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Bible As Torah What J E P and D Can Teach Us About God - From Imagining The Jewish God - With Front Matter
Bible As Torah What J E P and D Can Teach Us About God - From Imagining The Jewish God - With Front Matter
Jewish God
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Introduction ix
Leonard Kaplan and Ken Koltun-Fromm
Index 521
About the Contributors 543
In his fine contribution to this volume, my friend and colleague Ken See-
skin raises the crucial question: What role—if any—can the Tanakh have
for modern Jewish theology? Given that we recognize the Tanakh comes
from a culture quite removed from our own and makes assumptions about
physics and metaphysics that were dated already a millennium ago, can it
really teach us anything about God? This question is central for all biblical
theologians, myself included, and Seeskin generously uses my book, The
Bodies of God and the World of Ancient Israel,1 to exemplify the challenges
inherent in any attempt to learn truths from such an ancient text. In what
follows, I would like to clarify the ways in which Seeskin and I both agree
and disagree. Before I do so, however, many readers will find a summary
of some aspects of my book helpful.
In The Bodies of God and the World of Ancient Israel, I present a view of
divinity that I believe can be found in the ancient Near East, according to
which deities differ from human beings because deities’ selves are fluid and
unbounded. In the viewpoint of ancient Near Eastern worshipers and reli-
gious thinkers, deities could have multiple bodies, located simultaneously
in heaven and in several earthly locations. (This becomes especially evident
from ancient Near Eastern ceremonies intended to bring the real presence of
a deity into its cult statue. The ancient texts that describe these ceremonies,
usually referred in Mesopotamian and Egyptian texts to as “mouth-opening”
or “mouth-washing” rites, make clear that their participants believed that
the god or goddess literally came to be embodied by or housed in the statue.
83
Because there were many statues of the same deity in various temples at
the same time, it follows that a god or goddess often had multiple bodies
that were physically—and not merely symbolically—present in more than
one house.) Further, a deity’s self could fragment into more than one local
manifestation. These manifestations or avataras (here I appropriate a strik-
ingly fitting Sanskrit term to describe an ancient Near Eastern theology) were
distinct from one another and could even be worshiped separately. Nonethe-
less, these local manifestations retained an underlying unity. While Ishtar of
Arbela and Ishtar of Nineveh are appealed to separately in religious and legal
texts, mythological texts speak simply of Ishtar. There are no stories of Ishtar
of Arbela or of Nineveh; rather, when myths narrate Ishtar’s acts, they are
speaking of all the local Ishtars. Similarly, separate cultic texts and cultic sites
are devoted specifically to Baal Ṣaphon, Baal Ugarit, and Baal of Heaven,
but when these three terms appear parallel to each other as the subject of a
sentence, the verb used of them is in the singular, indicating that they are all
the same deity, who is also known by the name Hadad. In short: There were
several goddesses named Ishtar who were ultimately a single being, many
Baals or Hadads who were one Baal Hadad.
This conception of divine selfhood, which I call the “fluidity model,” ap-
pears not only in ancient Mesopotamian, Canaanite, and Egyptian religions
but also in the Bible. It can be found in the J and E sources from the Penta-
teuch.2 Further, we can detect it in sundry passages in the Psalms, prophets,
and Samuel. It also appears in several ancient Israelite inscriptions discovered
by archaeologists in the past century, which speak of “Yhwh of Teiman” and
“Yhwh of Samaria,” just as biblical texts speak of “Yhwh in Zion” (Psalm
99:2) and “Yhwh in Hebron” (2 Samuel 15:7). In those texts the one God
Yhwh has multiple cultic bodies; Yhwh can appear in small-scale manifesta-
tions that on the surface seem separate from the heavenly Godhead yet clearly
overlap with It and never become autonomous beings. J, E, and related texts
use several terms to describe the multiple bodies of God housed in various
temples throughout ancient Israel. These include “( מצבהstone pillar”), ביתאל
(“betyl” or “divine house”), and “( אשרהasherah” or “sacred tree, sacred
wooden pole”), the first two of which also refer to earthly embodiments of a
deity in ancient Near Eastern texts outside the Bible. It must be stressed that
J, E, and related texts from the Tanakh regard these multiple manifestations of
Yhwh positively; for them, these three terms refer to legitimate and beneficial
cultic objects. (Other biblical texts, we will see, use these terms disparag-
ingly.) These texts also speak of Yhwh’s multiple, small-scale manifestations
or avataras on earth. J and E often refer to such a manifestation as ’מלאך ה.
This term is usually translated as “Yhwh’s angel,” but in J and E it often re-
fers to a manifestation of Yhwh rather than a messenger sent by Yhwh.
emphasize and problematize the sacrality of space and hence the place
of the land of Israel, the city Jerusalem, and the Temple Mount in Jewish
thought. They also point at once toward the personhood of God (who has
a body and is in our world) and the utter otherness of God (whose embodi-
ment is incomprehensibly different from ours). Thus these traditions make
clear that God is at once nearby and impossible to grasp.13 Further, the very
fact that the most sacred of Judaism’s texts, the Pentateuch, includes both
the fluidity traditions and two different and to some degree contradictory
rejections thereof suggests the impossibility of our ever knowing, much less
articulating, the whole truth about God; the closest we humans can come
to apprehending the fullness of divine reality may involve accepting or
contemplating contradictory utterances. In short: an interpretation based on
source criticism is religiously enriching for a modern Jew.
One has to wonder whether the original authors ever dreamt that scholars from
a later age would comb the text in intricate detail trying to discern a coherent
theological doctrine. Perhaps all they wanted to do was establish laws for how
to worship God and direct people’s attention to the spiritual side of life. That
would explain why, given the standards established by later theologians, their
language appears flexible and multivalent.14
To the degree that we adhere to the fluidity model, we will have a hard time
accounting for divine unity. Sommer insists that the fluidity model is perfectly
consistent with monotheism. But once again, questions arise. A modern jetliner
is one plane even though it contains millions of parts. My body is one even
though it contains over 200 bones, a dozen crucial organs, and millions of indi-
vidual cells. In what sense is Deuteronomy 6:4 using the term when it says that
God is one?20
When we read this verse from the Shema in light of the fluidity tradi-
tion, we realize that D means something different when it speaks of God as
one than J and E (or the Zohar) imagine when they speak of God. The D
source agrees with Seeskin that the fluidity model is not as consistent with
divine unity as D requires right-thinking Israelite theology to be; indeed,
that is the very point of D’s anti-fluidity pronouncement in Deuteronomy
6:4. At the same time, attending to the considerable number of biblical texts
that espouse the fluidity model reminds us that God’s unity is not the core
of biblical monotheism; rather, the core of biblical monotheism is God’s
uniqueness—that is, God’s difference from everything else in the cosmos,
whether heavenly or earthly, and God’s utter non-subservience to nature, mat-
ter, and physics. This, of course, is precisely the definition of monotheism in
the first chapter of Hermann Cohen’s Religion of Reason Out of the Sources
of Judaism.21 It is also the definition of monotheism in Yehezkel Kaufmann’s
Toledot Ha-Emunah Ha-Yisraelit, whose lengthy treatment of monotheism
can be seen as a fleshing out of Cohen’s first chapter with historical, philolog-
ical, and comparative data.22 It is precisely the uncanny otherness of Yhwh—
which is to say: monotheism—that J and E are so successful in conveying in
their portrayal of the multiply embodied God. To be sure, as Seeskin writes,
“Because space is divisible, anything that occupies space must be divisible
as well. Anything that is divisible is composed of parts.” But the point that J
and E are making is precisely that God’s body is thoroughly and unimagin-
ably different from all other physical things: though Yhwh occupies multiple
spaces, Yhwh remains a single deity.
with passages that openly disagree with one another. Further, the Pentateuch
does not attempt to hide those disagreements. On the contrary, the Pentateuch
begins with two famously divergent accounts of the creation of the world, and
each of these accounts begins with the classical syntax of an ancient Near
Eastern creation epic: a temporal phrase (Genesis 1:1 and 2:4b), a parentheti-
cal clause (1:2 and 2:5–6), and then a main clause (1:3 and 2:7). This same
syntax is found in the opening of the Babylonian creation epics Enuma Elish
and Atraḫasis. To someone familiar with norms of ancient cosmological nar-
rative, the Pentateuch seems to begin twice in rapid succession. By using this
syntax not only in its first narrative passage but a second time very shortly
thereafter, the Pentateuch presents itself from its opening as an anthological
work rather than a unified one. In one sense, the Pentateuch’s transmission
of disagreement is even more extreme than the Mishnah’s: whereas the
Mishnah often tells us which opinion is to be regarded as correct and which
as incorrect, the Pentateuch provides no guidance on how to resolve its con-
tradictions or how to decide which opinion to follow. In both the Pentateuch
and the Mishnah, what we have before us is a record of מחלוקת לשם שמים, of
disagreement for the sake of heaven (to borrow a phrase from m. Avot 5:19).
In both cases, the disagreement occurs within specific boundaries: The views
of Israelite polytheists (of whom, scripture tells us, there were many) are not
included in the Pentateuch.24 Similarly, the views of Sadducees, Essenes, and
followers of Jesus as messiah are not included in the Mishnah except when
they are specifically rejected. But within these bounds, blatantly opposite
points of view are given voice in both the Pentateuch and the Mishnah.
But there is a third sense in which one could construe the Bible as a theo-
logical work, and it is important to note that I do not construe the Bible as
theology in this sense. I do not turn to biblical texts—or, for that matter, to
rabbinic literature, or works of kabbalah, or texts from medieval or modern
Jewish philosophy—with the expectation that they always give me proposi-
tional statements that convey accurate knowledge. Rather, the Bible’s propo-
sitional statements, its allusive, associative discourse and its rich debates on
crucial issues constitute the beginning of a discussion. Further, the Bible sets
an agenda for future Jewish theology, though of course this agenda is sub-
ject to expansion and some revision over the centuries. For Jewish theology,
specific propositions (whether made by the Bible’s authors, by later voices
in the tradition, or by ourselves) are of less import than the process of dis-
cussing these propositions. After all, what Deuteronomy 6:7–8 command us
and what Joshua 1:7–8 and Psalm 1:2 recommend is that we should repeat
Torah, learn it and meditate on it, but not that we must acknowledge every-
thing Torah says as true. Similarly, accepting propositional knowledge is not
the thrust of the oft-repeated verbs “teach” and “learn” in Deuteronomy; in
almost every one of its seventeen occurrences in that book, the verbal root
למ’’דis concerned either with learning that results in awe toward God or with
observance of the commandments. It is never associated simply with assent
to a particular claim. The Pentateuch requires a process of reading the words
of Torah, murmuring them, reciting them, and, by extension discussing them.
Rabbinic texts, in turn, explicitly draw that extension. That discussion, to be
the fullest Jewish discussion it can be, should include Israel’s earliest voices.
This does not mean that a religious Jew must accept everything the Bible
says as true, but it does mean that everything it says must be considered and
demands a response.25 In short, the Bible, like the Mishnah or The Guide of
the Perplexed or The Star of Redemption, is Torah, guidance (that is the basic
meaning of the noun תורה, just as the verb להורותmeans to teach, to guide, to
send in a direction, to aim). All these works point us in specific directions,
but precisely because of their variety they cannot serve as sources of propo-
sitional statements that must be affirmed.26
And here Seeskin’s views and my own converge. He writes,
What makes the Bible foundational is not that it provides us with definitive
answers to questions but that it establishes an intellectual trajectory of which
we are still a part.
Instead of just reflecting the views of the culture that produced it, it points the
way to something different, something powerful enough to sustain a religious
tradition for millennia to come.27
were excluded or simply not heard by the scribes and sages who preserved
Torah in the past, such as those of Jewish women, be reconstructed and thus
admitted to the formative canon?
A practical answer to one of these questions—“Which contributions to
constructive Jewish thought in our own day are Torah?”—is quite straightfor-
ward: Come back in five hundred years and look around. What are religious
Jews doing? What are they studying? What shapes who they are? That is
Torah. Which contributions of twenty-first-century Judaism have they dis-
carded? Which ones have they never even heard of? That is not Torah.30 In
the year 50 CE, there was no criterion that allowed one to say which forms of
Judaism were the right ones. On a purely theoretical level nobody could prove
that the traditions of the Pharisees and the earliest rabbis were Torah, while
the writings of the Qumran sect and the teachings of the Sadducees were not.
But by the year 600, it had become clear that this was the case. There is no
conclusive way to explain why the philosopher Philo’s first-century attempt
to fuse Plato and Judaism did not become Torah while Maimonides’s twelfth-
century attempt to fuse Aristotle and Judaism did; but there is no denying
that Philo’s writings (which were not preserved by Jews but came down to
us because they were copied by Christian clerics) are not Torah while Mai-
monides’s writings (despite all the opposition to them during his lifetime) are.
This approach suggests answers to the other questions just posed. It seems,
at least in theory, that views that were once outside the bounds of Torah could
come into it, if communities consisting of committed Jews adopt them as
such, and if those communities successfully reproduce themselves over the
generations.31 I see little reason to anticipate the entry of the Books of Enoch
or the Dead Sea Scrolls into twenty-first Judaism’s formative canon, but it
would be perfectly possible for committed Jewish communities to begin to
study them not merely as interesting historical artifacts but as Torah. While
this is unlikely for books that were placed outside the canon in antiquity, such
a restoration is much easier for texts that were at once incorporated in the
canon and obscured by its breadth—that is, for texts such as J and E. Jews still
chant passages from J and E aloud; Jews have always studied these passages;
some of their theological views, as we saw earlier, reemerged, albeit in new
garb, in works of Jewish mysticism. As a result, their distinct voices, recov-
ered by biblical critics, can be not only studied by academics as examples
of literary history but embraced by religious Jews as providing guidance.
Similarly, one of the most prominent elements of Jewish learning in the past
several decades has been the attempt to recover and, more often, to re-create
or imagine voices that are largely missing in classical Jewish texts, especially
the voices of women. That attempt has not only occurred in the academy but
has made inroads into a variety of religious Jewish settings as well.32
NOTES
1. Benjamin D. Sommer, The Bodies of God and the World of Ancient Israel (New
York: Cambridge University Press, 2009).
2. I refer here to the theory, widespread among modern biblical critics, known as
the Documentary Hypothesis. According to this theory the Pentateuch combines sev-
eral different sources that existed independently in biblical times. Scholars refer to the
four main sources as J, E, P, and D; according to the Documentary Hypothesis, these
documents told roughly parallel stories of Israel’s origins and early history and pre-
sented their own versions of Israel’s covenantal law. The P document was composed
by Judean priests and the D document by Levites. The authors of J and E cannot be
ascertained. The dating of the documents cannot be known, though the language of all
four is pre-exilic. We can be sure that P and D crystallized over generations, and the
same may be true of J and E. Some contemporary biblical critics propose new theories
of the origin of the Pentateuch that jettison the notion of discrete J and E sources while
basically accepting the distinction between P and D traditions. These scholars speak
of non-P, non-D traditions where classical Documentarians speak of J and E. For my
purposes in this essay, this difference is of no importance, since within the Pentateuch
the fluidity tradition is found specifically in the texts outside P and D, however one
names them. Because I find the Documentary model far more convincing than the
more recent theories, I use the terms J and E, but an adherent of the later theories
can substitute the term “non-P, non-D” for “J and E” without any significant change
to the history of ancient Israelite religious ideas that I put forward. For elegant and
convincing presentations of the Documentary Hypothesis, see Baruch Schwartz, “The
Torah—Its Five Books and Four Documents,” [Hebrew] in The Literature of the He-
brew Bible: Introductions and Studies, ed. by Zipora Talshir (Jerusalem: Yad Ben-Zvi
Press, 2011), 161–226, and Joel Baden, The Composition of the Pentateuch: Renewing
the Documentary Hypothesis, AYBRL (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2012). For
the more recent theories, see Jan Christian Gertz, et al., T&T Clark Handbook of The
Old Testament, trans. by Linda M. Maloney (London: T&T Clark, 2012), 293–360, and
Konrad Schmid, The Old Testament: A Literary History, trans. by Linda M. Maloney
(Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 2012), 79–95, 107–16, 131–40, 153–56, 173–77, 196–
202. On the debates among proponents of these approaches, see the especially helpful
discussion in David Carr, “Controversy and Convergence in Recent Studies of the For-
mation of the Pentateuch,” Religious Studies Review 23, no. 1 (January 1997): 22–31,
as well as Ernest W. Nicholson, The Pentateuch in the Twentieth Century: The Legacy
of Julius Wellhausen (Oxford: Oxford University Press, Clarendon, 1998), and Thomas
Dozeman, Konrad Schmid, and Baruch Schwartz, eds., The Pentateuch: International
Perspectives on Current Research (Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck, 2011).
3. For a brief discussion, see Sommer, Bodies, 1–10. On the thoroughly anthro-
pomorphic conception of God throughout the Bible, see further Yehezkel Kaufmann,
Toledot Ha-Emunah Ha-Yisraelit, [in Hebrew] 4 vols. (Jerusalem and Tel Aviv: Bialik
and Devir, 1937–56), 1:221–44; Gerhard von Rad, Old Testament Theology, 2 vols.,
trans. by D. M. G. Stalker (Edinburgh: Oliver and Boyd, 1962–65), 1:145, 219, 237,
287, 366; Mark Smith, The Origins of Biblical Monotheism: Israel’s Polytheistic
Background and the Ugaritic Texts (New York: Oxford University Press, 2001), 87–
88; Ronald Hendel, “Aniconism and Anthropomorphism in Ancient Israel,” in The
Image and the Book: Iconic Cults, Aniconism, and the Rise of Book Religion in
Israel and the Ancient Near East, ed. by Karel van der Toorn (Leuven: Peeters,
1997), 207–8; Yochanan Muffs, The Personhood of God. Biblical Theology, Hu-
man Faith and the Divine Image (Woodstock, VT: Jewish Lights, 2005), 31. On the
consistently anthropomorphic conception of God throughout rabbinic literature, see
Alon Goshen-Gottstein, “The Body as Image of God in Rabbinic Literature,” HTR 87
(1994): 171–95; Yair Lorberbaum, The Image of God: Halakhah and Aggadah, [in
Hebrew] (Tel Aviv: Schocken, 2004), 14–22, 292–335; cf. Gershom Scholem, On
the Mystical Shape of the Godhead: Basic Concepts in the Kabbalah, trans. Joachim
Neugroschel (New York: Schocken Books, 1991), 34–35.
4. For a discussion of the translation of this line, see Sommer, Bodies of God,
220–22.
5. By my colleague Joel Baden’s count (personal communication), P accounts for
47 percent, and D for 17 percent. Disagreement concerning a verse here or a phrase
there will not change these figures substantially, even for recent scholars who reject
the Documentary Hypothesis; those scholars, we should recall, nonetheless largely
accept the existence of P and D corpora in the Pentateuch.
6. Sommer, Bodies of God, 12–57 and 179–213.
Studies, 2007), 81–111, and, even more strongly, Shamma Friedman, “Rambam and
the Talmud,” [Hebrew], Dinei Yisrael 26–27 (5769–70): 315–26.
29. In other words, the Mishneh Torah is, to use Halbertal’s terminology, forma-
tive canon rather than normative canon. On this important distinction, see Moshe
Halbertal, People of the Book: Canon, Meaning, and Authority (Cambridge, Mass.:
Harvard University Press, 1997), 3–6. We may add that the same is true of the Bible.
30. On my use here of the talmudic dictum, “( ופק חיז מיא עמא דברGo out and see
what the people are doing,” b. Berakhot 45a, b. Eruvin 14b, b. Menaḥot 35b), see
further Sommer, Revelation and Authority, 125–27, 247–48.
31. Indeed, as scholars have increasingly come to realize, it was precisely in this
way that the Jewish biblical canon accepted for the past fifteen or so centuries crys-
tallized: not through the decisions of authoritative scholars, but through the de facto
decisions of various communities that endured, while other versions of the biblical
canon (such as that of the Hellenistic Jewry responsible for the Septuagint) died out
along with the less long-lasting Jewish communities that produced them. For this
view of the development of the biblical canon, see esp. John Barton, Oracles of God:
Perception of Ancient Prophecy in Israel After the Exile (London: Darton, Longman
and Todd, 1986), 13–95.
32. For examples of such inroads in various locations on the contemporary Jew-
ish religious spectrum, see Andrea L. Weiss and Tamara Cohn Eskenazi, eds., The
Torah: A Women’s Commentary (New York: URJ Press, 2008); Ellen Frankel, The
Five Books of Miriam: A Woman’s Commentary on the Torah (New York: G. P.
Putnam’s, 1996); Tamar Biala and Nehamah Weingarten, eds., Dirshuni: Midreshe
Nashim, [Hebrew], Sifre Ḥemed (Tel-Aviv: Yedi’ot Aḥaronot and the Jewish Agency,
2009); Tova Hartman, Feminism Encounters Traditional Judaism: Resistance and
Accommodation (Waltham, MA: Brandeis University Press, 2007); and Tamar Ross,
Expanding the Palace of Torah: Orthodoxy and Feminism (Waltham, MA.: Brandeis
University Press, 2005).
33. On the notion of the keen-witted student in this rabbinic tradition, see David
Golinkin, “The Meaning of the Concepts Watiqin, Watiq, and Talmid Watiq in the
Book of Ben Sira and Talmudic Literature,” [Hebrew], Sidra 13 (1997): 47–60.
34. Scripture, when not learned from an authoritative master, is arguably not scrip-
ture at all. See Wilfred Cantwell Smith, What Is Scripture? A Comparative Approach
(Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 1993), 138 and 144. Cf. Franz Rosenzweig’s recollec-
tion that as a youth he read the Bible “without the help of tradition, hence without
revelation.” See Franz Rosenzweig: His Life and Thought, ed. by Nahum Glatzer
(New York: Schocken Books, 1961), xxxvii.
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