A- For many people, democracy is not just a set of elections, institutions, and rules, it is a

way of life based on mutual respect and the ability to be a political agent. The military

dictatorship of 1976-1983 was one of the most brutal in Latin America, ordering the

kidnapping, murder, and disappearance of some 30,000 people deemed enemies of the

Argentine nation. The climate of fear was so intense that very few spoke out against the

dictatorship, but the most heated were human rights organizations, especially the Madres de

la Plaza de Mayo. The Madres are the mothers of young people who have been `disappeared'

by the military government. In other words, democracy is not just an electoral or institutional

mechanism, but a moral way of life based on equality and respect, which sets the course for a

"good" society. Madres' example makes us realize that democratic action is not reserved only

for political parties. The development of social movements also helps democracy in many

ways. Acting as political actors in the social sphere, these groups of ordinary people can

bring new ideas, broaden their voices, and hold politicians to account through sustained

protests rather than elections. Election campaigns are important part of democratic political

life, but they are not the only way that people can participate in democracy. In fact, voters

can be influenced by things like emotions and personal beliefs as well. As we have seen,

social movements like the Madres de la Plaza de Mayo play a central role in the life of

democracy in Argentina. Similarly, new forms of community and workplace organization

following the 2001 crisis show that democratic politics not only take place at the national

level through political parties, but also at the community level through direct democratic

debate. This helped to expand the idea of democracy to include serious consideration of new

rights, such as those of women or native peoples. This expansion of democracy is thanks to

the work of social organizations, which hold governments, both democratic and

authoritarian, to account. The grassroots democracy initiatives of 2001 went further, arguing
that an idea of representative democracy based just on voting was the problem, not the

solution. The people who organized for local currencies and workplace cooperatives were

also interested in creating democratic institutions and mechanisms. However, the people

involved in these endeavors went beyond simply voting to try to democratize the workplace,

community, and personal relationships. The votes were also motivated by powerful emotions

– the sense of belonging in one's political entity, the sense of affinity with Evita, the sense of

belief in the father-figure of Juan Perón. These feelings make sense with the daily

relationships between man and wife that are embedded in the cultural norms of a Catholic

country. These are all activities that take place between elections and have no clear political

message. The social sphere is important for understanding why people vote for Peronists and

for exploring the quality of democracy.

B- The ideology of democracy strives to treat all citizens equally, which is one of the reasons

it has such moral clout. The ideology of democracy strives to treat all citizens equally, which

is one of the reasons it has such moral clout. Argentina's politics is governed by strong men,

frequently descended from political dynasties, who are typically upper-class and white.

Women also play a crucial role at the party's grassroots level, but the higher up the ladder one

goes, the less common they are. Part of the reason for this is because Evita's example

cemented women's roles as active, yet subservient, political players in contrast to their men's

inherent strength. Working-class and female Peronists thus encounter two kinds of

discrimination: class and gender. Together, these two types of discrimination limit their

political involvement to the intriguing but considerably weaker grassroots politics. The fact

that certain people's opinions were not heard in the direct democracy talks that took place on

factory floors or in community centers was one of the problems that surfaced in the

workplace and community organizations that came up during the crisis of 2001. Lower status
people typically spoke less or had a higher likelihood of having their opinions ignored.

Because many women equate politics and power with masculinity and believe that males

should hold positions of authority, gender hierarchies not only enable men to dominate the

democratic realm. The equality of voice, and therefore of action and ideas, which is necessary

for a perfect democratic scenario, can be seriously hampered by these socioeconomic

disparities, which are rooted in families, relationships, and communities. We have yet to

discuss race, a third exclusion dynamic. In Argentina, race is complicated because the idea of

whiteness obscures the reality of racial variety. In other words, Argentina presents itself as a

European outpost in Latin America, both to the outside world and, more crucially, to itself.

The country's tourism websites show pictures of tango, mountains, football, possibly wine

and polo, as well as a capital city that resembles Paris or New York. Argentina is not

something we identify with indigenous people or something with African roots. Afro-

Argentines made up a third of Argentina's population in 1800. Elites of the nineteenth century

pushed the notion that Argentina was a European country. They promoted widespread

immigration from Europe, particularly from Spain, Italy, and Jews fleeing pogroms in Russia

and Eastern Europe. The initial human rights movements did not address race as a problem

for democracy, and Peronism does not acknowledge race as such. Furthermore, it was

believed that the resurgence of indigenous organization before and during the 2001 crisis

focused on problems other than the crisis of capitalism or liberal democracy, such as the right

to land and environmental damage. Race in Argentina is politically invisible; hence it cannot

be considered a problem for democracy. Race is made invisible, and a society cannot address

racism if racial difference doesn`t seem to exist. We should consider how racial

discrimination operates inside the political system considering the absence of explicitly Afro-

Argentine or indigenous politicians in Argentina's parliament. Therefore, to combat that

prejudice, it is necessary not only to establish fair and equal laws but also to examine how
concepts like sexism and racism function in society. It entails trying to establish a democratic

society in which the notions of equity and equality are upheld not only by the law but also by

our interpersonal interactions.

C-D- About 'democratize' our understanding of democracy I can give example, Perón

democratized Argentina in two ways: first, he provided common people a sense of inclusion

and importance in the nation; second, he dispersed national resources more equitably,

boosting people's standard of life. Juan Perón's relationship with the people under charismatic

populism was more characterized by benevolent authoritarianism than democratic equality.

Peronist policies were socially democratizing as a result, but the political relationship was

based on subordination and inequality. These movements expanded the scope of formal

politics to include issues like LGBT rights, indigenous rights, and women's equality. Perón's

Madres saw democracy as an ethical way of life that included fairness, equality, and respect

for others. The Evita Perón paradigm of female political engagement, which limited women's

activism to grassroots support roles, did not result in a feminism politics. The importance of

the social realm is also evident from the illustrative example of Argentina. Paradoxically, the

outlawing of political parties created space for individuals to envision and put into action

alternative forms of organization, putting pressure on demands, and coming up with solutions

to issues. But the Argentine case also shown that, rather than the formal political domain,

society has served as the birthplace of democracy. But the Argentine case also demonstrated

that democracy was not born in a formal governmental setting but rather in society. Social

groupings oversaw creating new approaches to enacting democracy or conceiving the

economy as well as adding new issues to the political agenda, such as gender and race. We

should consider social issues and view democracy as a way of life rather than just a
mechanism for choosing decision-makers if we want to find strategies to broaden or deepen

democracy.

HELİN BADİKANLI SO21248