, "many of his contemporaries believed
him to be an utterly corrupt man, and yet his methods were no worse than those of his adversaries. He was
certainly one of the best-hated men in politics."[72] Wilson stated of Quay that from the time of his election
as senator, "various combinations of avowed foes and turncoat friends fought to topple him; reformers
attempted to wrest power from his grasp and destroy his political machine. Often his political survival was
in doubt; there were times he survived by a very slim margin. He was indicted, arrested, beaten at the polls,
attacked from the pulpit, criticized in the press. He endured to make two presidents and to serve three terms
in the Senate." [7] Oliver deemed Quay, "the most colorful leader in Pennsylvania's history ... No man in all
political history ever excelled him as a leader, a strategist, or an organizer".[176]
Quay rarely addressed the Senate; his power was behind the scenes, exercised over dinner and in committee
rooms. He authored no major legislation, his interest was in being able to control the flow of legislation. He
chaired no major committees, but led the Committee on Public Buildings and Grounds. Almost every
member of Congress needed a post office or other building to be constructed in his state or district, and his
road to that goal lay through Quay, who could exact a price.[4] According to Wendy J. Schiller and Charles
Stewart in their book on the legislative election of senators, "for Quay, holding a Senate seat was merely
another means of keeping control over his political empire; he was far better known for keeping his eyes
peeled on Pennsylvania politics than on the business conducted on the Senate floor."[177]
Patronage in the hands of Quay was profitable: although Wanamaker's 1898 estimate that Quay controlled
14,705 government positions was possibly an exaggeration, the many positions available in a large state like
Pennsylvania, where the holders or would-be holders could be dunned for contributions, raised large sums
of money that Quay controlled.[178] Such money was key to Quay's power. While state treasurer, he
detected loopholes in the laws governing the office, and used them to his advantage, not only during his
term of office, but over the next two decades as a series of loyalists occupied that office.[4] Quay kept close
control of the purse strings, deciding where money should be doled out.[179] His successor as
Pennsylvania's Republican boss, Penrose, stated, "Mr. Quay made it his policy to keep at least one hand on
the public purse."[73] He used state money and contributions from industrialists to benefit himself and elect
favored candidates. This helped make participation in politics expensive since it required any candidate not
acceptable to Quay to raise large sums of money to be successful.[172] Nevertheless, by the close of Quay's
career, the power of patronage was becoming an embarrassment, as he had too many friends and allies
expecting preferment. In one case, Quay avoided making nineteen enemies by submitting twenty candidates
for an office to Governor Stone, and got him to reject them all. Stone then announced his own selection:
someone acceptable to Quay.[180]
By the turn of the 20th century, progressive reformers sought to eliminate the boss system, and saw Quay as
a prime target, resulting in the re-election deadlock of 1899.[4] After Quay died, the Pennsylvania
Republican Party fell into factions, first squabbling over the Senate seat (which fell to the state attorney
general, Philander C. Knox) and then losing the election for treasurer in 1905 in a state Roosevelt had
carried with two-thirds of the vote the previous year.[181] Pennypacker responded by calling the legislature
into special session to pass reform legislation.[182] In controlling the machine after Quay's death (which he
did until his own death in 1921), Penrose allowed reform measures such as the direct primary and a
requirement of examinations for civil service jobs in Philadelphia.[183][184]
Kehl suggested that Quay, by the nature of his position as boss and senator, concerned himself more with
the welfare of Pennsylvania than that of the nation:
Quay was even more committed to the status quo than most legislators were. Serving
Pennsylvania rather than the United States, he contributed little to the national legislative
program of his party. He was content to sit in silence while senatorial discussion resounded on
all sides; he never championed any principle, not even the Republican doctrine of
protection[ism]. Although he did speak on the tariff, he pronounced no theory, but merely
demanded specific schedules for the iron and steel producers of his state. Once local appetites
were appeased, he lapsed into legislative indifference until another issue important to his
constituents arose. At the end of his career, such self-interest was disturbing to Republican
leadership in the Senate. With his passing, many colleagues tacitly hoped for a successor more
committed to issues national in scope and substantive in character.[185]
Notes
1. "Col. Quay in the saddle" (https://www.newspapers.com/clip/112780634/). The Philadelphia
Inquirer. July 12, 1888. p. 1.
2. "Quay is out" (https://www.newspapers.com/clip/112779121/the-boston-globe/). Boston Daily
Globe. July 30, 1891. p. 2.
3. John Augustus Smull, ed. (1890). Smull's Legislative Hand Book and Manual of the State of
Pennsylvania (https://books.google.com/books?id=0fBWAAAAYAAJ&pg=PP10). pp. 254–
255, 260.
4. Kehl, James A. (February 1, 2000). "Quay, Matthew Stanley (1833–1904), politician".
American National Biography. doi:10.1093/anb/9780198606697.article.0500639 (https://doi.
org/10.1093%2Fanb%2F9780198606697.article.0500639).
5. "Quay's career ends" (https://www.newspapers.com/clip/112935949/). The Altoona Mirror.
May 30, 1904. p. 2.
6. Pennypacker, p. 281.
7. Wilson, Jean Ellen. "An original snowbird" (https://indianrivermagazine.com/an-original-sno
wbird/). Indian River Magazine.
8. Kehl, p. 4.
9. Kehl, pp. 4–5.
10. Johnson, L.E. (2010). Beta Statesmen (https://issuu.com/betathetapiao/docs/beta_statesmen
_-_johnson__with_digital_cover_). The Beta Theta Pi Foundation. p. 7 – via Issuu.com.
11. Kehl, pp. 5, 8.
12. Kehl, pp. 8–9.
13. Bausman Vol 1, p. 367.
14. Kehl, p. 9.
15. Kehl, p. 10.
16. Evans, p. 18.
17. Oliver, pp. 2–3.
18. McClure Vol 1, p. 457.
19. Kehl, pp. 9–11.
21. Kehl, pp. 12–13.
22. McClure Vol 1, pp. 458–460.
23. Kehl, pp. 14–15.
25. Oliver, p. 3.
26. Kehl, pp. 16–17.
27. "Matthew Stanley Quay" (https://archives.house.state.pa.us/people/member-biography?ID=7
632&body=H). Pennsylvania House of Representatives. Retrieved August 19, 2022.
28. McClure Vol 1, pp. 461–462.
29. Kehl, p. 20.
30. McClure Vol 1, pp. 462–464.
31. Kehl, pp. 21–22.
32. McClure Vol 2, pp. 208–211.
33. Kehl, pp. 23–24, 31.
34. Oliver, p. 4.
35. Kehl, pp. 31–34.
36. Evans, p. 19.
37. Berman, p. 182.
38. Evans, p. 20.
39. Evans, pp. ii, 28.
41. Kehl, p. 37.
42. Kehl, pp. 37–38.
43. Evans, pp. 60–62.
44. Evans, p. 71.
45. Kahan, pp. 263–264.
46. Kehl, pp. 35–35.
47. Kehl, pp. 38–39.
48. Kahan, pp. 238–239.
49. Kehl, pp. 39–42.
50. Kahan, pp. 269–271.
52. Kehl, pp. 43–45.
54. Kehl, pp. 64–66.
55. McClure Vol 2, pp. 503–505.
56. Hawke, p. 136.
57. Kehl, pp. 46–49.
60. Kehl, pp. 49–51.
61. Kehl, p. 52.
62. Kehl, pp. 53–55.
63. "Matthew S. Quay Historical Marker" (https://explorepahistory.com/hmarker.php?markerId=1-
A-3B1). explorepahistory.com. WITF, Inc. Retrieved September 3, 2022.
64. Blair, p. 85.
65. Kehl, p. 64.
66. Blair, p. 81.
67. Blair, p. 83.
68. Blair, p. 82.
69. McClure Vol 2, pp. 558–559.
70. Kehl, pp. 65–66.
72. Pollock, p. 297.
73. Blair, p. 80.
74. Kehl, pp. 66–67.
75. McClure Vol 2, pp. 562–565.
76. Kehl, pp. 84–85.
77. Schiller & Stewart, pp. 203–204.
78. Kehl, pp. 85–88.
79. Kehl, pp. 88–92.
80. Kehl, pp. 93–95.
81. Gibbons, pp. 258–262.
82. Horner, p. 195.
83. Bourdon, p. 254.
84. Kehl, p. 99.
85. Bourdon, pp. 251–252.
86. Kehl, pp. 100–101.
87. "Matthew Quay and the 1888 Presidential Election" (https://www.senate.gov/artandhistory/hi
story/minute/Quay_1888PresidentialElection.htm). United States Senate. Retrieved
August 29, 2022.
88. Kehl, pp. 102–107.
90. Kehl, pp. 106–107.
91. Kehl, p. 117.
92. Blair, p. 88.
93. Kehl, pp. 118–119.
94. Ershkowitz, p. 228.
95. Ershkowitz, pp. 228–229.
96. Kehl, pp. 123–124.
97. Calhoun, pp. 216–217.
98. Kehl, p. 122.
99. Kehl, p. 128.
100. Calhoun, pp. 270–271.
101. Kehl, pp. 129, 133.
102. Oliver, p. 8.
103. Calhoun, pp. 311–317.
104. Kehl, p. 133.
105. Calhoun, p. 323.
106. Kehl, p. 136.
107. Kehl, pp. 137–139.
108. Kehl, pp. 138–142.
109. Kehl, pp. 153–154.
110. Kehl, pp. 155–156.
111. Kehl, pp. 155–158.
113. Kehl, pp. 156–176.
114. Kehl, pp. 180–182.
115. Kehl, pp. 184–185.
116. Oliver, p. 10.
117. Kehl, pp. 187–188.
118. Kehl, pp. 188–195.
119. Kehl, pp. 197–203.
120. Horner, pp. 143–144.
121. Stern, p. 26.
122. Kehl, pp. 202–205.
123. Gibbons, pp. 347–349.
124. McClure Vol 2, pp. 596–599.
127. Kehl, p. 212.
128. Ershkowitz, pp. 264–266.
129. Blair, pp. 80–81.
130. Kehl, p. 215.
131. Kehl, p. 214.
132. Schiller & Stewart, p. 205.
133. Beers, p. 47.
134. Kehl, pp. 214–218.
136. Kehl, p. 219.
138. "Congressional Record, Vol. 33, December 4, 1899, p. 1" (https://www.govinfo.gov/content/p
kg/GPO-CRECB-1900-pt1-v33/pdf/GPO-CRECB-1900-pt1-v33-1-1.pdf) (PDF).
140. Taft, p. 142.
141. Kehl, pp. 219–221.
142. Horner, pp. 216–218.
143. McClure Vol 2, pp. 611–612.
144. Horner, pp. 261–266.
145. Kehl, pp. 229–233.
146. McClure Vol 2, pp. 616–617.
147. Kehl, p. 234.
148. Kehl, pp. 235–236.
150. Kehl, pp. 238–239.
151. McClure Vol 2, pp. 621–623.
152. Kehl, p. 241.
154. Berman, pp. 182–183.
155. Kehl, pp. 244–248.
156. Oliver, p. 9.
157. Kehl, pp. 248–249.
158. Oliver, pp. 8–9.
159. Oliver, p. 13.
160. Kehl, p. 250.
161. Kehl, pp. 251–252.
162. "Mr. Quay first became prominent in politics in campaign of 1860" (https://www.newspapers.c
om/clip/108809402/). Pittsburgh Weekly Gazette. May 29, 1904. p. 3.
163. "Personal" (https://www.newspapers.com/clip/112953070/). The Semi-Weekly New Era.
June 28, 1905. p. 4.
164. "National Register Information System" (https://npgallery.nps.gov/NRHP). National Register
of Historic Places. National Park Service. July 9, 2010.
165. Julyan, Robert H. (1998). The Place Names of New Mexico (second ed.). Albuquerque:
University of New Mexico Press. p. 280. ISBN 978-0-8263-1689-9.
166. Wilson, Linda D. "Quay" (http://www.okhistory.org/publications/enc/entry.php?entry=QU007).
Encyclopedia of Oklahoma History and Culture. Retrieved November 10, 2022.
167. Kehl, p. 252.
168. Wilson, Jean Ellen (2010). "U.S. Sen. Matthew Stanley Quay" (https://sites.google.com/a/flge
nweb.net/stlucie/history/matthew-stanley-quay-in-st-lucie). Florida GenWeb. Retrieved
September 2, 2022.
169. Vickers, Ramona (August 10, 1962). "Once beautiful Quay Bridge now non-existent" (https://
www.newspapers.com/clip/112955992/). Orlando Sentinel. p. 4-A.
170. Kehl, p. xi.
172. Kehl, p. xii.
173. "Born a genius, says governor" (https://www.newspapers.com/clip/108856880/). Pittsburgh
Weekly Gazette. May 29, 1904. p. 1.
174. Blair, pp. 82–83.
175. Blair, p. 86.
176. Oliver, p. 1.
178. Blair, pp. 81–82.
179. Kehl, p. xv.
180. Blair, pp. 82, 91.
181. McClure Vol 2, pp. 626–631.
182. Berman, p. 183.
184. Berman, pp. 184–185.
185. Kehl, pp. 252–253.
References
Bausman, Joseph H. (1904) [1888]. History of Beaver County, Pennsylvania, and its
Centennial Celebration (https://www.google.com/books/edition/History_of_Beaver_County_
Pennsylvania/YWugN9DkwEkC?hl=en&gbpv=1&bsq=quay). Vol. 1. The Knickerbocker
Press.
Beers, Paul B. (2010). Pennsylvania Politics Today and Yesterday: The Tolerable
Accommodation (https://books.google.com/books?id=6SpJJmkNDFEC). Penn State Press.
ISBN 978-0-271-04498-9.
Berman, David R. (2019). Governors and the Progressive Movement. University Press of
Colorado. ISBN 978-1-60732-915-2.
Blair, William Alan (April 1989). "A Practical Politician: The Boss Tactics of Matthew Stanley
Quay" (https://journals.psu.edu/phj/article/view/24738). Pennsylvania History. 56 (2): 78–89.
Bourdon, Jeffrey Normand (September 2014). "Trains, Canes, and Replica Log Cabins:
Benjamin Harrison's 1888 Front-Porch Campaign for the Presidency". Indiana Magazine of
History. 110 (3): 246–269. doi:10.5378/indimagahist.110.3.0246 (https://doi.org/10.5378%2Fi
ndimagahist.110.3.0246). JSTOR 10.5378 (https://www.jstor.org/stable/10.5378).
Calhoun, Charles W. (2013) [2005]. Benjamin Harrison. The American Presidents (1st
eBook ed.). Henry Holt & Company LLC. ISBN 978-0-8050-6952-5.
Ershkowitz, Herbert (1999). John Wanamaker: Philadelphia Merchant (eBook ed.).
Combined Publishing. ISBN 978-1-58097-004-4.
Evans, Frank Bernard (1962). Pennsylvania Politics 1872–1877: A Study in Leadership
Without Responsibility (https://www.proquest.com/docview/287955994) (Thesis). The
Pennsylvania State University. ProQuest 287955994 (https://search.proquest.com/docview/2
87955994).
Gibbons, Herbert Adams (1926). John Wanamaker. Vol. 1. Harper & Brothers.
OCLC 162856645 (https://www.worldcat.org/oclc/162856645).
Hawke, David Freeman (1980). John D. The Founding Father of the Rockefellers (https://arc
hive.org/details/johndfoundingfa00hawk/page/135). Harper & Row. ISBN 978-0-06-011813-
6.
Horner, William T. (2010). Ohio's Kingmaker: Mark Hanna, Man and Myth. Ohio University
Press. ISBN 978-0-8214-1894-9.
Kahan, Paul (2016). Amiable Scoundrel: Simon Cameron, Lincoln's Scandalous Secretary
of War. University of Nebraska Press. ISBN 978-1-61234-814-8.
Kehl, James A. (1981). Boss Rule in the Gilded Age: Matt Quay of Pennsylvania (https://digit
al.library.pitt.edu/islandora/object/pitt%3A31735057893954/viewer#page/1/mode/1up).
University of Pittsburgh Press. ISBN 978-0-8229-3426-4.
McClure, Alexander Kelly (1905). Old Time Notes of Pennsylvania: A Connected and
Chronological Record of the Commercial, Industrial and Educational Advancement of
Pennsylvania, and the Inner History of All Political Movements Since the Adoption of the
Constitution of 1838 (https://www.google.com/books/edition/Old_Time_Notes_of_Pennsylva
nia/240CAAAAMAAJ?hl=en&gbpv=0). Vol. 1. John C. Winston.
McClure, Alexander Kelly (1905). Old Time Notes of Pennsylvania: A Connected and
Chronological Record of the Commercial, Industrial and Educational Advancement of
Pennsylvania, and the Inner History of All Political Movements Since the Adoption of the
Constitution of 1838 (https://www.google.com/books/edition/Old_Time_Notes_of_Pennsylva
nia/WCZaAAAAYAAJ?hl=en&gbpv=1). Vol. 2. John C. Winston.
Oliver, John W. (March 1934). "Matthew Stanley Quay" (https://journals.psu.edu/wph/article/v
iew/1665/1513). The Western Pennsylvania Historical Magazine. 17 (1).
Samuel W. Pennypacker (1910). "Matthew Stanley Quay" (https://books.google.com/books?i
d=kpgBAAAAMAAJ&pg=PA280). Pennsylvania in American History. pp. 280–305.
Pollock, James K. (1935). "Quay, Matthew Stanley" (https://archive.org/details/in.ernet.dli.20
15.163981/page/n1/mode/1up). In Malone, Dumas (ed.). Dictionary of American Biography.
Vol. XV. Humphrey Milford. pp. 296–298.
Schiller, Wendy J.; Stewart III, Charles (2015). Electing the Senate: Indirect Democracy
Before the Seventeenth Amendment (eBook ed.). Princeton University Press. ISBN 978-0-
691-16316-1.
Stern, Clarence A. (1963). Resurgent Republicanism; the Handiwork of Hanna. Edwards
Brothers, Inc. OCLC 256810656 (https://www.worldcat.org/oclc/256810656).
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States Government Printing Office. OCLC 1042405215 (https://www.worldcat.org/oclc/10424
05215).
Further reading
Chapman, Elizabeth Ann (1924). Matthew S. Quay and the Republican Machine in
Pennsylvania (https://www.google.com/books/edition/Matthew_S_Quay_and_the_Republica
n_Machin/ikAyAAAAMAAJ?hl=en&gbpv=0) (Thesis). University of Wisconsin.
External links
Biography portal
American Civil
War portal
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Matthew Quay

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Matthew Quay

Matthew Stanley Quay (September 30, 1833 – May 28,

Quay studied law and began his career in public office by

At his most powerful, Quay influenced appointments to Secretary of the Commonwealth of

Matthew Stanley Quay was born in Dillsburg, Pennsylvania, In office

Entry into politics (1864–1872)

Cameron lieutenant (1872–1879)

Rise to the Senate (1880–1887)

In 1882, a replacement for Governor Hoyt was to be elected, and

While Cameron demanded absolute loyalty to the party machine, in

Quay had long wanted to become a U.S.

1888 presidential campaign

Quay believed that vote fraud committed by Tammany Hall had

Harrison years (1889–1893)

In the early part of the Harrison administration there began to be

Quay finally answered the allegations against him in February

Cleveland administration; rise of McKinley (1893–1896)

Quay faced further rebellion within the Pennsylvania Republican

Battles with Wanamaker; fight for re-election (1896–1901)

In the aftermath of the Senate battle, President McKinley turned

Quay was the choice of the Republican legislative caucus in

Within an hour of the acquittal, Governor Stone appointed Quay to

Final years and death (1901–1904)

The assassination of McKinley in September 1901 made Roosevelt

Oliver considered Quay a "real friend of the American Indian".[156]

Beginning in about 1903, Quay's health deteriorated.[157] He went

Family and sites

In 1905, Hanover Square in Beaver was renamed Quay Square.[163] A

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