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We Are Done With The Two Social Theories About Education
We Are Done With The Two Social Theories About Education
The first, the general theory that education should serve democracy by producing democrats,
seems irreproachable given the initial assumption that a democratic society is desirable. A
democratic society involves an appeal to individual members on matters of social concern, and
depends on the working of a complex of institutions, public discussions, voting, representative
bodies, majority decisions and the like. Along with these institutional features goes, ideally, a
willingness to work the system, to allow free expression of opinion, to abide by majority
decisions, to participate in the various procedures. Democratic society depends on democratic
man. So, it has been argued, it is in the public interest for a democracy to provide an education in
democracy for its future citizens. Is it in the public interest that the society should be democratic?
if it is in the public interest for society to be democratic, it will be in the public interest to
provide whatever is necessary, education included, to sustain a democracy
The second, more limited theory is that schools and other educational establishments should
themselves be run on ‘democratic’ lines. This theory has links with the first, indeed it forms part
of the ‘methods’ assumption of the general theory. It is assumed that actual democracy in school
would supply the practical element in an education for democracy. But it is also advocated on
grounds of justice, that pupils and students have a ‘right’ to take part in the running of these
institutions.
This contention raises the important issue of the substantial forms of democracy. Present-day
democracies tend to be of one of two main kinds. The first is that which exists mainly in Western
Europe, North America and Australasia, and is often called a ‘liberal’ democracy. Here, in its
simplest terms, the model is as follows: everyone over a certain age is entitled to express his
political opinions and to register these opinions by means of a vote at elections
The other kind of democracy, sometimes called a ‘people’s democracy’ is found mainly in
Eastern Europe and the USSR. Here we have the institutional apparatus of a liberal democracy,
votes, elections, assemblies, but with a significant difference. In a ‘people’s democracy’ it is not
the people’s opinions which are ultimately to prevail, but rather what the government considers
to be the ‘real’ interests of the people.
supposing there to be a case for democracy in schools, which of these two versions of democracy
is the more appropriate?
If the answer is the liberal version, the model we adopt ourselves in adult society. But here we
have a difficulty. In schools we are dealing with children, and it is the business of schools to
educate children, which means consulting and furthering their long-term interests as growing
human beings. Children and young people will have opinions, likes and dislikes, but these will
not always, perhaps not often, coincide with their real interests. Children do not always see
clearly what is good for them, and teachers quite often have to oppose children’s whims and
fancies with considerations of their real welfare. Now, let us suppose that we are committed to
running a school as a democracy, with institutions which register children’s opinions, by votes,
elections, majority decisions and so on. If we genuinely adhere to the liberal model the authority
structure of the school would have to be responsive to these declared opinions, which might, and
frequently would, run counter to what is in the children’s interests. At this point democracy
would be anti-educational. From which it would seem to follow that a liberal version of
democracy is not really appropriate in schools, and children, in so far as they are in pupillage,
have no real ‘rights’ in the matter of running the institution which cares for them. It is their long-
term interests which are of first importance, not their ‘rights’ as political members, since they are
not political members at all.
The form of democracy appropriate for schools, supposing any to be so, would be the
paternalistic kind, one which maintained the institutional apparatus of democracy, which acceded
to pupil’s opinion so far as possible, but where, ultimately, the teaching staff would have to set
aside opinions where their implementation in practice would be against the children’s interests.
This is the only kind of democracy appropriate for schools if schools are to be instruments of
education. It is the kind of democracy which allows children to participate in democratic
procedures under conditions in which they can do themselves little harm. However, the
paternalistic ‘people’s democracies’ treat adults as children, subordinating their opinions to what
is thought to be their interests. So, in case the electorates are students not children, then the
appropriate type of democracy is the liberal. But even here democracy should give way to
education if the two conflict. One possible area of such conflict would be between students’
opinions and the considered judgment of the teacher as authority on his subject. In this case the
only appropriate deciding factor would be a consideration of truth, not an aggregation of votes.
The third theory, that education should be democratic in the sense of being accountable to
society, to ‘the people’. Education ought to be directed towards the establishment or presentation
of a democratic way of life.
If democracy is to work it required informed, knowledgeable and wise citizens and, therefore,
education has a moral purpose. education is a moral enterprise concerned with developing
informed citizens capable of making informed choices and decisions.
For education to produce democrats, schools should be democratic institutions, and practice
democracy in pedagogy.