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"Pakis From Outer Space": Oriental Postmodernity in Leigh Bowery's Performative Costuming
"Pakis From Outer Space": Oriental Postmodernity in Leigh Bowery's Performative Costuming
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‘Pakis from Outer Space’: tio 2
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Oriental postmodernity in
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Leigh Bowery’s performative
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costuming
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distorted and eccentric image of an inclusive South Asian identity, Bowery slips 1.
in cultural stereotyping and ethnic generalization. Although his postmodernist 2.
parodic ethos could potentially be read as an attempt to create a critical – but polit- 3.
ically problematic – dialectical space regarding orientalist clichés, it does not only 4.
fail to deconstruct monolithic representations but, conversely, reinforces oriental 5.
banality. 6.
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PRACTISING SUB/CULTURAL PASTICHE 11.
Thinking about Leigh Bowery, one might be caught in an endless mesh of 12.
cultural allusions. He is mostly remembered as an outrageous costume maker 13.
of the 1980s that inspired some of the most significant contemporary fash- 14.
ion designers, a club persona and performance artist, Lucian Freud’s muse, 15.
but above all, a visual provocateur. As a postmodern dandy of sorts, Bowery 16.
with his performative costuming constantly blurred the boundaries between 17.
art and life challenging and disrupting at the same time the dominant histo- 18.
ries of visual culture and performance art. Fellow club freak and collabora- 19.
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tor Boy George, for whom Bowery designed some of his early career outfits, 20.
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famously described the latter’s grand self-styled presence as ‘modern art on 21.
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legs’ to underline his perpetual performative practice that extended beyond the 22.
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gallery (Tilley 1997: front cover). Particularly interested in the shock effect of 23.
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the looks he mostly created for himself, Bowery has been variously described 24.
as ‘outrageous’, ‘beautiful’, ‘genius’, ‘terrifying’, ‘larger than life’ and ‘the sick- 25.
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early age. Although he briefly attended a fashion design course at the Royal 28.
Melbourne Institute of Technology before moving to London in late 1980 29.
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to mix with the trendy crowd and pursue a career in fashion, he soon after
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rejected its commercial aspect and principle of distribution. The objective of 31.
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the industry for mass appeal was ‘a bit problematic’ for Bowery as such a condi- 32.
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tion would mean not only compromising his extravagant vision but also losing 33.
the uniqueness of his individual sense of styling that he mainly showed off in 34.
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nightclubs (Carlaw 1986). His grotesque creations, which subvert mainstream 35.
trends and normative ideals of beauty significantly, served as an extension of 36.
his own persona and constituted the most significant means of his perform- 37.
ativity. At the same time, Bowery’s extraordinary designs and styling reflect, 38.
according to Francesca Granata (2017), the transgressive spirit that emerged 39.
widely in 1980s fashion inducing the blast of experimentation witnessed in 40.
the field at the turn of the twenty-first century. 41.
Fashion in London during the 1980s, ‘the decade of nightclubbing’ in 42.
cultural terms (Godfrey 1990: 161), became inextricably linked to the city’s 43.
vibrant subcultural club scenes and cutting-edge publications such as i-D, 44.
The Face and Blitz, which celebrated creativity and scrutinized subcultural 45.
styles regularly (Stanfill 2013). As Michael Bracewell remarks, getting ready 46.
for a night out had become at the time an ‘art form’ of sorts epitomized by 47.
the New Romantics: London’s subcultural club scene that followed the explo- 48.
sion of punk and inspired Bowery’s early sartorial experiments (Atlas 2004). 49.
His biographer and close friend Sue Tilley recalls how these ‘new trend-setters’ 50.
adopted an exorbitant attitude towards the appropriation of historical period 51.
fashion elements and androgynous style: ‘[n]othing was too fancy: frilly skirts, 52.
1. velvet knickerbockers, satin gowns, patent leather shoes with big buckles and,
2. of course, plenty of make-up for both sexes’ (1997: 17). Although Bowery was
3. highly invested in the New Romantics and London’s club scene more broadly,
4. which consisted his cultural and social milieu, he did not adhere to any of
5. the subcultural styles. Undeniably, his looks reveal that he rather embraced a
6. much more complex approach to styling by enriching the post-punk attitude
7. of the New Romantics with a multitude of aesthetics deriving from a wider,
8. cross-cultural context soaked in glitter.
9. In the ‘Pakis from Outer Space’, Bowery’s controversial first performative
10. look that is examined below in detail, signifiers of South Asian traditional styl-
11. ing and iconography merge with visual elements inspired by European fash-
12. ion and high art, queer aesthetics and the colourful vibe of the circus clown.
13. Unlike New Romantics’ prevalent fetishizing of the English Romantic period,
14. Bowery’s absurd bricolage exceeds any attempt at identification since ‘extract-
15. ing a final set of meanings from the seemingly endless […] play of signifi-
16. ers’ is ‘doomed to failure’. Such unorthodox approaches to styling as Bowery’s,
17. embrace the idea of ‘polysemy’ whereby ‘each text is seen to generate a poten-
18. tially infinite range of meanings’ (Hebdige 1988: 117). This article provides a
19. close reading of Bowery’s imaginative first look and argues that his postmod-
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20. ernist cultural appropriation of the ‘exotic’ other unsettles the politics of repre-
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21. sentation of non-western identities by reconstructing a distorted (yet based
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on stereotypical and generalized visual codes) highly contested orientalist
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23. ensemble.
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24. According to Tilley, Bowery created the look in 1983, but as he was hesi-
25. tant at first to wear it in public, he let artist and close friend Trojan (aka Gary
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26. Barnes) debut it. It was the positive attention Trojan started to attract at night-
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27. clubs that liberated Bowery from his second thoughts and sparked his crea-
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30. the stage’ (Als 1998: 15). The first time he appeared in i-D magazine’s night-
31. life column was in September 1984 modelling the look during a night out
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32. at ‘Do-Do’s’, a monthly club night held at Busby’s in Charing Cross. Fully
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33. embodying his crafted persona, Bowery presents himself in the caption of the
34. photograph as a designer who is ‘very spiritual’ and ‘one’ with ‘the cosmic’,
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35. while in his company is a ‘fashion entrepreneur newly arrived from Colombia’
36. Victoria Fernandez (now an established figure in high fashion) (Anon 1984:
37. 47). A few months later, The Face caught up with the ‘outrageous style’ and
38. dedicated a double-page spread to Bowery and friend Trojan titled ‘The New
39. Glitterati’, which included an introduction to ‘designer and jovial poseur’
40. Bowery along with studio photographs of them in the look shot by Sheila
41. Rock (White 1984: 56).
42. The look, which in various images appears slightly modified, yet firmly
43. attached to its concept, is a visual collage of kitsch, ‘ethnic’ and contemporary
44. fragments put together in a distinctively postmodernist manner. In a studio
45. photograph by Johnny Rozsa documenting the look in its early stages, Bowery
46. and Trojan are seated on the floor close to each other modelling a striking
47. combination of peculiar garments that blend the feminine and the masculine
48. in clashing patterns and textures (Figure 1).
49. Bowery is clothed in what looks like a clownish stripy buttoned jumpsuit
50. in red, yellow and sky-blue shades with a big silver star at the front, and bright
51. red flat ankle boots. His head is covered with a hexagonal-style hat deco-
52. rated with sequins, little shiny stars, and a half moon shaped with rhinestones
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that were emphasized even more by his red pointy manicures. 20.
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In contrast to the West where certain kinds of non-western jewellery, 21.
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such as nose rings and piercings in general, are adopted as expressions of 22.
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subcultural style, they are across the region of South Asia not only crafted to 23.
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‘decorate’ but ‘enhance’ and ‘protect’, with their use being often symbolic and 24.
designating the wearer’s identity, beliefs, community, caste or family status 25.
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(Bala 2010: 142). Bowery’s selection of multiple ornaments reads as a reference 26.
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to South Asian body decoration, which is favoured by both men and women 27.
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since antiquity. His nose ring or ‘nath’ is a popular ornament among Indian 28.
women and is regarded as ‘the most seductive’ of all (Bala 2010: 142). Varying 29.
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in shape and form (from a small stud to a large hoop), the ‘nath’ is a symbol 30.
of ‘marital felicity’ (saubhagya) and a necessary accessory for married women 31.
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(Bala 2010: 143). The chain across the cheek (katia) attaching the ‘nath’ to the 32.
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hair with a hook is used to relieve the strain of the ornament on the nostril 33.
(Brij Bhushan 1964:167). 34.
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27. Figure 1: Leigh Bowery and Trojan as ‘Pakis from Outer Space’, 1983.
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postmodernist ethos that culminated during the 1980s in visual culture and
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31. privileged a kind of ‘aesthetic populism’, namely, the assimilation of high
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32. culture into the realm of commercial ‘low’ aesthetics (Jameson 1991: 2). This
approach allowed for the ‘emergence of new kinds of texts’, whose hybrid
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34. nature, Fredric Jameson writes, highly contravened the modernist values of
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35. aesthetic purity and authenticity (1991: 2). When postmodernism emerged as
36. a cultural dominant in the West in the second half of the twentieth century, it
37. designated a ‘radical break or coupure’ with the existing modernist ideologies
38. and aesthetics, the waning of which was followed by the ‘empirical, chaotic,
39. and the heterogeneous’ (Jameson 1991: 1). The bloom of late capitalism and
40. consequently of consumerism and technology was vital in the fabrication
41. of the postmodern era, which was ‘fascinated’ by a ‘“degraded” landscape of
42. schlock and kitsch’ (Jameson 1991: 2).
43. Viewed as an artistic gesture, the look seems to correspond to the post-
44. modernist ethos and aesthetics, which by the 1980s had reached their peak.
45. Bowery’s visual cacophony, especially in this case, can be read as an instance
46. of pastiche: an art technique synonymous with postmodernist practice that
47. displaced the ‘distinctive individual brush stroke’ of the modernist painter
48. giving space to appropriation (Jameson 1991: 15). In fine arts, pastiche decon-
49. structs the high modernist ideology of an autonomous personal style as well
50. as the much-valued notion of authenticity and the idea of the artist as the
51. absolute centred subject. As ‘the imitation of a peculiar or unique idiosyncratic
52. style’, it stands like ‘blank parody’ without the desire for satire; it is an amalgam
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under study, Bowery constructs a visually provoking assemblage of multiple 20.
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‘borrowed’ texts and leaves the viewer to decode the message. 21.
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In fashion discourse, postmodernist design similarly contradicts the 22.
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modernist ideal of ‘good taste’ and beauty and can be loosely interpreted as 23.
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often (English 2013: 91). Jean-Paul Gaultier, ‘the enfant terrible of Paris fash- 26.
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ion’, whose collections included body-shaping futuristic bodices and skirts for 27.
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men, drew inspiration from a wide spectrum of visual culture and the arts in 28.
the early 1980s such as ‘Dada, 1950s glamour, the male peacock and London’s 29.
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club scene’ (Mendes and de la Haye 2010: 236, emphasis in original). Pastiche 30.
in fashion includes the appropriation of past styles, cross-cultural references 31.
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and the diversity of sources and materials, constructing a ‘visual paradox’ that 32.
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through humour, irony or parody intends most of the time to communicate 33.
a message (English 2013: 91). As Bonnie English writes, ‘[t]he aim of post- 34.
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destined to fail. In his extensive postmodernist appropriation of arbitrary
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South Asian elements and iconography, which becomes more explicit as the
21. look evolves, Bowery falls into the political trap of orientalism that is broadly
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defined as a body and tradition of western representations of the Orient,
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23. namely, the ‘exotic’ non-western cultures. When applied to fashion, oriental-
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24. ism refers to ‘the character, quality or style associated with the philosophies,
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expressions and fashions of Eastern nations’ that expand from Turkey to Japan
26. (Craik 2009: 332). Signifying the ‘unknowable, mysterious, threatening, and
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27. exotic’, the term contrasts western ideologies and culture becoming synony-
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32. and an extremely low-cut neckline that leaves his chest exposed (Violette
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33. 1998: 38–39). Three pearl chains connect his pierced nipples and fall loosely
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across the front of his body while his legs are covered in dark-striped tights.
35. Otherwise, the styling resembles that of the contemporary portrait by Rozsa;
36. he is still wearing the same headgear with the fake hair glued at the back
37. and the Indian-style accessories on the face and his hands along with long
38. red nails and plastic watches. However, every exposed inch of his body and
39. face is now painted light blue and the script is nowhere to be seen. The two
40. strands of cheap-looking pearls, which protrude from his hat across the left
41. side of his face, are seemingly inspired by the excessive decoration favoured
42. by Indian women. ‘Mauli’, for instance, is such an ornament and is described
43. by Brij Bhushan as ‘[a] long chain of […] rows of pearls hanging on one side
44. of the head’ (1964: 164).
45. A close-up photo of Bowery’s face in the same series reveals his flawless
46. balanced make-up in all its splendour: his skin looks smooth and matte, and
47. only little patchy areas at the back of his hands attest to the artificiality of the
48. skin’s hue. His eyes are thickly lined with dark make-up (suggestive of the
49. ‘kohl-smudged eyes’ of South Asians to ‘ward off evil’), with little tinsel stars
50. glued underneath and a bigger one in the middle of his forehead, reminiscent
51. of the traditional ‘bindi’ (Shastri 2010: 38). His eyelids and brows are adorned
52.
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with glitter, and his ears are painted gold. A striking detail is a stripe of yellow 1.
paint on the top of his red lips, which gives the impression of a well-groomed 2.
moustache, a preferable type of facial decoration in stereotypical representa- 3.
tions of South Asian men. 4.
Furthermore, Bowery’s unusual posing and particularly the stiffness of his 5.
fingers and the way his extended arms explore the space, can be read as a 6.
reference to Indian dancing and religious iconography. Indeed, certain Hindu 7.
deities (most notably, Kali, Shiva, Vishnu and others) are traditionally depicted 8.
with vibrant blue skin (the hue of which resembles perfectly Bowery’s blue), 9.
overly adorned bodies with jewellery, and with make-up that emphasizes their 10.
eyes. In these depictions, the deities’ bodies appear rigid, either in a medita- 11.
tion posture or wild and triumphant, often with multiple arms and expressive 12.
hands. Furthermore, Bowery’s queer display, the incorporation of ornaments 13.
in his look that are perceived as women’s decoration, his long polished nails 14.
that are also perceived as such, especially in the West, as well as the emphasis 15.
on his bare ass as the epitome of gay male desire, correspond to the 'andro- 16.
genity' of ancient Indian deities (Pande 2010: 52). 17.
Bowery’s tactic of pastiche as reconstruction of an alien other inevitably 18.
led him to assimilate some of the most cliché traits of the representation of 19.
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South Asian culture, which, in reality, appears to be ‘wide and complex, defy- 20.
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ing both generalization and simple definition’ (Shastri 2010: 38). This may 21.
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reinforce the central conception of the Orient, which, according to Edward 22.
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Said, is nothing more than 23.
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a set of references, a congeries of characteristics, that seems to have its 25.
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Orientalism constitutes not only a ‘discipline by which the Orient was (and 31.
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but a ‘collection of dreams, images, and vocabularies available to anyone who 33.
has tried to talk about what lies east of the dividing line’ (Said 1980: 73). The 34.
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Orient appears to be ‘almost a European invention’ that has existed since 35.
antiquity, Said notes, emphasizing the artificiality of such an idealized concep- 36.
tion. Perceived and constructed as the adverse of western culture, it is a place 37.
of the ‘exotic’, the voluptuous and the mysterious (1980: 1). At the same time, 38.
it represents ‘Europe’s greatest and richest and oldest colonies’, as well as the 39.
‘deepest and more recurring images of the Other’ in the West; a reality that 40.
informs a framework of dominance in viewing the Orient (Said 1980: 1). 41.
The hegemony of European culture both in and outside its geographical 42.
territory finds its voice in the discourse of orientalism ‘as an exercise of cultural 43.
strength’ and is conditioned by the collective notion of a European identity as 44.
‘superior’ to ‘all the non-European peoples and cultures’ (Said 1980: 40, 7). The 45.
Orientalist projects upon the Orient all his fantasies and desires concerning the 46.
experience or identity of the other; ‘yet none of the Orient is merely imagina- 47.
tive’ as the fantasy constitutes ‘an integral part of European material civilization 48.
and culture’ (Said 1980: 2). Similarly, for Ziauddin Sardar, orientalism ‘is memory, 49.
imagination and present utility in a process of representation that structures 50.
knowledge and information’. As such, it ‘cannot be appreciated only as academic 51.
discourse’ but as ‘a cultural discourse in the widest possible sense’ (1999: 117). 52.
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21. [T]hat Orientalism makes sense at all depends more on the West than
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on the Orient, and this sense is directly indebted to various Western
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23. techniques of representation that make the Orient visible, clear, ‘there’
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24. in discourse about it. And these representations rely upon institutions,
25. traditions, conventions, agreed-upon codes of understanding for their
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29. What Said highlights is that as a constructed identity without a voice of its
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30. own, the Orient becomes intelligible only through the ‘complex series of
31. knowledgeable manipulations by which [it] was identified by the West’ (1980:
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32. 40). In the postmodern era, this stereotypical view of the Orient has been rein-
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33. forced and intensified even more through the media; ‘[t]elevision, the films,
34. and all the media’s resources have forced information into more and more
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in its general use and by extension in Bowery’s title, vocalizes the racist impli- 1.
cations of essentialist approach to the cultural other. Being extremely offensive 2.
in the United Kingdom, the word derives from the exonym ‘Pakistan’ but is 3.
used as an umbrella term to describe indiscriminately any person perceived to 4.
have South Asian heritage. Similarly, Bowery seems to have employed the term 5.
unquestioningly and rather thoughtlessly, at best, to describe a look with float- 6.
ing South Asian cultural references and appropriations from Hindu iconogra- 7.
phy, discrediting at the same time, one might say, the cultural, social or religious 8.
specificities within the geographical territories of the region. 9.
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FIGURING OUT COMMON GROUND 11.
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The postmodernist style of representation, which may privilege what Jameson
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calls ‘aesthetic colonization’ towards the formation of a fragmented whole,
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along with the technique of pastiche that defines it, seems to embrace consid-
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erably the orientalist zeal for constructed ideals (1991: 19). As a ‘vehicle for
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imaginative appropriation’, which ‘has always indulged in parody, ridicule and
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pastiche’, orientalism echoes the postmodernist allure for restructuring iden-
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tities by ‘appropriating eclectically’ from a wide spectrum of visual culture,
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histories and traditions (Sardar 1999: 116). Furthermore, the nebulous charac-
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ter of orientalism in ‘its ability to accumulate and ignore inconsistency exactly
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fits this temper of postmodernism’ (Sardar 1999: 116); the repudiation that is
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of ‘depth’ in favour of ‘textual play’, to use Jameson’s words (1991: 12). Even
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though as discourses of representation, orientalism and postmodernism seem
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to share common ground, orientalism, as a traditional process with its roots
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firmly attached to the past, can become the subject of deconstruction; as Sardar
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postmodernist aesthetic, Hutcheon praises its ability to unsettle conventional
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representations by revisiting the art of the past with a critical and ironic attitude
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afforded by parody (1988: 23). Parodic postmodern representation can be both
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ing at the same time the distance from the old (Hutcheon 2002: 90, 94). In
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addition, parody appears to have become an effective strategy for those artists
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dealing with identity politics and especially those who feel excluded from or
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underrepresented in dominant culture, that is the still predominantly white,
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male, heterosexual and non-disabled culture that persists (Hutcheon 1988: 35).
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On these terms, Bowery’s look, perhaps, could be seen as a postmodernist
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act of resistance and critique of the obsolete and restrictive codes of orientalist
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representation, and as an ironic gaze on the stereotypical Orient by appro-
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priating and distorting the methods and concepts through which it is formed
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and maintained. Besides, many of Bowery’s costumes retain elements of 1980s
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fashion at large, albeit in ‘an even more extreme and parodic version […] to
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unveil their absurdity’ (Granata 2017: 72), and cultural appropriation, which
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is linked to orientalism, carried out a significant part in 1980s fashion. By
46.
deforming the visual language that constitutes the Orient, which is encapsu-
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lated here in the racist and generalized term used in Bowery’s title, and render-
48.
ing its signifiers as alien and emerging from ‘Outer Space’, his postmodernist
49.
gesture could possibly enable an advantageous – however politically precari-
50.
ous – reading: the deconstruction of the inflexibility of monolithic representa-
51.
tions of the cultural other in the West and the challenging, at the same time, of
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20. orientalist stereotypes in contemporary visual culture, with the fashion indus-
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21. try being perhaps the most debatable arena when it comes to the fragile issue
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of transculturalism. Considering the politics of orientalism, Bowery’s distorted
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23. bricolage as representation of the cultural other is not only prone to failure,
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28. REFERENCES
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30.
Als, Hilton (1998), ‘Cruel Story of Youth’, in R. Violette (ed.), Leigh Bowery,
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18, pp. 46–47.
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Atlas, Charles (2004), The Legend of Leigh Bowery, New York: Palm Pictures.
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Bala, Usha (2010), ‘Jewelry of Indo-Pakistan and Bangladesh’, in J. Dhamija
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(ed.), Berg Encyclopedia of World Dress and Fashion: South Asia and Southeast
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Asia, Oxford: Berg, pp. 138–46.
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Barthes, Roland (1977), Image, Music, Text (trans. S. Heath), New York: Fontana
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Press.
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Brij Bhushan, Jamila (1964), Indian Jewellery, Ornaments and Decorative Designs,
41.
Bombay: D.B. Taraporevala.
42.
Carlaw, John (1986), South of Watford, London: London Weekend Television.
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Craik, Jennifer (2009), Fashion: The Key Concepts, Oxford: Berg.
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Dhamija, Jasleen (2010), ‘Introduction to South Asia’, in J. Dhamija (ed.), Berg
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Encyclopedia of World Dress and Fashion: South Asia and Southeast Asia,
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Oxford: Berg, pp. 19–29.
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English, Bonnie (2013), A Cultural History of Fashion in the 20th and 21st
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Centuries: From Catwalk to Sidewalk, London: Bloomsbury.
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Godfrey, John (ed.) (1990), A Decade of I-Deas: The Encyclopaedia of the ’80s /
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Compiled and Produced by I-D Magazine, Harmondsworth: Penguin.
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Granata, Francesca (2017), Experimental Fashion: Performance Art, Carnival and
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the Grotesque Body, London: I.B Tauris.
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Publishing. 20.
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Tilley, Sue (1997), Leigh Bowery: The Life and Times of an Icon, London: Hodder 21.
and Stoughton. tio 2 22.
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Violette, Robert (ed.) (1998), Leigh Bowery, London: Robert Violette. 23.
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White, Lesley (1984), ‘The New Glitterati’, The Face, 1:48, pp. 56–57. 24.
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Vranou, Sofia (2020), ‘“Pakis from Outer Space”: Oriental postmodernity in
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Leigh Bowery’s performative costuming’, Studies in Costume & Performance,
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Sofia Vranou is an associate fellow and a Ph.D. candidate at the Department 33.
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