MT Im For 2002 3 PGC This Is A Lecture About Politics Governance and Citizenship This Will Help

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MT IM FOR 2002 3 PGC - This is a lecture about Politics,

Governance and Citizenship. This will help
Politics, Governance, and Citizenship (Polytechnic University of the Philippines)
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Republic of the Philippine

POLYTECHNIC UNIVERSITY OF THE PHILIPPINES
Office of the Vice President for Academic Affairs
College of Political Science and Public Administration
INSTRUCTIONAL MATERIALS
PUAD 20023-POLITICS, GOVERNANCE AND
CITIZENSHIP
Compiled by:
Ignacio B. Razona, LPT, MPA, LlB(JD)

Part-Time College Instructor
AY 2021-2022

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VISION
PUP – THE NATIONAL POLYTECHNIC UNIVERSITY
MISSION
Ensuring inclusive and equitable equality education and promoting lifelong learning
opportunities through a re-engineered polytechnic university by committing to:
1. provide democratized access to educational opportunities for the holistic development of

individuals with global perspective
2. offer industry-oriented curricula that produce highly-skilled professionals with managerial
and technical capabilities and a strong sense of public service for nation building
3. embed a culture of research and innovation
4. continuously develop faculty and employees with the highest level of professionalism
5. engage public and private institutions and other stakeholders for the attainment of social
development goal establish a strong presence and impact in the international academic
community.
6. establish a strong presence and impact in the international academic community.
SHARED VALUES AND PRINCIPLES

Integrity and Accountability
Nationalism
Spirituality
Passion for Learning and Innovation
Inclusivity
Respect for Human Rights and the Environment
Excellence
Democracy
TEN PILLARS
Pillar 1: Dynamic, Transformational, and Responsible Leadership
Pillar 2: Responsive and Innovative Curricula and Instructions
Pillar 3: Enabling and Productive Learning Environment
Pillar 4: Holistic Student Development and Engagement
Pillar 5: Empowered Faculty Members and Employees
Pillar 6: Vigorous Research Production and Utilization
Pillar 7: Global Academic Standards and Excellence
Pillar 8: Synergistic, Productive, Strategic Network and Partnerships
Pillar 9: Active and Sustained Stakeholders9 Engagement
Pillar 10: Sustainable Social Development Programs and Projects

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GOAL OF THE PUP LOPEZ BRANCH

In consonance with the Vision and Mission of the University, PUP Lopez Branch affirms and
avows itself to:
1. Development of globally competitive and socially responsible professionals through quality

and responsive academic programs and services
2. Generation and dissemination of knowledge through productive researches and continuing
education relevant to the needs of instruction and viable development.
3. Strengthen linkage, partnership and collaboration with other institutions for constant
program relevance, resource generation and sustainable extension programs and services.
4. Continual review of educational programs to ensure their quality, relevance and
effectiveness.
5. Provide adequate and conducive school facilities to ensure optimum student learning.
Institutional Learning Outcomes
1. Creative and Critical Thinking

Graduates use their imaginative as well as a rational thinking abilities to life situations in order push
boundaries, realize possibilities, and deepen their interdisciplinary and general understanding of the
world.
2. Effective Communication
Graduates are proficient in the four macro skills in communication (reading, writing, listening, and
speaking) and are able to use these skills in solving problems. Making decisions, and articulating
thoughts when engaging with people in various circumstances.
3. Strong Service Orientation
Graduates exemplify the potentialities of an efficient, well-rounded and responsible professional
deeply committed to service excellence.
4. Community Engagement
Graduates take an active role in the promotion and fulfillment of various advocacies (educational,
social and environmental) for the advancement of community welfare.
5. Adeptness in the Responsible Use of Technology
Graduates demonstrate optimized use of digital learning abilities, including technical and numerical
skills.
6. Passion to Lifelong Learning
Graduates are enabled to perform and function in the society by taking responsibility in their quest
to know more about the world through lifelong learning.
7. High Level of Leadership and Organizational Skills
Graduates are developed to become the best professionals in their respective disciplines by
manifesting the appropriate skills and leaderships qualities.
8. Sense of Personal and Professional Ethics
Graduates show desirable attitudes and behavior either in their personal and professional
circumstances.
9. Sense of National and Global Responsiveness
Graduates9 deep sense of national compliments the need to live in a global village where one9s
culture and other people culture are respected.

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Program Outcomes
1. Provide general administrative and clerical support to high-level executives guided by the
Code of Ethics for Office Professionals.
2. Coordinate office management activities.
3. Manage office communications.
4. Organize files, information, and office supplies effectively

.
5. Exhibit acceptable human relations skills in a diverse environment.
6. Engage in lifelong learning to keep abreast of the development in the international employment
market.
Course Outcomes
1. To give students an overview of the nature of Philippine institutions and Philippine politics;
2. To demonstrate the various political actors in the Philippine society and how they shape
key political institutions; and
3. To gain a better understanding of Philippine Politics, Governance and Citizenship based

on the 1987 Philippine Constitution.

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TABLE OF CONTENTS
PUP VISION/MISSION …………………………………………………………………….... 2

Share Values and Principles/Ten Pillars…………………………………………………… 2
Goal of the PUP Lopez Branch/Institutional Learning Outcomes……………………….. 3
Program Outcomes/Course Outcomes…………………………………………………….. 4
TABLE OF CONTENTS……………………………………………………………………... 5
INTRODUCTION……………………………………………………………………………… 7
WEEK 1: COURSE INTRODUCTION DISCUSSION OF SYLLABUS
WEEK 2:
BASIC CONCEPTS IN POLITICAL SCIENCE: AN OVERVIEW OF
THE PHILIPPINE NATION-STATE
- Political Science Defined……………………………………………………………. 8
- The Concept of State……………………………………………………………….. 8
- STUDY GUIDE……………………………………………………………………….10
WEEK 3:
PHILIPPINE INSTITUTIONS: THE CONSTITUTION, THE LEGISLATIVE
- The Constitution of the Philippines…………………………………………………11
- The Legislature Defined……………………………………………………………..11
- STUDY GUIDE……………………………………………………………………… 13
WEEK 4:
PHILIPPINE INSTITUTIONS: THE EXECUTIVE, THE JUDICIARY
- Executive Defined…………………………………………………………………….14
- Judiciary Defined……………………………………………………………………..15
- Principle of Separation of Powers…………………………………………………..17
- Principle of Checks and Balances………………………………………………….18
- Impeachment………………………………………………………………………….18
- STUDY GUIDE………………………………………………………………………..19
WEEK 5-6:
THE PHILIPPNE INSTITUTIONS: THE MILITARY, THE CHURCH,
AND THE MEDIA
- The Military Power…………………………………………………………………….20
- Separation of Church and State……………………………………………………..20
- Media Politics………………………………………………………………………….21
- STUDY GUIDE………………………………………………………………………. 21
WEEK 7-8: REVIEW
WEEK 9: MIDTERM EXAMINATION
WEEK 10:
PHILIPPINE CITIZENSHIP AND SOCIAL MOVEMENTS
- Citizens of the Philippines……………………………………………………………22

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- Social Movements…………………………………………………………………….24
- STUDY GUIDE………………………………………………………………………..37
WEEK 11:
PHILIPPINE ELECTIONS AND DEMOCRACY I
- Suffrage Defined………………………………………………………………………38
- Philippine Suffrage and Elections…………………………………………………...39
- STUDY GUIDE………………………………………………………………………..40
WEEK 12-13:
PHILIPPINE ELECTIONS AND DEMOCRACY II
- Qualifications of Voters………………………………………………………………41
- Powers and Functions of the COMELEC…………………………………………..42
- Automated Election System…………………………………………………………43
- Absentee Voting………………………………………………………………………43
- STUDY GUIDE………………………………………………………………………..44
WEEK 14:
MARGINALIZED GROUPS IN PHILIPPINE POLITICS
- Marginalized and Underrepresented………………………………………………..46
- Party-list System………………………………………………………………………46
- STUDY GUIDE…………………………………………………………… ………… 46
WEEK 15:
CONTEMPORARY ISSUES: DEMOCRATIC EROSION IN THE PHILIPPINES
- Democratic Erosion in the Philippines………………………………………………48
- Fighting Democratic Erosion in the Philippines: Beyond Resistance……………50
- The Generals9 Gambit: The Military and Democratic
Erosion in Duterte9s Philippines…………………………………………………….52
- STUDY GUIDE………………………………………………………………………..57
WEEK 16:
FILM SHOWING: TITLE-DEKADA ’70……………………………………………………..58
WEEK 17: GRADED RECITATION
WEEK 18: FINAL EXAMINATION
REFERENCES…………………………………………………………………………………59

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INTRODUCTION
This Instructional Materials is for the Course GEED 20023-Politics, Governance and
Citizenship.
It is intended to make the teaching and learning process a more inter-active and productive
endeavor in this time of pandemic. In each lesson are learning activities, concept development,
drills/exercises and outputs. Productive and constructive teaching methodologies are presented
and hopefully utilize to build the students9 competencies which include among others: professional
writing style, oral presentation skills, critical analytical thinking skills, political and administrative
decision making system, discipline-specific knowledge (government, non-profit management, and
corporate management skills), public service skills, research skills, proper documentation, library
skills, technology skills, and globalization.
This Materials also builds the knowledge base on governance and eventually will be
applied by students in the latter part of the course. It also prepares and develops students to
succeed as a leaders, managers, analysts and administrators in meeting changes and challenges
of governance in public and in other sectors.
Hence this IM attempts to discuss the concepts of Politics, Governance, and Citizenship
in accordance with the provisions of the 1987 Philippine Constitution, different books, authors and
institutions plus websites.
Before discussing the IM, the Instructor explains first the academic outcomes and the
related grading criteria, major course assignments, deadlines, rationale and other particulars of
the course.
Ibr2021-2022

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WEEK 1: COURSE INTRODUCTION/DISCUSSION OF SYLLABUS
WEEK 2: BASIC CONCEPTS IN POLITICAL SCIENCE: AN OVERVIEW OF THE PHILIPPINE

NATION-STATE
Objectives:
• To educate students about the idea of power as an analytical lens of political science
• To give students an overview of the political actors and political processes that made the Philippine nation-state
into what it is today.
Political Science defined
Writers and political scientists have given various definitions of (the concept) political
science. Some writers use the term political science as a social science that deal with the
systematic study of the state and government. Bluntschi, a German scholar and political analyst,
defined it as <the Science which is concerned with the state, which endeavors to comprehend the
state in its fundamental conditions, in its essential nature, its various forms of manifestations, and
its development.= For Dr. Paul Janet, a French scholar, political science is <that branch of social
science which treats of the foundations of the state and the principles underlying government
administration.= Seeley, an English writer, defined it as a discipline that investigates the
phenomena of government, as political economy that deals with wealth, biology with life, statistics
with numbers, and geometry with space and magnitude.= Most writers defined it as the study of
state and government. The word <political: is derived from the Greek term, <polis,= meaning, a city.
From <polis,= comes the derivatives polites, meaning <citizen= and <politikos,= <civic.= <Science=
comes from the Latin <scientia= which means <knowledge.=
The study of political science has for its primary objective, the fundamental knowledge
and understanding of the state and of the concepts, themes, principles, and ideals which underline
its organizations and activities. Its main concern is the association and interaction of human
beings into a political community that is organized under government and law.
The Concept of the State
Definition
The State is a community of persons, more or less numerous, permanently occupying a fixed
territory, and possessed of an independent government organized for political ends to which the
great body of inhabitants render habitual obedience.
The term nation is used interchangeably with State, e.g, the United Nations or the family
of nations, which actually consists of states and not nations. This is a mistake as the two concepts
have different connotations. Hackworth observes that <the term nation, strictly speaking, as
evidence by its etymology (naci, to be born), indicates a relation of birth or origin and implies a
common race, usually characterized by community of language and customs.= The state is a legal
concept, while the nation is only a racial or ethnic concept.
The State must also be distinguished from the government. The government is only an
element of the State. The state is the principal, the government its agent. The state itself is an
abstraction; it is the government that externalizes the State and articulates its will.

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Elements
The essential elements of a state are people, territory, government and sovereignty.
(1) People 3 refers simply to the inhabitants of the State. While there is no legal requirements
as to their number, it is generally agreed that they must be numerous enough to be self-
sufficing and to defend themselves and small enough to be easily administered and
sustained. The populations of States range from the over one billion of China to a few
hundred thousand in case of the so called mini-States like Qatar. Obviously. The people
must come from both sexes to be able to perpetuate themselves.
The people are more comprehensive and less cohesive than the nation. Starting
as an amorphous group of individuals inhabiting the same territory, the people may
develop and share certain characteristics and interest, such as a common language, a
common religion, and a common set of customs and traditions that will unite them into the
more closely-knit entirely known as the nation.
(2) Territory 3 is the fixed portion of the surface of the earth inhabited by the people of the
State.
As a practical requirement only, it must be neither to big as to be difficult to

administer and defend nor too small as to enable to provide for the needs of the population.
Legally, the territory can extend over a vast expanse, such as those of Russia and China,
or over only a small area, such as that of Abu Dhabi.
The components of territory are the land mass, otherwise known as the terrestrial domain,
the inland and external waters, which make up the maritime and fluvial domain, and the
air space above the land and waters, which is called the aerial domain.
(3) Government 3 is the agency or instrumentality through which the will of the State is
formulated, expressed and realized.
From the point of view of international law, no particular form of government is

prescribed, provided only that the government is able to represent the State in the dealings
with other states. Our Constitution, however, requires our government to be democratic
and republican.
It has been said that <the state is an ideal person, invisible, intangible, immutable
and existing only in contemplation of law; the government is an agent and, within the
sphere of its agency, it is a perfect representative, but outside of that, it is a lawless
usurpation.
The mandate of the government from the State is to promote the welfare of the
people. Accordingly, whatever good is done by the government is attributed to the state
but every harm inflicted on the people is imputed not to the state but to the government
alone. Such injury may justify the replacement of the government by revolution,
theoretically at the behest of the State, in a development known as direct State action.
(4) Sovereignty 3 is the supreme and uncontrollable power inherent in a State by which that
State is governed.

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There are two kinds of sovereignty, to wit, legal and political.

-Legal sovereignty is the authority which has the power to issue final commands whereas
political sovereignty is the power behind the legal sovereign, or the sum of the influences
that operate upon it. In our country, the Congress is the Legal sovereign, while the different
sectors that mold public opinion makes up the political sovereign.
Sovereignty may also be internal or external. Internal sovereignty refers to the power of
the State to control its domestic affairs. External sovereignty, which is the power of the
State to direct its relations with other States, is also known as independence.
Sovereignty is permanent, exclusive, comprehensive, absolute, indivisible,

inalienable, and imprescriptible.
STUDY GUIDES
A. Terms/Concept to understand
Sovereignty
Independence
People
Government
Territory
Nation
State
B. Question to answer
1.What is sovereignty?
2. What are elements of State? Explain each.
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WEEK 3: PHILIPPINE INSTITUTIONS: THE CONSTITUTION, THE LEGISLATIVE
Objective: To show the historical development of the Legislative branch, and give an overview
of its structure and powers.
The Constitution of the Philippines
THE CONSTITUTION OF 1987 is the fourth fundamental law to govern the Philippines
since it became independent on July 4, 1946. The first was the Commonwealth Constitution,
adopted in 1935, which continued by its provisions to be operative after the proclamation of the
Republic of the Philippines. The second was the constitution of 1973, which was enforced during
the Marcos regime following its dubious approval and ratification at a time when the country was
already under martial law. On February 25, 1986, as a result of the people power upheaval that
deposed President Marcos, the new President proclaimed a Freedom Constitution to be effective
pending the adoption of permanent constitution aimed at correcting the short-comings of the
previous constitutions and specially eliminating all the iniquitous vestiges of the past regime.
Toward this end, President Corazon C. Aquino, in Proclamation No. 9, created a

Constitutional Commission composed of fifty members appointed by her and charged it to frame
a new charter not later than September 2, 1986. All but one of those appointed accepted and
immediately undertook their mission under the presidency of Justice Cecilia Munoz-Palma,
formerly of the supreme court. The members came from various sectors and represented diverse
persuasions, which is probably one reason why could not meet their deadline and were able to
approve the final draft of their handiwork only on October 15, 1986. By resolution of the
Commission, it was recommended to the President that the plebiscite on the proposed
constitution be scheduled, not within sixty days as originally provided, but within three months, to
give the people more opportunity to study it. Accordingly, the plebiscite was scheduled and held
on February 2, 1987. The campaign for ratification for the proposed Constitution was led by
President Aquino herself…. When the votes were tallied, it appeared that 76.29% of the electorate
had voted to ratify, with only 22.74% against.
The Supremacy of the Constitution
The Constitution is the basic and paramount law to which all other laws must conform and
to which all persons, including the highest officials of the land, must defer. No act shall be valid,
however noble its intentions, if it conflicts with the constitution. The constitution must ever remain
supreme. All must bow to the mandate of this law. Expediency must not be allowed to sap its
strength nor greed for power debase its rectitude. Right or wrong, the Constitution must be upheld
as long as it has not been changed by the sovereign people lest its disregard result in the
usurpation of the majesty of law by the pretenders to illegitimate power.
Under the 1987 Constitution, there are three branches of the government which has
blending of powers and checks and balances, to wit: Legislative, Executive and Judiciary.
Legislature Defined
Legislature is a body of persons, usually elective, empowered to make, change, or repeal

the laws of a country or state. The legislature has the essential function of determining and
prescribing general rules for the government of society. The statutes which are written enactments
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of the legislature govern the relations of the people among themselves or between them and the
government and its agencies. Through laws, the legislature defines the rights and duties of
citizens, imposes taxes, appropriate funds, defines crimes and prescribes their punishment,
creates and abolishes offices and determines their jurisdiction and functions.
In general, through laws, the legislature regulates human conduct and the use of property
for the promotion of the common good and general welfare of the people in society.
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STUDY GUIDE
A. Term/Concept to understand
Legislature
Constitution
Police power
Power of taxation
Eminent domain
Question to Answer
1.What is Constitution?
2. What is Legislature?
3. What are the powers of the Legislative Department?
4. What are the three branches of the Philippine government?
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WEEK 4: PHILIPPINE INSTITUTIONS: THE EXECUTIVE, THE JUDICIARY
Objective: To show the historical development of the Executive and Judiciary branch, and give an overview of its
structure and powers.
Executive Defined
According to G.A. Jacobsen and M.H. Lipman, <The executive is the branch of government
which gives effect to the will of the state.= This will of the state is expressed in the laws of the land
which the executive by virtue of its power, is empowered to enforce. The executive power which
is the power to administer laws, simply means carrying into practical operation and enforcing
these laws with due observance. These laws include the Constitution, statutes enacted by the
legislature, executive orders and decisions of courts. The executive, in a popular sense, is the
head of the government who is responsible for the administration and execution of the laws of the
land.
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Judiciary Defined
The judiciary is one of the most important organs of the government which is charged
with the interpretation and application of the laws of the state resulting from conflicts. These
conflicts may be between persons and government or between private individuals. This organ
has the task of deciding disputed points of law, protecting the rights of the individuals under the
law, of determining infractions of laws, and imposing corresponding penalties.
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STUDY GUIDE
A. Terms/Concept to understand
Executive
Judiciary
Statutes
laws
impeachment
Question to Answer
1.What is Principle of Checks and Balances?

2.Who composed the Legislative, Executive and Judicial Department?
3.In Table form, distinguish the three branches of the government?
4. What is meant by veto power of the President?
5. What are the functions of the judiciary?
6. Why is there a need for a judiciary in our society?
7. What is impeachment?
8. Who are impeachable public officers?
9. What are grounds for impeachment?
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WEEK 5-6: THE PHILIPPNE INSTITUTIONS: THE MILITARY, THE CHURCH, AND THE
MEDIA
Objective: To show students the political power of non-policy making governmental institutions and non-
governmental political institutions.
The Military Power
Generally, the military power of the state is vested in the chief Executive. Tis power
includes the authority to command the army and the navy and other military forces of the state
and to direct their military operations. According to Professor Jeremiah S. Young, the <control
over military affairs is directly by the executive in all states.= The power to declare war belongs to
the legislature; however, the Chief Executive as commander-in-chief of the military forces of the
nation, has supreme command about the conditions of the country. He directs all armed forces;
suspends the privilege of the writ of habeas corpus; declares martial law; and govern temporarily
all territories seized from the enemy. He is empowered to call out the armed forces to prevent or
suppress lawless violence, invasion or rebellion. He has also the power to create military tribunals
to try persons who violate military laws or commit crimes against national security. (see-Art. VII,
Sec. 18 of the 1987 Constitution)
Supremacy of Civilian Authority
Article II, Section 3 provides: <Civilian authority is at all times, supreme over the military.
The Armed Forces of the Philippines is the protector of the people and the state. Its goal is to
secure the sovereignty of the State and the integrity of the national territory.=
Although this is implicit in a republican system of government, it was felt advisable to

expressly affirm this principle in order to allay all fears of a military take-over of our civilian
government. The military establishment is the physically strongest single institution in our country
and has the capability and might to wrest power from the constituted authorities. To avoid this, it
is also fittingly declared in Article VII, Section 18, of our Constitution that the President, who is a
civilian official, shall be the commander-in-chief of all the armed forces of the Philippines.
Separation of Church and State
Section 6 of Article II of the 1987 Constitution reiterates that <the separation of Church and
State shall be inviolable.=
The separation of church and state was originally, and quite adequately, expressed in the
bill of rights providing that <no law shall be made respecting an establishment of religion or
prohibiting the free exercise thereof.= It is now rendered more emphatic by the said Section 6,
which says that the separation shall be <inviolable.=
The doctrine cuts both ways. It is not only the state that is prohibited from interfering in
purely ecclesiastical affairs; the church is likewise barred from meddling in purely secular matters.
And the reason is plain. A union of Church and State, as aptly remarked, 8tends to destroy
government and to degrade religion.= It is also likely to result in a conspiracy, well nigh irresistible
because of its composite strength, against the individual9s right to worship.
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The wall of separation between Church and State is not a wall of hostility. The state in fact
recognizes the beneficent influence of religion in the enrichment of the nation9s life. <in so far as
it instills into the mind the purest principle of morality,= so said Justice Laurel, The influence of
religion is deeply felt and highly appreciated= by the State.
Media Politics
The mass media-newspapers, television, radio, books and magazines-(now plus social
media thru internet) are part of the opinion-making and communication network which sometimes
been called the <fourth branch of government.= This is because it can balance the other three
branches of government. Since we have now entered a new industrial revolution called the <age
of information,= our daily lives are heavily influenced by what we read, see, or hear in the mass
media. Whether we like it or not, the mass media have become the wave of the future as far as
communication and information is concerned. Thus, they form a very important part of modern
politics.
Democracy and the Media. Government by the people is based on every man9s right to
speak freely, to organize in groups, to question the decisions of the government, and to campaign
openly for or against it. Only through the free and uncensored expression of opinion can
government be kept responsive to the electorate and political power be transferred peacefully.
Elections, separation of power, and constitutional guarantees are meaningless unless all citizens
have the right to speak freely of publish frankly and to hear and judge for themselves the truth of
what others have to say.
Supporters of the rights of free speech and free press (free media) however concede that
they are not absolute rights. To shout <fire!= jokingly in a crowded movie house is a famous
example of the wrong use of free speech. Also, any government should be allowed to interfere
with free speech and free press if it presented an immediate danger to national security.
Sometimes, though, government officials confuse personal needs with national security, and this
is where the problem begins.
STUDY GUIDE
Terms/Concepts to understand
Military
Supremacy
Church
Media
Fourth branch of the government
Questions to Answer
1.What is media?
2.What is the influence of mass media in shaping public opinion in the political environment?
3. Why are the mass media important to democracy.
4. Why is the military power of the State vested in the Chief Executive?
5. What does separation of Church and State mean?
WEEK 7-8: REVIEW

WEEK 9: MIDTERM EXAMINATION
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WEEK 10: PHILIPPINE CITIZENSHIP AND SOCIAL MOVEMENTS
Objective: To show students alternative definitions and exercises of Filipino Citizenship.
Citizens of the Philippines
CITIZENSHIP is membership in a political community with all its concomitant rights and
responsibilities. Whether natural-born or naturalized, this status confers upon the individual
certain prerogatives which may be denied the alien, although both of them come under the term
<person= as protected by the due process and equal protection clauses. Thus, the citizen enjoys
certain exclusive rights, such as the right to vote, to run for public office, to exploit natural
resources, to operate public utilities, to administer educational institutions, and to manage the
mass media. In fact, distinction is made by the Constitution even between the natural-born citizen
and the naturalized citizen although they are ordinarily considered equal. By specific fact, all
constitutional offices are now open only to natural-born citizens and barred to the naturalized
Filipino.
The most common method of acquisition of citizenship is by birth, either under jus
sanguinis or the jus soli. Citizenship is conferred under the first principle by virtue of blood
relationship and under the second by virtue of the place of birth. To illustrate, a child born to a
Filipino father is a citizen of the Philippines under jus sanguinis regardless of his place of birth.
But if the child was born in the United States, he could also claim American citizenship on the
basis of the jus soli, which is observed in that country.
Under the present Constitution, the following are considered citizens of the Philippines:
(1) Those who are citizens of the Philippines at the time of the adoption of this Constitution.
(2) Those whose fathers or mothers are citizens of the Philippines.
(3) Those born before January 17, 1973 of Filipino mother, who elect Philippine citizenship
upon attaining the age of majority.
(4) Those who are naturalized I accordance with law.
(see: Art. IV, Sec. 1, 1987 Constitution)
Natural-born Citizen
The provision defining the natural-born citizen has been reworded as follows:
Sec. 2. Natural-born citizens are those who are citizens of the Philippines from birth
without having to perform any act to acquire or perfect their Philippine citizenship. Those who
elect Philippine citizenship in accordance with paragraph (3), Section 1 hereof shall be deemed
natural-born citizens.
The best example is a child born to Filipino parents who will thus follow their citizenship
and be considered born a Filipino. The second sentence settles the debate on whether the child
born of a Filipino mother who elects Philippine citizenship upon reaching majority age should be
regarded as natural-born. The question is answered affirmatively even if it may be argued, and
quite plausibly, that the act of election is a positive act <to acquire or perfect= Philippine citizenship
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Naturalization
Naturalization is a process by which a foreigner acquires, voluntarily or by operation of

law, the citizenship of another state.
Naturalization may be direct or derivative.
Direct naturalization is effected: (1) by individual proceedings, usually judicial, under

general naturalization laws; (2) by special act of the legislature, often in favor of distinguished
foreigners who have rendered some notable service to the local state; (3) by collective change
of nationality (naturalization en mase) as a result of cession or subjugation; and (4) in some case,
by adoption of orphan minors as nationals of the State where they are born.
Derivative naturalization in turn is conferred: (1) on the wife of the naturalized husband;
(2) on the minor children of the naturalized parents; and (3) on alien woman upon marriage to a
national.
Derivative naturalization does not always follow as a matter of course, for it is usually
made subject to stringent restrictions and conditions. Our own laws, for instance, provide that an
alien woman married to a Filipino shall acquire his citizenship only if she herself might be lawfully
naturalized.
Loss and Reacquisition of Citizenship
According to C.A. No. 63, Philippine citizenship is lost:
(1) By naturalization in a foreign country;

(2) By express renunciation of citizenship;
(3) By subscribing to an oath of allegiance to support the Constitution or laws of a foreign
country upon attaining eighteen years of age or more: Provided, however, that a
Filipino may not divest himself of Philippine citizenship in any manner while the
Republic of the Philippines is at war with any country;
(4) By rendering service to or accepting commission in the armed forces of a foreign
country.
(5) By cancellation of the certificate of naturalization;
(6) By having been declared by competent authority, a deserter of the Philippine armed
forces in time of war, unless subsequently, a plenary pardon or amnesty has been
granted; and
(7) In case of a woman, upon her marriage, to a foreigner if, by virtue of the laws in force
in her husband9s country, she acquires his nationality.
Dual Citizenship
Dual citizenship is now recognized in this country and allows natural-born Filipinos to enjoy
the rights they used to enjoy here before they acquired a new citizenship abroad. Under R.A. No.
9225, such former Filipinos may re-acquire their Philippine citizenship by simply taking the
prescribed oath of allegiance to the Philippines, which oath does not require the usual rejection
of allegiance to any and all other foreign state. This privilege is also available to natural-born
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Filipinos who are naturalized after the effectivity of the law in 2003 and are allowed to retain their
Philippine citizenship. The unmarried minor children of those natural-born Filipinos who reacquire
or retain their Philippine citizenship despite their naturalization in another country will also be
considered citizens of this country.
Enjoyment of the status of dual citizen will depend on the willingness of the foreign country
to share allegiance of the naturalized Filipino with the Philippines. If the adopted country demands
total allegiance from its nationals, including the naturalized Filipinos, then the latter must make a
crucial choice between the country he has deserted and the greener pastures of his adopted land.
If he intends to run for public office or accept an appointive public office in the Philippines, then
his oath of allegiance to this country must contain a rejection of all other countries, in which case
he cannot be, or shall cease to be, a dual citizen.
Dual Allegiance
In Mercado v. Manzano, the respondent9s election as vice mayor of Makati City was
questioned under a provision of the Local Government Code and the charter of Makati city
disqualifying from any elective local office <those with dual citizenship.= Manzano was born in the
United States of Filipino parents and was therefore a Filipino citizen under the jus sanguinis and
also an American citizen under the jus soli; in short, he was a dual citizen. The Supreme Court
found, however, that upon attaining majority age, he voted in the 1992, 1995 and 1998 elections,
thereby effectively electing Philippine citizenship in accordance with the 1935 Constitution and
ceasing to be a dual citizen. Hence, he was qualified to be elected to the disputed position.
The Supreme Court stressed that the constitutional policy embodied in Art. IV, Sec. 5 is
not against dual citizenship but dual loyalty, such as that often manifested by naturalized Filipinos
who, while professing allegiance to their adopted land, retain their allegiance to their native land
and even involve themselves in its political affairs. This is the clear import of the said provision
declaring that:
<Dual allegiance of citizens is inimical to the public interest and shall be dealt with by law.=
Social Movement
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Social Movement, a loosely organized but sustained campaign in support of a social goal,
typically either the implementation or the prevention of a change in society9s structure or values.
Although social movements differ in size, they are all essentially collective. That is, they result
from the more or less spontaneous coming together of people whose relationships are not defined
by rules and procedures but who merely share a common outlook on society.
Collective behavior in crowds, panics, and elementary forms (milling, etc.) are of brief duration or
episodic and are guided largely by impulse. When short-lived impulses give way to long-term
aims, and when sustained association takes the place of situational groupings of people, the result
is a social movement.
Characteristics of social movements
A movement is not merely a perpetuated crowd, since a crowd does not possess
organizational and motivational mechanisms capable of sustaining membership through periods
of inaction and waiting. Furthermore, crowd mechanisms cannot be used to
achieve communication and coordination of activity over a wide area, such as a nation or
continent. A movement is a mixture of organization and spontaneity. There is usually one or more
organizations that give identity, leadership, and coordination to the movement, but the boundaries
of the movement are never coterminous with the organizations. For example, although
organizations such as California9s Sierra Club are influential in the movement to preserve the
natural environment, anyone who works for the cause and interacts with other workers for this
purpose is a member of the conservationist movement. The famous John Brown was not a
member of any major abolitionist organization, but his martyrdom made him a leader and symbol
for the movement, even though organizational leaders were reluctant to recognize him.
Social movements and social change
All definitions of social movement reflect the notion that social movements are intrinsically
related to social change. They do not encompass the activities of people as members of stable
social groups with established, unquestioned structures, norms, and values. The behavior of
members of social movements does not reflect the assumption that the social order will continue
essentially as it is. It reflects, instead, the faith that people collectively can bring about or prevent
social change if they will dedicate themselves to the pursuit of a goal. Uncommitted observers
may regard these goals as illusions, but to the members they are hopes that are quite capable of
realization. Asked about their activities, members of a social movement would not reply, <I do this
because it has always been done= or <It9s just the custom.= They are aware that their behavior is
influenced by the goal of the movement: to bring about a change in the way things have <always=
been done or sometimes to prevent such a change from coming about.
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women's suffrage: United States

Members of the women's suffrage movement in Philadelphia, 1917.
Harris and Ewing Collection/Library of Congress, Washington, D.C. (neg. no. LC-H261-8200)
The membership
The quixotic efforts of bold, imaginative individuals do not constitute social movements. A
social movement is a collectivity or a collective enterprise. Individual members experience a
sense of membership in an alliance of people who share their dissatisfaction with the present
state of affairs and their vision of a better order. Like a group, a social movement is a collectivity
with a common goal and shared values.
The sense of membership suggests that individuals are subject to some discipline. In
addition to shared values, a social movement possesses norms. These norms prescribe
behaviour that will symbolize the members9 loyalty to the social movement, strengthen their
commitment to it, and set them apart from nonmembers. The norms prohibit behaviour that may
cause embarrassment to the movement or provide excuses for attacks by opponents.
Commitment is strengthened by participation in group activities with other members and by
engaging in actions, individual or collective, that publicly define the individuals as committed
members.
A social movement also provides guidelines as to how members should think. Norms of
this kind constitute something resembling a <party line=4a definition of the <correct= position for
members to take with regard to specific issues. There is subtle pressure on individuals to espouse
this position even in the absence of personal knowledge of the arguments for it. Not every member
can be expected to study and think through the philosophy that justified the movement and its
values. Ideology provides them with a ready-made, presumably authoritative set of arguments.
One of the defining characteristics of a social movement is that it is relatively long lasting;
the activity of the membership is sustained over a period of weeks, months, or even years rather
than flaring up for a few hours or a few days and then disappearing. A social movement is usually
large, but, like duration, largeness is only relative. Some social movements, lasting many
decades, may enlist hundreds of thousands of members. Some movements take place within the
boundaries of a specific secondary group, such as a religious association or a local community,
and may include only a few score or a few hundred members.
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The exact size of a social movement is impossible to determine exactly, for membership
is not formally defined. Indeed, one of the salient characteristics of a social movement is the
semiformal character of its structure. It lacks the fully developed, formal structure of a stable
association, such as a club, a corporation, or a political party. The leaders do not possess
authority in the sense of legitimatized power, and members are not formally inducted. The
informal, noncontractual quality of membership and the absence of formal decision-making
procedures place a premium on faith and loyalty on the part of members. While not all members
display these traits, ideal members give their total, unselfish loyalty to the movement. Since no
legal obligation is assumed on becoming a member, either to conform to the movement9s norms
or to remain a member, commitment to the movement and its values becomes one of the most
important sources of control. Deeply committed members, accepting without question the
decisions and orders conveyed by the leaders, sacrificing self, family, and friends if required to
do so, are likely to be regarded by outsiders as fanatics. Some students of social movements,
particularly those whose analysis has a psychoanalytic orientation, have suggested that
the fanaticism of dedicated members results from individual psychopathological states.
An alternative explanation is that the social movement becomes a reference group that provides
dedicated members with a new and deviant view of social reality. Their basic assumptions about
the nature of the social order become so divergent from those of <normal= members of society
that their logic and conclusions are incomprehensible to them.
Types of social movements
There is no single, standard typology of social movements. As various scholars focus on

different aspects of movements, different schemes of classification emerge. Hence any social
movement may be described in terms of several dimensions.
Martin Luther King, Jr., at the March on Washington

Martin Luther King, Jr. (centre), with other members of the American civil rights movement at the
March on Washington, D.C., in August 1963.
Many attempts at categorization direct attention to the objective of the movement.

The social institution in or through which social change is to be brought about provides one basis
for categorizing social movements as political, religious, economic, educational, and the like. It
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may be argued that all movements tend to be either political or religious in character, depending
upon whether their strategy aims at changing political structures or the moral values of individuals.
A commonly used but highly subjective distinction is that between <reform= and
<revolutionary= movements. Such a distinction implies that a reform movement advocates a
change that will preserve the existing values but will provide improved means
of implementing them. The revolutionary movement, on the other hand, is regarded as
advocating replacement of existing values. Almost invariably, however, the members of a so-
called revolutionary movement insist that it is they who cherish the true values of the society and
that it is the opponents who define the movement as revolutionary and subversive of basic,
traditional values.
Some attempts to characterize movements involve the direction and the rate of change
advocated. Adjectives such as radical, reactionary, moderate, liberal, and conservative are often
used for such purposes. In this context the designations <revolutionary= and <reform= are often
employed in a somewhat different sense than that described above, with the implication that a
revolutionary movement advocates rapid, precipitous change while a reform movement works for
slow, evolutionary change.
The American sociologist Lewis M. Killian advanced still another typology based on the
direction of the change advocated or opposed. A reactionary movement advocates the restoration
of a previous state of social affairs, while a progressive movement argues for a new social
arrangement. A conservative movement opposes the changes proposed by other movements, or
those seeming to develop through cultural drift, and advocates preservation of existing values
and norms.
Killian and the American psychologist Ralph H. Turner argued that it is useful at times to
categorize social movements on the basis of their public definition, the character of the opposition
evoked, and the means of action available to the movement. This scheme is designed to eliminate
the subjective evaluation of goals inherent in such categories as reformist and revolutionary. A
movement that does not appear to threaten the values or interests of any significant segment of
society is publicly defined as respectable. If there is no competing movement advocating the same
objective, it is also nonfactional. The respectable nonfactional movement must contend primarily
with the problems of disinterest and token support, but it has access to legitimate means of
promoting its values. A respectable factional movement must contend with competing movements
advocating the same general objective but also has access to legitimate means of extending its
influence. A movement that appears to threaten the values of powerful and significant interest
groups within the society is publicly defined as revolutionary and encounters violent suppression.
As a result, it is denied access to legitimate means of promoting its program. Another type of
movement is defined as neither respectable nor dangerous but as peculiar; this type, seen as odd
but harmless, encounters ridicule and has limited access to legitimate means.
Social movements may also be categorized on the basis of the general character of their
strategy and tactics; for instance, whether they are legitimate or underground. The popular
distinction between radical and moderate movements reflects this sort of categorization. An
obvious difference between types of movements depends upon their reliance on violent or
nonviolent tactics. But a nonviolent movement may also be defined as revolutionary or radical
because it accepts civil disobedience, rather than legal or parliamentary maneuvering, as a major
feature of its strategy. It should be added that the distinction between violent and nonviolent
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movements is a relative one because a movement may shift rapidly from one to the other as it
develops.
The dynamics of social movements
As an enduring, sustained collectivity a social movement undergoes significant changes

during its existence. This characteristic has led some scholars to formulate a theory of a <life
cycle= or <natural history= common to all social movements. Other scholars question the value of
the life-cycle approach to social movements, arguing that empirical studies of numerous
movements fail to support the notion of invariant stages of development. The American
sociologist Neil Smelser suggested as an alternative a value-added theory, which postulates that
while a number of determinants are necessary for the occurrence of a social movement, they
need not occur in any particular order. Some may be present for some time without effect only to
be activated later by the addition of another determinant. At most it can be said that the idea of
the life cycle permits the discovery of conditions that must be present if any movement is to
proceed from one stage to another. It may also help identify the conditions that cause a movement
to change direction. Still, it can be said that a social movement has a career; for as it endures it
always undergoes changes in many of its characteristics, though the sequence of these changes
may vary from movement to movement.
Progressive changes in leadership and membership
One of the most apparent changes is a shift in leadership. In its earliest stages the
strongest influence on a movement is likely to be the charismatic leader who personally
symbolizes its values. At some point intellectuals play a leadership role by contributing to the
developing ideology of the movement. And if a movement endures and grows for any length of
time, administrative leaders arise who are concerned with the practical matters of organization
and strategy. Influence in the movement may shift between these types.
Usually the membership of a movement grows during its career, which introduces an
element of greater heterogeneity. In the early stages the followers typically are deeply committed
with an almost fanatical dedication to the movement9s values. If the movement gains a measure
of respectability in some segment of society, members may be acquired who are not deeply
committed. They are likely to have significant reservations about the movement, and their
participation is sporadic. This heterogeneity also can be the basis for internal conflict in a
movement. On the other hand, if a movement is publicly defined as revolutionary and subjected
to harsh oppression, the membership is likely to be reduced mainly to deeply committed converts
or to fanatics who derive some satisfaction from the feeling of being persecuted.
Progressive changes in goals and strategies
The goals rarely remain unchanged. As the movement endures and grows, they are likely
to become broader and vaguer than they were at the beginning. Proposals for limited, specific
reforms become embedded within programs of general social reform. As the leaders and
members begin to acquire a sense of power through early victories, the power orientations of the
movement may increase. Acquisition of greater power by the population segment that the
movement purportedly represents, rather than the implementation of the values of the movement,
then becomes a goal. At the same time, the statement of the movement9s aim in acquiring power
becomes vaguer and more utopian.
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Changes also occur in strategy, which may tend in either of two general directions. It may
emphasize personal transformation, bringing about social change by converting a majority of
society to implement the values by their actions. Or it may emphasize a strategy of societal
manipulation, changing social institutions so that the program may be implemented without
regard to the number of people favouring the new order. Failure of a movement to gain a large
number of converts, combined with indications that it has at its disposal effective means
of coercion, leads to a shift to this type of strategy.
Strategy and changes in strategy are strongly influenced by the relationship of the social
movement to the larger society and to other social movements. The social structure and the
prevailing belief system may suggest either that change can be brought about by changing the
hearts and minds of the individual members or that individuals have little effect on the social order.
A public definition of the movement as dangerous and subversive may force it to rely increasingly
on a strategy of societal manipulation, including violent tactics. The opposition posed by a
countermovement may have the same effect, making attempts at persuasion difficult and
dangerous and causing a nonviolent, noncoercive movement to use force.
Relations between structural elements
As a collectivity, a social movement is characterized by an emergent social structure and

a culture. The social structure is reflected in the relationship between leaders and followers, the
culture in the values and norms.
Unlike an association, a social movement does not possess legitimate leaders in the
sense of being endowed with authority through some formal process. Leaders must
constantly substantiate their claims to leadership by demonstrating the effectiveness of their
influence on the followers. There is a relationship of reciprocal influence. The followers, for their
part, lack institutionalized means of making their influence felt, such as referenda, legislatures, or
periodic elections of leaders. It falls to the leaders, therefore, to formulate policies and decisions
that will strike a responsive note in their following. Having advanced such proposals, they must
rely on either persuasion or coercion to create the illusion that these are collective decisions
made by the entire movement. Propaganda thus becomes an important tool of leadership.
Propaganda is also important for maintaining morale and unity. A social movement lacks
both the intimacy of a primary group and the formal boundaries of an association. The speeches
and writings of leaders serve, in part, to assure the followers of the size, the strength, and the
potential for success of the movement4matters difficult for the followers to observe directly.
Movements do utilize interpersonal relations to enhance their unity, encouraging small groups of
members to meet frequently in circumstances in which they can form personal ties. Mass
meetings and parades, with the accompanying ritual, reduce the feelings of isolation that
scattered members may experience. Of extraordinary value to a movement is the example
of martyrs whose fate arouses indignation in the members, symbolizes unreserved commitment,
and lightens the burden of sacrifices.
The culture of a movement encompasses norms and values. Norms are standardized
expectations of behaviour developed by members. Values include the program and the ideology.
The program is the scheme of change, the new social order that the movement proposes to bring
about. The ideology is a body of ideas justifying the program and the strategy of the movement.
It usually includes a reinterpretation of history, a projection of the utopia that the success of the
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movement will introduce, a projection of the disastrous consequences of failure, and a

reevaluation of the relationship between population segments and the movement.
The causes of social movements
Both individual psychological states and the characteristics of a society at a particular time
may be considered as causes of social movements.
Psychological factors
Individual factors are psychological states that either convince people to join a movement
or so weaken their commitment to conventional groups that they are willing to risk the groups9
disapproval because of their belief in an unpopular cause. Failure to achieve a
satisfying status and identity within normal membership groups may be such a factor.
The prestige and sense of belonging, which such people may gain as members of a social
movement, may be even more important to them than the values of the movement. Alienation,
feelings of powerlessness, hopelessness, and estrangement from society may predispose
individuals to participation. Some scholars argue, however, that there are different kinds of
alienation. One type leads merely to apathy and resignation. Political alienation, however, reflects
a loss of faith in the political community and predisposes the individual to join a movement that
challenges it.
Deprivation, discontent, and frustration are frequently assumed to be sufficient causes for
initiating or joining a social movement. The relationship is not a simple one, however. There is
little evidence that the most deprived segments of a population are the most likely to participate
in social movements. The concept of relative deprivation has been used to explain the fact that
persons who could be much worse off than they are but still feel deprived in comparison with even
more fortunate groups often play a prominent part in social movements.
Social factors
An important task of the student of social movements is to identify those conditions under
which social movements are most likely to arise. While the existence of widespread poverty and
suffering might seem sufficient to give rise to efforts at reform, it must be emphasized again that
some basis for hope must also exist to stir people to make the effort. Paradoxically, partial
alleviation of conditions of deprivation may provide such a basis, serving as the impetus for the
formation of a social movement just as things seem to be getting better. The success of other
people similarly situated, such as victorious revolutionaries in a neighbouring nation, may be
another source of hope.
More general theories of the origin of social movements, such as those of Smelser, Turner,
and Killian, suggest that social change may result in strains or conflicts in one or more crucial
aspects of the social order. Normative strain arises when changing conditions create a situation
in which the established norms no longer lead to the attainment of important, accepted values.
Strain in values arises when the values themselves seem to interfere with the satisfaction of
important needs of a segment of the society. This sort of strain often arises when different groups,
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such as immigrants, minorities, or the younger generation, develop values that conflict with those
of more established groups. Even with little change in norms and values, changes in social
structure reflected in the failure of important functionaries to play their roles adequately may lead
to discontent.
The general nature of the belief system existing in the culture of a society affects the
likelihood that social movements will arise and defines the type that will occur. For example, a
system that is essentially fatalistic is less conducive to social movements, particularly those with
a strategy of societal manipulation, than one that emphasizes the perfectibility of human beings
and their control over their own fate.
Other theories
Since the early 1970s two new strands of theory and empirical research have arisen, one
in the United States and one in western Europe. The first, called resource mobilization theory,
takes as its starting point a critique of those theories that explain social movements as arising
from conditions of social disorganization and strain and as finding their recruits among the isolated
and alienated in society. By contrast, research mobilization theorists argue that the success of
social movements rests mainly on the resources that are available to it; this means forming
coalitions with already-existing organizations, securing financial support, and mounting effective
and organized campaigns of political pressure. As a result of this emphasis, resource mobilization
theorists downplay the factor of ideology4and irrational factors generally4in the study of social
movements.
The second theory is the new social movement theory. It derives from
an intellectual dissatisfaction with the predominantly Marxist view that treats social movements
as reflecting a fundamental struggle among classes organized around economic production. That
theory, it is argued, has become less relevant as these classes have been drawn into collective
bargaining, the welfare system, and other social advancements within the state. The <new social
movements= that have arisen in their place are interpreted as struggles against the social
inequalities, the dominance of the mass media, and other features of postindustrial capitalism and
the welfare state. These include youth, feminist, peace, ecological, civil rights, and
racial justice movements. Jürgen Habermas, a German sociologist, interpreted such movements
as protests against the excessive size and rationality of the state and its bureaucracies and their
intrusion into the private worlds of individuals.
The consequences of social movements
It has been suggested that committed participants in a social movement undergo a

psychological reorganization. It is clear that their new sense of security and importance is
acquired at the sacrifice of autonomy. As loyal members they tend to let the leaders do their
thinking for them, suppressing doubts as to the validity of the ideology and the wisdom of the
leaders9 decisions. They repeat their arguments in a dogmatic fashion; persons who are not in
the movement find it difficult to debate with them since they start from different premises. Their
perception is selective in a different way from the perceptions of persons outside the movement.
The ideology, for example, may lead them to view all governmental authorities as villains, while
ordinary citizens view them as legitimate leaders, some good, some bad. The end product of this
surrender of autonomy may be an altered worldview. Some things taken for granted before
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becoming part of the movement will never seem the same again, even after leaving
the discipline of the movement.
The end products of social movements as collectivities attempting to change the social
order cannot be analyzed simply in terms of success or failure. Failure may come as a result of
ruthless suppression of the movement or through widespread apathy. A movement may wither
away because too few take it seriously and it does not develop enough power to force its program
on society. Sometimes the remnants may linger for a long time as a cult, oriented inward toward
the gratifications that the members obtain from participation but making no serious effort to
change the social order.
Success is most apparent when a movement manages to have its power legitimized as
authority. In a successful revolution the social movement becomes the new source of authority
and respectability, and opposition to its values is defined as counterrevolutionary. In other
instances, the movement achieves power through secession. Failing to compel acceptance of its
values in the larger group or society, the members withdraw into a new social system in which
they can attempt to implement the values separately from a hostile or indifferent society.
A less obvious form of success is the institutionalization of the values or some part of
them. Accepting the legitimacy of the movement9s values, the traditional associations in the
society incorporate them into their own values and implement them without a transfer of authority
to the movement. Thus the Socialist Party of America (1901372) saw many of its proposals
adopted by the two major political parties and the government without winning a major election or
overthrowing the government. Sometimes the social movement itself is institutionalized by being
accorded authority as the legitimate custodian of the new values. The movement is then
transformed into a bureaucratic association, as happened with the American labour movement of
the early 20th century and the Congress Party of India after British rule ended.
Making the Social Movement Personal during the Covid-19 Pandemic
Khriscielle Yalao
Graduate Student, Department of International Studies,
Miriam College, Philippines
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<We are one= or <We are all in this together= are cries echoing loudly in the time of COVID-
19 (Guterres, 2020). Global disease outbreaks are not new. Yet, this feels so unfamiliar,
uncertain, unending, and as it9s turning out, a rude awakening. The pandemic is explicitly showing
the discrepancies in (capitalist) systems that seem to establish norms in society, such as the fault
in tying healthcare with employment, healthcare becoming a privilege of the rich, and the
instability within <no work, no pay= employment (Harvey, 2020; Meadway, 2020). There is also
the irony in how essential workers are applauded in times of crises, but remain underpaid and
deemed expendable.
The pandemic has made the needs of the most vulnerable sectors of our society 3 senior
citizens, poor people, homeless people, (undocumented) immigrants 3 more visible and the
services they are deprived of, with or without COVID-19, more apparent. These are aggravated
by the eclectic responses of governments in their containment policies, which are globally
attaining varying results, with competent leadership being an essential factor.
What do we do in times of collective despair? According to history, we make change.

Social movements are birthed daily but are usually taken for granted. Maybe because the world
has so many problems that it9s too easy to accept them as they are too overwhelming to fix. In
the time of corona virus, we are all forced to confront them and compelled to act.
Groups rally support and donations to help key workers around the world daily. Online
discussions are formulating concerning workers9 rights (Chugh, 2020; Parker, 2020), universal
healthcare (UNDP Asia and Pacific, 2020; Kickbusch & Gitahi, 2020), education reforms (Tam &
El-Azar, 2020; Luthra & Mackenzie, 2020), and countering various forms and degrees of
discrimination (Voices for Youth, 2020; He, et al 2020). Environmental causes are strengthening,
especially the direct involvement of capitalist modes of production in contributing to climate
change and global warming (Carrington, 2020; Henriques, 2020; McGrath, M., 2020). Mental
health advocacies are also surging in social media to increase awareness and enable support
whilst in isolation (NAMI, 2020; Cornell University, 2020). These are signs of solidarity and
manifestations of empathy at work.
Social movements promote citizen engagement with the political process. With every
update on COVID-19 seen in the news or in social media, people are exposed to issues they
wouldn9t otherwise hear of or care for. Normally you would hear it in the streets, but right now,
you see it in tweets, in Facebook posts, in songs. However, empathy works for all variants of
experiences and social movements engage with all variants of emotional responses. So as there
are pledges being made to stay home to practice social distancing (Global Citizen, 2020), there
are protests against state lockdowns and <stay-at-home= policies in countries such as the United
States (Al Jazeera , 2020), Brazil (Reeves, 2020), and France (McGrath C. , 2020).
We are compelled to look within us and outside of us. As we look, we discover our desire
to help others. That9s why we practice social distancing rules 3 to keep each other safe 3 or we
don9t follow social distancing rules 3 to protect our imbibed beliefs. These are seeds of
mobilization, regardless if it9s for or against the status quo. Social movements matter because
they represent social change. They resign a form of control over the events of the future by
maneuvering the machinations of the present. As long as there is suffering, inequality, injustice,
and most importantly, people who are willing to dedicate their lives to fighting against them, social
movements will remain inevitable.
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Saying this, we9re all products of social movements. I cannot imagine my life without social
movements that have enabled my rights and my freedoms. The works and the sacrifices of those
who came before me 3 of the women who fought for equal rights and against gender
discrimination, of the Filipinos who, for decades, have struggled for a free and just nation, our
culture and democracy, of the Asian peoples who advocated against racial discrimination and the
pervasive influences of colonialism and imperialism 3 has rendered my whole being indebted. My
life, then, will always be one that is owed.
Who knows what would come of us in this pandemic? Everything is uncertain but I believe
change is coming because it has to. I hope we come out of this with more empathy towards each
other, our fellow living beings, our environment, and our planet. No one truly lives in isolation. Just
look at history that has unfolded and is unfolding and you will see. Being human is being
revolutionary.
References:
Al Jazeera . (2020, April 16). Coronavirus lockdowns turn political with protests in US. Retrieved
from Al Jazeera: https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2020/04/coronavirus-lockdowns-turn-political-
protests-200415205211265.html
Carrington, D. (2020, March 25). Coronavirus: 8Nature is sending us a message9, says UN

environment chief. Retrieved from The
Guardian: https://www.theguardian.com/world/2020/mar/25/coronavirus-nature-is-sending-us-a-
message-says-un-environment-chief
Chugh, A. (2020, May 22). Will COVID-19 change how we think about migration and migrant
workers? Retrieved from World Economic
Forum: https://www.weforum.org/agenda/2020/05/covid-19-coronavirus-migration-migrant-
workers-immigration-policy-health-securitization-risk-travel-bubbles/
Cornell University. (2020, March 17). Social media an unlikely hero for mental health in COVID-
19 isolation. Retrieved from News Wise: https://www.newswise.com/coronavirus/social-media-
an-unlikely-hero-for-mental-health-in-covid-19-isolation/?article_id=728338
Global Citizen. (2020). Take the Pledge: As A Global Citizen, I9m Staying Home! Retrieved from
Global Citizen: https://www.globalcitizen.org/en/action/as-a-global-citizen-i-stay-at-home/
Guterres, A. (2020, April 23). We are all in this Together: Human Rights and COVID-19 Response
and Recovery. Retrieved from United Nations: https://www.un.org/en/un-coronavirus-
communications-team/we-are-all-together-human-rights-and-covid-19-response-and
Harvey, D. (2020, April 23). Anti-Capitalist Politics in the Time of COVID-19. Retrieved from
Global University: https://our-global-
u.org/oguorg/en/download/Featured%20Authors/david_harvey/David-Harvey_Anti-Capitalist-
Politics-in-the-Time-of-COVID-19.pdf
He, J., He, L., Zhou, W., Nie, X., & He, M. (2020). Discrimination and Social Exclusion in the
Outbreak of COVID-19. International Journal of Environmental Research and Public Health,
17(8). doi:10.3390/ijerph17082933
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Kickbusch, I., & Gitahi, G. D. (2020, April 29). COVID-19 (coronavirus): Universal health coverage
in times of crisis. Retrieved from World Bank Blogs: https://blogs.worldbank.org/health/covid-19-
coronavirus-universal-health-coverage-times-crisis
Luthra, P., & Mackenzie, S. (2020, March 30). 4 ways COVID-19 could change how we educate
future generations. Retrieved from World Economic
Forum: https://www.weforum.org/agenda/2020/03/4-ways-covid-19-education-future-
generations/
McGrath, C. (2020, March 14). Macron protesters take to Paris streets in defiance of coronavirus
lockdown. Retrieved from Express
UK: https://www.express.co.uk/news/world/1255196/emmanuel-macron-yellow-vest-protests-
paris-france-coronavirus-lockdown-cases-latest
McGrath, M. (2020, March 19). Coronavirus: Air pollution and CO2 fall rapidly as virus spreads.
Retrieved from BBC News: https://www.bbc.com/news/science-environment-51944780
Meadway, J. (2020, March 16). Coronavirus Will Require Us to Completely Reshape the
Economy. Retrieved from Novara Media: https://novaramedia.com/2020/03/16/coronavirus-will-
require-us-to-completely-reshape-the-economy/
NAMI. (2020, April 6). NAMI Partners With Instagram To Support Mental Health During COVID-
19. Retrieved from National Alliance on Mental Illness: https://www.nami.org/About-NAMI/NAMI-
News/2020/NAMI-Partners-with-Instagram-to-Support-Mental-Health-During-COVID-19
Parker, C. (2020, March 26). Only a fifth of countries provide sick pay – The big challenges for
work in a pandemic. Retrieved from World Economic
Forum: https://www.weforum.org/agenda/2020/03/coronavirus-challenges-work-economy-
sharan-burrow-ituc/
Reeves, P. (2020, March 27). Supporters Of Brazil9s Bolsonaro Call For Protests Against
Coronavirus Lockdown. Retrieved from NPR: https://www.npr.org/sections/coronavirus-live-
updates/2020/03/27/822440615/supporters-of-brazils-bolsonaro-call-for-protests-against-
coronavirus-lockdown
Tam, G., & El-Azar, D. (2020, March 13). 3 ways the coronavirus pandemic could reshape
education. Retrieved from World Economic Forum: https://www.weforum.org/agenda/2020/03/3-
ways-coronavirus-is-reshaping-education-and-what-changes-might-be-here-to-stay/
UNDP Asia and Pacific. (2020, April 28). COVID-19 Recovery Must Deliver Universal Health
Insurance, Safety Nets and Affordable Internet Access, Says UNDP. Retrieved from UNDP Asia
and Pacific: https://www.asia-
pacific.undp.org/content/rbap/en/home/presscenter/pressreleases/2020/covid-19-recovery-
must-deliver-universal-health-insurance3safet.html
Voices for Youth. (2020). COVID-19: your voices against stigma and discrimination. Retrieved
from Voices for Youth: https://www.voicesofyouth.org/covid-19-your-voices-against-stigma-and-
discrimination
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STUDY GUIDE
A. Terms/Concepts to understand
Citizen Social Movement

Citizenship
Dual citizenship
Dual allegiance
Naturalization
Natural-born citizen
B. Question to answer
1.What is citizenship?
2.What are the modes of acquiring citizenship?
3.What is naturalization?
4.As a citizen, what can you contribute to your country?
5. What is social movement?
6. What is the role of social movement in country9s progress?
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WEEK 11: PHILIPPINE ELECTIONS AND DEMOCRACY I
Objective: To let the student evaluate Philippine Democracy according to traditional and
contemporary measures.
Introduction
The right to vote and run for public office in an election are important political rights of all
citizens guaranteed by the Constitution in a Democracy. The principles inherent in a democracy
that <sovereignty resides in the people and all government authority emanates from them= is
morally and legally derived from the citizens through suffrage. According to Justice Enrique
Fernando, <the right to vote has reference to constitutional guarantee of utmost significance. It is
a right without which the principle of sovereignty residing in the people become negatory. This
right to vote is a political right enabling every citizen to participate in the process of government
to assure him that it derives its power from the consent of the government.
To give meaningful expression to the rights of suffrage in the context of representative

government, citizens must be able to participate freely in competitive elections. These citizens
who are qualified to vote in a democracy are called the electorate who use the ballot as an
instrument to choose government officials and from their mandate, as a result of a clean, honest
and credible election, these elected representatives in government can exercise political authority.
Suffrage Defined
Suffrage is the right and obligation of the people to vote in an election of candidates
aspiring for public office. It includes the decision of public questions submitted to the people.
Suffrage is not a natural right of the citizens but merely a privilege given or withheld by the law-
making power, subject to constitutional limitations. The philosophy of suffrage, as a political
privilege granted by the state to individuals who are capable of exercising it, should be for the
public good. Suffrage should be granted to individuals only upon fulfillment of prescribed minimum
conditions necessary for the welfare of society. The legal theory concerning suffrage is the
accepted practice among modern nations in the world. Since sovereignty resides in the people,
they should be given the right to participate in the government and have the right to vote.
Suffrage includes election, plebiscite and referendum.
Election is the selection of a person or persons for office by vote. It is an expression of a

choice of candidates for political office for a fixed period on whom they entrust their well-being as
their representatives while they exercise their powers in government.
Plebiscite is the submission of apolitical issue for the electorate to decide by direct vote,
either for or against. The term applied to an election of a proposed amendment or revision of the
constitution to the people for their ratification.
Referendum is the submission of a proposed law to the electorate of a country for their
ratification or rejection of an important public question. It may be noted that referendum and
plebiscite in practice have basically the same objectives.
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Secrecy and Sanctity of the Vote
The right to vote of the citizens in democratic society has constitutional guarantee of
utmost significance. It is important to ensure that the voters can exercise their political rights freely,
uninfluenced by threats, intimidation, undue influence or corrupt motives to secure a fair, honest,
clean, orderly and credible election. The participation of the citizens in government through the
ballot is, in effect, assuring the needed representation of the will of the people.
Methods of Control of the electorate over the Government
Over the years, the method of control of the electorate over the government has been
evidently felt. The electorate exert their influence on political matters, not only by means of public
opinion and by ballots, but also by means of their direct participation through (1) initiative; (2)
referendum; (3) plebiscite; (4) recall.
Initiative. This is a legal process whereby the registered voters of a local government unit
may directly propose, enact, amend any ordinance.
Referendum. This is a device by which a measure adapted by a legislative body may be

referred directly to the electorate for its approval or rejection.
Plebiscite. This is a method of submitting a political question to a popular vote for approval
or rejection of the qualified electors. This serves as a political device to know the pulse of the
electorate.
Recall. This is a method by which an elected public official may be removed from office
before the expiration of the term if his performance is found to be unsatisfactory (or due to loss of
confidence).
Philippine Suffrage and Election
In a democracy, the people represent the sovereign power of the state. This sovereign
authority is given expression through the exercise of the right of suffrage by qualified voters. A
clean, honest, peaceful and credible election is one of the fundamental requisites of popular
government. It is apparent that the sanctity of the ballot and the free and honest expression of the
popular will can be best protected by an independent office the sole work of which is to enforce
laws on election. The Commission on Elections, an independent constitutional body of the
government, is primarily organized for that purpose. The intention is to place it outside the
influence of political parties and control of the legislative, executive, and judicial organs of the
government. It is an independent administrative tribunal co-equal with other departments with
respect to the powers vested in it.
Elections are not only occasions for leadership change and renewal, but they are also
political landmarks showing character of change. Every time we hold elections to choose
candidates who will work for our well-being, most often, these become an exercise of futility. In
our country, it seems that politics is becoming an <in-demand= business to all kinds of people as
long as they are qualified to run for public office.
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Under Philippine laws, an individual can aspire for public office as long as he meet the
prescribed qualifications for a voter, even if he lacks the moral and intellectual qualities.
Majority of the electorate, those who belong to the marginal level of economic existence,
usually barter their ballots for money. Many are easily deceived by the beautiful promises of the
candidates. Many of them vote on the basis of popularity. Movie actors and actresses, comedians,
television and sports celebrities generally win elections. Real talents are not given proper
recognition during election. Brilliant jurists, gifted-men-of-letters, eminent scientists and renowned
educators are seldom elected to high office in Philippine government. After election, the winning
party has to reward its numerous members, supporters and friends with jobs even if some of them
are not qualified, and so the government has to spend much to satisfy them.
With this sad state of our political exercise, the members of Congress are being challenged
to a genuine effort to pass a comprehensive bill that will make the computerization of the electoral
process as a safeguard mechanism to protect the integrity of our election.
Media (to include social media)…which can reach out the remotest places, should be
encouraged to educate our voters about political issues and problems.
Columnists of different newspapers/written media should write what is true. The

newspapers and other printed materials should not be used to promote lies because of vested
interest. (to include the social media in propagation of fake news and propaganda)
Having observed and participated in scores of elections, one may have the impression
that Philippine elections, for all flaws, can attain political maturity if, with determined efforts, the
electorate would realize the value of election through education. This is the only way Philippine
politics can attain maturity.
STUDY GUIDE
Suffrage
Election
Initiative
Referendum
Plebiscite
Recall
B. Questions to answer
1.Are the words suffrage and election the same? Why?

2. What is referendum?
3. What is plebiscite?
4. What is the philosophy behind the secrecy of the ballots?
5. How your participation in the election contributes to country9s progress. Explain.
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WEEK 12-13: PHILIPPINE ELECTIONS AND DEMOCRACY II
Objective: To let students evaluate Philippine democracy according to traditional and contemporary measures.
Qualification of Voters
Generally, the qualifications for suffrage are: (1) citizenship; (2) residence; (3) sex; (4)
age; (5) mental and moral qualifications.
In the Philippines, the Commission on Election (COMELEC) as an independent

constitutional body, is directly in charge of enforcing and administering all laws relative to conduct
of elections so that the popular will of the people can be protected.
The qualifications for voting should be strictly observed.
1. Citizenship. Most states allow only citizens, either natural-born or

naturalized to enjoy the privilege of suffrage. This requirement is in
consonance with self-preservation instinct that only those who
acknowledge allegiance to the state have a share in its government.
2. Residence. The mobility of population is necessary to establish the
residence of qualified voters. It is necessary to require the
residence qualification of a voter in a particular place for a certain
period of time to familiarize himself with the needs and conditions
of the place. The residence requirement is necessary so that
registration list of qualified voters may be prepared ahead of time
before election to prevent fraud.
3. Sex. In some countries, the voting privilege is exclusively for men.
Women are not allowed to participate during elections. However, to
broaden the base of democratic participation in the political
process, women who possess the necessary qualifications to vote
are now allowed to do so. In the Philippines, Filipino women began
to exercise their right to vote in 1935.
4. Age. The age requirement for voting is an important qualification of
voters for maturity to exercise an important political right will
influence the future of a country. The voting age requirement varies
in different countries. Many countries adapt the minimum age of 21
years. In the Philippines, the voting age was lowered to 18 years.
5. Mental and Moral Qualifications. In some countries, suffrage is
restricted to persons of honesty and integrity. Convicted criminals
and insane people are deprived of the right to vote.
In the Philippines, persons disqualified to vote are those who have been sentence to suffer
imprisonment for not less than one year, such disability not having been removed by plenary
pardon, but such persons shall automatically reacquire the right to vote upon expiration of five
years after service of sentence. Other persons disqualified to vote are those who have been
adjudged by final judgement by a competent court or tribunal of having violated his allegiance to
the Republic of the Philippines and persons who are insane and feeble-minded.
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Registration
Registration of qualified voters before election day is an important mechanism instituted

by poll body in order to prevent election fraud, like <flying voters= and other election malpractices.
The qualified voters are registered in a polling precinct in their immediate residence. The names
and addresses of voters in a particular precinct are listed in a prescribed form and arranged
alphabetically and posted in the polling precinct.
The new Constitution of the Republic of the Philippines makes registering and voting a
mandatory obligation of every qualified citizen. Article V, Section 4, explicitly expressed that <it
shall be the obligation of every citizen qualified to vote to register and cast his vote.= From the
foregoing provision, suffrage is both a privilege and a duty which every qualified citizen must
perform. It is through suffrage that the will of the people is expressed. The quality of public officials
elected into office, the policies of the government, its success or failure depends, to a large extent,
upon the voters. The constitutional obligation of every qualified voter is not complied with by
simply registering and casting his vote but carries with it the moral duty of using mature judgment
in the issues presented by the candidates, their qualifications and fitness for public office.
Commission on Elections (COMELEC)

(see Article IX-C, Sec. 2, 1987 Constitution + Sec. 52, OEC + E.O 292)
Powers and Functions of the Commission on Election
1.Enforce and administer all laws and regulations relative to the conduct of an election, plebiscite,
initiative, referendum, and recall.
2. Exercise
- exclusive original jurisdiction all contests relating to the elections, return, and
qualifications of all elective, provincial, city officials;
- Appellate jurisdiction over all contests involving:

• Elective municipal officials decided by the trial courts of general jurisdiction
• Elective barangay officials decided by the trial courts of limited jurisdiction
• Decisions, final orders, or rulings of the COMELEC on election contests involving
elective municipal and barangay offices shall be final and executory, and not
appealable.
3.Decide, except those involving the right to vote, all questions affecting elections, including
determination of the number and location of polling places, appointment of officials and
inspectors, and registration of voters.
4.Deputize, with the concurrence of the President, law enforcement agencies and
instrumentalities of the government, including the AFP for the exclusive purpose of ensuring the
orderly, honest, peaceful, and credible elections.
5.Registration, of political parties, organization, or coalition/accreditation of citizens9 arms of the

COMELEC.
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6.File, upon a verified complaint, or on its own initiative, petitions in court for the inclusion or
exclusion of voters, investigate and where appropriate. Prosecute cases for violations of election
laws, including acts or omissions constituting election frauds, offenses and malpractices.
7.Recommend to Congress effective measures to minimize election spending, including limitation

of places where propaganda materials shall be posted, and to prevent and penalize all forms of
election frauds, offenses, malpractices, and nuisance candidates.
8.Recommend to the President the removal of any officer or employee it has deputized, or the
imposition of any other disciplinary action for violation or disregard of, or disobedience to it.
9.submit to the president and Congress a comprehensive report on the conduct of each election,
plebiscite, initiative, referendum, or recall.
10.Exercise supervision and control over officials required to perform duties relative to the conduct
of election.
11.Promulgate rules and regulations.
12.Summon parties to a controversy pending before it.
13.Punish contemp.
AUTOMATED ELECTION SYSTEM (AES)
Section 6 of republic Act No. 8436 is hereby amended to read as follows:
<Sec. 5 Authority to use an Automated Election System.-To carry out the above-stated
policy, the commission on Elections, herein referred to as the commission, is hereby authorized
to use automated election system or systems in the same election in different provinces, wherein
paper-based or a direct recording electronic election system as may deem appropriate and
practical for the process of voting, counting of votes and canvassing/consolidation and transmittal
of results of electoral exercises xxx.= (R.A, 9369)
Overseas Absentee Voters
All citizens of the Philippines abroad, who are not otherwise disqualified by law, at least
eighteen (18) years of age on the day of election, may vote for President, Vice President, Senators
and Party-list Representatives, as well as in all national referenda and plebiscites.
Local Absentee Voters
1.Members of the AFP and PNP and other government officers and employees who are duly
registered voters and who, on election day, may temporarily be assigned in connection with the
performance of election duties to place where they are not registered voters.
2. Members of the Board of Election Inspectors and their substitutes may vote in the polling place
where they are assigned on election day: Provided, That they are registered voters within the
province, city or municipality.
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3.Members of media, media practitioners, including the technical and support staff who are duly
registered voters and who, on election day, may not be able to vote due to the performance of
their functions in covering and reporting on the elections.
Additional Notes:
1.Absentee voters may only vote for National Position.

2. An Illiterate or PWD may vote through an assistor who may either be
(a) A relative within the 4th civil degree;

(b) A confidant who belongs to the same household; or
(c) A BEI member.
3.An assistor; except for a BEI member may only assist up to 3 times.
Detainee Voting
Under Sec. 2, Rule 1 of COMELEC Resolution No. 9371, Persons Deprived of Liberty
(PDLs) who may vote are those:
1) Confined in jail, formally charged for any crime/s and awaiting/undergoing trials; or
2) Serving sentence of imprisonment for less than one (1) year; or
3) Whose conviction is on appeal.
Political Parties
A political party refers to an organized group of citizens advocating an ideology or flatform,

principle and policies for the general conduct of government.
Art. IX-C. Section 6. A free and open party system shall be allowed to be evolve according
to the free choice of the people, subject to the provision of this Article.
Registration of Political parties
Art. IX-C Section 2(5), Register, after sufficient publication, political parties, organizations,
or coalitions which, in addition to other requirements, must present their platforms or program pf
government; and accredit citizens9 arms of the Commission on Elections.
Religious denominations and sects shall not be registered. Those which seek to achieve
their goals through violence or unlawful means, or refuse to uphold and adhere to the Constitution,
or which are supported by any foreign government shall likewise be refused registration.
STUDY GUIDE
Political Party
4th civil degree
Absentee voting
Automated election
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Voters/electorate
1.Who are qualified to vote?

2. What is automated election?
3. Can the Religious denomination or sect participate in election as a political party?
Why?
4. How you choose a candidate for elective office? Do you have your own criteria?
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WEEK 14: MARGINALIZED GROUPS IN PHILIPPINE POLITICS
Objectives:
1.To orient students about the marginalized sectors in Philippine politics and how they attempt
to gain and exercise political power
Introduction
The phrase MARGENALIZED AND UNDERREPRESENTED should refer only to the

sector in Section 5 that are, by their nature, economically marginalized and underrepresented.
These sectors are: labor, peasant, fisherfolk, urban poor, indigenous cultural communities,
handicapped, veterans, overseas workers, and other similar sectors.
For these sectors, a majority of the members of the sectoral party must belong to the
marginalized and underrepresented. The nominees of the sectoral party either must belong to the
sector, or must have a track record of advocacy for the sector represented.
Belonging to the marginalized and underrepresented sector does not mean one must
<wallow In poverty, destitution or infirmity.= It is sufficient that one, or his or her sector, is below
the middle class. More specially, the economically marginalized and underrepresented are those
fall in the low income group as classified be the National statistical Coordination Board.
The recognition that national and regional parties, as well as sectoral parties of
professionals, elderly, women and the youth, need not be marginalized and underrepresented will
allow small ideology-based and cause-oriented parties who lack well-defined political
constituencies a chance to win seat in the House of Representatives. On the other hand, limiting
to the marginalized and underrepresented the sectoral parties for labor, peasant, fisherfolk, urban
poor, indigenous cultural communities, handicapped, veterans, overseas workers, and other
sectors that by their nature are economically at the margins of society, will give the marginalized
and underrepresented an opportunity to likewise win seats in the House of Representatives.
The Party-List System
The 1987 constitution provides the basis for the party-list system of representation. Simply
put, the party-list system is intended to democratize political power by giving political parties that
cannot win in legislative district elections a chance to win seats in the House of Representatives.
The voter elects two representatives in the House of Representatives: one for his or her legislative
district; and another for his or her party-list group or organization of choice.
(Atong Paglaum, Inc., et. Al v. COMELEC)
Party-list system is a social justice tool design to have the marginalized and
underrepresented sectors of society in the House of Representatives….
STUDY GUIDE
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Marginalized and underrepresented

Party-list system
Marginalized groups
1.What is marginalized and underrepresented?
2. Who are marginalized and underrepresented groups in Philippine politics.
3. Why there is a need for Party-list system?
4. Is Party-List system effective in terms of representation in the House of
Representatives?
5. Is there an abuse of Party-list system by big political parties? How? Why?
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WEEK 15: CONTEMPORARY ISSUES: DEMOCRATIC EROSION IN THE PHILIPPINES
Objective: To allow the students to see everyday events from some political perspective
Democratic Erosion in the Philippines

posted on March 15, 2018 by JAKE ETHAN HIRABAYASHI
University of California, Los Angeles
Democratic erosion begins when the values, institutions and characteristics of democracy are
challenged. The approach that most political scientists use when determining if a country is a democracy is to
reference multiple characteristics because relying on the existence of elections or perceived representation
isn9t always effective. When determining if a country is a democracy must political scientists reference these
three things: (1) source of authority: the people? group? (2) Purposes or goals of the government: democracy
is something that pursues democratic goals (goals in the name of the people) (3) Set of institutions: formal
rules of who holds power. (institutions that select rulers) are rulers elected in free and fair elections?
The Philippines found itself in danger of experiencing forms of democratic erosion with the
election of Rodrigo Duterte in 2016. However, the Philippines did not know what they were singing
up for at the time. Duterte had been involved in politics his entire life, due to his father9s
involvement with the government as a provincial governor. After working as a lawyer and a state
prosecutor, Rodrigo officially began his political career in 1988 when he became mayor of Davao.
As mayor of Davao, he worked to make Davao one of the safest places in the Philippines. During
his time as mayor he combated crime, militancy and corruption. All three dropped significantly
during his time as mayor. This change in Davao gave Duterte the political support to win the 2016
presidential election, and to attempt to do what he did in Davao to the entire country. With this
reputation as a mayor, Duterte was seen as a legitimate candidate to solve the country9s problem
with drugs.
Once in office, his war on drugs began. He fought this war on drugs through the killing of
drug dealers and users. Since his election over three thousand people have been killed due to
his extra-judicial killings. These killing are done by contract killers hired by Durete himself or other
members of the government. This is a clear sign of democratic erosion for three reasons.
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The first being the human right violation. Killing people like this is a clear violation of human
rights. This puts Duterte in opposition with international institution such as the UN and the EU
who value democratic institutions. This also puts the Philippines in opposition with the member
countries of these international institutions. This opposition can lead to economic sanctions and
the loss of foreign investment. The second sign of democratic erosion is found in his relationship
with the media. Duterte does not take the media seriously, often times using crass language or
making jokes. This behavior hurts the media9s ability to be a source of checks and balances on
the executive. Without the ability to check the executive, the media loses a significant amount of
power and the public loses a significant amount of information. This diminishes vertical
accountability. vertical accountability is accountability <exercised by non-state actors (citizens,
civil associations, the media) on state agents=. Without an accurate and informative source of
media the people are left with little information about their leader making it harder for them to
make voting decisions. The third sign of democratic erosion is the bypassing of the judicial branch
of government to push his agenda. Removing the power of one of the democratic institutions set
in place creates an executive branch that is bigger than it should be. He is giving himself the most
power within the government. Creating one branch of government that holds all of the decision
making power, diminishes the element of checks and balances. Beyond this attempt to remove
power from other democratic institutions, Duterte has next to no regard for human life. When
asked about the 3,000 deaths he showed no remorse and then compared this situation to the
Holocaust.
This behavior sparked international concern, particularly with the ICC. When faced with
opposition, Duterte chose to remove the Philippines from the ICC immediately. Duterte roomettes
himself from any accountability. He attempts to remove himself from international institutions that
may pressure him to engage in more democratic practices. In addition to removing himself and
the Philippines from the ICC, he decided to distance the Philippines from the Unites States. This
move was controversial because the United States has been a long time ally to the Philippines.
His move away from the US and towards China and Russia, highlights his attempt to run from
accountability and international pressure to democratize. The US is known for its democratic
institutions, so distancing the Philippines form the US lowers the likelihood of international
pressure to democratize.
When referencing the three questions at the beginning of this post, Duterte9s actions affect
the answers to all three. Question number 1: Duterte made himself the source of authority by
devaluing the press and the judicial branch of government. This makes the executive branch of
government the most powerful. He also takes power away from the people by abusing the media.
This has a serious effect on the people9s ability to vote. Question 2: Duterte is not pursuing
democratic goals. In fact, quite the opposite. His policy against drugs violates human rights, he
removes himself from international institutions that would hold him accountable and he distances
him self and the Philippines from democratic countries like the US. Finally, the third question: who
holds the power? Duterte holds all of the power. He stripped the judicial branch of its power and
removed the Philippines from interacting with international institutions that could pressure the him
to democratize. When addressing these characteristics of democracy it paints a clearer picture of
how Duterte is facilitating the democratic erosion of the Philippines.
Works Cited: Chen, Adrian. <When a Populist Demagogue Takes Power.= The New Yorker, The
New Yorker, 10 Mar. 2018, 9:00AM
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<Profile: Duterte the Controversial 8Strongman9 of the Philippines.= BBC News, BBC, 4 Oct. 2016,
www.bbc.com/news/world-36659258.
Fighting Democratic Erosion in the Philippines: Beyond Resistance

by Michael Manangu @ University of the Philippines, Diliman
posted on May 26, 2018
In a controversial decision, the Philippine Supreme Court voted on May 11 to remove its leader, Maria
Lourdes Sereno. The court9s majority ordered Sereno9s seat vacated after acting on a petition brought by
Rodrigo Duterte9s top lawyer, who cited malfeasance in her financial disclosures. This comes a month
after Sereno was declared an <enemy= by President Rodrigo Duterte, having been a critic of his anti-drug
campaign and an appointee of the previous president Benigno Aquino III. Her ouster paves the way for
Duterte to appoint a loyalist to the position and leaves him with control of all three branches of government.
The decision also delivers control of the Presidential Electoral Tribunal, which is currently presiding over an
electoral protest seeking to nullify the 2016 victory of Vice President Leni Robredo and declare Ferdinand
<Bongbong= Marcos Jr. 3 son of the late dictator 3 the winner.
These and other developments indicate that Rodrigo Duterte is poised to consolidate his
power in advance of the 2019 midterm elections. His campaign to change the constitution
continues, despite popular skepticism. Almost all of the country9s watchdog bodies 3 including the
Election Commission and top anti-corruption prosecutor 3 will shortly be headed by his
appointees. Pre-election polls show that incumbent senators aligned with him as well as his
handpicked candidates lead in next year9s Senate race. And on top of all these, Duterte remains
highly popular. His net trust rating in the first quarter of 2018 still sits at a healthy 65%, even after
falling 10 points from the previous poll.
With Sereno9s ouster and the 2019 elections in sight, the opposition now appears to be
emerging from a prolonged state of torpor. For example, the rhetoric of some groups opposing
Duterte appears to have grown more strident since the decision, at least online. Various protest
actions are calling attention to unpopular policies of the administration, such as its tax reform
initiative. Other opposition groups have begun canvassing support for viable candidates who can
serve as focal points of resistance to the emerging authoritarian regime.
The still fractious and disunited opposition may yet put up a viable, coherent resistance to
Rodrigo Duterte 3 but how can it do so? I argue that the Philippine opposition must move beyond
the idea of <resistance= and offer a tangible alternative to Duterte9s policies. Moreover, I argue
that the current time calls for a non-violent resistance that uses both institutional and extra-
institutional strategies to achieve moderate goals.
A common rallying cry
The prerequisite to any viable resistance is the emergence of a common identity that
brings its various groups together. The political sociology literature has continually emphasized
that successful social movements are more likely to have developed <master frames= that serve
as the basis for collective action. For these frames to work, they should be able to contest the
political logics that brought Duterte to power, which the sociologist Nicole Curato has described
as the <politics of anxiety= and the <politics of hope.= This means that the opposition should do
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more than just resist Duterte9s policies; it should offer its own affirmative vision for a better
Philippines.
Of course, coming up with a master frame is easier said than done for groups as
ideologically distant as the Catholic Church, the Communist and non-Communist Left, and the
Aquino-era Liberal Party. However, some issues may yet offer some room for common cause.
Besides the drug war (about which most Filipinos retain substantial reservations), Duterte9s
unpopular tax reform, which has placed increasing pressure on poor Filipinos, might be another
bridge issue. Public opinion has consistently shown that economic concerns such as inflation and
low wages continue to be the most salient concerns of Filipinos, which indicate that a call for
greater equity starting with taxes may resonate with them.
Beyond frames: strategies for collective action
Another salient issue for the nascent opposition is the strategies it will use to enact
collective action against the emerging regime. While popular narratives of democratic erosion
have often focused on anti-democratic leaders and institutional decay, political scientists such as
Laura Gamboa have argued that the actions of the opposition are also important. Oppositions
must walk a fine line between enacting meaningful resistance while avoiding inadvertently
accelerating democratic erosion.
The Philippine opposition should also be keenly aware of this dilemma, and as much as
possible must resort to institutional and extra-institutional strategies that achieve moderate goals
rather than radical ones.
According to Gamboa, such strategies allow the opposition to retain their legitimacy here
and abroad. These strategies also reduce the incentives and increase the costs of repression by
government, allowing the opposition to maintain viable positions from which to resist more anti-
democratic reforms down the road. In contrast, using extra-institutional means to oust the
president, as some groups have called for, would not only undermine the legitimacy of the
opposition, but also provide a pretext for leaders to crack down and find support for more
aggressive reforms.
Moreover, it is important that such actions display a strong preference for non-violence,
especially given Duterte9s continuing popularity. In the Philippine context, possible actions that
adhere to this philosophy include: rejecting the possibility of intervention from both the military
and communist insurgency; exhausting legal remedies; supporting the remaining viable focal
points of institutional resistance such as Commission on Human Rights; and many others. Such
strategies will inevitably turn resistance into a long, drawn-out process and will require immense
discipline 3 but this discipline is important if the Philippines is to avoid falling into the trap of
Gamboa9s Venezuela.
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Rising to the challenge
To be sure, these prescriptions work against many assumptions long held by the various
opposition groups, who understandably continue to draw from their experiences resisting
Ferdinand Marcos and his dictatorship. But such discipline is called for in dealing with a threat
that is simultaneously similar and different 3 not only from Marcos, but also Duterte9s
contemporaries who continue to erode democracies around the world.
There is hope yet that Philippine democracy may yet emerge stronger from this episode
of democratic erosion 3 but only if the opposition is here for the long haul.
The Generals’ Gambit: The Military and Democratic Erosion in Duterte’s Philippines
Opinion
From its bloody war on drugs to its fight against terrorism and the lingering communist
insurgency, the Duterte administration has exhibited a steadfast resolve to address the
Philippines9 security challenges. One striking observation is its heavy dependence on the armed
forces to accomplish its security goals, albeit at great cost to the nation9s democracy. Unseen
since the martial law era, this military role expansion now includes leading the COVID-
19 response. The country is said to have the longest militarized pandemic lockdown in the world.
18 February 2021
by Aries Arugay
Illustration: Like Chess, is the Generals' Gambit a true gambit? A calculated risk or disaster for
Philippine Democracy at the horizon of 2022 Presidential Election.
Favoring military officers for their apparent efficiency and obedience, by 2017, Duterte has
the greatest number of retired generals in any presidential cabinet in the post-dictatorship period.
Although former military officials usually lead defense and security institutions (such as the
Department of National Defense) in practice, the Duterte administration distinguishes itself by
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also appointing them to head department portfolios dealing with the environment and social
welfare; even the office in charge of the peace process.
There is little doubt that this intimate relationship between the military and their
commander-in-chief comes when both are very popular with the Filipino public, despite criticisms
from the country9s stalwarts of liberal democracy, such as the opposition, media, and civil society.
The imbalance in Philippine civil-military relations is another indicator of the country9s

democracy's ongoing erosion that got worse since Duterte9s rise to power. This status has been
observed domestically and validated by worsening external perceptions. Just recently, a London-
based think tank classified it as a <flawed democracy.= Simultaneously, a US government
intelligence report has identified Duterte himself as a threat to democracy in Southeast Asia.
The country9s state of civil-military relations exposes a dangerous resurgence of the

military's undue influence in Southeast Asia's politics. This has been seen in Thailand, Indonesia,
and recently, in Myanmar9s military coup.
Given the steady pace of Philippine democracy9s erosion, there can still be a lot that could
happen with the remaining 15 months of the Duterte administration. Its ironclad alliance with a
military bent on achieving its first total victory against a historical enemy: the world9s longest
Maoist-inspired communist insurgency, is worth watching. Regardless of the outcome, the
military9s gambit might have far-reaching negative consequences to the state and society which
it has sworn to protect and defend.
Facelift: The military’s improved reputation in Philippine society

At present, the Armed Forces of the Philippines (AFP) is enjoying a much more improved
reputation since re-democratization in 1986. While some may attribute this to Duterte9s exaltation
and constant praise of the institution, a major factor has been its reformist and modernizing stance
in the past decade. Since 2010 the Philippine government has embarked on a security sector
reform (SSR) to improve the military9s effectiveness and accountability. SSR is a major principle
stated in the country9s National Security Policy since the Benigno Aquino III Administration. This
push for professionalism and democratic accountability by the country9s civilian leadership
coupled with the military9s voluntary cooperation has increased public trust and confidence in the
military. A December 2019 poll (below) revealed that the AFP enjoyed its highest trust ratings
since public opinion polling began. An astounding 79% of Filipinos trust the military.
The steady improvement of the military9s image among Filipinos was a by-product of its
openness to embrace reform and substantive professionalism. Among others, this included
setting up human rights offices across the military establishment, the adoption of a transformation
roadmap with the guidance of reputable members of the civilian bureaucracy, academe, media,
and civil society, and cooperating with politicians to deal with peace and development challenges
at the local level.
Due to the challenges of territorial defense and the country9s stake in the South China Sea
disputes, the last decade saw the military repositioning itself to be more externally oriented
through the concept of a credible <Self-Reliant Defense Posture.= As an addition to the military9s
doctrine, this principle aims to fully modernize the AFP and make it a professional armed force
focused on the republic's external defense and security.
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Soulmates: Duterte’s relations with the military

No president in the country9s post-martial law history has favored the military than Duterte.
It is not coincidental that once the firebrand leader decided to put his unconditional trust and
confidence with the armed forces, things negatively affected Philippine democracy. As more and
more members of the military (active or retired) fused themselves with the administration, the
more it became more difficult to balance civil-military relations democratically.
This has added to the stress that the Duterte administration has exerted over Philippine
democracy. Never has there been a time in the country where the president has control over all
branches of government given the administration9s <super-majority= in the legislature. Majority of
the magistrates in the nation9s Supreme Court are also Duterte appointees. His consolidation of
power has attracted the military to embark on a partnership that defies a model of civil-military
relations where democratic principles and norms, primarily civilian oversight and accountability,
have taken a back seat.
Some ex-generals in top cabinet posts even replaced left-leaning officials endorsed by the
country9s communist movement, a complete reversal of the more accommodating stance of the
populist leader at the beginning of his presidency. Some see the value of putting retired generals
in political positions 3 they are more efficient, strategic, quicker to respond, and were socialized
to obey their commander-in-chief. Anyone familiar with Philippine governance knows that delay,
paralysis, and bureaucratic politics are the policy process's maladies. As former military officials,
now considered civilians given their retirement from active service, many see their experience as
an asset to Duterte9s government.
President Duterte in Military Outfit visiting Marawi City
However, the <civilianization= of the generals is at best only in form. Despite all efforts to
portray themselves as civilians, soldiers retain that scholars of civil-military relations call <the
military mind.= Decades of socialization and practice formed a mental map with a different
perspective on political affairs 3 one that is far less simple, limited, and categorical. This is also
shaped by the country's specific historical experience where the military has intervened in
domestic politics and decided the legitimacy of civilian governments.
Generals also do not lose their networks and connections within the military world. As
observed, every one of them brought other military officials (often fellow retirees who were their
subordinates) in every government institution they lead. This multiplier effect not only leads to
groupthink in decision-making but also exacts a toll on the development of civilian expertise in the
government9s already weakened bureaucracy.
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It becomes problematic when civilian leaders like to invite and encourage the military's
direct involvement in the formulation and implementation of security policies. Sources from inside
the Duterte administration have observed that there is a lack of diverse perspectives in peace and
security policy circles and a complete absence of contentious debate (which is critical to arriving
at a satisfactory policy outcome) because military officers are trained to focus on immediate
responses to perceived crises and are not used to prolonged deliberation. In a very complicated
policy area such as peace and security, a government whose most dominant voice comes from
the military might settle for quick fixes and lack a holistic appreciation of complex issues.
This is seen in the country9s pandemic response so far. The militarized nature of the
policies imposed by Duterte9s government has failed to appreciate the critical public health and
human security dimensions of the pandemic. Its heavy-handed and punitive approach are often
not grounded on complex science and empirical evidence that should guide public policy.
Now or never: The military’s anti-communist purge

As Duterte assumed the military9s padrino (godfather) role, the guard rails normally
maintained by the civilian government over the republic9s guardians started to corrode. The
military9s top-brass, both active and retired, began to shift their attention to its historical enemy 3
the communist movement. An executive decree signed by the president in 2018 seeks to <end
local communist armed conflict= by the end of Duterte9s term in 2022. This unconditional order
aligned with the military9s enduring interest to score a final victory against their communist
nemesis since it knows that future presidents might not share the same conviction.
Euphemistically called a <whole of nation= approach, this heavily-funded counter-

insurgency strategy seeks to mobilize all relevant stakeholders within the government and even
society through collaborative efforts. However, a closer look at its implementation reveals that this
approach is dictated by elements of the military establishment. The approach has been distorted
to one wherein all of society must go behind the military9s leadership. The Duterte administration9s
inability to impose democratic civilian control has put the military in the driver seat of this anti-
communist drive. With both retired and active generals at the helm of implementing this, the
military is determined to put a violent rather than negotiated end to perhaps the longest running
Maoist-inspired communist insurgency in the world.
Therefore, it is not surprising that the military went full-throttle in its McCarthy-like
campaign against an insurgency that they believe has penetrated all sectors of society. Though
historically seen as rebels with a cause, the communist movement is now labeled as a terrorist
group, a term the government used to reserve for jihadists and other religious extremists. Amid a
crippling pandemic, the government also passed a new draconian anti-terrorist law that further
legally empowered the state to designate terrorists, conduct surveillance, freeze assets, and
detain those they believe are terrorists in a process that jeopardized constitutionally-guaranteed
rights.
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The Oblation statue with Quezon Hall at the University of the Philippines Diliman
The latest move of the military is to target academic institutions, notably the country9s
national university: the University of the Philippines (UP), due to its allegation that it has become
a hub for communist recruitment. UP has played a key role in the anti-Marcos struggle but also
has produced leaders in all fields and professions in the country, the defense department has
unilaterally abrogated a three-decades-old agreement on the conduct of military operations in the
eight campuses of UP. This was seen as a brash move with little regard for the mutual respect
and good faith built between the academic community and the military.
Despite the strong condemnation from Filipino academic institutions, there is no sign that
the Department of National Defense will reinstate its accord with UP. While both parties to the
revoked agreement have initiated talks, the military has entered university campuses and
continued to engage in blatant <red-tagging= of members of the UP community. It is highly
improbable that a new accord that will respect or enhance the academic freedom of educational
institutions will be forged under the Duterte administration. In the end, the military has little regard
to casting a wide net on whom they consider to be enemies of the state, even if it includes the
institution whose mandate has been to produce many of the nation9s best and brightest.
Academic freedom has become the latest casualty in this <scorched earth= campaign to
rid the country of communism 3 an ideology not banned by the 1987 Constitution 3 but one that
the Duterte government has successfully linked with lawless violence and crime. In doing so, it
has not exercised caution in labelling dissidents and critics as communists themselves or as their
sympathizers. This has a chilling effect on the nation9s academic institutions' ability to critically
think, study, and analyze important matters, which inevitably includes how the Duterte
administration is governing a country it promised to serve and protect.
Scorched earth: Quis custodiet ipsos custodes?[1]

Without regard for Philippine democracy9s long-term welfare, the Duterte administration
has embraced the armed as a political partner despite the constitutional principle of civilian
supremacy over the military. This relationship has blurred the critical boundaries between civilian
authority and the military establishment. Duterte has given the military everything it wants in terms
of perks, resources, and political patronage. Without limited civilian control, he has allowed the
military to lead, without civilian supervision, peace and security policy. Finally, the populist
president has tolerated a military to generally act with impunity as it wages its wars against its
people, rather than defending the state against its enemies abroad.
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What will it profit the military if it defeats its enemies but forfeits the country9s soul in
exchange?
The military has reciprocated Duterte9s favor by defending the authoritarian leader9s
rhetoric and policies. With very few exceptions, members of the armed forces have rallied around
the administration, even if its policies in the long-run can undermine military professionalism and
modernization. This can also harm the credibility it presently enjoys. There must be ways to
communicate to military officers 3 both active and retired 3 that their credibility and the military9s
integrity are at stake when security forces are involved in politics. A politicized military can never
be a professional military.
The Duterte administration has raised public expectations that it will deliver positive
changes for the country by the end of its term. By fusing itself with Duterte, his administration9s
failure to fulfill its promises and expectations might lead to damaging repercussions for the
military9s institutional reputation.
The costs of the generals9 gambit might prove to be too high for the country. A democracy
is in further danger when the military9s interests are threatened. To know how they could react
once Duterte relinquishes power to an opposition leader in 2022, one can just look at what the
Myanmar military did a few weeks ago.
[1] A Latin phrase found in the work of the Roman poet Juvenal from his Satires. It is literally
translated as "Who will guard the guardians?".
Aries A. Arugay is Professor of Political Science and Associate Dean for Research, Extension,
and Publications in the College of Social Sciences and Philosophy from the University of the
Philippines in Diliman (UP). He has conducted research on civil-military relations in the
Philippines for the past 20 years. Dr. Arugay was also active in military officials9 education and
training until the abrogation of the 1989 agreement between UP and the Department of National
Defense.
STUDY GUIDE
Contemporary issues
Academic freedom
Democratic Erosion
Military Authority
Democracy
1.What are contemporary issues tackled in the above two (2) articles?
2. How those issues affect the Filipino in democratic perspective?
3. Write a Reaction paper on the issues mentioned above.
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WEEK 16: FILM SHOWING: TITLE-DEKADA ‘70
Objective: To visualize the Lesson on Republican and Democratic Government
More images
Dekada '70
2002 ‧ Drama ‧ 3h 19
DESCRIPTION
In the Philippines, Amanda (Vilma Santos) and Julian (Christopher De Leon) are doing their best
to rear their five sons during the repressive dictatorship of Ferdinand Marcos. Though the parents
view themselves as apolitical, most of their sons bristle at life under martial law and turn to various
forms of activism -- or to simple teenage rebellion -- for release. After the family becomes the
victim of extremist violence, Amanda begins to find her own dissident voice.
Initial release: December 25, 2002

Director: Chito S. Roño
Screenplay: Lualhati Bautista
Adapted from: Dekada '70
Music by: Nonong Buencamino
Cast
OUTPUT No. 10
Write an Essay or Reflection paper on Present Democratic exercises in the Philippines today
inspired by the movie Dekada ’70.
WEEK 17: GRADED RECITATION

WEEK 18: FINAL EXAMINATION
58

lOMoARcPSD|23386373
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WEEK 1: COURSE INTRODUCTION/DISCUSSION OF SYLLABUS

WEEK 2: BASIC CONCEPTS IN POLITICAL SCIENCE: AN OVERVIEW OF THE PHILIPPINE

Political Science defined

The Concept of the State

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As a practical requirement only, it must be neither to big as to be difficult to

From the point of view of international law, no particular form of government is

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There are two kinds of sovereignty, to wit, legal and political.

Sovereignty is permanent, exclusive, comprehensive, absolute, indivisible,

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WEEK 3: PHILIPPINE INSTITUTIONS: THE CONSTITUTION, THE LEGISLATIVE

The Constitution of the Philippines

Toward this end, President Corazon C. Aquino, in Proclamation No. 9, created a

The Supremacy of the Constitution

Legislature is a body of persons, usually elective, empowered to make, change, or repeal

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WEEK 4: PHILIPPINE INSTITUTIONS: THE EXECUTIVE, THE JUDICIARY

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1.What is Principle of Checks and Balances?

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The Military Power

Supremacy of Civilian Authority

Although this is implicit in a republican system of government, it was felt advisable to

Separation of Church and State

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WEEK 7-8: REVIEW